SOURCE SECTION: zachariah05.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 5.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 5.
BOOK V
THE fifth Book (in its twelve chapters, which are written down distinctly below) tells of Basiliscus and Marcus the Illustrious; and the encyclical letter which they Wrote to the bishops of their dominion, in which also they anathematised the Synod of Chalcedon and the Tome. For after eighteen years of banishment in Gangra and Cherson, Timothy the Great returned and arrived at Constantinople; and then he and Paul the Sophist, and James, and Theopompus, his chosen monks, persuaded Basiliscus to write the Encyclical. It also tells about the petition sent by the bishops of Asia, who met at Ephesus and subscribed to the Encyclical.
Moreover, it tells about some Eutychian monks then residing at Constantinople, who, along with Zenaia the king's wife, basely conspired against Timothy to have him sent again into banishment. Whereupon he departed to Ephesus. And by means of a Synod, which he convened, he reinstated Paul there, and gave him the rights of the Patriarchate that the Synod of Chalcedon had taken away from him, and had given to the royal city, through the flattery and treachery of John, whom they made bishop instead of Bassian. For the latter resigned, and departed and went into banishment. Now Timothy was received with much state. And without any rancour he admitted to his communion the penitents from the Proterian party and from that of Timothy Salophaciolus, who was driven out before him by the king's command. |102
But this Book also relates the deeds of Acacius in Constantinople, and how he raised an insurrection and rebellion against Basiliscus; and he took possession of the Churches; and he compelled Basiliscus to write the Antencyclical, and to deny his former letter. And the bishops again subscribed to this Antencyclical, with the exception of Amphilochius of Side and Epiphanius of Magdolum. And then Zeno returned and became emperor, and he thrust out Basiliscus, and cancelled every law and enactment which he had made. And when he was wishing to depose Timothy, the latter died, having retained his See to the end; and Peter, who became bishop in his stead, hid from the threats of Zeno.
Then Timothy Salophaciolus returned, and took possession of the church, and sought for Peter. But this Book further tells about John the archimandrite, who was sent to Zeno with the petition of the party of Timothy Salophaciolus, praying for an order that, after the death of Timothy, one of their side should be the bishop in Alexandria. Now this John coveted the see for himself. And Zeno heard it; and, with the object of trying him, he required from him an oath in the presence of the Senate, and also of Bishop Acacius, that he would not take the bishopric.
And John then returned to Alexandria, bearing an order from the king that, in succession to Timothy, any of his party whom the citizens might desire should be appointed as bishop. But about the same time it happened that this Timothy Salophaciolus died. And then John transgressed his oath, and used bribery to get the bishopric there for himself. But when Zeno heard of it, through the report of eminent believers among the monks there who went up to him and informed him of all the events which had occurred in Alexandria from the time of the Synod, he was greatly moved; and he changed his mind, and wrote a letter called the "Henotikon."
And he gave orders that Peter should return to his place, upon the condition of his receiving the Henotikon, and that John the liar should be deprived. Whereupon John repaired to Rome, and declared that he had suffered deprivation for |103 the sake of the Synod and the Tome. And then Zeno wrote to the Patriarch there, and exposed John.
But Peter of Antioch also returned and convened a Synod, and received the Henotikon.
And in like manner, Acacius of Constantinople and Martyrius of Jerusalem, the successor of Anastasius.
And they all, except the bishop of Rome, wrote synodical letters, and received Peter of Alexandria into their communion.
But certain zealous monks withdrew from Peter and became separatists, because he had received the Henotikon in which there was no express anathema of the Synod. And Peter thrust them out from their monasteries. Accordingly some of them went up to Zeno and persuaded him to send back with them Cosmas the Spatharius, to inquire into their matter; and at another time he sent Arsenius the prefect, and a prolonged dispute ensued.
These, indeed, are the matters which are written expressly in the twelve chapters of this fifth Book, which (so to speak) has been translated from the same Greek History of Zachariah, and has here been written in the Syriac language for the study and instruction of the diligent, that they may learn the events that occurred in former times.
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THIS BOOK TELLS HOW TIMOTHY RETURNED FROM BANISHMENT AFTER THE DEATH OF LEO; AND THAT IT WAS HE WHO URGED BASILISCUS TO WRITE THE ENCYCLICAL LETTER
When Timothy had completed eighteen years in banishment, and Leo the emperor was dead, and Zeno, his successor, had received the kingdom, the people of Alexandria, observing this crisis in imperial affairs, sent a petition by certain chosen, and (as we may say) illustrious and noble monks, among them Amon who was called the wild bull, and Paul who had been a |104 sophist, and Theorion and James the miracle-workers, and Theopompus the brother of the master of the offices.
However,1 in consequence of a rebellion that was raised against Zeno by Basiliscus, the brother of Verina the wife of Leo, who had been associated with Zeno in the command of the army in the days of Leo, Zeno had betaken himself to the strongholds called Salmon; and Basiliscus had assumed the crown. And he appointed Theoctistus his physician, an Alexandrian, the brother of this Theopompus the monk, as master of the offices.
Now2 when these monks entered into the royal presence, the king, and the courtiers, and the queen were struck with admiration of them. But also Theoctistus the master of the offices and Acacius the bishop rendered them assistance.
So Basiliscus issued an order that Timothy should return from banishment.
And at first Acacius was preparing a lodging for him at the church called Irene; and he was setting apart some of his own clergy for his retinue and service. But afterwards, because he thought that they were forming a plan to make Theopompus bishop at the royal city instead of him, Acacius was distressed and indignant; and he endeavoured to put a stop to Timothy's coming. However, he did not succeed. For he returned, and was welcomed with great state by the Alexandrian sailors and the people who happened to be then in Constantinople. And he went to lodge in the king's palace. And large numbers were coming to him to be blessed, and to be sanctified, and to receive healing from him. And becoming intimate both with Basiliscus and his wife, Timothy,3 along with those who happened to be there with him and on his behalf, persuaded the king, so that he consented to write encyclical letters, in which he would anathematise the Tome and the addition which was made at Chalcedon. For Paul the monk, who was a rhetorician and a sophist, drew them up. And it was he who, in a discussion with Acacius the patriarch, |105 was able to show that the heresies of Nestorius and Eutyches are one and the same; though they are generally thought to be diametrically opposed to each other. For the one, indeed, making objection declares that it would be a degradation to God to be born of a woman, and to be made in all points like as we are, by becoming partaker of flesh and blood; whereas He was only partaker by identity of name, and by power and indwelling, and by operation. But the other, indeed, for the purpose of liberating and exalting God, so that He should not suffer degradation and contempt by association with a human body, publishes the doctrine that He became incarnate from His own essence, and that He assumed a heavenly body; and that just as there is no part of the seal left upon the wax, nor of the golden signet upon the clay, so neither did there cleave to Christ any portion of humanity whatsoever.
And when he spoke in this way, Acacius was astonished at the solidity of his reasoning, and he assented and agreed. And he went to Timothy and conversed with him, in a friendly manner, respecting the rights of his see. However, when he was requested by Timothy to sign the Encyclical, he hesitated.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER TELLS ABOUT THE ENCYCLICAL LETTER OF BASILISCUS AND MARCUS, WHICH IS TO THE FOLLOWING EFFECT 4
"The king Basiliscus, the believing, victorious, all-virtuous ruler, Augustus, along with Marcus the most illustrious Caesar, to Timothy the reverend and God-loving archbishop of the great city Alexandria. Concerning all the laws justly and righteously enacted by the believing and memorable kings who have gone before us, for the salvation and good guidance of all |106 the world, and in defence of the true faith as taught by the apostles and holy fathers; it is our will that all these laws should be ratified, and not lightly annulled. Rather do we agree to them, and hold them to be of equal validity with our own.
"And earnestly desiring to honour the fear of God more than any affair of man, through zeal for the Lord Jesus Christ our God, to Whom we owe our creation, exaltation, and glory; moreover also, being fully persuaded that the unity of His flock is the salvation of ourselves and our people, and is the sure and immovable foundation, and the lofty bulwark of our kingdom; we now, moved by a wise impulse, are bringing union and unity to the Church of Christ in every part of our dominion, namely, the faith of the three hundred and eighteen bishops, who being previously prepared by the Holy Ghost, assembled at Nicea, the security and well-being of human life, the faith which we hold, like all who have been before us, and in which we believe and are baptized, that it may hold and rule all the Churches with their chosen canons: the faith which is complete and perfect in all piety and true belief, and which rejects and exposes all heresies, and thrusts them out of the Church: the faith which the one hundred and fifty bishops, being assembled here to oppose and condemn the fighters against the Spirit, the Holy Lord confirmed, and with which they concurred and agreed: the faith which was also confirmed by the transactions of the two Councils at Ephesus, along with the chief priests of Rome and Alexandria, Celestine and Cyril, and Dioscorus, in condemnation of the heretic Nestorius, and all who after him have held similar opinions, and have confounded the order of the Church, and disturbed the peace of the world, and cleft asunder the unity; we mean the Tome of Leo, and the decrees of Chalcedon, whether by way of definition of the faith, or doctrine, or interpretation, or addition, or whatsoever other innovation was said or done contrary to the faith and the definition of the three hundred and eighteen.
"And therefore we command that wherever, here or elsewhere, such written doctrine be found, it shall be anathematised and burnt in the fire. For in accordance with this order, our |107 blessed predecessors in the kingdom, Constantine the Great and Theodosius, in like manner, commanded and ordained. And also, the three subsequent Synods, that of the one hundred and fifty bishops here, and the two of Ephesus, ratified only the faith of Nicea, and agreed to the true definition there made.
"Moreover, we anathematise everyone who does not confess that the only-begotten Son of God truly became incarnate by the Holy Ghost from the Virgin Mary; not taking a body from heaven, in mere semblance or phantasy. And also we anathematise all the false teaching of all those heresies which are contrary to the true faith of the fathers," and so on with the rest of the Encyclical.
To 5 this document Timothy agreed and subscribed; as did also Peter of Antioch and Paul of Ephesus, who were recalled from banishment, and the bishops of Asia and the East, and Anastasius of Jerusalem, and those of his jurisdiction; so that the number of bishops who subscribed to the Encyclical is found to be about seven hundred, less or more. And they anathematised the Tome of Leo and the Synod; and they sent a petition to Basiliscus and Marcus, which was as follows:—
CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER GIVES INFORMATION RESPECTING THE PETITION OF THE BISHOPS OF ASIA, WHO WERE ASSEMBLED AT EPHESUS, AND SIGNED THE ENCYCLICAL, AND WHO WROTE TO BASILISCUS AND MARCUS TO THE FOLLOWING EFFECT
"To6 the believing, and Christ-loving, victorious kings Basiliscus and Marcus the Augusti—Paul and Pergamius, and Gennadius, and Zenodotus, and Zoticus, and Gennadius, and Theophilus, and the other bishops assembled at Ephesus:— |108 In all things ye have shown yourselves to be believing and Christ-loving beings; so that when the true faith suffered persecution by the malice of men, ye also were persecuted along with it. For there are rebellious and vainglorious men, of a corrupt mind, foolish and void of the faith of the Son of God, Who humbled Himself for our sake and became incarnate, and rendered us meet for the adoption of sons. Be glad, then, and rejoice, and exult, and glory that ye have been counted worthy to suffer persecution with the faith. For there is reserved for these men the everlasting judgment of fire which devours the persecutors, and also the threat of your punishment which is upon them; because they have despised us, and slandered and belied us, and forced us with violence to agree to their doctrine.
"But now that the light of the true faith has arisen upon us, and the dark cloud of error been rolled away from us, we make known by this declaration our true faith to your Majesties and to all the world. And we say that freely and with willing consent, by the aid of John the Evangelist as our teacher, we have signed this Encyclical; and we agree to it and to everything in it, without compulsion, or fear, or favour of man. And if at any future time violence shall meet us from man, we are prepared to despise fire and sword and banishment and the spoiling of our goods, and to treat all bodily suffering with contempt; so that we may adhere to the true faith. We have anathematised and we do anathematise the Tome of Leo and the decrees of Chalcedon; which have been the cause of much blood-shedding, and confusion, and tumult, and trouble, and divisions, and strifes in all the world. For we are satisfied with the doctrine and faith of the apostles and of the holy fathers, the three hundred and eighteen bishops; to which also the illustrious Council of the one hundred and fifty in the Royal City, and the two other holy Synods at Ephesus adhered, and which they confirmed. And we join with them in anathematising Nestorius, and everyone who does not confess that the only-begotten Son of God was incarnate by the Holy Ghost, |109 of the Virgin Mary; He becoming perfect man, while yet He remained, without change and the same, perfect God; and that He was not incarnate from Heaven in semblance or phantasy. And we further anathematise all other heresies." But they wrote down some other things. And they applauded with loud voice and approved.
But the other bishops also of the various districts wrote another declaration, the beginning of which was to this effect:
"With the consent of our heart, we hold your Majesties to be in such accord with our fathers, the three hundred and eighteen bishops, as to make the three hundred and nineteenth: for you are very zealous for their true faith, that it may prosper and be preached among all nations in your dominion."
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER OF THIS SAME FIFTH BOOK NARRATES THE EVENTS WHICH OCCURRED IN CONSTANTINOPLE AND EPHESUS AFTER THE PUBLICATION OF THE ENCYCLICAL
When 7 the purport of the king's Encyclical letters became generally known, certain monks holding opinions similar to those of Eutyches, who happened to be in the Royal City, came in a body to Timothy, supposing him to be of their way of thinking, and disputed with him about the terms of the Encyclical; because it anathematised everyone who affirmed that Christ was incarnate in semblance. But when he said to them, "What then is your opinion respecting the Incarnation?" then they brought up to him the illustration of the signet-ring which, after the impression, leaves no part of its substance upon the wax or the clay.
And having discovered their sentiments, he admonished and instructed them, that the Scriptures teach us that Christ |110 was made in all points like unto us, and took our nature perfectly, yet without the motions of sin. And although He was born supernaturally without copulation, nevertheless He became perfect Man, having been conceived in the Virgin Mary, and from her born, through the Holy Ghost. And being incarnate He yet remained the same and without change in His Godhead.
Then Timothy, having learned by the whole tenor of the conversation of those who came to him what their mind was, made a written statement, declaring that Christ was like unto us in everything belonging to humanity. Whereupon the monks of the place separated themselves from him, saying, "We will have no communion with the Alexandrians."
But the others, having discovered that he had no tendency to the Eutychian doctrine, attached themselves to him.
Then the Eutychianists, joining with their fellows, advised Zenona, the wife of King Basiliscus, a professor of their creed, that Timothy should be banished again. However, Theoctistus, the master of the offices, having heard what was likely to befall him, urged him to leave the city and to proceed without delay to Alexandria. And8 he left; and having, on his journey, arrived at Ephesus, he convened a Synod, and he reinstated Paul who had formerly been the bishop there, but was in exile at that time for not accepting the decrees of Chalcedon. To him Timothy canonically restored the rights of his see, which the Council of Chalcedon had snatched from it, and had given by partiality to the throne of the royal city.
And Timothy arrived at Alexandria, and he was received with great state, with torches, and also songs of praise by the various people and languages there, and even by the members of the Proterian party, who beheld the affection for him displayed by the citizens. But the band of the priests, and the monks, and the sisters in Christ, and all the people in a body, chanting their hymns, and saying, "Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord," conducted him into the great church. For Timothy Salophaciolus had by the king's command gone out before him. |111
And inasmuch as he was a peaceable and kind man, and also gentle in his words, and by no means passionate, he remitted to the members of the Proterian party the term of repentance, which he had written and appointed for the penitents when he was in banishment.
And even Prolatius (?) himself, who had taken and dragged him from the font of the Baptistery, he received just as kindly and peaceably as the others, weeping and comforting him as to his former rebellious and insolent conduct towards himself.
For, such is the rule of the leaders of the Church, which Timothy truly showed towards the many, that brotherly charity which seeks not her own, and is not easily provoked.
But certain persons, who were ignorant of the rights of divine love, severed themselves from him on account of his gentleness and mildness towards the penitents, in that he required nothing else from them except that they should anathematise the Synod and the Tome, and confess the true faith; and because he did not hold them aloof, even for a little while, from the communion which they had made desolate.
But at the head of these persons was Theodoret 9 the bishop of Joppa, who had been consecrated by Theodosius some time before. And he was then filled with envy because he had not also been received back again to his see. And, lo! the illustrious Peter the Iberian did not return to Gaza; and he did not at all agree with this faction, but he was warmly attached to Timothy, and he proved that his conduct and actions were in conformity with the will of God. But the Separatists who sided with Theodotus fell into such error that they even practised reanointing, and they were called Anachristo-Novatians.
But the affection of the people for Timothy being great was increased the more because, by the king's command, he brought the bones of Dioscorus and of Anatolius his brother, along with him, in a silver coffin, and he buried him with great state, laying him in the place of the bishops, and honouring |112 him as a confessor. But his charity was so profuse that of his own free will he appointed that one denarius a day should be given by the Church, for expenditure and use, to Timothy, who was deposed, and who had been since then supporting himself by the work of his hands, by weaving baskets and selling them.
And he gave to the great men and rulers of the city a gift, assigning to each of them three paxamatia apiece. And to King Basiliscus and to the patricians he only sent the same. And at one time the tax-gatherer came to him with a royal letter, and he gave him just the same; and he answered and said, "I want a gift of denarii." And he said, "It is the duty of the Church to expend them upon the widows and orphans."
But the people heard that the prefect there, Boetius by name, was an Eutychian; and they cried out in the church, "Pope! pronounce an anathema upon Nestorius and Eutyches." And he at once anathematised them by word of mouth in the presence of the prefect. And thereby he was cleared from the suspicion of associating with the prefect as an Eutychian.
Such were the transactions at Alexandria.
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THIS SAME FIFTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE PREPARATIONS WHICH WERE MADE BY ACACIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE; AND ABOUT THE "ANTENCYCLICALS"; AND ALSO ABOUT PETER AND PAUL OF ANTIOCH AND OF EPHESUS, WHO WERE AGAIN DEPOSED WHEN ZENO THE KING RETURNED AND BASILISCUS WAS DRIVEN OUT
But10 Acacius of Constantinople, having heard respecting Paul of Ephesus that the rightful authority of his see, according |113 to its former constitution, had been restored to him by Timothy; and further, that Peter had returned to Antioch; and that they were preparing to hold a Synod against him at Jerusalem with the intention of deposing himself and appointing Theopompus, brother of the master of the offices, in his stead: he, having heard all this, stirred up the monks and urged them on, and brought down Daniel from the pillar, and took possession of the churches, and raised an insurrection against Basiliscus, declaring that he was a heretic. Whereupon Basiliscus, for the report reached him at the same time that Zeno was returning with a great army, was compelled to make the "Antencyclicals," by which he cancelled his former letter.
Then Zeno, upon his return, and the ejection of Basiliscus, passed a law whereby all the proceedings of Basiliscus were to be cancelled. He also deposed Peter of Antioch and Paul of Ephesus;11 and he uttered severe threats against Timothy. However, the latter died, departing to be with his Lord; and he was buried with great state, the obsequies being performed by Peter, who was canonically consecrated as his successor by the bishops of the country.
But the bishops of Asia made a libel to Acacius, finding fault with the "Encyclicals"; and they subscribed to the Antencyclicals. In like manner also, the Eastern bishops made a libel to Calandion, Peter's successor, whereby they, too, anathematised the "Encyclicals."
But Anastasius of Jerusalem persevered in his integrity, holding with him the three provinces of Palestine; and he would not give himself over to this party, nor would he deny the Encyclicals; although he freely associated with the bishops who came together to him.
In like manner also Epiphanius of Magdolum 12 of Pamphylia, impelled by the greatness of his soul, departed to Alexandria, and was sojourning in the monasteries there, and was honoured by Timothy and by his successor Peter.
But King Zeno was greatly enraged when he heard about Peter; and he sent threats of which Peter had previous |114 intimation, and he hid himself in the city by moving about from one house to another. But, by the command of King Zeno, Timothy Salophaciolus, who had been ejected, returned and took possession of the great church, and a tumult and slaughter ensued upon his entry there.
And Theoctistus, the prefect of the city, was searching for Peter to apprehend him, when a Voice was heard, saying,
"I will hide him, and I will protect him, because he has known My Name; he shall call upon Me, and I will answer him; in the day of trouble I will sustain him, and I will honour him." 13
But Timothy exerted himself by all ways and means to keep the people on his side. He preached the faith of Nicea and of the one hundred and fifty; he confessed and agreed to the transactions of Ephesus; he anathematised Nestorius; and he wrote in the diptych the names of Cyril and Dioscorus, and read them out; and he did more besides, and yet he was unable to draw the people to himself.
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER OF THIS SAME BOOK TELLS ABOUT MARTYRIUS, WHO WAS THE SUCCESSOR OF ANASTASIUS IN JERUSALEM; THAT HE ALSO WAS PREACHING THE TRUE FAITH TO THE PEOPLE, AND WAS ANATHEMATISING NESTORIUS AND THE SYNOD OF CHALCEDON
And Martyrius of Jerusalem was also one of those who, following Anastasius his predecessor, separated himself from the Antencyclical, and exerted himself greatly to unite the people. And he gained over Marcianus, an excellent monk; and this man received him, and admonished the other monks to do the same. But those who did not receive him he expelled. And they say that, after his death, one of his disciples, who was quite blind, prayed to God, saying, "If the doctrine of our master be indeed the right one, when I lay mine eyes upon his corpse, let them receive their sight"; and he received his sight. |115
THE PUBLIC ADDRESS OF MARTYRIUS
"Christ is our peace, Who hath made both one, and has taken down the middle wall of partition, and has destroyed the enmity by His flesh. For, behold, the Church is receiving back her sons, who never, indeed, of their own accord, departed far from her! And now they have shown this to us by deed, and it is time for us to say, 'Glory to God in the highest, and peace upon earth.'
"Wherefore, to their face we the God-loving bishops have blamed these chaste archimandrites and the excellent clergy, in order in your presence to convince the rest of our brethren that we have no other true definition of the faith but that into which we have been and are being baptized. For thus have they been baptized, and believe as we do.
"Whosoever, then, holds or has held or learned doctrine contrary to this definition of the faith which was framed by the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers, the bishops assembled at Nicea; to which definition the one hundred and fifty believing and true bishops, assembled in the royal city, adhered, ratifying and confirming the same, as did also the Synod held in Ephesus: whosoever (I say) holds or has held or learned what is contrary to this definition, let him be accursed, if he have any other teaching or doctrine defined elsewhere, whether in Rimini, or in Sardica, or in Chalcedon, or in any other place whatsoever, according to the saying of the apostle, 'If any man preaches to you more than what we have preached to you, let him be accursed.' "14
And again, the same Martyrius spoke in the following terms: "If any man teaches, or brings in as new, or thinks or interprets, or holds any other definition or faith contrary to this approved and orthodox doctrine of faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy bishops and the one hundred and fifty, and them of Ephesus, he is an alien to the holy Church. |116
"And, behold, I adjure you in the sight of God and His Christ, and the Holy Spirit, and the elect angels, that you do not suffer any man to lead you astray from this faith! But the confession, signed with your own signatures, lo, it is recorded in Heaven above! And you shall give account before the fearful and righteous Judgment-Seat, if you accept anything more or less than the true faith. I am clear from your blood; I have not desisted from speaking unto you."
By using language such as this, the bishops were admonishing those who separated from them.
But in Alexandria not one believer would consent to hold communion with Timothy and his followers.
Then the monks and certain learned and wise men took counsel together, and they made a supplication to the chiefs of the cities, begging of them that, in the event of the death of Timothy, they would not accept as bishop any other member of his party; but that they would only be satisfied with Peter the believer, who was the lawfully-appointed bishop, although he was then hidden in retirement. And 15 the partisans of Timothy having heard of this, drew up a petition and sent it to the king by John, a presbyter of the Martyr Church of St. John the Baptist, a monk, and also one of the Tabennesiots.16 And in it they besought the king that, in the event of the death of Timothy, none but a member of his party should be made bishop, and that the people of Alexandria should not receive Peter.
And when John was admitted into the presence of the king, the latter said to him, for the purpose of trying him, "We think it well that you should yourself be the bishop there." For the king had previously learned that he was in league with Julius17 the general, who, on account of his command over the king's army, was preparing an insurrection against the king, in conjunction with Leontius and Euprepius. |117 And John disclosed this to Julius; and he said to the king,
"I am not worthy." Then he told him to take counsel upon it. And when Julius heard it he said to him, "Conceal your feelings, and be careful not to disclose them before the king." Then he took an oath in the presence of Acacius and the senators that he would never be the bishop.
And the king issued an order, and gave it to John, to the effect that any brother whom the clergy and the people of the city might choose, should be the successor of Timothy.
But when he returned to the city, he delivered a letter from Julius to Theognostus the prefect there, who was one of the conspirators with Julius, and he promised that if he should become bishop he would give the royal vessels which Arcadius the king devoted to the sanctuary, and presented to Theophilus, who was the bishop at that time, and he built a church there and called it after his name.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER OF THE FIFTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT JOHN, HOW HE LIED, AND OBTAINED THE BISHOPRIC BY BRIBERY, AFTER THE DEATH OF TIMOTHY; AND ABOUT CYRUS THE PRESBYTER, WHO WAS IN LEAGUE WITH HIM; AND ALSO HOW PETER RETURNED TO HIS SEE
After 18 a few more days of life only, Timothy died. Then John belied his own sworn promises, and gave a bribe to Theognostus, and obtained the bishopric for himself.
But he drew over to his side Cyrus a presbyter, one of those who had formerly been in association with Dioscorus, and had afterwards forsaken him. This man also coveting the primacy, at one time would attach himself to Acacius of Constantinople, and at another time to that Timothy who died; and again, he would mock and revile Timothy the Great and Peter his successor. So that the Alexandrians |118 used to ridicule him on account of his tergiversations, holding up unripe dates before him in the public street, and charging him with vile conduct in connexion with a married woman. The blessed Dioscorus cursed this man, asying, "As God is true, Cyrus will die a layman." And so, indeed, it happened to him, as is written below.
But the king, when he heard about John, was very indignant, because the latter had belied his sworn promises, and obtained the bishopric for himself.
But there were in Constantinople at that time some chosen monks who were pleading for Peter. And they showed him, by written documents respecting them, the sad afflictions which, time after time, had occurred in Alexandria, and in Egypt, and in the other adjacent districts, on account of the Synod, And the king acceded to their request, and he issued an order that John should be ejected from the see as a liar, and that Peter 19 should be restored to the Church, upon the condition of his subscribing to the Henotikon which Zeno wrote and sent there, and to Egypt, and to Pentapolis, and of his receiving and holding communion with all the other bishops who would agree to the Henotikon; and, moreover, with those in Alexandria called Proterians, as many of them as would confess that they agreed to the doctrines of the Henotikon, which indeed was framed by the counsel of Acacius the bishop, and was sent to Alexandria in the charge of Pergamius, the newly-appointed prefect there in the room of Theognostus.
This Pergamius,20 upon his arrival at the city, managed the matter prudently. For having discovered that John had escaped by flight, he sought out Peter, and informed him of the king's order. And he showed him the Henotikon, saying, "You must, after having carefully studied it, subscribe and agree to it; and further, you must receive the bishops and the other members of the Proterian party without any animosity whatsoever, if only they agree to all that the king has laid down in the same Henotikon."
And Peter, having considered the contents of this document, found that its provisions were framed faithfully and with |119 all righteousness. But he hesitated somewhat, because there was no clear and express anathema of the Synod and the Tome in it, and consequently he feared that it might prove a stumbling-block to the people. However, he decided to accept it, inasmuch as it proclaimed the definition of the faith laid down by the three hundred and eighteen; and it confessed the truth of the one hundred and fifty bishops; and it also agreed to the twelve Heads of Cyril; and it anathematised Nestorius and Eutyches; and it also confessed that the body of Christ, derived from the Virgin, was of the same nature as our body. Accordingly he subscribed to it. And he also promised that, if the others would repent and accept all the provisions of the Henotikon, and persuade the people to that effect, he would receive them into communion with himself from all orders.
Then the prefect, and the duke, and the chief men, and the clergy, and the monks, and the sisters, and the believing people assembled together at the place where he was; and they set him upon a chariot, and with pomp and praise as one who kept the true faith, and doing homage before him, they brought him to the great church. And Pergamius urged him to receive the other members of the Proterian party, But he first declared to the people the interpretation of the meaning of the Henotikon, and explained it, saying, "It is well and faithfully written, inasmuch as it accepts the twelve Heads of Cyril, and it anathematises Nestorius and Eutyches, and it confesses the body of Christ, derived from the Virgin, to be of the same nature as our body, and that the sufferings which He endured in the flesh, and the miracles which He wrought, belong to the same God Christ. And this document further cancels and condemns the whole doctrine of Chalcedon and the Tome, because Dioscorus and Timothy the Great also thought and expounded similarly."
And he delivered a further address to the people, to the following effect: "It is right for all of us, men, women, and children, to offer with the open mouth of thanksgiving, prayer, |120 and supplication to our Lord and God, on behalf of the faithful reign of the victorious King Zeno, whose noble actions and' virtuous morals are urging the prudent in every place to this. For when our fathers, the chaste monks, presented a petition to him concerning the reformation of the faith, and informed him of the occurrences here, and of the tumults from which our people had suffered time after time; then he wept, and he looked up to heaven, and called God to help him, and to put it into his heart to command whatever would be in conformity with the divine will, and would conduce to the welfare of men and the unity of the people, by exerting himself to abolish the stumbling-blocks which were in all the Churches, on account of all the rash innovations and additions which were made at Chalcedon.21
"And now, beloved children, we have the light of the true faith of the holy fathers in this written statement of his Orthodoxy, which will now be read aloud in your presence, and heard by your ears. For by confessing herein the true faith, and accepting the twelve Heads of the blessed Cyril, and anathematising Nestorius and Eutyches, and proclaiming that God the Word, Who became incarnate, is one nature, sufferings and miracles; by all this he rejects the whole teaching of the Diphysites. For their doctrine and that of the Tome is quite the opposite of this; and against them our holy fathers, Dioscorus and Timothy, true witnesses of Christ, earnestly contended.
"But pray for him, that the Lord may keep him in the true proportion of his love and faith. For we trust, by the mercy of Christ our God, that when your praises and prayers are heard, we shall not fail to obtain any of those other petitions which we are rightly asking of Him; but that He may freely receive your supplication and grant your requests."22
"Hear this honourable document, the Henotikon, which |121 he faithfully ordained, and which will now be read in your presence."
CHAPTER VIII
THE EIGHTH CHAPTER COMES NEXT, CONTAINING THE HENOTIKON OF ZENO
"Imperial23 Caesar, Zeno the king, believing, victorious, triumphant, mighty, ever-worshipful, Augustus, to the bishops and the people in Alexandria, and in Egypt, and in Libya, and also in Pentapolis. Since we know that the origin and stability and invincible might of our empire is the only right and true faith, which, by Divine Inspiration the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers in Council at Nicea declared, and which in like manner the one hundred and fifty holy fathers gathered at Constantinople, attested: We, by night and by day, employ constant prayers, and diligence, and enactments, that thereby the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church in every place, which is the incorruptible and imperishable mother of the sceptre of our kingdom, may be increased. That thus the believing people, being kept in godly peace and concord, may offer up, in conjunction with the pious and holy bishops, and the God-fearing clergy, and the archimandrites and monks, acceptable prayers on behalf of our empire. For if the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ, Who became incarnate from Mary the holy Virgin and Theotokos, shall approve and readily receive our unanimous praise and service, the race of enemies shall be destroyed and obliterated; and all men will bow the neck to our sway, which is next to that of God; and then peace, and its consequent blessings, and genial temperature, and abundance of fruits, and all those things which are adapted for man's good, shall be liberally granted. This unblemished faith, then, being thus the preserver of ourselves and of the Roman affairs, petitions have been presented to us |122 by God-loving archimandrites and other hermits entreating us with tears that there may be unity to the Holy Churches; and that the limbs may be joined together which the haters of good have for a long time been striving to separate; because they knew that when one makes war with the whole and perfect body of the Church he is defeated.
"For it has happened that of the generations without number which Time, during these many years of life, has removed; some, deprived of the Laver of Regeneration, have passed away; and others, without participation in the divine Communion, have been carried off by the inevitable journey of mankind. And they have been wasted by myriads of murders; and through the profuse blood-shedding, not the earth alone, but even the very air itself has been defiled. Who would not pray that this state of things may be exchanged for a good one? For which reason, then, we desired you to know that both we and the holy Churches of the orthodox everywhere, and the God-loving priests who rule them, neither hold, nor have held, nor know any man holding, any other symbol, or doctrine, or seal of the faith, or creed, than that which we have mentioned above, the holy symbol of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers, which was also attested by the one hundred and fifty holy fathers who met in Council here. And if there be any man holding such, we account him an alien. For, as we have already said, we are confident that this only preserves our kingdom; and also all people who are counted worthy of life-giving Baptism are baptized upon the simple reception of this creed alone. And, moreover, all the holy fathers, who met in Council at Ephesus, and deposed the wicked Nestorius and all his successors in doctrine, followed the same faith.
"This Nestorius, together with Eutyches, inasmuch as they held doctrines contrary to what have been here declared, we anathematise. And we also receive the twelve Heads delivered by the ever-memorable. God-loving Cyril, formerly archbishop of the Catholic Church of Alexandria. But we confess that the only-begotten Son of God, Himself God, |123 our Lord Jesus Christ, Who truly became man; He Who is of the same nature with the Father in the Godhead; He Who is also of the same nature with us in the manhood; He Who came down and assumed flesh, through the Holy Ghost, and from Mary the Virgin and Theotokos,— is one Son and not two. For we affirm that the miracles which He wrought, and the sufferings which He freely endured in the flesh, belong to one Son of God alone. Moreover, we altogether reject those who either divide or confound, or introduce the phantasy. For the true and sinless Incarnation from the Theotokos did not cause the addition of a Son. For the Trinity remained even though God the Word, Who is one of the Trinity, became incarnate.
"Since, then, you know that both the Holy Orthodox Churches everywhere and the God-loving priests who rule them, and our own Royalty, neither have received nor do receive any other symbol or definition of the faith than the holy doctrine which has been declared above; be united together without doubting. For we have written this, not to make any innovation in the faith, but to assure you.
"And here we anathematise all who have held, or hold, now or at any time, whether in Chalcedon or in any other Synod whatsoever, any different belief; but chiefly those already mentioned, Nestorius and Eutyches and all their followers in the doctrine.
"Be joined, then, to your spiritual mother, the Church, and delight in her, together with us, in divine fellowship, according to that one definition of the faith alone which was framed by the holy fathers, as we have declared above. For our all-holy mother, the Church, longs for you, that she may embrace you as beloved children. And, for a considerable time, she has been eager to hear your sweet voice.
"Hasten, therefore! For by so doing you will attract to yourselves the goodwill of our God and Saviour Christ; and you will also be commended by our own Royalty." |124
CHAPTER IX
THE NINTH CHAPTER OF THIS FIFTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE SEPARATISTS
These matters having been thus transacted, some of the more ardent spirits were very indignant; because in the king's document, the Henotikon, there was no express anathema of the additions imposed at Chalcedon. However, they all remained in communion with Peter because he defended himself before them; and especially as he said, "The king will not fail us in any of the requests that we shall make to him."
Then the rest of the Proterians, seeing how matters were, went off to a suburb of the city, called Canopus, and they kept crying out evil words. However, they were feeble and few, and at their head were some readers, and Cyrus the presbyter, concerning whom we have already stated that he was at one time a follower of Dioscorus, but he afterwards deserted him. Pergamius, hearing of this secession, sent for Cyrus to have a conversation with him. And the latter agreed to do what he was asked. So when he returned to them, he pleaded earnestly with his companions at Canopus, saying, "It is right for us to join in fellowship with the others, and to obey the king's command." But the zealous and believing priests who were on Peter's side, hearing about it, were greatly distressed. And they refused to hold communion with Cyrus. And although they received a large number of his associates upon their subscribing to the Henotikon, and anathematising everyone who thought differently from what was in it; yet they refused Cyrus himself. And even when he subscribed they would not have him. For they said to |125 Pergamius that the very sight of him would be enough to bring his deeds into the remembrance of the people, and to put a stumbling-block in the way of many. So Cyrus remained a layman; and thus he died, according to the curse of the holy Dioscorus.
Then they were all associated in fellowship with Peter and Peter the Iberian, wonderfully celebrated, and the able monk Isaiah, and the other Palestinians, certain blessed monks of the monasteries of Romanus and Theodore.
And Peter, the bishop of Alexandria, sent Paul, surnamed Arcadius, to the king about certain matters of one kind and another that required correction.
But John,24 who had been bishop, went off to Rome; and there, with tears, he told Simplicius the patriarch what had befallen him; alleging that he continued in danger for the sake of the Synod and the Tome. Whereupon the king, hearing of it, wrote a letter and sent it to the same Simplicius by the hand of Uranius the tax-gatherer, in which he set forth to him all the wickedness and lying treachery of John, and declared that by his own command Peter had been appointed bishop there in Alexandria, with the object of bringing the people into one communion.
But Calandion 25 of Antioch, having heard about the Alexandrian affairs, was much distressed, and wrote letters to Acacius, and to Zeno the king, and to Simplicius of Rome, in which he called Peter a false teacher,26 and he praised the Tome and the Synod. But he was closely attached to Nestorius, because in his letter he called Cyril a fool.27
However, as he took the side of Julius, and Leontius, and Euprepius, in the rebellion which they eventually raised against Zeno the king in the East, he was ejected from his place. And by the king's commands, Peter, who had once and |126 twice contended and suffered on behalf of the true faith, was restored to his see. And the people of Antioch received him with great pomp and glory as Simon Peter. Then he convened the Synod of his province, and he healed and closed the divisions, and set matters right. The Synod also, which he convened, drew up a letter of fellowship in canonical fashion, and sent it to Peter of Alexandria. It was to the following effect:—
CHAPTER X
THE TENTH CHAPTER OF THIS FIFTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE SYNODICAL LETTER, WHICH WAS SENT TO PETER OF ALEXANDRIA BY THE COUNCIL THAT WAS CONVENED AT ANTIOCH, IN THE DAYS WHEN PETER WAS BISHOP THERE
"To our Father, the God-loving, holy, Archbishop Peter, from the Synod now convened at Antioch.
"Just as Joshua the son of Nun, the leader of the host, and invested with the mysteries of Jesus Christ our God, showed care and solicitude for the possession and rights of the tribes of Reuben, and Gad, and Manasseh; when, according to the command of Moses, who delivered to him the leadership, they in conjunction with their brethren crossed the Jordan armed, and entered the land of promise to possess it; and continued to help in the war until God caused their brethren, like themselves, to rest in peace there: in like manner we judge it to be the endeavour of thine Excellency, O bishop, that we also, being the bishops from Arabia and Libanus of Phoenice, and Syria Secunda, and Euphratesia, and Cilicia, should come to Antioch armed, until our Eastern brethren shall possess the inheritance of their Churches from God. But how, after the troubles and conflicts that have befallen us, |127 we are earnestly desirous of peace; and how, by the letters of the indulgent king, we have been now called to meet at Antioch; thy son the beloved and illustrious Uranius the tax-gatherer will tell thee. For he, in the execution of the king's will and command, communicated and showed to us the letter sent by him to thy Holiness, and to the chaste monks, and to the believing people.
"But we, having met together and been received with the rights of divine love by our believing father Peter the patriarch, who showed us kindness and meekness with prudence, were in concord with him in all matters and he with us; and we joined in fellowship one with the other in spiritual ministration. We were honoured also by the citizens, who met and welcomed him with joy and gladness, and with ministering praise; and extolled him as Peter Kepho our leader the Apostle. And, moreover, we heard about the transactions in the royal city, how, from the jurisdiction of the holy Archbishop Acacius, they had met together by the king's command; and about their unity with him and with one another; and how he wrote to thy Blessedness, showing and explaining the will of the believing king; and that the contents of his excellent document the Henotikon were in complete accord with the faith of the holy fathers of Nicea; in which also the one hundred and fifty assembled in the royal city concurred; and which was confirmed by the Council of Ephesus in the days of Celestine and Cyril; the latter of whom also in the twelve Heads exposed and anathematised all the false doctrine of Nestorius and Eutyches, and the other heresies.
"These things, indeed, brought the Egyptians into full accord with the Easterns, or rather, we should say, with all who in every place are devoted to peace, and who love unity and the true faith.
"And we believe and are confident that the diligence and prayers of Thy Holiness have tended to bring about this happy result for the believing people everywhere, by the will of our Lord and Brother Jesus Christ, Whom we beseech to |128 preserve for us the life of thy Chastity, prospering in all virtue, and rejoicing in the Lord at what was done here upon the return of thine honourable brother our chaste father, through the diligence of this thy son Uranius, whom we commend to thy godly love, that thou mayest write and send thanks to the believing king. For he is indeed serving him with all his might, by carrying out his command, and earnestly endeavouring to promote the unity of the Churches of Christ, and to impart peace to His beloved sons."
CHAPTER XI
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER CONTAINS THE LETTER OF ACACIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE TO PETER OF ALEXANDRIA28
Acacius, indeed, desisting from his former mind, which was in favour of the Synod, and connecting himself in loving agreement with the principles of the Henotikon, also wrote a letter to Peter of Alexandria in the following terms:—
"To our pious and God-loving fellow-minister and brother Peter, Acacius sends greeting. The very name of peace, indeed, is delightful; but its effect is very sweet. For when, in accordance with the unity and the faith of the Church, it is perfected, it imparts the more abundant grace to the prudent, and works in them joy, for it announces great things.
"Now we were blest with such joy as this in the congregations of our own city, when reports reached us respecting thy faith, which troubled us. And, moreover, they produced agitation and distress among many of the chaste monks here, and the people, and our excellent clergy. However, thine honoured letter, having been conveyed and delivered to us and to the illustrious chiefs here, exposed the entire falsehood of the rumour respecting thee, and rolled away the darkness of the cloud, and displayed the brilliancy and the purity of thy godly virtues. So that it is now time for us to |129 say, 'Glory to God in the highest.' For it is producing and manifesting the peace, which is in the land of our faith, and the goodwill amongst the men of our great God and Saviour the Lord Jesus Christ. And, therefore, that glory of which the angels from heaven in their companies were the first to sing in the ears of the shepherds over the earth, at Bethlehem, that same glory the shepherds and leaders of the sheep, His people, being joined together hand in hand in their union and concord, now ascribe in their song of praise to our Lord God, Who is the true Head and Shepherd of the flock.
"But also the triumphant Star of Christ from the East is now the believing and God-fearing king.
"And just as that star guided those of old to Christ our God, that they might repair to the cave and offer gifts for the honour of His worship; so he also now has manifested and caused to shine forth the splendour of the true faith to the whole cave of his dominion. And he has also taken down the middle wall of partition that divided and cleft asunder the unity of the members of the holy Church; thereby making them grow into a perfect man of complete stature. So that he has displayed the body in one Person and figure, and he has made of two one. For we understand also from the thankful letter of thy Holiness that he too like David, in prophesying and in reigning, has now slain Goliath in the field with the Cross alone; and having smitten the evil one as with a sling, he has overthrown and destroyed him by his faithful letter which he wrote; and by the true sword of the Spirit which he displayed, he has cut off and taken away those heresies and stumbling-blocks which are the very heads of the Dragon; whom also having overthrown, he has thrust into outer darkness, and has bound and imprisoned him in the lower parts of the earth.
"Accordingly Jerusalem above, the mother of the firstborn, shall rejoice, and also in her daughters the Churches she shall exult and sing, giving praise to God. with prayer for |130 the triumph of the king, and saying, 'Glory be to the Most High Lord, Who is greatly to be praised.' For we also were amazed at the triumph of God, when we learned from thy letter that the Henotikon, which in our own presence was despatched to thy Holiness by the hands of Pergamius, had reached thee, and that thou hast agreed to it. And we exult in thy faith, and we pray that the Lord may preserve for us the life of this believing king who has united us to the truth. And now I, and those who are with me, sending greetings to thy Chastity, and to the excellent clergy, and to the chaste monks, and to the believing people, have written this letter of reply."
The end of the letter of Acacius of Constantinople.
CHAPTER XII
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER TELLS ABOUT THE LETTER OF MARTYRIUS OF JERUSALEM, WHICH HE WROTE TO PETER WHO HAD BECOME BISHOP IN ALEXANDRIA, IN THE FOLLOWING TERMS29
"Martyrius of Jerusalem — to the pious and Christ-loving chief priest, my lord, and brother, and fellow-minister Peter.
"It is time for us now to say, like the prophet, 'I praise Thee, O Lord God; and I glorify Thy Name: for Thou hast done marvellous things; for Thy will is true of old. Amen, O Lord!'30 For our mouth is filled with gladness and our tongue with praise; because we have certainly seen the heart of the king in the Hand of the Lord, fulfilling His will in truth continually; and he has united again the severed members.
"And now that we have received thine Affection's reply, our people join with this prophet in crying aloud, 'Lift |131 up thine eyes round about thee, and behold thy children gathering together unto thee.'31 For which blessing, as is right, we exult; and we greet thy Holiness in the Lord. And, singing psalms with the prophet David, we say, 'May the Lord increase you more and more, you and your children; blessed are ye of the Lord, Who made heaven and earth.'32 I and those who are with me, send our best respects in the Lord also to the priests who are with thy Chastity, and to the believing people, and to the pious monks."
The end of this letter of Martyrius of Jerusalem.
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1 Evag. iii. 3.
2. 4 Evag. iii. 4.
3. 5 Evag. iii. 4.
4. 1 Evag. iii. 4.
5. 1 Evag. iii. 5; Liberat. 16.
6. 3 Evag. iii. 5.
7. 3 Evag. iii. 5.
8. 2 Evag. iii. 6.
9. 1 Evidently a mistake for Theodotus; see below, and Evag. iii. 6.
10. 5 Evag. iii. 7.
11. 1 The text has, "Paul of Antioch and Peter of Ephesus," an evident mistake.
12. 2 I.e. Magyda.
13. 1 Ps. xci. 14, 15.
14. 4 Gal. 1. 8, 9.
15. 2 Evag. iii. 12; Liberat. 16.
16. 3... MS.; but in Das Leben des Severus (ed. Spanuth), p. 6, it is written [Syriac], and said to be the name of a monastery situated in Canopus.—"Presbyter Tabennesiotis" (Lib.).
17. 4 I.e. Illus.
18. 2 Evag. ii. 12; Liberat. 17.
19. 1 Liberat. 18.
20. 2 Evag. iii. 13.
21. 2 The rendering of this passage is somewhat conjectural, owing to defects in the MS.
22. 3 Or, "when the report of your praises and prayers reaches him, he will not fail us in any of the other things which we justly ask from him, but will readily receive your petition and grant your requests."
23. 1 Evag. iii. 14; Liberat. 17.
24. 2 Evag. iii. 15; Liberat. 18.
25. 5 Evag. iii. 16; Liberat. 18.
26. 6 Literally, "an adulterer"; perhaps it is intended to express illegal occupation of the see.
27. 7 See Mansi, vol. iv. p. 893.
28. 1 Cf. Evag. iii. 16.
29. 3 Cf. Evag. iii. 16.
30. 4 Isa. xxv. 1.
31. 1 Isa. lx. 4.
32. 2 Ps. cxv. 14, 15.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah06.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 6.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 6.
BOOK VI
THE sixth Book taken from the work of Zachariah, containing seven chapters.
The first tells about the Separatists from the communion of Peter, because he received the Henotikon.
The second tells of Cosmas the Spatharius who was sent by Zeno; and the transactions which took place in Alexandria with the seceding monks.
In the third there is an account of Peter and Isaiah the monk.
In the fourth we are told about Arsenius the prefect, who was sent to Alexandria; and how he acted towards the Separatists.
Then the fifth tells of the letter of Fravitta, who was bishop in Constantinople, to Peter.
The sixth contains a record of the letter of Peter to Fravitta.
The seventh gives information respecting the chief priests who were in the days of Zeno; and also concerning the length of Zeno's life. |133
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THIS SIXTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THOSE WHO SECEDED FROM THE COMMUNION OF PETER, BECAUSE THERE WAS NO EXPRESS ANATHEMA OF THE SYNOD OF CHALCEDON AND THE TOME OF LEO, EITHER IN THE HENOTIKON OR IN THE LETTERS OF THE CHIEF PRIESTS TO HIM
Matters having been thus arranged by the king's Henotikon, and three or four of the chief priests, namely, the bishops of Ephesus, and of Jerusalem, and of Alexandria, and of Antioch, together with the bishops in their jurisdictions, being united and agreed together according to the purport of this Henotikon of Zeno, and having received and subscribed to it; then Julian and John, presbyters of Alexandria, and Helladius and Serapion, deacons, venerable men belonging to the Church there, and Theodore the bishop of Antinoe, and John and another Egyptian, and Andrew the great archimandrite, and Paul the Sophist, and other illustrious monks, seceded from the communion of Peter of Alexandria. But they took this course because there was no clear and decided anathema of the Synod and the Tome, either in the Henotikon or in the letters of the chief priests to Peter. And gradually the number of these Separatists was increased, and they received a considerable accession to their numbers in the monastery. And Acacius of the royal city, having heard it, wrote to urge them to be reunited.
But Peter in his public address, and the other apologies which he made before the people, continued to revile the Synod. And, at length, Acacius heard this also, and he sent his presbyter to inquire into the freedom and the faith of Peter. And there ensued an investigation before the judge of the |134 city on this point, that the Synod had not been expressly anathematised by Peter, and the report of this reached the ears of many and proved a stumbling-block to them. And many demands were made of him by the seceding archimandrite and bishop. Then Peter the Iberian, the bishop of Gaza, who was sojourning there, and Elijah the monk, sur-named the potter, were appointed to consider and examine into these matters. And having examined into them, together with the council of the monks, they selected four of Peter's discourses concerning the faith, and they said to him, "If thou dost agree to these, sign them"; and he signed them. Whereupon several of them entered into communion with him, because he thereby anathematised the Synod and the Tome, when he delivered those discourses in the ears of the people. However, the others remained unwilling to hold communion with Peter. And the latter, seeing this, took away the monastery of Bishop Theodore, and thrust out that wonderful man, who had opened the eyes of a blind man by the aspersion of water from the baptismal font. Upon which there arose a great agitation among the monks, and they sent Nephalius, who was one of those that had been ejected by Peter, and was also a disturber of the people, to Zeno the king.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THIS SIXTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT NEPHALIUS, WHO WENT UP TO THE KING, AND MADE A COMPLAINT AGAINST PETER; AND HOW COSMAS THE SPATHARIUS WAS SENT (TO ALEXANDRIA), AND WHAT WAS DONE UPON HIS ENTRY THERE
Nephalius,1 a monk,2 and by his disposition and habits a disturber of the people, made preparations and went up to Zeno the king, bringing with him a letter from his fellow |135 Separatists; in which they testified against Peter that he had plundered them, and ejected them, and taken away their monasteries.
And the king, when he heard it, was very angry with Peter, and sent Cosmas his Spatharius with a letter containing threats against Peter, and declaring that his Majesty had been so indulgent as to appoint him the bishop of Alexandria, with the object of uniting the people together, and not keeping them divided into two parts.
And Cosmas having arrived, in company with Nephalius, and the letter having been delivered to Peter: then the monks assembled at the Martyr Church of St. Euphemia, to the number of about thirty thousand, and ten bishops with them. But a message was sent to them, that they should not enter the city lest the people should be excited, and a tumult should ensue. However, Theodore the bishop, and John, and Julian and John the presbyters, and Palladius3 and Serapion the deacons, and Andrew the Great, and Paul the Sophist, with about two hundred archimandrites, were selected as representatives; and they entered the great church to have an interview with Peter. Then they had a long conversation with Cosmas the Spatharius and the prefect of the city. And the king's letter was read aloud.
Then Peter delivered an apologetic address to them, anathematising, in their ears, the Synod and the Tome. And he further wrote in his own hand to the following effect: "I, Peter, the bishop of Alexandria, do now, as I have often before, anathematise all that was said and devised in Chalcedon against the true faith of the holy fathers, the three hundred and eighteen bishops; and also the Tome of Leo. And I confess that these are my own works, and that anyone not agreeing with them, whether bishop, or presbyter, or deacon, or monk, or layman, is an alien. And if I (or any other person) shall ever write in agreement with the transactions of the Synod and the contents of the Tome, I shall become thereby a castaway from the Holy Trinity." |136
However, the monks would not accept this confession, for they said that Peter associated in communion with the chief priests, who had uttered no express anathema against the Synod and the Tome, as he had done.
And Peter replied, "My reason for holding communion with them is that they have accepted the king's Henotikon, which cancels all additions, and the transactions of every place, except the three holy Synods, I mean those of Nicea, Ephesus, and Constantinople. And in my public address I explained the Henotikon, and showed you how it nullified the Synod of Chalcedon, by accepting the twelve Heads of the blessed Cyril, and by anathematising Nestorius, and Eutyches, and every other who would assert the duality of the Natures in Christ, and would ascribe the miracles to one and the sufferings to the other, and would divide the Persons in properties and in operations.
But after all this discussion, even then only a few of the monks consorted with Peter. And the others presented a libel against him to Cosmas. And they took their monasteries and dwelt in them, assembling by themselves. But they endeavoured to appoint a bishop instead of Peter. However, Theodore the bishop, being an orderly man, restrained them, saying, "It is not fitting treatment for one who believes as we do, and anathematises the Synod and the Tome (even though he may hold communion with those that have received and signed the Henotikon), lest we be blamed for rejecting him, and be accounted as disorderly persons." But they say that Theodore took this course because he was one of the bishops who laid hands upon Peter.
The people, however, since they received Peter without dispute when he anathematised the Synod, were greatly incensed against the monks. But they were restrained by the chiefs and by Peter, so that there was no public tumult. |137
CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER TELLS HOW COSMAS, WHEN RETURNING TO THE KING, PASSED THROUGH TO PALESTINE, IN ORDER TO TAKE WITH HIM PETER THE IBERIAN AND ISAIAH THE MONK, ACCORDING TO THE KING'S ORDERS
But Cosmas on his return passed through Palestine, and sought for Peter the Illustrious and Isaiah the able monk. However, he could not find Peter, because the latter had previous intimation of his coming, and had departed from before him.
But Isaiah prayed to God that a sickness might overtake him; lest, if he were to go up to the royal city, he might show himself a flatterer of the rich men there. And so it befell him.
And when Cosmas reached him and gave him the king's letter, he showed him his sickness and infirmity, saying, "As I am a sick man, I cannot possibly endure to embark upon the sea, lest I die at once. And then I could not appear before the king; and you would be censured both by God and the king if you were to carry a corpse round the world." And in this way he succeeded in escaping. And shortly afterwards he recovered. And he persevered in the exercise of his habits, and of his conflicts all the days of his life. This man was indeed a seer, a sharer (as we may say) in the name and in the actions of the prophet Isaiah. |138
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER TELLS HOW ARSENIUS WAS SENT AS PREFECT TO ALEXANDRIA BY THE KING, WHEN THE LATTER LEARNED THE STATE OF AFFAIRS FROM COSMAS RESPECTING THE SEPARATIST MONKS AND THE ORDERS THEN GIVEN BY THE PREFECT
When Cosmas 4 the Spatharius returned to the king, and presented a written communication informing him of the affairs in Alexandria, and about the Separatist monks, and their leaders, and the bishops; then he sent Arsenius there as prefect, and also gave him authority over the Romans. And he ordered that Theodore and John the bishops, and Agathon, and Julian, and John the presbyters, and Helladius and Serapion the deacons, and Paul and Andrew the archimandrites, and all the others should be called to unity, according to the terms of the faith laid down in the Henotikon, once or twice, by Peter the bishop of Alexandria; and that, in the event of their refusing to join in communion with him, they should be ejected from their monasteries.
And upon the arrival of Arsenius, this Nephalius, the disturber of the people, again attached himself to him. Then he brought together the bishops and the presbyters and the archimandrites; and he showed them the king's command, which he read aloud in their hearing. And Peter also readily repeated to them his explanation and anathema, at the same time entreating them to join in communion with himself. However, they would neither accept nor be satisfied with this. But Theodore the bishop said to him, "If you make a written statement abjuring the communion of the other chief priests and sign it, then we will enter into communion with you." And Peter, in reply, made the same defence as before, saying, "It is right for me to associate with those who receive the Henotikon, which teaches the true faith." |139
Whereupon these men were compelled by Arsenius to go to the king, and personally to lay their petitions and wishes before him; so that then his command might be fully carried out. And they all went, with the exception of Theodore, who withdrew himself. And when they appeared before the king, he was astonished both at their chastity and at their reasoning with him about everything which was displeasing to them in his transactions.
But while they were there, Acacius 5 the bishop of Constantinople died. And Fravitta was appointed as his successor; a gentle and believing man, who wrote a letter, after the canonical manner, and sent it by some clergy, to Peter of Alexandria. And Peter received it gladly; and he also wrote a reply, in which he expressly anathematised the Synod and the Tome of Leo. And while this was on its way, Fravitta died. And Euphemius, a man of Apamea, who was educated at Alexandria, was appointed as his successor. However, he was tainted with the Nestorian heresy.
And when he received the letter he was very indignant. And he was even angry with Longinus the presbyter and Andrew the deacon, the clergy who conveyed this letter; and he brought an accusation against them. But they deprecated his accusation by showing the zeal of the people of Alexandria. And Euphemius severed himself from Peter's communion; and he sought to bring about the deprivation of Peter, intending for that purpose to convene a separate Synod. But Archelaus the bishop of Caesarea, a man of wonderful learning, restrained him, saying, "It is not possible for the great bishop of Alexandria to be accused and ejected by a Synod of one province; only a General Council could do that." But when Peter heard it, he also uttered threats against Euphemius; that, just as the blessed Cyril had sent Nestorius to Oasis, so he would in like manner eject Euphemius from his see. However, Peter also departed this life. But his letter was seen in Constantinople, and it convinced many that he was a believer. And John and Julian the Alexandrians, and the rest of their associates who happened to be there, the Separatists, on seeing |140 his letter to Fravitta, changed their minds; and they were ready on their return to Alexandria to join in communion with him. But while they were returning, he died. And his successor 6 was Athanasius, an eloquent, believing, and peace-loving man. He, desiring and exerting himself to bring the Separatist monks into communion with the Church, in the course of his address to the people mentioned the names of Dioscorus and Timothy, but he purposely omitted to mention the name of Peter in order to try them. Whereupon they became greatly excited (and they would not be quiet) until he named Peter also in his discourse.
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THIS BOOK GIVES THE LETTER OF FRAVITTA OF CONSTANTINOPLE TO PETER OF ALEXANDRIA, IN THE FOLLOWING TERMS
"To our holy father, and God-loving fellow - minister, Peter, from Fravitta, who sends greetings in the Lord. When I weigh mine own natural weakness, and I wonder at the merciful acts of God towards me, I truly perceive that it is absolutely (?) that 'He raises up the poor from the dunghill to set him with the princes of the people.' And it is well known that this mercy of God is not the consequence of any meritorious deeds on man's part; but that it results from the divine grace which arises, time after time, upon the sons of the Church, through the love of the Father. So that it is not the wise, nor the disputers, nor the eloquent of this world whom grace raises up as leaders by the election.
"Now, before the Law, Abel, though not learned, was acceptable to God; as were also the righteous fathers who came after him. But under the Law, grace marked out shepherds and herdsmen, and gatherers of sycamore fruit,7 and raised them up as prophets. And after the Law, the same |141 grace appointed fishermen, and a tent-maker, to be the preachers of the living word from heaven. That thus the power of God might be truly known to be made manifest and perfect in the weak. And such are the mysteries of Christians who hold fast the Incarnation of Christ; according to His own word in the Gospel, 'I thank Thee, O Father, Lord of heaven and earth, that Thou hast hidden these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes: even so, Father, for such is Thine own will.'8
"For Jesus Christ our God is the foundation and the corner-stone of the Holy Church. And therefore these blessings, which we have received, are not a strange display of His mercy. But we hope that from them we shall understand His equal mercy towards other men; and we shall show ourselves gentle and kind to our brethren in the flesh and in the faith, and to the priests who are our fellow-ministers and Christ-loving brothers. Thus we shall endeavour to rule the Holy Church everywhere in the same right faith, and in perfect love. And by the events which are taking place (the Lord helping us) we shall show the rational flock which has been intrusted to our care in all places to be one; that of the Great Shepherd, Who has appointed us to be the leaders of His flock. And we shall drive out those grievous wolves, the accursed heresies, more especially of Nestorius and Eutyches, by preaching and holding the faith of the holy fathers, who maintained the truth and preserved the order of the Church, and in our day teaching the right faith to the people and to mankind, as well as they.
"But, using brotherly love and concord in my salutation, I now present to thy Holiness the pledge of my affection, by the hands of Longinus the presbyter and Andrew the deacon. And to complete what is right, I send my greetings to all the pastors, and the honourable priests, and the chaste monks, and the believing people of thy jurisdiction. We, |142 moreover, entreat thy Holiness to pray along with us, that we may show ourselves wise men and rulers in all matters, like Solomon, and like Paul and Peter and the rest of the apostles, in preaching the truth to the sons of the Church; and that in everything about which you refer to us, we may be able, to the best of our ability, to render fitting aid to the other Churches; and also in those matters taking place in the Christ-loving city, through the enactment of the Christ-loving and indulgent king, who is watchful and studious and desirous to bring about the peace of the Churches, and the concord of the priests, and the unity of the people.
"I and the brethren with me send our best respects to thy Chastity, and to the brethren with thee."
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER OF THIS SIXTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE LETTER OF PETER THE BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, WHICH HE WROTE IN REPLY TO FRAVITTA OF CONSTANTINOPLE, IN THE FOLLOWING TERMS
"To my pious and God-loving brother and fellow-minister, my lord Fravitta, from Peter, who sends greetings in the Lord.
"In consequence of the election of thine Eminence, it is time now for us to say, 'Ye heavens above be glad, and let the earth with her fulness rejoice, and let her sing with joy,' according to the word of the prophet.9
"For also, our Lord Jesus Christ, Who is the one only-begotten Son of God the Father, has not redeemed us with corruptible things, as silver and gold; but He rather laid down His life for us, as a lamb without blemish; and He offered a sacrifice of sweet savour to God His Father; and |143 gave His body as a substitute for the life of the whole human race. He Who is honoured by all creation, and is equal to the Father, God the Word, became incarnate; yet He suffered thereby no variation nor change; but He as man remains the same, and He is in truth alive for ever, the Word of His Father, and of the same nature. Come then, as with one tongue and one believing, Christ-loving mind, let us offer to Him thanksgiving, and say with the blessed Baruch, This is our God, there is none other beside Him. He found out the whole way of wisdom, and gave it to Jacob His servant, and to Israel His beloved. And afterwards, He appeared upon the earth, and had converse with men.'1 For there was not indeed One the Son of God, Who existed before the times and ages, through Whom all things were made; and another who, in the last time, was born in the flesh from the Theotokos; according to the notion of Nestorius. But rather He, being the10 same, took the seed of Abraham, according to the word of the blessed Paul;11 and also He was partaker of our flesh and blood, and was made like us in all points, sin only excepted. For neither do we say that the body of our Lord Jesus Christ is from heaven, as Eutyches in his folly affirms; nor that He became incarnate in semblance or imagination; on the contrary, we anathematise all such teachers. But we confess one only-begotten Son of God the Father, Who is our Lord Jesus Christ. And we know that He, God the Word of the Father, Who became incarnate for our redemption, in His divine nature took the likeness of a servant, by the dispensation.
"This is the faith of the Church of Alexandria, by which we are all adorned, both we, and the God-fearing bishops and clergy, and the monks, and all the people of God. And the congregation of the people grows and multiplies exceedingly in the Churches, while we are obedient to the apostle, who says, "If any man shall preach to you any other gospel than what we have preached, let him be accursed.'12
"But the cause of all these blessings so dear and acceptable to us, was the election of thy Piety's Eminence, which |144 has been mentioned above; and also the goodwill of the believing and Christ-loving King Zeno, who consented to thine election. And he also, for the sake of the unity of the people, and that we might be established in power and in the truth, by what he wrote so faithfully in the Henotikon, anathematised all the rash thoughts and words of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo.
"And we consent to this same document; and we preach it, by word of mouth and by writing, to the believing nations; as also our ever-memorable and holy brother and fellow-minister Acacius was seen to hold and teach until his death, when the Alexandrians testified to us his true faith, as thy Holiness is also persuaded. For it is right for the Christ-loving king, not only to subdue enemies, and to set the Barbarian races beneath his feet; but also to expose the snares of these intellectual enemies, and to cause the true faith to shine upon the believing people. For thy Holiness has risen up and bloomed forth for us like the plant of peace. And this is the gift of the believing king to us, by the will of God, Who chose him before, as we have already said. And, therefore, we are delighted at this, that such a good priest should arise and appear for the believing nations. May God keep him, and may He adorn him with the heavenly crown by His own rich Hand, as we hope and pray that he may be found walking in the whole way of the truth, in the footsteps of the holy fathers, a believing chosen priest, by the mercy of our Saviour Christ, through Whom, to the Father, with the Holy Spirit, be glory for evermore!
"But we welcomed affectionately the bearers of the letter of thy Righteousness the excellent Longinus the presbyter and Andrew the deacon; and we now send them back in peace to thy Holiness."
But Athanasius 13 also wrote in the same strain, two years afterwards, to Palladius, who was Peter's successor in Antioch, expressly anathematising the Synod, and quoting freely from the Henotikon.14 |145
And John 15 was appointed as the successor of Athanasius; and when anyone would ask him to give an anathema of the Synod and the Tome in writing, he would give it cheerfully and without fear. Now Flavian, who was the successor of Palladius in Antioch, sent Solomon, a presbyter of his Church, to this John of Alexandria. And Solomon asked John for a letter to Flavian, concerning the concord in the faith. But John would not consent to do this for him, until he should receive from him a sworn statement that he would send him a letter from Flavian in which there would be an anathema of the Synod and the Tome. And John, his namesake and successor, was believing and acting in like manner.. Now after Zeno had reigned seventeen years, and matters had been thus carried on in the Church; and also the tyrants Basiliscus and Marcus had risen up against him, and been driven out, as we have related above; and again, Illus and Leontius and Euprepius had rebelled against him and been slain in the East; and again, in his days, one Theodoric a tyrant had taken captives from Thrace and many other places, and had gone to Rome and subdued it, because Odoacer the Anti-Caesar there fled before him to Ravenna a city of Italy; Zeno died in the year eight hundred and two, according to the Greek mode of reckoning.
And Anastasius, his successor, received the kingdom on the fourth day of the Great Week; when Euphemius was the bishop of Constantinople; and Flavian of Antioch; and Athanasius of Alexandria; and Sallustius, the successor of Martyrius, of Jerusalem; and Felix, the successor of Simplicius, of Rome.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER TELLS WHO WERE THE CHIEF PRIESTS IN THE DAYS OF ZENO
But the following were the chief priests in the days of Zeno. In Rome, after Hilarus, Simplicius, the author of the |146 letter to Zeno respecting John the liar, who was ejected from Alexandria; and after him Felix, who was still living when Anastasius became the emperor.
In Alexandria, Timothy the Great, who was recalled from banishment; and Timothy Salophiaciolus; and John, who was forthwith ejected; and Peter; and his successor, Athanasius.
In Jerusalem, Anastasius; and Martyrius; and Sallustius.
In Antioch, Martyrius, who was ejected; and Julian; and Stephen; and the other Stephen; and Peter the Believer; and Calandion, who was ejected; and Palladius; and Flavian, his successor, who was ejected in the days of Anastasius.
In Constantinople, after Gennadius, Acacius; and Fravitta, his successor; and Euphemius, his successor, who was ejected in the days of Anastasius.
But in this sixth Book and in the fifth Book preceding it, which have been translated concisely and briefly (so to speak) in contracted style, for the information of the Syriac reader, from the Greek History of Zachariah the Rhetorician; which he wrote thus far, in protracted style, after the manner of Greek amplification; there is a period of seventeen years, comprising only the life of the Emperor Zeno.
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1 Evag. iii. 22.
2. 2 A similar account of him is given in das Leben des Severus (ed. Spanuth), pp. 26 and 27.
3. 3... we should probably read... Helladius.
4. 1 Evag. iii. 22.
5. 1 Evag. iii. 23.
6. 1 Evag. iii. 23. - Ps. cxiii. 7, 8.
7. 4 Amos vii. 14 (Syriac).
8. 1 Luke x. 21.
9. 2 It seems to be a free quotation from Isa. xliv. 23 or xlix. 13.
10. 1 Bar, iii. 35-37.
11. 2 Heb. ii. 16.
12. 3 Gal. i. 8 and 9.
13. 1 Evag. iii. 23.
14. 2 Or using more freedom of speech than the Henotikon.
15. 1 Liberat. 18.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah07.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 7.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 7.
BOOK VII
THIS seventh Book, in the fifteen chapters which are contained in it as given below, tells about the events that occurred in the reign of Anastasius; in the first chapter, about the beginning of his reign, and how Epiphanius the bishop was ejected; and in the second chapter, about the Isaurians who rebelled and were subdued, and the tyrants at the head of them were killed; and in the third chapter, about Theodosiopolis and Amida, the cities which were subdued; and in the fourth, about the manner in which the city of Amida was subdued; and the fifth, about the famine that was in it, and how the Persians departed from it; the sixth, about Dara, how the city was built; the seventh, about the expulsion of Macedonius, who was ejected from Constantinople; the eighth, containing the letter of Simeon the presbyter, giving information concerning his expulsion; the ninth, about his successor Timothy, and how the expression, "Who was crucified for us," was proclaimed in Constantinople in his days; the tenth, about the Synod which was held in Sidon in the days of Flavian and Akhs'noyo the bishops, in the fifth year,1 the eight hundred and twenty-third year of the Greeks; the eleventh, about the petition which was framed by the monks of the East and Cosmas of Antioch, and presented to the Synod; the twelfth chapter, about the Synod that was held in Tyre in the days of Severus and Akhs'noyo, which anathematised the Council of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo with great freedom of speech; the thirteenth chapter, about Ariadne the queen, who died, and about Vitalian the tyrant, who took Hypatius prisoner in war; the fourteenth chapter, about Timothy, who died, and his |148 successor was John; and about demons that entered into the Egyptians, and Alexandrians, and Arabians who came to the dedication festival at Jerusalem, and barked at the Cross and then ceased; the fifteenth, telling who were chief priests in the days of Anastasius the king. Anastasius, then, died in the eight hundred and twenty-ninth year of the Greeks, in the three hundred and twenty-fourth Olympiad.
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TREATS OF THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR ANASTASIUS WHO RECEIVED THE KINGDOM AFTER ZENO, AND OF EUPHEMIUS2 THE BISHOP THERE, WHO WAS EJECTED
Zeno,3 having reigned seventeen years, as is recorded above in the sixth Book and its chapters, died in the three hundred and seventeenth Olympiad, in the eight hundred and second year by the reckoning of the Greeks, the fourteenth Indiction, on the fourth day of the Great Week. And Anastasius, who was silentiary decurion, received the kingdom. This man was from the city of Dyrrhachium, and was powerful in aspect, vigorous in mind, and a believer. When he was a soldier he had confidential friendship with Ariadne the queen, who desired and agreed to make him king. To this man a few days before he became king [it happened as follows].4 There was a certain person named John the Scholastic, brother of Dith, a native of Amida, a valiant man, and just and upright, fearing God and forsaking evil; but by his own accord and freewill |149 he was constant in the ministry, being a scholastic of the Church. And when he was in Constantinople on a confidential mission on behalf of his city, he saw a vision once, and again a second time, showing that Anastasius the silentiary should be made king. And he called him, and said to him, "In accordance with the rectitude and the virtues and the honour of thy soul, that thou mayest fulfil the goodwill of God, do thou be peaceable and gentle and modest and upright, and show thyself towards everyone quiet and kind for the benefit of all men, who are thy kindred. It is not because I want anything from thee, or because I would flatter thee, that I reveal to thee that thou shalt be made king very soon." And because this John was celebrated and honoured for his merits, and was known also to many, and, moreover, because he was a learned man, Anastasius believed him, and took it as true; and he was constant with him there in the vigil of the church. But it happened that when he received the kingdom, and he was desirous of rewarding his friend with gifts of gratitude such as are sought after by and visible to men, this John would not take anything at all from him; but he soon left the city and returned to his own country: being content with the documents 5 which Zeno had drawn up, he only took assurance from Anastasius that they should be received.
But Euphemius the bishop there had been threatening Peter of Alexandria that he would decree his deprivation, because he wrote expressly a reply to Fravitta the predecessor of Euphemius, and also because in his synodical letter which was sent by some clergy, Longinus the presbyter and Andrew the deacon, he had anathematised the Synod of Chalcedon and the Tome. But at that time Euphemius was prevented from doing this by the advice of Archelaus, bishop of Caesarea, |150 a wise man who happened to be there. And when Peter died, Euphemius maintained the same hatred against Athanasius, Peter's successor in the bishopric of Alexandria, who more openly and authoritatively anathematised the Synod and the Tome; against him Euphemius was making preparations to depose him, and called in Felix of Rome to his aid. And when his machination became known to Athanasius through his Apokrisiarioi there, who wrote and also sent to him a copy of the letter which had been sent by him 6 to Felix, then Athanasius made preparation, and wrote to Sallust of Jerusalem, and received a reply from him concerning the agreement of the faith. And they both informed Anastasius the king respecting Euphemius that he was a heretic, and showed a copy of his letter in confirmation (of their charge). And when his deeds were examined by certain bishops who happened to be in Constantinople, and also by believing monks from Alexandria and the East, he was banished and ejected from his see; and Macedonius, who also was ejected fifteen years later, as is recorded below, became bishop in his stead.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THIS BOOK TELLS US HOW ISAURIA REVOLTED
Now the Isaurians prospered in the days of Zeno (who withdrew before Basiliscus and Marcus the tyrants, and dwelt as a refugee in the strongholds there called Salmon); and they also had free intercourse in the kingdom in his days, and he was their rewarder, and he counted them worthy to receive good things of all kinds from him; and on that account they could not bear their good fortune, but were proud and insolent when Anastasius became king. And they raised a rebellion against him, and they appointed a |151 tyrant for themselves, and they refused the gifts which were sent to them by Anastasius, and they would not consent to give him tribute, but they even raided the provinces round about them. And when an outcry and accusation against them was brought to the king, he sent an army and made preparations against them. And the Isaurians were defeated in battle; and they showed themselves to be weak, and were subdued, and the tyrants were killed.
But an earthquake occurred. And locusts invaded 'Arab 7 of Mesopotamia. And there was a famine in the year nine,8 of which James the doctor of Batnae wrote an account, in the eleventh (year) of the reign of Anastasius. And many of the Arabs died, both in Amida, whither they retired, and in various other places.
CHAPTER III 9
THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK MAKES KNOWN HOW THEODOSIOPOLIS OF ARMENIA WAS SUBDUED, AND CONCERNING THE CITY AMIDA OF MESOPOTAMIA
When10 Piroz, king of the Persians, was reigning in his own country, in the thirteenth (year) of Anastasius, the Huns issued forth from the gates that were guarded by the Persians, and from the mountainous region there, and invaded the territory of the Persians. And Piroz became alarmed, and he gathered an army and went to meet them. And when he inquired from them the reason of their preparation and invasion of his country, they said to him, "What the kingdom of the Persians gives to us by way of tribute is |152 not sufficient for us Barbarians, who, like rapacious wild beasts, reject God in the North-West region; and we live by our weapons, our bow and our sword; and we support ourselves by flesh-food of all kinds; and the king of the Romans has promised by his ambassadors to give us twice as much tribute whenever we shall dissolve our friendship with you Persians; and accordingly we made our preparations, and we have come here, that either you shall give us as much as the Romans, and we will ratify our treaty with you, or else if you do not give it to us, take war." And when Piroz perceived the determination of the Huns, although they were much fewer in number than his own army, he thought it well to play them false and deceive them; and he promised them to give it. And four hundred of the chief men of the Huns assembled, and they had with them Eustace, a merchant of Apamea, a clever man, by whose advice they were guided. But Piroz also and four hundred men with him met together. And they went up into a mountain; and they made a treaty, and they ate together, and they swore, lifting up their hands to heaven. And when few remained along with the four hundred men who were to receive the tribute money which was being collected, and the rest of the Huns had dispersed to return to their own country; after ten days Piroz broke faith with them, and prepared war, both against the Huns who had dispersed, and against the four hundred who remained and those with them. But Eustace the merchant encouraged the Huns that they should not be alarmed even though they were very much fewer. And in the place where the oaths were made, they cast musk and spices upon coals of fire, and made an offering to God according to the advice of Eustace, that he might overthrow the liars. And they joined battle with Piroz, and killed him and a great number of his army; and they pillaged the Persian territory, and returned to their own country. And the body of Piroz was not found; and in his country they call him the liar.
But Kawad, who succeeded him in the kingdom, and his |153 nobles cherished hatred against the Romans, saying that they had caused the incursion of the Huns, and the pillage and the devastation of their country. And Kawad gathered an army, and went out against Theodosiopolis in Armenia of the Romans, and subdued the city; and he treated its inhabitants mercifully, because he had not been insulted by them; but he took Constantine, the ruler of their city, prisoner.
And in the month of October he reached Amida of Mesopotamia. (But though he assailed it) with fierce assaults of sharp arrows and with battering-rams, which thrust the wall to overthrow it, and pent-houses, which protected those who brought together the materials for the besiegers' mound and raised it up and made it equal in height with the wall, for three months, day after day, yet he could not take the city by storm; while his own people were suffering much hardship through work and fighting, and he was constantly hearing in his ears the insults of disorderly men on the wall, and their ridicule and mockery, and he was reduced to great straits. And indignation and regret took possession of him, because the winter came upon him in its severity, and because the Persians, being clad in their loose garments, showed themselves inefficient; and their bows were greatly relaxed by the moisture of the atmosphere; and their battering-rams did not hurt the wall or make any breaches in it, for (the defenders) were binding bundles of rushes from the beds with chains, and receiving upon them the violence of the battering-rams, and thus preventing them from breaking the wall. But they themselves made a breach in the wall from inside, and they carried the material of the mound from without into |154 the fortress within, and they gradually propped up the cavity with beams from beneath. And when chosen Persian warriors ascended the mound and laid beams upon the wall to effect an entrance (now they were clad in armour, and the king was near with his army outside, and was supporting them with display of strength and shooting of arrows, and encouraging them with shouting, and stimulating them and urging them forward by his presence and appearance, they being about five hundred men), the defenders threw strings of skin just flayed from an ox, and soaked vetch mixed with myrrh-oil from the wall upon the beams, and poured the liquid from the vetch upon the skins to make them slippery, and they placed fire among the props which were beneath the mound. And when they had engaged in a conflict with each other for about six hours, and (the besiegers) had failed to effect an entrance, the fire blazed up and consumed the wood of the props, and immediately also the rest of the material was reduced to ashes by the violence of the fire, and the mound was destroyed and fell.11 And the Persians who were on the top of it were burned, and they were also bruised, being struck with stones by those on the wall. And the king retired with shame and grief, being more than ever mocked and insulted by those daring, proud, and boastful men. For there was no bishop in that city to be their teacher and to keep them in order. For John the bishop, a chaste and noble man of honoured character, had died a few days before. This man was called from the monastery of Karthamin, and he, having been elected, came, and he became their bishop. However, he did not change his asceticism and self-mortification and habit of life, but was constant (in them) by day and by night. And he |155 warned and rebuked the rich men of the city at the time of the famine and the incursion of the Arabs 12 and the pestilence, saying that they should not. keep back the corn in the time of distress, but should sell it and give to the poor; lest if they kept it back, they might be only hoarding it for the enemy, according to the word of Scripture. And so, in fact, it happened. To him an angel appeared openly, standing beside the altar-table, and he foretold to him the incursion of the enemy, and that he should be taken away as a righteous man from the face of the enemy; and he revealed the saying, and published it in the presence of the people of the city, that they might turn and be saved from the wrath.
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS HOW THE CITY OF AMIDA WAS SUBDUED, AND WHAT BEFELL ITS INHABITANTS
When Kawad and his army had been defeated in the various assaults which they made upon the city, and a large number of his soldiers had perished, his hands were weakened; and he asked that a small gift of silver should be given to him, and he would withdraw from the city. But Leontius, the son of Pappus, the chief councillor, and Cyrus the governor, and Paul Bar Zainab the steward, by the messengers whom they sent to Kawad, demanded from him the price of the garden vegetables which his army had eaten, as well as for the corn and wine which they gathered and brought away from the villages. And when he was greatly grieved at this, and was preparing to withdraw in disgrace, Christ appeared to him in a vision of the night, as he himself |156 afterwards related it, and said to him, that within three days He would deliver up to him the inhabitants of the city, because they had sinned against Him; and this took place as follows:— On the western side of the city by the Tripyrgion was a guard of monks who were told off from the monastery of John of Anzetene, and their archimandrite was a Persian. And on the outside, right opposite this watch-tower, a certain Marzban, named Kanarak the Lame, was encamped. And day after day, vigilantly watching by night and by day, he was diligent and clever in devising plans for the subjugation of the city. For there was one whom they called in the city Kutrigo, a turbulent and thievish fellow; this man was very daring in all kinds of attacks upon the Persians, and he used to make raids and snatch away from them cattle and goods; so that they also, being accustomed to hear the men on the wall crying out, used to call him Kutrigo. Kanarak observed this man, and perceived that he went out by the aqueducts adjoining the Tripyrgion, and snatched up spoil, and went in again. And for a time the Persians let him accomplish his will, marking and examining his actions, and they ran after him and saw the place from which he came out and where he went in.
But it happened on that night on which the city was subdued, that there was darkness, and a dense cloud sending clown soft rain; and a certain man gave a friendly entertainment to the monks who guarded the Tripyrgion, and he gave them wine to drink late in the night, and consequently sleep overtook them, and they did not watch diligently upon their guard, according to their usual custom. And when Kanarak and a few soldiers came up, pursuing Kutrigo, and drew near |157 to the wall, the monks did not cry out nor cast stones; and the man perceived that they were asleep, and he sent for scaling-ladders and for his troops; and his followers went in by the aqueducts, and climbed the tower of the monks, and killed them. And they took the tower and also the battlement; and they set up the scaling-ladders against the wall, and sent to the king.
But when those who were in charge of another tower, their neighbours, heard it, they cried out, and tried to come to the monks who were being killed, and were not able; but some of them were wounded by arrows from the Persians, and died. And when the report reached Cyrus the governor, and he came up and torches were held close to him, he was easily struck by an arrow from the Persians, who stood in the darkness and were themselves unhurt by the archers; and he withdrew wounded. But when it was morning, and the king and his army reached the place, they set scaling-ladders against the wall; and he ordered his troops to go up; and many of those who went up perished, being wounded by arrows and by stones, and driven back by spears. And those who through fear turned and fled down the scaling-ladders were killed by the king's command, as cowards and fugitives from the battle. Whereupon the Persians took courage and set themselves either to gain the victory by conquering and subduing the city, or being smitten in the actual conflict to escape reproach and slaughter from their king; for he was near, and was a spectator of their struggle. But the citizens tried to loose from beneath the keystone of the arch of the tower in which the Persians were, and they were engaged in loosening the supports; and while this was taking place, another tower was subdued, and another and another in succession, and the guards of the wall were killed.
But Peter, a man of huge stature, a native of 'Amkhoro, |158 being clad in an iron coat of mail, held the battlement of one side alone by himself; and did not allow the Persians to pass, and repelled and hurled back with a spear those who assailed him from without and within, holding his ground and standing like a hero: until at length, when five or six towers on another side were subdued, he also fled and was not killed. And the Persians first got possession of the whole wall and held it; and they spent a night and a day and the following night in killing and driving back the guards. And at last they descended and opened the gates, and the army entered, having received the king's command to destroy the men and women of all classes and ages for three days and three nights. But a certain Christian prince of the country of Arran pleaded with the king on behalf of a church called the Great Church of the Forty Martyrs; and he spared it, being full of people. And after three days and three nights the slaughter ceased by the king's command. And men went in to guard the treasures of the Church and of the great men of the city, that the king might have whatever was found in them. But the order also was given that the corpses of those who were slain in the streets and of those whom they had crucified should be collected and brought round to the northern side of the city, so that the king, who was on the south side, might enter in. And they were collected, and they were numbered as they were brought out, eighty thousand; besides those that were heaped up in the taverns, and were thrown into the aqueducts, and were left in the houses. And then the king entered the treasury of the Church, and seeing there an image of the Lord Jesus, depicted in the likeness of a Galilean, he asked who it was. And they answered him, "It is God";13 and he bowed his head before it, and said, "He it was Who said to me, 'Stay, and receive from Me the city and its inhabitants, for they have sinned against Me.' " But he took away a quantity of silver and gold of the holy vessels, and costly garments formerly belonging to Isaac Bar Bar'ai, a consul and a rich man of the city, which came to the Church by inheritance a few years before. But he found there also good wine dried into its dregs, which |159 used to be brought out and placed in the sun for seven years together, and at last it became dry; from this the stewards, when on their journeys, were accustomed to take some, ground to dust, in clean linen pouches. And they would put a little of it into water so as to make a mixture, which, when they drank it, afforded the sweetness and flavour of wine. And they told the ignorant that it was "h'nono." And the king admired it greatly, and took it away. And the art of making this agreeable beverage was lost to the sons of the Church from that time.
But the gold and silver belonging to the great men's houses, and the beautiful garments, were collected together and given to the king's treasurers. But they also took down all the statues of the city, and the sun-dials, and the marble; and they collected the bronze and everything that pleased them, and they placed them upon wooden rafts that they made, and sent them by the river Tigris, which flows past the east of the city and penetrates into their country. But the king sought for the chiefs and great men of the city; and Leontius, and Cyrus the governor, who was wounded by the arrow, and the rest of the great men, were brought to him; but the Persians had killed Paul Bar Zainab the steward, lest he should make known to the king that they had found a quantity of gold in his possession. But they clothed Leontius and Cyrus in filthy garments, and put swine-ropes on their necks, and made them carry pigs, and led them about proclaiming and exposing them, and saying," Rulers who do not rule their city well nor restrain its people from insulting the king, deserve such insult as this." But at last the great men, and all the chief craftsmen, were bound and brought together, and set apart as the king's captives; and they were sent to his country with the military escort which brought them down. But influential men of the king's army drew near and said to him, "Our kinsmen and brethren were killed in battle by the inhabitants of the city," and they asked him that one-tenth |160 of the men should be given to them for the exaction of vengeance. And they brought them together and counted them, and gave to them in proportion from the men; and they put them to death, killing them in all sorts of ways.
But the king bathed himself in the bath of Paul Bar Zainab, and after winter he departed from the city. And he left in it Glon the general as governor, and two Marzbans, and about three thousand soldiers to guard the city, and John Bar Habloho, one of the rich men, and Sergius Bar Zabduni, to rule the people.
And then in the summer the Romans came, and their leaders were Patrick the commander-in-chief, an old man, upright and a believer, but deficient in mental power, and Hypatius, and Celer the master of the offices, and at length also Areobindus; moreover, Count Justin, who received the kingdom after Anastasius, accompanied them. And they met together, and they attacked the city with wooden towers and excavations, and all kinds of engines; and they set fire also to the gate of the city, which was called the gate of Mâr Z''uro, to effect an entrance upon the Persians; however, they were hindered because they were resting, and they did not rush in, for the Persians shut the gate. And the Romans did not subdue it nor take it from them by assault; although the inhabitants were reduced to misery from famine, day after day, until at last the people there were eating one another. But how this happened, although the story is horrible and wretched, yet because it is true, I shall relate how in the following fifth chapter of this seventh Book.
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE FAMINE WHICH OCCURRED WHEN AMIDA WAS BEING SUBDUED, AND HOW THE PERSIANS WENT OUT FROM IT AND DEPARTED TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY
King Kawad, as stated above, on his departure with his army from Amida to his own country, left in it Glon, a |161 general, and two Marzbans, and about three thousand soldiers to guard the city; and also two or three rich men and some private inhabitants. These the Roman generals did not overcome, nor did they subdue and take the city. But at last Patrick went down to Arzanene of the Persians, and carried off captives, and subdued fortresses there. And Areobindus and Hypatius went down to Nisibis and did not subdue it, although the citizens were favourably inclined towards the Romans, and showed themselves lazy in the fight. However, the king of the Persians hearing of it, came with an army against the Romans; and they fled before him, and they left their tents and the heavy baggage which they had with them. Areobindus fled from Arzamena and Aphphadana, and Hypatius and Patrick and others from Thelkatsro. And they lost many horses and their riders, who fell from the cliffs of the mountains, and were bruised, and perished, and were mangled. But 14 Farzman alone, a warlike man, prospered in battle several times; and he was celebrated and dreaded amongst the Persians, and his very name terrified them, and his exploits wasted and weakened them; and they proved themselves to be cowards in his presence, and fell before him. This man at last came to Amida with five hundred horsemen, and he watched the Persians who went out to the villages, and he killed some of them, and he took the animals which they had with them, and also their horses.
Now a certain crafty fellow, Gadono by name, of the town of Akhorè, whom I myself know, introduced himself to him, and made a compact with him, that he would beguile and bring out to him, on some pretext, Glon, the Persian general, and three or four hundred horsemen. And because this aforesaid Gadono was a hunter of wild animals, and partridge, and fish, he used to go in freely to Glon, carrying in his hands a |162 present of game for him; and he ate bread in his presence, and received from him out of the property of the city what was equal in value to the game.
And at last he told him that there were about one hundred Romans and five hundred horses nearly seven miles away from the city, at a place called 'Afotho Ro''en; and as a friend he advised him to go out and take possession of the beasts, to kill the Romans, and make a name for himself.
And he sent scouts, who saw a few Romans and the horses, and returned and gave him the information. Then he made preparation and took with him four hundred horsemen, and this Gadono upon a mule; and he led him and set him in the midst of the ambush of the Romans, who were on the watch for him. So the Romans cut the Persians to pieces, and they brought away the head of Glon to Constantia.
Upon this, distress and rage seized the son of Glon and the Marzbans, who used to allow the inhabitants who happened to be shut up in the city to go out to the market, which was held beside the wall by peasants from the villages. These peasants brought wine and wheat and other produce, and sold them both to the Persians and to the citizens, while horsemen were stationed close to them, and escorted them, a certain number at a time, and conducted them in. And by an excellent law of the Persians, no one dared to take anything from the villagers, who sold what they liked and received the price in money and kind from the city; consequently they attended the market diligently. However, in consequence of the slaughter of Glon and the horsemen, the market was held no more. And the great men who were left in the city, and about ten thousand persons besides, were arrested and shut up in the Stadium, and they were kept there without food; and they ate their shoes, and they also ate and drank their excrements. And at last they attacked one another; and now when they were almost perishing, those who were left in the Stadium |163 were let loose like the dead from their graves in the midst of the city. And famishing women, who were found there in troops, laid hold of some of the men by means of blandishments and guile and artifices, and overcame them, and killed and ate them; and more than five hundred men were eaten by women. And the famine which was in this city being so grievous, the distress surpassed the blockade of Samaria and the destruction of Jerusalem, which is recorded in Scripture and Josephus relates. But at last Farzman came to the city, and he made a treaty with the Persians there, for they, too, were weak. And the chiefs of the Romans and the Persians sat by the gate of the city, while the Persians went out carrying as much as they could, and they were not searched. And if any of the citizens accompanied them they were asked whether they desired to remain or would like to go with the Persians. So the evacuation of the city took place.
But eleven hundred pounds of gold were given to Kawad by Celer, the master of the offices, for the ransom of the city and for peace. And when the documents were drawn up they brought the drafts to the king for his signature. And the king fell asleep, and it was told him in a vision that he should not make peace; and when he awoke he tore up the paper, and departed to his own country, taking the gold with him.
But Farzman remained in the city to govern its inhabitants and the country. (Now a remission of tribute was granted by the king for seven years.) And he dealt kindly with the inhabitants of the city. And he bestowed gifts lavishly on those who returned from captivity, and he received them peaceably, every man according to his rank. And the city was at peace and was inhabited. And building was added to the wall. And, by the advice of Dith, a merciful bishop was sent again to the city, a quiet and affable man, a monk, and a councillor, Thomas |164 by name. And, besides, the providence of God summoned and conveyed thither Samuel the Just, from the monastery of the Katharoi, a miracle-worker and a "dissolver of doubts"; and he also sustained the city by his prayers, and aided its inhabitants.
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE TOWN OF DARA OF MESOPOTAMIA, HOW IT WAS BUILT ON THE BORDER OF THE ROMAN AND PERSIAN TERRITORIES IN THE DAYS OF ANASTASIUS THE KING, AND THOMAS THE BISHOP OF THE CITY OF AMIDA
Anastasius the king brought severe censures against the Roman generals and commanders who betook themselves to the royal city after the conflict with the Persians, because they did not, according to his will, under the Lord, prosper and succeed in the war, and conquer the Persians or drive them out from Amida, except by the gifts and the gold that were sent from him. And they alleged in their defence to him, that it was hard for generals to contend with a king who according to the word of God, although he was an Assyrian and an enemy, was sent by the Lord to the country of the Romans for the punishment of sins, and, moreover, on account of the greatness of the army which he had with him; and that it was no easy matter for them in his absence also to subdue Nisibis; because they had no engines ready, nor any refuge in which to rest. For the fortresses were far away and were too small to receive the army, and neither the supply of water in them nor the vegetables were sufficient. And they begged of him that a city should be built by his command beside the mountain, as a refuge for the army in which they might rest, and for the preparation of weapons, and to guard the country of the Arabs from the inroads of the |165 Persians and Saracens. And some of them spoke to him in favour of Dara, and some in favour of Ammodis. Then he sent a message to Thomas the bishop of Amida, and he despatched engineers who drew up a plan, and this holy Thomas brought it up with him to the king. And the king and the great men agreed that Dara should be built as a city. And at that time Felicissimus was commander, an energetic and wise man; and he was not at all covetous, but was upright, and a friend of the peasants and the poor. Now King Kawad was fighting with the Tamuroye and other enemies of his country. And the king gave gold to Thomas the bishop as the price of the village which belonged to the Church; and he bought it for the treasury. And he liberated all the serfs who were in it, and granted to each of them his land and his house. And for the building of the church of the city he gave several hundred pounds of gold. And he promised with an oath that he would give with liberal hand whatever the bishop might expend, and that he would not disown the obligation. And at last he issued a royal decree, and in full detail, providing that the work of building the city should be carried out according to the direction of the bishop without delay, gain and profit thereby accruing to the craftsmen and slaves and peasants who were required for the collection of material there. And he sent a number of stonecutters and masons; and he commanded that no man should be deprived of the wages he earned, because he rightly perceived and cleverly understood that by that means a city could quickly be built upon the frontier. And when they began by the help of the Lord and commenced the work, there were there as overseers and commissaries over it Cyrus 'Adon and Eutychian the presbyters, and Paphnout and Sergius and John the deacons, and others from the clergy of Amida. And the bishop himself paid frequent personal visits |166 to the place. And gold was given in abundance without any stint to the craftsmen and for work of every kind, at the following rate, the regular sum of four keratin 15 a day for each workman, and if he had an ass with him, of eight. And consequently many grew rich and wealthy. And since the report was published abroad that the work was honest and that the wages were given, from the East to the West workmen and craftsmen flocked together. And the overseers who were over the work also received a liberal allowance, and their wallets were filled; for they found the man generous, gentle, and kind; and, moreover, he believed in the just king, and in his promises which he made to him. And in two or three years the city was built, and, as we may say, suddenly sprang up on the frontier. And when Kawad heard of it, and sought to put a stop to the work, he was unable, for the wall was raised, and built high enough to be a protection for those who took refuge behind it. And a large public bath and a spacious storehouse were built. And a conduit was constructed which passed along the lower part of the mountain, and wonderful cisterns within the city to receive the water. And persons to hasten the work were frequently sent from the king to the bishop, and they all brought back excellent reports of his integrity and justice to the king; and he was greatly pleased with the man, and sent gold in answer to the man's requests, and fulfilled them without delay. And at last the number of hundred pounds which he sent was counted, and the bishop forwarded a written statement to the king, that, speaking in the presence of God, the money had been expended upon the work, and that no part of it remained in his hand or had been given to his Church. And he readily sent him a royal decree containing a receipt of the exchequer |167 to the effect that all the gold which had been sent by him had been expended upon the building in the city. And Dara was completed, and it was named Anastasiopolis, after the name of the just king. And he swore by his crown that no statement of accounts should be required from Thomas or from his Church, either by himself or by any of his successors in the kingdom. And he16 appointed there and consecrated as first bishop Eutychian the presbyter, a zealous man, and accustomed to the transaction of business; and he gave the privilege of certain rights to his Church, taken from the jurisdiction of the Church of Amida. And attached to him was John, one of the Roman soldiers from Amida. Him Eutychian tonsured, and made him a presbyter and master of the hostelry; and when he went up to the royal city this John accompanied him. And the king, upon his being presented to him, gave him an endowment for his church. But Abraham Bar Kili of Thel-midè was notary at that time, who was the son of Ephraim of Constantia, and he also attached himself to Eutychian the bishop, who made him a presbyter. And he was sent as overseer of the work and the building of the bath; and at last he became steward of the Church.
But the king gave Eutychian gifts of holy vessels and gold for the building of the great church, and sent him away. And the bishop having lived but a little longer, died. And his successor there was Thomas Bar 'Abdiyo of Resaina, who had been a Roman soldier, and had been appointed steward of the Church of Amida; and he also was vigilant and well versed in business. And John the master of the hostelry, being an honourable and chaste man, was faithful to him and beloved by him. And when this holy Thomas withdrew from his see on account of his zeal for the faith, this believing John |168 joined him, and he appointed him as his suffragan; and for about seventeen years he lived in exile in different places. And he sent him (John) to Berroea,17 where he died in the year three (when Khosrun went up to Antioch), having joined the monks who had withdrawn from Marde before the enemy; and he was buried in the monastery of Beth-Thiri; and he was laid beside his bishop, who entered into rest before him.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER OF THE SEVENTH BOOK CONCERNING THE EXPULSION OF MACEDONIUS THE HERETIC FROM THE ROYAL CITY
Macedonius, who was bishop of Constantinople, omitted no intrigue of heart to conceal his opinions. But, like the fruit which bursts open in its day, according to the saying of Job,18 and "what is covered shall be revealed, and what is done in the secret chamber shall be proclaimed upon the house-tops,"19 as is said, again, in the Gospel. This man (was attached) to the monks of the monastery of the Akoimetoi, of whom there were about one thousand, and who lived luxuriously in baths and in other bodily indulgences, and outwardly appeared to men honourable, and were adorned with the semblance of chastity, but were inwardly like whited sepulchres, full of all uncleanness. And they agreed to the mind of Macedonius; and he used to celebrate the memory of Nestorius every year, and they used to celebrate it with him in their monastery and in the other monastic dwellings where the same opinions were held. And consequently they had great freedom of intercourse with this Macedonius. And they were continually reading the writings of the school of Diodorus and Theodore; and Macedonius himself |169 compiled a book of quotations from them, and from the work which was drawn up by Theodoret concerning the Acts of the Synod (not the one that is translated into the Syriac language); and he ornamented it with gold; and he said, "It is from the holy fathers and the doctors of the Church." And when he showed it to the king, he would not receive it; and he said to him, "You have no need of such things, go rather and burn this." And when he saw the mind of the king he formed a plan for actually raising a rebellion against him; and he was in the habit of calling him a heretic and a Manichaean. And the Master of the Offices, because he was lavishly supplied with gifts by him, was favourably inclined towards him. And the report was brought to the king by some true men who were no framers of flattering words. And he held a Council; and in the presence of his patricians he told of the insult which had been offered to him by Macedonius; and he was distressed, and wept, and adjured them not to be influenced by fear; but if, in truth, their king was displeasing to them, or if they knew that he was infected with the deceit of heresy, they should take his dominion from him, and he should be cast out as an unbeliever. And they fell upon their faces before him, weeping. And they inveighed against the audacity of Macedonius, crying out and reviling him; and they praised the king; and they decreed the bishop's banishment. And in order that the Master of the Offices,20 who aided him, might be humiliated, he was commanded to expel him, so that he should be sent to Oasis. And also Pascasius the deacon, who was attached to and beloved by Macedonius, was arrested (and he Wrote, in the presence of the prefect, in the records of the Acts, all his deeds), he and certain monks and others who caused a tumult in the city to prevent the words, "God Who was crucified for us," being proclaimed there, as they had been proclaimed in the whole jurisdiction of Antioch from the days of Eustace the bishop. |170
And to show when and how these things were done, behold I have written down accurately, for the instruction of the readers, the letter of Simeon the presbyter and his brethren the monks who were with him, who happened to be at that time in the royal city having come from the East, and who wrote to Samuel their archimandrite concerning the expulsion of Macedonius, as follows:—
CHAPTER VIII
THE EIGHTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE LETTER THAT WAS SENT FROM CONSTANTINOPLE CONCERNING THE EXPULSION OF MACEDONIUS
"To the virtuous, elect, and God-loving presbyter and archimandrite Samuel, and to the presbyters and deacons, together with all the other brethren, from Simeon the presbyter, in the royal city, and the brethren who are with him, greeting. After we wrote the former letter to your Holiness concerning all that Macedonius did in the monastery of Dalmatus against the whole truth, God stirred up the spirit of the believing king like a lion to the prey, and he roared, and made the whole faction of the enemies of the truth to tremble; for it is said, 'As a watercourse in the hands of the gardener, so is the heart of the king in the hands of the Lord.' 21 May He Who has not turned away from the prayer of His elect, and Who has not suffered the desire of those who worship man instead of God to come to pass, grant that the matter may receive a righteous fulfilment through your prayers; yea and amen! We testify to you that after Macedonius did that of which we sent information to your Piety, and anathematised those reprobate persons and the accursed Council on the 20th of July, there was on the 22nd (the sixth day of the week) a dedication festival at |171 the Martyr Church in the Hebdomon; and the king himself was present. And neither he nor the queen would receive the oblation from him; on the contrary, he even addressed him in severe terms. But on the 24th (the first day of the week) the monks of this place went in and communicated in the church with Macedonius, and the king was vexed with them for going in. And on the 25th (the second day of the week) a few brethren, who seceded from these monks, entered in and went to Mar Patrick the general, and gave him a libel to present to the king, saying, 'We declare that he celebrated the memory of Nestorius, and that he used to send orders to us, and we also did the same in our monasteries every year.' And they wrote other things against him, testifying that transactions such as these took place in their monasteries. On that same day the king commanded, and the water which supplied the baths was cut off from their monasteries, and only that which they drank was left to them. And also he took away the denarii which they used to receive from the treasury. And on the 26th, one of the senators called Romanus went in to the king and gave him a written statement of all the things which were done at the bishop's house; and he said to the king that Pascasius the deacon, along with Macedonius, was the author of all the mischief; and he said besides, 'They have made a certain large book containing extracts from all the heresies, and it is overlaid with gold.' And the king sent for it, and took it to himself, that he might see all its blasphemies. But on the 27th the king convened a Council; and when the patricians went in the king said to them, 'Have you not seen what this Jew who is amongst us did, for in my presence and that of your excellencies he did what he did, and he anathematised the accursed Synod and those reprobate persons; and when, to avoid great trouble, we accepted his act, he then went off, and in the monastery of Dalmatus reversed everything which |172 he himself had done, and he contradicted the whole truth, and lied unto God and before me and unto you. Is this a fair statement?' And at once Clementinus the patrician said before them all, 'May God Himself cast him out from his priesthood who has lied unto God!' And forthwith the king commanded the great prefect to go out into the city and bring together all the orthodox who were wounded when they cried out, 'Who was crucified for us,' that he might learn who their assailants were. And the prefect went out and did as he was commanded. And on the 28th he took the names of all the Nestorians who were the life of Macedonius, and brought them in to the king; and the king commanded that they should be arrested.
"And on the 29th the king assembled all the commanders of the forces and all the officers of the Scholarians and the patricians, and he said to them, 'According to my regular custom I wish to give a donative.' For so it had been his practice to give it once in five years ever since he became king, at the same time requiring oaths from all the Romans to the effect that they would not act treacherously against the kingdom. But on this occasion he required them to take the oath in the following manner: A copy of the gospel being placed for them, they went in and received five denarii each, and they swore as follows, 'By this law of God and by the words which are written in it, we will contend with all our might for the true faith and for the kingdom, and we will not act treacherously either against the truth or the king.' In this manner, indeed, he required them to take the oath, because he heard that Macedonius was trying to raise a rebellion against him.
"On the 30th of July the king gave a largess to the whole army. On the same day the presbyters and deacons, who separated from his clergy lest they should be implicated |173 in his wickedness, presented a libel against Macedonius to the king, charging him, in addition to all his other wickedness, with calling his Majesty a Manichaean and a Eutychianist. And on the 31st of July (the first day of the week) they went in to the king's presence with great fear, and found him filled with rage and agitation. And when they had waited a long time, and everyone was watching in fear to see what commands would issue from him, he opened his mouth and began to speak thus, 'Do you not know that from my childhood I have been brought up in the faith; have any of you ever seen in me any departure from the truth?' And they said, 'Far be it from us, lord.' And at once he rejoined to them, 'Since Macedonius calls me a Manichaean and a Eutychianist, behold! before God the Judge of all I make my defence, affirming that I neither have held nor do hold any opinion foreign to the faith of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers, and of the one hundred and fifty; and I confess that One of the Persons of the Trinity, God the Word, came down from heaven, and became incarnate from Mary the Theotokos and ever virgin; and He was crucified for us, and He suffered and died; and He rose again in three days, according to His own will; and He is the Judge of the dead and of the living. I adjure you by the Holy Trinity, that if you know anything else in me, or if you are not persuaded of the truth of what I have said, you take this robe and crown off me and burn them in the midst of this city.' And when he said this there was great weeping; and all the patricians cast themselves down before him, and Patrick the general said, 'God will not forgive, nor will your Majesty and the canons of the Church have mercy on him who has done this.' And the king said, 'Everyone, then, who goes to confer with Macedonius or to hold communion with him, is thereby alienated from me.' And while they stood before him, he spoke against the Master of the Offices, saying, 'The riches and the honour which God gave us were not sufficient, |174 but we must needs take a bribe in a matter of the life of all men, and we shall lose our own life.' And while he was speaking he looked at the Master of the Offices, who had inflicted many evils upon the believers; and the Lord, forasmuch as He is the Judge of the dead and the living, rewarded him according to his works. And on the same day the king set guards of Romans at the gates of the city and the harbours, lest any of those monks here should come in to the city. And on the first of August Pascasius the deacon was arrested, and he went in before the prefect and confessed everything which was done in the bishop's house, saying that Macedonius was even trying to raise a rebellion against the king. And on the day after some Nestorians were arrested, and they affirmed that they had some forged books of this heresy; and the prefect sent and brought them to the Praetorium, and he showed them to the king and to the Senate.
"And on the sixth day of the month there was a General Council, and the orthodox and the Nestorians who undertook the defence of Macedonius came in before them. And they found the king standing, because some bishops belonging to our party had entered. And the king said to these clergy of Macedonius, 'Why have you come?' and they replied, 'If your Majesty commands, your servant will come to your Clemency.' And he said, 'Let him go to those before whom he proclaimed his wickedness, and who obeyed him; for, at one time, he had a certain ornamented book, and he affirmed it was taken from the fathers, and that they taught two Natures after the Incarnation; and I said to him, 'There is no need for you to use this, go and burn it.' And he said to the clergy, 'What are the two Natures and the Synod of Chalcedon which God has overturned from its very foundations? Ye are accursed Jews, I declare to you that there is not one God-fearing man among you who is grieved for what has been done in His Church.' And they went out from his presence in great fear and distress. And the orthodox were |175 loud in his praises. And when the clergy returned to Macedonius they said to him, 'The lord of the world has, in the presence of the Senate, anathematised the Synod of Chalcedon and everyone who says two Natures.' And he replied to them, 'I, in my turn, anathematise everyone who does not receive the Synod, and say two Natures.' And his archdeacon cried out, 'Far be it from us, then, ever to have any more part or communion with you.'
"And on the first day of the week, which was the seventh of the month, the believers came and entered the church, and it was filled from end to end. And when the passage from the apostle was read, all the people began to cry out together, 'Let not him who has taken away from the Trinity enter the church; let not him who has blasphemed against the Son of God come in hither; no one wants the Jewish bishop; where Nestorius went, there let his disciples also go. Long live the king, the second Constantine, the upholder of the faith; the gospel to the throne!' And at that instant the clergy took the gospel and placed it on the throne. And when the clergy saw the whole congregation of the church crying out together, they also showed themselves, and cried out, shaking their stoles, and saying, 'The victorious king has gained the victory for our Church.' And as soon as they ceased, the great prefect delivered an address to them in the following terms: 'We accept your goodwill and your zeal on behalf of the truth; and the lord of the world is, as you know, very solicitous for the preservation of orthodoxy and the peace of all the Churches; and your acclamations on behalf of the true faith we will bring to his hearing.' And when the deacon made the proclamation and did not mention his name, and it was not read in the Diptych, the mysteries were celebrated: and as our Lord willed that he should go out, the king commanded, and his banishment was decreed. And, with the object of humiliating the Master of the Offices, he sent him to expel |176 him; and he found him in the church, whither he had fled, sitting-down, with his head between his knees; and he said to him, 'The lord of the world has decreed your banishment'; and the other asked, 'Whither?' and he replied, 'Where your comrade 22 went.' And the stewards of the Church interposed, saying to him, 'We entreat your Lordship, have pity on his old age, and let him not depart in the daytime, lest the people of the city strike him and stone him, but in the evening time let him go.' And when they swore that they would keep him, then he (the Master of the Offices) also left an auxiliary force with them. And they said to him, ' The king has commanded you to give up that book of the Synod which you have with you'; and he replied, 'I will not give it.' But, being forced to do so, he laid it on the table; and the clergy took it up and gave it to the Master's officer,23 and he brought it to the king. And in the evening of the seventh day of the month the Master of the Offices arrived with a military force 24 and expelled him, and gave him up to those who were appointed to carry him away. And all the orthodox were in great fear.
"Now, my lord, we have truly informed your Holiness of what has occurred, and we shall declare to you hereafter whatever the Lord may bring to pass. Pray for us, O elect of God!"
But the former defence made by the king proves to us that Akhs'noyo, the believing doctor, the bishop of Hierapolis, |177 who was a zealous man, having learned that Macedonius was a heretic, sent a written statement of the true faith to the king (as he had done also in the days of Zeno),25 and it was read before the Senate; and he showed that opinions in opposition to it were held by the school of Diodorus and Theodore, and by Nestorius, their disciple, who was ejected, and by Theodoret, and Hibo, and Andrew, and John, and Aetheric—the men who set up the Synod of Chalcedon and received the Tome, and cleft asunder the unity of God the Word, Who became incarnate, dividing it into two natures with their properties, by what they taught concerning Christ after His Incarnation. And at the same time he (Akhs'noyo) urged the king, saying, "It is right that they should be anathematised by all who make a public boast of their own orthodoxy, and of agreeing to the faith of your Majesty." And when Macedonius was required to do this, he anathematised them under compulsion; but after that he used secretly to celebrate their memory in the monastery of Dalmatus, as has been written above.
CHAPTER IX
THE NINTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT TIMOTHY THE SUCCESSOR OF MACEDONIUS, AND HOW IN THE DAYS OF ANASTASIUS THE KING, THE WORDS, "WHO WAS CRUCIFIED FOR US," WERE PROCLAIMED IN THE ROYAL CITY 26
After 27 Macedonius, Timothy became bishop in Constantinople; and he was a believing man, and his deeds were in conformity with his name, for it means "God-honouring." And in his days there was one Marinus of Apamea, a vigilant and clever man, well-versed in business, wise and learned, who was, moreover, true in the faith, the friend and confidant of the king, and a chartularius and his counsellor. And when he was |178 walking in the street or sitting anywhere, he would tell his secretaries to commit in concise form whatever thought he had to writing. And at night also, he had a pen-and-ink stand hanging by his bedside, and a lamp burning by his pillow, so that he could write down his thoughts on a roll; and in the daytime he would tell them to the king, and advise him as to how he should act. And accordingly, as he was from the district of Antioch, all of which ever since the days of Eustace the bishop had been so full of zeal that it was the first to proclaim,"Who was crucified for us," he also vehemently urged and advised King Anastasius to do the same. And 28 when some heretics heard of his ardour, they went to him together, and said to him, "You desire and incite men on earth to go beyond the holy hymn of praise which the angels offer to the Trinity, saying, 'Holy, Holy, Holy, mighty Lord, of whose praises heaven and earth are full.'" Immediately, God the Word Himself, Who in the flesh was crucified for us men, prepared a defence in his mouth to this effect, "The angels, indeed, offer the hymn of praise, which contains their confession to the adorable and co-equal Trinity, rightly, and do not proclaim that He was crucified for them; but we, on the other hand, in the hymn of praise, which contains our confession, rightly say that He was crucified for us men, for He became incarnate from us, and did not invest Himself with the nature of angels." And so he put them to silence, and he instructed the king, who thereupon commanded that the words, "Who was crucified for us," should be proclaimed in the royal city as in the district of Antioch. And at the same time a wonderful sign occurred, proving to wise men that Christ, Who was crucified in the flesh at Jerusalem, was God; namely, an eclipse of the sun, which took place in those days, and produced darkness from the sixth hour unto the ninth hour. |179
CHAPTER X
THE TENTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK GIVES INFORMATION RESPECTING THE SYNOD WHICH WAS HELD AT ZIDON IN THE YEAR FIVE, THE EIGHT HUNDRED AND TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE GREEKS, AND OF THE ANTIOCHENES THE FIVE HUNDRED AND SIXTIETH
Akhs'noyo,29 a learned man and a Syriac doctor, and zealous in the faith, the bishop of Hierapolis, in the days of Zeno sent a written statement of the faith, and asked Zeno some questions about his faith, and received a reply. And it was he who exposed Calandion of Antioch, and ejected him from his See. But he had his suspicions also about Flavian, that he was a heretic; and he sent a letter and urgent messengers to King Anastasius, begging that a Synod should be held at Sidon. And the king gave the order, and the Synod assembled in the five hundred and sixtieth year of the Antiochene era.30 And he urged the believing and zealous monks of the East, and Cosmas a learned man from the monastery of Mar 'Akiba at Chalcis, who was residing in Antioch, and they drew up a petition and presented it to Flavian and to the Council of bishops who were with him at Sidon. And they wrote, in an able and logical manner, a list of censures in seventy-seven Heads, with many quotations from the holy doctors confirming the censure upon the Synod of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo, and they presented this also to the Synod, at the same "time begging and adjuring the priests to effect reforms, and take stumbling-blocks out of the way of the Church and purge it, by openly anathematising the Synod. But Flavian the chief priest and some of the priests who were with him deferred the matter, saying, "We are content with a document anathematising the school of Diodorus, the censures of certain persons upon the twelve Heads of Cyril, and Nestorius, lest we should arouse the sleeping dragon and corrupt many with his poison." And so the Synod was dissolved. |180
But the zeal of Akhs'noyo urged the monks again, and they went up to Anastasius and informed him of what had occurred in the Synod, and concerning Flavian, that he was a heretic; and having received an order for his ejection, and returned to the East, they assembled at Antioch against him. And some of them were wounded, and others were killed; but nevertheless Flavian was ejected from his See. And his successor was Severus, a learned and well-tried monk from the monastery of Theodore the ex-pleader at Gaza, who was apokrisiarios at the royal city, and was a confidant and friend of Probus, and his kinsmen. This man had previously written the Philalethes, and also he had made a solution of the seven questions of the Diphysites. And he was ready in dispute with the heretics, and he was well known to the king by means of Probus; and he was appointed chief priest of Antioch. And afterwards, when there was a Synod in Tyre, he joined with Akhs'noyo, and the priests of his district, and those of Pheenice Libani, and Arabia, and Euphratesia, and Mesopotamia in expounding the Henotikon of Zeno, showing that its effect was to abrogate the Council of Chalcedon. And the bishops assembled at Tyre openly anathematised the Synod of Chalcedon and the Tome. And they wrote to John of Alexandria and to Timothy of the royal city; and received replies from them and from Elijah of Jerusalem, who was eventually ejected, and was succeeded by John. And because Sergius, a grammarian there, composed shortly afterwards a book of censure upon that Synod, and gave it to the monks from Palestine who were of his way of thinking, this holy Severus, hearing about it, wrote a refutation of it at great length, and by quotations and proofs derived from the true doctors of the Church he confirmed his doctrine in three volumes, entitled, Against the Grammarian. But the other treatises of this doctor Severus, and his commentaries, and his Catechism, and his work, Against Julian the Phantasiast, and his wonderful Dogmatic Letter, afford great profit and instruction to the lovers of doctrine. |181
CHAPTER XI
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER OF THIS SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT THE PETITION WHICH WAS DRAWN UP BY MONKS OF THE EAST AND COSMAS OF CHALCIS, AND WAS PRESENTED TO THE COUNCIL WHICH MET AT ZIDON IN THE DAYS OF FLAVIAN AND AKHS'NOYO THE BISHOPS, IN THE FIVE HUNDRED AND SIXTIETH YEAR OF THE ANTIOCHENE ERA
"Before all things we give thanks to Christ, Who is God over all, and we also thank our merciful Christ-loving king, who has aroused you all to zeal for religion, and called this your holy Council to one meeting place, in the name of one only Christ the Son of God, that in Him you may bring all men together to the one faith, which the Holy Scriptures have delivered and the fathers have ever kept, standing steadfastly in one mind, and being united and agreeing together in one good man, and teaching all men the divine doctrine through the Holy Spirit, Who spoke by them. For our Lord has accounted you to be worthy, and chosen you at this time for the sake of the unity of his holy Churches, not that you should make a new faith for them; because that written definition, which was made by the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers who assembled at Nicea, is sufficient for the affirmation of the Holy Scriptures; but that you should build up the faith which has always existed, and which many persons have rashly sought to destroy, speaking 'not from the mouth of the Lord,' as the prophet says, but 'from their own belly,' and by their wicked artifices they have severed from one another those who in the simplicity of their hearts kept the tradition of the holy fathers and were united together in the true faith. For Christ is He, O holy men! Who is divided by them; and, therefore, as long as He is denied, it is not possible for the Church ever to come to any |182 agreement; seeing that it is rent asunder by these persons through the inventions of different words. For it is written, 'No kingdom that is divided against itself shall stand';31 and again, 'If ye bite and devour one another, take heed lest ye be consumed one of another.'32 Since,then, we are one body in Christ, and we are members of His members, according to the word of the divine apostle,33 we draw near to your Holinesses with confidence as to pastors, entreating you to keep the true faith for the whole world, without spot, like the fair dove spoken of in the Song of Songs; and that you separate it from all heresies which have the outward appearance of religion, and stand around it like queens and concubines and damsels, and are anxious to associate and to be one and the same with it, and through it to be received as true. But by doing this you shall receive a reward, and you shall hear the Lord saying, 'Him that confesses Me before men, will I confess before My Father Who is in heaven.'34 Separate, then, as stewards of the divine words, between the pure and the corrupt, as He says;35 and cast out those who mingle the tares with the pure wheat, and their evil doctrine along with them, for He says, 'Put away the evil-doer from the congregation, and victory shall go forth with it.'
"Now, though what has been said is manifest and well known, it was necessary to explain it above and prove it clearly, even as the holy fathers agreeing in one true faith bound all men together in one concord. But the heretics have mingled lawless wranglings with the words of the holy fathers, and confound with them schismatical impieties, and have separated the holy Churches; whom the prophet rebuked, saying, 'Thy tavern-keepers mingle water with wine.' "36 |183
And so the petition goes on, and has many quotations from the fathers in proof of the seventy-seven censures upon the Council of Chalcedon.
CHAPTER XII
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER, WHICH TELLS ABOUT THE SYNOD THAT WAS HELD IN TYRE, IN THE DAYS OF SEVERUS AND AKHS'NOYO THE DOCTORS, AND THE BISHOPS WHO WERE WITH THEM, WHO EXPRESSLY AND OPENLY ANATHEMATISED THE SYNOD AND TOME
Now Severus, who succeeded Flavian in Antioch, was a learned man by reading the wisdom of the Greeks, and he was an ascetic and a well-tried monk, and he was also zealous for the true faith and well-versed in it, and he had read the Holy Scriptures with understanding and the expositions made by the ancient authors who were disciples of the apostles, namely, Hierotheus, and Dionysius, and Titus, and also Timothy; and after them Ignatius, and Clement, and Irenaeus, and such writers as Gregory, and Basil, and Athanasius, and Julius, and the other chief priests and true doctors of the holy Church. And like a "scribe who is instructed for the kingdom of heaven, who brings from his treasures things old and new," 37 so also he had thoroughly studied many histories, and they were rooted in his mind clearly to be seen.
And this Akhs'noyo, also, was a Syriac doctor, and he had diligently studied the works existing in that language, and besides these he was well-versed in the doctrine of the school of Diodorus and Theodore and the others; but, nevertheless, as his actions proved to the wise, this old and zealous man was truly a believer.
These men gave full and clear information to King Anastasius, who rejected the Council of Chalcedon with all his heart; and he commanded that, for the purpose of effecting needed reforms, a Synod of Orientals should be assembled at |184 Tyre. And it was assembled, consisting of the bishops of the districts of Antioch, and Apamea, and Euphratesia, and Osrhoene, and Mesopotamia, and Arabia, and Phoenice Libani. And, making the true faith clear, he (i.e. Severus) expounded the Henotikon of Zeno as meaning the abrogation of the transactions of Chalcedon; and he openly there anathematised the addition which it had made to the faith. And the bishops in Council assembled, along with Severus and Akhs'noyo the believers and doctors who zealously stood at their head, proclaimed the whole truth; and they wrote letters of agreement both to John of Alexandria, and to Timothy of the royal city, and also Elijah of Jerusalem at that time assented to the letters, although shortly after he was ejected, and was succeeded by John. Consequently the priests were again united in this concord of the faith, with the exception of the see of Rome. (And the reason of this exception was) that Alimeric was the anti-Caesar there, and he had rebelled against Anastasius in the Western region, and he held the kingdom in Rome. And he was a warlike man; and in his day he rendered great service to the people of Italy, by delivering them from the barbarians and Goths. And he also conferred many benefits upon his city, Rome, erecting buildings and granting privileges. However, he was a Diphysite, having been converted from the heresy of Arius. Consequently there could not be any assent on the part of Symmachus and his successor Hormisda, the chief priests of Rome, to what was done in the East. And zealous persons can gain information respecting these matters from the letter which Akhs'noyo wrote after his expulsion. |185
CHAPTER XIII
THE THIRTEENTH CHAPTER OF THIS BOOK TELLS ABOUT ARIADNE THE QUEEN, WHO DIED, AND HOW THE TYRANT VITALIAN CAME UPON THE SCENE, WHO TOOK HYPATIUS PRISONER IN WAR
Ariadne 38 the queen, the wife of Zeno, was allied to this Anastasius after the death of her husband, and she made him king; and she held the kingdom for many years, as many as forty, in the state of first and second marriage; and she died in the year eight hundred and twenty-four of the Greeks. And her husband remained on, keeping the holy truth; even though he was advanced in years, and he was occupied with the business of his kingdom.39 And he had anxiety and trouble, because of one Vitalian a Goth, who was a general, and warlike, and courageous and daring, and cunning in war. To this man many savage people attached themselves; and he gave them gold with a liberal hand, and, besides, they enriched themselves with the spoil which they took from the dominions of Anastasius. And when he had been for a long time at peace, Vitalian broke his word; and he rebelled and injured the Roman dominions, and oppressed the kingdom, and treated it with contempt; and he haughtily advanced to the very suburbs of Constantinople without any fear. And at one time troops, with Hypatius at their head, were sent against him by Anastasius; and they were routed by him, and Hypatius was taken prisoner; and he treated him with great indignity, and to insult him he even shut him up in a pig-sty. And upon one occasion he put him to open shame, carrying him about through the army in the most humiliating fashion, because Hypatius once took the wife of this Vitalian prisoner and treated her insultingly. And in consequence of this Vitalian's indignation against him was very strong. For in the impetuosity of his youth this Hypatius was carnal and wanton in lust after women. And at last he was ransomed by a large |186 sum of gold that was sent for him, and he returned from captivity with Vitalian, possessing the wisdom that results from punishment.40
CHAPTER XIV
THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE SEVENTH BOOK TELLS ABOUT TIMOTHY, WHO DIED, AND WHOSE SUCCESSOR WAS JOHN; AND OF SOME PEOPLE WHO CAME TO JERUSALEM FOR THE FESTIVAL, AND THEY WERE POSSESSED BY DEMONS, WHO BARKED AT THE CROSS DURING THE DEDICATION41
Timothy, having lived six or seven years, died in the year eleven. And John succeeded him. And in the year in which Anastasius the king died, there were some Egyptians and Alexandrians and men from beyond the Jordan, Edomites and Arabians, who came to the festival of the dedication which is the making of the Cross at Jerusalem, which was held on the fourteenth of September; and demons took possession of many of them, and they barked at the Cross, and then ceased and went out. And this caused anxiety and distress to the prudent; they did not, however, accurately understand the reason, until the event occurred, and it signified the wrangling about the faith, and the stumbling-block afterwards caused thereby. This God made known beforehand, that we might consider the temptation42 and be proved by it; and by our enduring it and persevering in the faith we might have joy; as James the apostle says, "Let it be all joy to you, my brethren, when you enter into divers and many temptations; for you know that the trial of faith procures patience for you. But let patience have its perfect work, that you may be complete and perfect, wanting nothing."43 |187
Now Anastasius died on the ninth day of July. And his successor was Justin, who went down with the army in company with the generals, at the time that Kawad, king of the Persians, came to Amida. And he was a handsome old man with white hair, but he was unlearned; and he shared in the opinions of the people of Rome respecting the faith, because he belonged to that jurisdiction, being from the camp called Mauriana,44 the water of which is bad, and turns to blood when it is boiled.
There is in this Book a period of twenty-seven years, three months and a half, the lifetime of Anastasius.
CHAPTER XV
THE FIFTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE SEVENTH BOOK, STATING WHO WERE CHIEF PRIESTS IN THE DAYS OF ANASTASIUS THE KING
Now the following were the chief priests in the days of Anastasius. Of the Diphysites:—Of Rome—Felix, and Symmachus his successor, and Hormisda who is still living.
Of Alexandria, the believers—Athanasius, and John his successor, and again another John, and Dioscorus who now occupies the See.
In Antioch—Flavian who was ejected, and Severus the believer.
In Constantinople—Euphemius, and Macedonius who was ejected, and Timothy the believer, and John his successor, who received the Synod in the beginning of the reign of Justin and died shortly after, and Epiphanius was his successor.
Of Jerusalem—Sallust, and Elijah his successor who was ejected, and John who received the Synod in the days of Justin, and Peter his successor.
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1I.e. of the Indiction = A.D. 512.
2. 2 Called Epiphanius in the Introduction to this Book.
3. 3 Here begins an extract in Cod. Rom.
4. 5 The words in brackets are not in the Syriac, but they must be understood.
5. 4... Here the extract in Cod. Rom. ends.
6. 1 I.e. by Euphemius.
7. 4 " 'Arab," a name applied to certain districts in Mesopotamia.
8. 5 501.
9. 6 This and the three following chapters are contained in Cod. Rom.
10. 7 Mich. fol. 156v ff.; Greg. p. 75 ff.
11. 4 There appears to be some confusion in both texts; by a few slight alterations it might be made to yield this meaning, "and consumed the wood of the props, and immediately it was reduced to ashes; and the rest of the mound which escaped the violence of the fire was loosened and fell."
12. 2 So the text; but it may be corrupt, and the reference be to the invasion of " 'Arab" by locusts (see ch. 2).
13. 1 Cod. Rom. and Mich. add "of the Nazarenes."
14. 4 Mich. fol. 158 v.
15. 2 1 1/3 obols.
16. 2 Thomas, bishop of Amida, seems to be the subject of this sentence, not the king.
17. 2 540.
18. 4 Job xxxii. 19 (Syr.).
19. 5 St. Luke xii. 2, 3.
20. 5 Text, " Magisterian."
21. 1 Prov. xxi. 1.
22. 1 Probably Euphemius, who was also banished to Euchaita.
23. 3 "Magistrian," an attendant upon the Master of the Offices. The whole passage is a troublesome one, and I am much indebted to M. Nau, who has published an analysis of the unedited parts of the Chronicle attributed to Dionysius of Tellmahrè, and who, through Mr. Brooks, kindly supplied a MS. extract from fol. 147 of the account of the expulsion of Macedonius.
24. 4 The corresponding expression in the Chronicle of "Dionysius" is... a large auxiliary force."
25. 1 Assem., B. O. vol. ii. p. 34.
26. 3 This chap, is in Cod. Rom.
27. 4 Mich. fol. 156 r.
28. 4Greg. H. E. i. p. 185.
29. 1 Mich. fol. 160 r ff.
30. 2 512.
31. 1St. Mark iii. 24.
32. 2 Gal. v.15.
33. 3 Rom. xii. 5.
34. 4 St. Matt. x. 32.
35. 5 Mal. iii. 18.
36. 12 Isa. i. 22.
37. 1 Matt. xiii. 52.
38. 2 Here begins an extract in Cod. Rom.
39. 3 Here an extract in Cod. Rom. ends.
40. 1 Or literally, "And punishment is wisdom."
41. 2 This chap, is in Cod. Rom.
42. 7 So Cod. Rom. The MS. has "the event."
43. 9 Jas. i. 2-4.
44. 6 Or Bederiana, as Mai writes here.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah08.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 8.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 8.
BOOK VIII
THE eighth Book in the chapters, as given below, gives information, the first about the accession of Justin and about Amantius the provost, who was killed in the palace, and about Theocritus his domestic, and Andrew the chamberlain; in the second it treats of Vitalian the tyrant, who was killed in the palace, he and Paul his notary and Celer his domestic; in the third chapter it tells the story of the martyrs who were killed in Nagrin, in the royal city of the land of the Homerites, by the Jewish tyrant; in the fourth chapter it describes the flood of water which entered Edessa, and how the flow of the waters of Shiluho in Jerusalem was stopped, and how Antioch was overthrown by an earthquake, and the temple of Solomon in the city of Heliopolis was burnt; in the fifth chapter it gives an account of the negotiations which were held on the frontier, and of Mundhir, king of the Saracens, who invaded the Roman territory, and of the bishops who were banished; the sixth chapter, stating who were chief priests in the days of this king Justin; the seventh chapter, concerning the prologue of Moro the bishop. |189
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THE BOOK, CONCERNING THE ACCESSION OF JUSTIN
In 1 the year eight hundred and twenty-nine according to the reckoning of the Greeks,2 on the tenth of July, when the year eleven was already drawing to an end, on the death of Anastasius, Justin 3 became king after him; and he was an old man of a handsome presence with white hair and was cura palati, and he was illiterate. This man Marinus of Apamea, an able man, who was chartulary, depicted in the public baths, as he had come from the fortress of Mauriana in Illyricum to Constantinople with all the history of his entry into Constantinople, and how he had been advanced from step to step until he became king. And, when this same Marinus was accused on this ground and came into danger, trusting in his astuteness, he readily rendered an answer, saying, "I have represented these things in pictures for the consideration of the observant and the understanding of the discerning, in order that magnates and rich men and men of high family may not trust in their power and their riches and the greatness of their noble family, but in God, who raises the poor man out of the mire and places him as chief over the people, and rules in the kingdom of men to give it to whom He will, and to set the lowest among men over it, and chooses men of low birth in the world, and men that are rejected, and men that are not, that he may bring to naught men that are." And he was accepted, and escaped from the danger.
Now4 Amantius the provost, he and Andrew the |190 chamberlain, his associate, favoured and cherished Theocritus his domestic; and after the death of Anastasius he gave a large sum of gold to this old man, the cura palati Justin, for the purpose of making largesses to the scholarians and the other soldiers, in order that they might make Theocritus king. But he by giving the gold to these men gained their favour, and they made him king, because the Lord willed it. And,5 because he shared the opinions of the inhabitants of Rome, he gave strict orders that the Synod and the Tome of Leo should be proclaimed. And this Amantius tried to prevent it, saying, "The signature of the three patriarchs and the principal bishops of your dominions, who have written and anathematised the Synod, is not yet dry." And,6 because he spoke with freedom, this same Amantius the provost was immediately put to death, and so were Theocritus his domestic and Andrew the chamberlain. Now a year afterwards John,7 the bishop of the city, died, and Epiphanius succeeded him. And, since Severus withdrew from Antioch for fear of the threats of the king, who 8 had ordered his tongue to be cut out, Paul succeeded him, who was called "the Jew." And, because he celebrated the memory of Nestorius, he was driven out, and Euphrasius succeeded him, who was burnt in a cauldron blazing with aromatic wax during the earthquake of Antioch.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THE EIGHTH BOOK TREATS OF VITALIAN THE TYRANT, HOW HE WAS KILLED IN THE PALACE, HE AND PAUL HIS NOTARY AND CELER HIS DOMESTIC.
Vitalian9 the tyrant was general in the days of Anastasius; and he was a Goth and a stout-hearted warrior, and barbarians followed him. Of him it was said that he |191 wished to raise a rebellion against Anastasius; and he exacted an oath from him, and he did not keep it, but rebelled and induced barbarian tribes to follow him, and made an attack upon the dominions of Anastasius, and took cities and their villages; and he marched forward as far as the royal city, and blockaded it, and he annoyed the king in many ways; and he caused him anxiety, because he had taken Hypatius, who had gone out against him, prisoner and routed his army, and carried him about with him, treating him with indignity and insult, and exposing him to contumely; but for a large sum of gold which he received for him he sent him back. And, when Anastasius was dead, a letter was written to him by this old man Justin, entreating him and appeasing him,10 in order that he might not again act unjustly and rebel in his days, as he was accustomed to do. And then various tribes also followed him, and the Goth came confidently;11 and the king went out to the Martyr's Chapel of Euphemia at Chalcedon, and they swore oaths to one another and entered the city; and he became one of the generals-in-chief; and in the fulness of power he went in and out of the palace, and presided over the conduct of affairs. And he was united by a spiritual relationship to Flavian of Antioch, who was driven out; and he nursed great resentment against the holy Severus, who succeeded Flavian, but he was not able to injure him in the days of Anastasius. However, at the beginning of the reign of this old man Justin an order was issued that, wherever he was caught, his tongue should be cut out, they say, by the advice of Vitalian. |192
Now it happened some days afterwards that, while Vitalian was bathing in the royal city, he received a command from the king to come to a banquet, he and Justinian the general, his colleague; and he was coming from the baths, he and Paul his notary and Celer his domestic, and, men having been posted ready to stab him as he was going from one house to the other, he was killed, he and his notary and his domestic; and God requited him for the evil which he did in the days of Anastasius and the violation of his oaths; and his army did no injury.
CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THE BOOK TREATS OF THE MARTYRS WHO WERE KILLED IN NAGRIN, THE ROYAL CITY OF THE COUNTRY OF THE HOMERITES, IN THE YEAR EIGHT HUNDRED AND THIRTY-FIVE OF THE GREEKS, THE SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF JUSTIN, AS SIMEON, BISHOP AND APOKRISIARIOS 12 OF THE BELIEVERS IN THE LAND OF THE PERSIANS, WROTE TO SIMEON, ARCHIMANDRITE OF GABBULA, AS FOLLOWS 13
"We 14 inform your affection that on the twentieth of January in this year eight hundred and thirty - five of |193 the Greeks 15 we left the camp of Nu'man in company with Abraham the presbyter, the son of Euphrasius, who had been sent to Mundhir by Justin the king to make peace, of which we wrote also in our former epistle; and here we, even all the believers, express our thanks to him for his assistance to our side; and he knows what we wrote formerly and what we are writing now. For we travelled ten days' journey through the desert towards the south-east, and we came upon Mundhir over against the hills called 'the hills of sand,' and in the Saracen language 'Ramlah.' And, as we were entering the encampment of Mundhir, some Saracens, heathens and Ma'doye, 16 met us, and said to us, 'What can you do? for, behold! your Christ has been expelled by the Romans and the Persians and the Homerites. And when we were insulted by the Saracens it distressed us; and in addition to the distress sorrow also fell upon us, because, while we were present, there came an envoy, who had been sent by the king of the Homerites to Mundhir, and gave him an epistle full of boasting; and in it he had written to him as follows: 'The king whom the Ethiopians set up in our country died; and, because the winter season had begun, they were not able to march out into our country and appoint a Christian king, as they generally do. Accordingly, I became king over the whole country of the Homerites, and I resolved first to slay all the Christians who confessed Christ, unless they became Jews like us. And I killed two hundred and eighty men, the priests who were found, and besides them also the Ethiopians who were guarding the church. And I made their church into a synagogue for us. And then with a force of 120,000 men I went to Nagrin, their royal city. And, when I had sat down before it for some days and was not able to take it, I swore oaths to them, and their chiefs |194 came out to me; but I judged it right not to keep my word to the Christians, my enemies. And I arrested them, and required them to bring their gold and their silver and their possessions; and they brought them to me, and I took them. And I asked for Paul their bishop; and, when they told me that he was dead, I did not believe them, until they showed me his grave: and I dug up his bones and burnt them, as well as their church and their priests and everyone who was found seeking refuge there. And the rest I urged to deny Christ and the Cross, and become Jews; and they would not, but, confessing that He is God and the Son of the Blessed, they even chose to die for His sake. And their chief said many things against us, and insulted us. And I ordered all their magnates to be put to death. And we fetched their wives, and told them, now that they had seen their husbands put to death for Christ, to deny, and have mercy on their sons and on their daughters. And we urged them, and they would not; but the nuns strove hard to be put to death first; and the wives of the magnates were angry with them, and said, "We ought to die after our husbands." And they were all put to death by our order except Rhumi, the wife of the king who was to have reigned there, whom we would not permit to die; but we kept requiring her to deny Christ and live, having mercy upon her daughters, and retaining everything which she possessed by becoming a Jew. And we bade her go and take counsel, attended by guards from our army. And she went out, going round the streets and squares of the city with her head uncovered, a woman whose person no one had seen in the street since she grew up. And she cried and said, "Women of Nagrin, my Christian companions, and the rest of you also who are Jews and heathens, listen! My |195 birth and my family, and whose Christian daughter I am, you know; and that I have gold and silver and slaves, male and female,' and many lands and revenues; and, now that my husband has been put to death for Christ's sake, if I wish to be married to a husband, I have 40,000 denarii, and gold ornaments, and much silver and pearls and raiment, splendid and magnificent, besides the treasures of my husband; and that these things have not been falsely spoken by me you know of yourselves; and that to a woman there are no days of joy like the days of her marriage; for from that time forward there are distresses and lamentation, at the birth of children, and when she is deprived of them, and when she buries them; but I from this day forward am free from them all. And on the days of my first marriage I was full of joy, and now, behold! it is in the gladness of my heart that I have adorned my five virgin daughters for Christ. Look upon me, my companions, for, lo! you have twice seen me, at my first marriage, and at this second one; for it was with my face exposed before you all that I went to my former bridegroom; and now it is with my face exposed that I am going to Christ, my Lord and my God, and the Lord and God of my daughters, even as He in His love humbled Himself and came to us and suffered for our sake.
" ' " Imitate me and my daughters, and consider that I am not inferior to you in beauty; and, behold! I am going to Christ my Lord resplendent in that beauty, undefiled, as it is, by Jewish denial, that my beauty may be a witness before my Lord that it could not lead me astray to commit the sin of denial, and my gold and silver and all that I have may be witnesses that I did not love them as I loved my God. And |196 that rebellious king permitted me to deny and live. Far be it from me, my companions, far be it from me to deny Christ my God in whom I have believed! and I and my daughters have been baptized in the name of the Trinity, and I worship His cross, and for His sake I and my daughters joyfully die, even as He suffered in the flesh for our sake. Behold! I resign everything that is pleasant to the eyes and to the bodily senses on the earth and passes away, that I may go and receive from my Lord that which does not pass away. Blessed are you, my companions, if you will hear my words and know the truth and love Christ, for whose sake I and my daughters die. Then shall there be rest and peace to the people of God. The blood of my brothers and my sisters who have been slain for Christ shall be a wall to this city, if it hold fast to Christ my Lord. Behold, with my face exposed I pass away from this city, in which I have been as in a temporary tabernacle, that I may go with my daughters to an everlasting city, for it is there that I have betrothed them. Pray for me, my companions, that Christ my Lord may receive me and may pardon me for having remained alive these three days after my husband."
" 'And, when we heard a cry of lamentation from the city, and those who had been sent came back and, when asked, told us that, as we have written above, Rhumi had gone round the city, speaking to the women her companions and encouraging them, and a cry of woe was being raised in the city, then we were enraged with the guards, so much so that, had we not been persuaded not to do so, we would have put them to death for allowing her to act in this manner. But at last she came out from the city like a madwoman, with her head uncovered, accompanied by her daughters; and she came and stood before me without shame, and holding |197 her daughters, who were attired as for marriage, by the hand. And she loosened the bands of her hair and turned them round with her hands, and stretched out her neck, and bowed her head, crying, "I am a Christian, and so are my daughters; for Christ's sake we die. Cut off our heads, that we may go and find our brothers and our sisters and the father of my daughters." But after all this madness I exhorted her to deny Christ, and only to say that He was a man; and she would not, but one of her daughters insulted us for saying this. And, since I saw that it was not possible to induce her to deny Christ, for the sake of striking terror into the other Christians I gave orders, and they threw her to the ground, and her daughters' throats were cut, and their blood ran down into her mouth, and afterwards her head was cut off. And by Adonai I swear that I was much distressed because of her beauty and that of her daughters. Now the chief priests and I thought that in accordance with the purport of the laws children ought not to die because of parents; and I distributed them, both the boys and the girls, among the army to bring them up; and, as soon as they are grown up, if they become Jews, they shall live; and, if they confess Christ, they shall die. And these things I have described and related to your Majesty, and I beg you not to suffer a Christian among your people, unless he denies and stands on your side. Now, as for the Jews also, my brethren, who are in your dominions, treat them kindly, my brother, and write and send me word what you wish me to send you in return for this.'
"All these things were written to him after we had reached the place: and he assembled his army, and the epistle was read before him, and the envoy related how the Christians had been put to death and banished from the land of the Homerites. And Mundhir said to the Christians in his army, 'Behold! you have heard what has happened. Deny Christ; |198 for I am no better than the other kings who have persecuted the Christians.' And a certain man of high position in his army, who was a Christian, was moved with zeal, and boldly said to the king, 'It was not in your time that we became Christians, that we should deny Christ.' And Mundhir was enraged, and said, 'Do you dare to speak in my presence?' And he said, 'Because of the fear of God I speak without fear, and no one shall stop me; for my sword is no shorter than the swords of others, and I will not shrink from fighting unto death.' And because of his birth, and because he was a great and distinguished man and valiant in war, Mundhir was silent.
"And, when we returned to the camp of Nu'man in the first week of the fast, we found a Christian envoy, who had been sent by the king of the Homerites before he died. This man, when he heard about the people who had been slaughtered by this Jewish tyrant, immediately hired a man from the camp of Nu'man, and sent him to Nagrin to bring him intelligence of what he saw and learned as to the events which had happened there. And, when he returned, he also in our presence related to the former Christian envoy the things which are recorded above, and that three hundred and forty of the magnates had been put to death, who had come out to him from the city, and he swore to them, and perjured himself to them; and as to their chief, Harith the son of Khanab, the husband of Rhumi, that the Jew insulted him, and said to him, 'Trusting in Christ, you have rebelled against me; but have mercy upon your old age and deny Him, or else you shall die with your companions.' And he answered and said to him, 'Truly I am distressed for all my companions and my brothers, because they would not listen to me when I told |199 them that you were lying, and said that we should not go out to you nor trust your words, but fight with you. And I trusted in Christ that I should have overcome you, and the city would not have been taken, for there was nothing lacking in it. And you are not a king, but a perjurer: and I have myself seen many kings who are truthful and do not lie. And I will not deny Christ my God to become a Jew like you, and a liar. And now I know that He loves me; and I have lived long in the world, and have had children and grandchildren, and I have daughters and many kinsmen, and I have won renown in wars by the power of Christ. And I am sure that, even as a vine which is pruned and gives forth much fruit, so shall our Christian people be multiplied in this city; and the church, which has been burnt by you, shall increase and be built up, and Christianity shall have dominion and give commands to kings, and shall reign, and your Judaism shall be blotted out, and your kingdom shall pass away, and your dominion shall come to an end. Boast not that you have done anything, nor be puffed up with glorying.'
"And, when the great Harith the son of Khanab, the venerable old man, had said these things, he turned round and said in a loud voice to his believing companions who surrounded him, 'Did you hear, my brothers, what I said to this Jew?' And they said, 'We heard everything which you said, father ours.' And again he said, 'Is it true or not?' And they cried, 'It is true.' And he said, 'If any man fears the sword and denies Christ, let him be separated from among us.' And they cried, 'Far be it from us! Be of |200 good cheer, father ours: we are all like you, and with you will we die for Christ's sake, and no one amongst us will remain after you.' And he cried and said, 'Ye Christian people who surround me, and ye heathens and Jews, hear. If any man of my family and my relations and of my kin denies Christ and joins this Jew, he has no part with me, and he shall not inherit anything that is mine, but all that belongs to me shall go to the expenses of the church that shall be built. But, if any man of my kin does not deny Christ and survives me, he shall inherit my property; but three fields, whichever the Church shall choose in my estate, shall go to the expenses of the Church.' And, when he had said these things, he turned to the king and said, 'You and everyone who denies Christ I deny. Behold! we stand before you.' And his companions were emboldened, and said, 'Behold! Abraham the patriarch will look upon you and us with you; but everyone who denies Christ and remains alive after you we deny.' And he ordered them to be taken to the gully called Wadiya, and their heads to be cut off and their bodies thrown into it. And they stretched out their hands to heaven and said, 'Christ, our God, come to our aid, and put strength within us, and receive our souls. And may the blood of Thy bondservants, which is shed for Thy sake, smell sweet unto Thee; and make us worthy of Thy sight; and confess us before Thy Father, as Thou promisedst. And may the church be built, and may a bishop be appointed in the stead of Paul, Thy bond-servant, whose bones they burnt.' And they bade one another farewell; and the old man Harith made the sign over them, and he bowed his head and received the sword. And his companions rushed forward and crowded together and smeared themselves with his blood; and they were all martyred.
"And a child of three years old, whose mother was coming |201 out to be put to death and was holding him with her hand, ran up (and it happened that, when he saw the king sitting clad in royal apparel, he left his mother and ran up and kissed the king on the knees); and the king took hold of him and began to caress him and to say to him, 'Which would you like, to go and die with your mother, or to stay with me?' The boy said to him, 'By our Lord, I would like to die with my mother; and for this purpose I am going with my mother; for she said to me, "Come, my son, let us go and die for Christ's sake." But release me, that I may go to my mother, lest she die and I do not see her, because she says to me, "The king of the Jews has commanded that everyone who does not deny Christ shall die," and I will not deny Him.' And he said to him, 'Whence2 do you know Christ?' The boy said to him, 'Every day I see Him in the church with my mother, whenever I go to the church.' And he said to him, 'Do you love me, or your mother?' 3 And again he said to him, 'Do you love me, or Christ?' He said to him, 'Christ more than you.' And he said to him, 'Why did you come and kiss my knees?' The boy said to him, 'I thought that you were the Christian king, whom I used to see in the church, and I did not know that you were the Jew.' He said to him, 'I will give you nuts and almonds and figs.' And the boy said, 'No, by Christ, I will not eat the Jews' nuts; but let me go to my mother.' And he said to him, 'Stay with me, and you shall be a son to me.' And the boy said, 'No, by Christ, I will not stay with you, because your smell is foul and fetid, and not sweet like my mother.' And the king said to those that were standing by, 'Look at this evil root, whom from his boyhood Christ has deceived so as to make him love |202 Him.' And one of the magnates said to the boy, 'Come with me, and I will take you, that you may be a son to the queen.' And the boy said to him, 'You are smitten on the face. My mother, who takes me to the church, is more to me than the queen.' And, when he saw that they held him tight, he bit the king on the thigh, and said, 'Release me, you wicked Jew, that I may go to my mother and die with her.' And he gave him to one of the magnates, and said, 'Take care of him until he grows up; and, if he denies Christ, he shall live; and, if not, he shall die.' And, while this man's slave was carrying him off, he struggled with his feet and cried to his mother, 'My mother, come and take me, that I may go with you to the church.' And, crying out before him, she said, 'Go, my son; you are intrusted to Christ's care; do not weep; wait for me in the church in Christ's presence till I come.' And, when she had said this, they cut off her head.
"And owing to this letter and the reports that have been received distress has fallen upon all the Christians here. And, in order that the things which have happened in the land of the Homerites may be made known to the pious believing bishops, and that they may celebrate the memory of the illustrious martyrs, we have written these things; and we beg your affection to let them be made known at once to the archimandrites and bishops, and especially to the chief priest of Alexandria, in order that he may write to the king of the Ethiopians to come at once and help the Homerites. But let the chief priests of the Jews in Tiberias also be arrested, and be compelled to send to this Jewish king, who has appeared, and tell him to put an end to the tribulation and persecution in the land of the Homerites." And so the rest, consisting of |203 salutations to the chief priests and bishops of that time and the believing archimandrites, which are contained in the epistle.
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER OF THE EIGHTH BOOK TREATS OF THE FLOOD OF WATER WHICH ENTERED EDESSA, AND HOW THE FLOW OF THE WATERS OF SHILUHO IN JERUSALEM WAS STOPPED, AND ANTIOCH WAS OVERTHROWN BY AN EARTHQUAKE, AND THE TEMPLE OF SOLOMON IN THE CITY OF HELIOPOLIS WAS BURNT
While Asclepius Bar Malohe,17 the brother of Andrew and of Demosthenes the prefect, held the see of Edessa, having become bishop there after Paul, who showed an outward appearance of being orthodox,18—(Now this man was ostentatious in his person, and polished. And, when he was a bishop in Edessa in the days of Flavian, before Asclepius, he drew up a written statement for him, which did not anathematise the Synod, because he had been his synkellos: and this book came into the hands of the holy Severus, who succeeded Flavian; and, when this Paul went up to salute him, he gave it him, and in divine love forgave him his offence, that is, on his assurance that he was a believer; and this wise man, who kept knowledge hidden, as it is written,19 did not expose him. And in the days of this king he at first firmly refused to accept the Synod, while the people of Edessa supported him, and even suffered loss and outrage on his account every day; however, on being banished to Euchaita he conformed, and returned to Edessa; and after surviving a short time he was struck with shame and soon after died, and Asclepius succeeded him. And he |204 was a Nestorian; but he was just in his deeds, and showed kindness to the tillers of the soil, and was gentle towards them, and was not greedy after bribes. In his body he was chaste, and in outward matters he did much good to his church, and paid its debts. But he was active and violent against the believers; and many were banished by him and outraged with every kind of torture, or died under the hard treatment inflicted on them at the hands of Liberius, a Goth, a cruel governor, who was called "the bull-eater.")
And,20 while affairs in Edessa were in this position, in the year eight hundred and thirty-six of the Greeks, the year three,21 on the twenty-second of April, the river Scirtus, which enters and passes through the city, rose and overflowed, and overthrew two sides of the wall, and drowned many persons; for it was supper-time, and while their food was in their mouth the waters rushed in upon them, the flooded Scirtus. But this Asclepius escaped, and so did Liberius. And 22 the flow of the waters of Shiluho, which are in Jerusalem, in the southern quarter of it, was stopped for fifteen years; and the temple of Solomon in the city of Heliopolis in the forest of Lebanon, as to which Scripture mentions that Solomon built it and stored arms in it 23 [was burnt]. And to the south of it are three wonderful stones, on which nothing is built, but they stand by themselves, joined and united together and touching one another; and all three are distinguished by effigies, and they are very large. And in a mystical sense they are set, as it were, to represent the temple of the knowledge of the faith in the adorable Trinity, the calling of the nations by the preaching of the gospel tidings. There came down lightning from heaven, while the rain fell in small quantities: it struck the temple and reduced its stones to powder by the heat, and overthrew its pillars, and broke it to pieces and destroyed it. But the three stones it did not touch, but they remain perfect; and now a |205 house of prayer has been built there, dedicated to Mary the Holy Virgin, the Theotokos.
And a year afterwards, in the year four,24 Antioch was overthrown by a great earthquake of unwonted severity, and countless myriads of people perished in it. For it was summer time; and, while they were feasting, and their food was in their mouth, their houses were thrown down upon them, as upon the sons of Job in the proving of Satan. And Euphrasius was chief priest there, who succeeded Paul who was called "the Jew"; and he fell into a boiling cauldron of wax, and perished.
And his successor 25 was Ephraim of Amida, who was Comes Orientis at that time. And this man in the authority which he exercised in various countries was a man just in his deeds, and was not greedy after bribes, and was able and successful. And 26 for years he had been infected with the teaching of the Diphysites through some books which his mother Mako (?) had inherited from a certain Bar Shalumo of Constantia, of the school of Diodorus and Theodore; and he corrupted and won over many persons, some by subtilty and moderation, and some by the threats of the king, who was fond of him, and paid attention to what he wrote to him. |206
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE SAME EIGHTH BOOK TREATS OF THE NEGOTIATIONS WHICH WERE HELD UPON THE FRONTIER; AND OF MUNDHIR, KING OF THE SARACENS, WHO WENT UP INTO THE TERRITORY OF EMESA AND APAMEA, AND TOOK A LARGE NUMBER OF CAPTIVES AND CARRIED THEM AWAY WITH HIM; AND OF THE BELIEVING BISHOPS OF THE EAST WHO WERE BANISHED AND WITHDREW FROM THEIR CHURCHES
Kawad,27 king of the Persians, kept making pressing demands for the payment of the tribute of 500 Ibs. weight of gold which was paid to him by the king of the Romans on account of the expense of the Persian force which guarded the gates facing the land of the Huns; and. for this reason he used from time to time to send his own Saracens into the territory of the Romans, and they plundered and carried oft captives. The Romans also invaded Arzanene, a country which belonged to him, and the district of Nisibis, and did damage. On this account negotiations were held, and the two kings sent envoys, Justin sending Hypatius and the old man Farzman, and Kawad Asthebid;28 and much discussion took place on the frontier, which was reported to the two kings by their magnates through couriers; and no peaceful message was sent by them, but they were hostile to one another.
And Mundhir, the Saracen king, went up into the territory of Emesa and Apamea and the district of Antioch on two occasions; and he carried off many people, and took them away with him. And four hundred virgins, who were |207 suddenly made captive among the congregation in the church of Thomas the Apostle at Emesa (?), he sacrificed in one day in honour of 'Uzzai. Dodo also the anchorite, an old man, who was made captive among the congregation, saw it with his eyes, and told me.
Now of the bishops of the East, and especially those in the jurisdiction of the learned Severus, some 29 were banished, and others withdrew to Alexandria and various other countries, walking in the footsteps of the chief priest, Severus the doctor. And Akhs'noyo30 of Hierapolis had been sent into exile at Gangra; and he was imprisoned over the kitchen in the hospital there, and was suffocated by the smoke, as he states in his epistle;31 and at last he died. And 32 Antoninus of Berrhoea, and Thomas of Damascus, and Thomas of Dara, and John of Constantia, and Thomas of Amrin (?), and Peter of Rhesaina, and Constantine of Laodicea, and Peter of Apamea, and others withdrew, and. lived in hiding wherever it was convenient for them. But the see of Alexandria had not been disturbed, and Timothy 33 succeeded Dioscorus; and he did not withdraw nor accept the Synod in the days of Justin; and the fugitive believing priests who sought refuge with |208 him he received affectionately, and honoured and encouraged them.
Now 34 Nonnus of Seleucia, who came from Amida, had withdrawn to his own city and taken up his abode in his mansion there, because he came of a wealthy family, and had been governor and great steward of the Church in his city in the days of John the bishop, who came from the monastery of Karthamin, a righteous man. He in his days blessed Nonnus, and said, "I am confident in my Lord that you will die as bishop in my see." And the event was delayed, inasmuch as after the captivity of Amida the gracious Thomas became bishop there, who built Dara. He, when the couriers came to seize him, in order that either he might accept the Synod or they might drive him out, fell ill in accordance with his prayer, and died suddenly and at once while in possession of his see, the couriers being in the city; and this caused many to marvel. Accordingly, in order that the blessing of John might be fulfilled, the men of Amida seized Nonnus and appointed him bishop there; and he lived a few months, and departed.35
And in succession to him again, in the presence of three bishops, as the canons require, Nonnus of Martyropolis, Arathu (?) of Ingila, and Aaron of Arsamosata, who were on the spot, they ordained Moro Bar Kustant, the governor, who was steward of the Church, an abstemious man and righteous in his deeds, chaste and believing; and he was fluent and practised in the Greek tongue, having been educated in the monastery of St. Thomas the Apostle of Seleucia, which in zealous faith had removed and had settled at Kenneshre on the river Euphrates, and there been rebuilt by John the |209 archimandrite, a learned man, who was at that time an ex-pleader (?), a native of Edessa, the son of Aphthonia.36 And this Moro had been trained up in all kinds of right instruction and mental excellence from his boyhood by Sh'muni and Morutho, his grave, chaste, and believing sisters. And after remaining a short time in his see he was banished to Petra, and from Petra to Alexandria; and he stayed there for a time, and formed a library there containing many admirable books; and in them there is abundance of great profit for those who love instruction, the discerning and studious. These were transferred to the treasury of the Church of Amida after the man's death. And in every matter which I record, in order not to cause annoyance by blaming one man or praising another, I have related whatever the truth of the matter is without any falsehood. However, the man progressed more and more in reading in Alexandria, and there he fell asleep. And his body was conveyed, by his sisters, who were with him and ministered to him, comforting him in affliction, as it is written,37 and laid in his own Martyrs' Chapel in the village of Beth Shuro.38 And as a record of the eloquent expression of his love of instruction I will set down at the end of this Book the prologue composed by him in the Greek tongue and inserted in his Tetreuangelion.
Now 39 the believing cloistered monks in the East had also, moreover, been expelled and had withdrawn from the year three until the year nine,40 one week, that is, of years, from their cloisters in the district of Antioch and in Euphratesia, and also in Osrhoene and Mesopotamia. And the cloister of Thomas at Seleucia with the brotherhood came to Kenneshre |210 on the Euphrates, and was there settled by the learned John the archimandrite, the son of Aphthonia. And Cyrus, archimandrite of the Syrians in Antioch, was expelled, together with the brotherhood of the monastery 41 of Thel 'Addo, and the monastery of Romanus, and Simeon of L'gino, and Ignatius, archimandrite of the monastery of 'Akibo at Chalcis, and the monastery of S'nun, and John, archimandrite of Khafro d'Birtho, and the monastery of my lord Bassus, and John of the Orientals, and the monks of the Arches, and the monastery of Magnus (?), and Sergius of the Quarry, and Thomas of the house of Natsih, and Isaac of the house of ''bedyeshu', and the cloisters of 'Arab in Mesopotamia and Izlo and Beth Gaugal, and five metropolitan cloisters in Amida, Hananyo and Abraham called "the humble," a worker of miracles, and Daniel, visitor of the cloister of Edessa, and Elijah of the house of Ishokuni, and Simai and Cosmas of the foundation of John the Anzetenian,42 and Maron of the Orientals, and Solomon of the house of my lord Samuel, and Cyrus of Sugo, and the monks of the Watch-tower and of Thiri, near Rhesaina.
Now for this reason four or five communities of hermits also settled in the desert: at Ramsho Mori, a chaste man and of honourable character; and at Natfo Sergius, a plain and simple man, and after him Antony, a mild and peaceful man, and that kindly old man Elijah, our countryman, and Simeon of Chalcis, and Sergius, who has now rebuilt Sodakthe (?), and the community on the Harmosho (?),43 the |211 monastery founded by my lord John at Hauro.44 And Simeon, archimandrite of the monastery of my lord Isaac at Gabbula, which is now polluted 45 with the heresy of Julian the Phantasiast, was at that time zealous in the faith, he and those who were with him; and Bar Hakino of the house of my lord Hanino, a worker of miracles, was similarly moved with zeal, insomuch as to go up to the royal city and in his own person admonish and reprove the king, although he was not received; and this is witnessed by Akhs'noyo's epistle of thanks which he wrote to him from Gangra; and similarly with the monks of the house of my lord Zakhkhai at Callinicus, and of the foundation of my lord Abbo, and of Beth R'kum.
And so the desert was at peace, and was abundantly supplied with a population of believers who lived in it, and fresh ones who were every day added to them and aided in swelling the numbers of their brethren, some from a desire to visit their brethren out of Christian love, and others again because they were being driven from country to country by the bishops in the cities. And there grew up, as it were, a commonwealth of illustrious and believing priests, and a tranquil brotherhood with them; and they were united in love and abounded in mutual affection, and they were beloved and acceptable in the sight of everyone; and nothing was lacking, for the honoured heads of the corporation, which is composed of all the members of the body, accompanied them, the pious John of Constantia, a religious and ascetic man, (he would not even partake of the desirable bread, "the foundation of the life of man,"46 and so he progressed in the reading of the Scriptures and became a gnostic and a theoretic;47 for he used to raise his understanding upwards by the study of spiritual things for the space of three hours, marvelling and meditating on the wisdom of the works of God; and for three hours more, from the sixth to the ninth, he continued in joy |212 and peace with every man, in intercourse with those who came to him upon necessary business)—and Thomas of Dara again, while undergoing many labours, conversed much upon physics.
Now in the year nine,48 in the fifth year of the reign of this serene king, Justinian, the king of our day, being moved by God our Lord, who had foreknowledge of his deeds, he distributed justice, and ordered that all orders should return from exile and from the countries to which they had withdrawn in zeal for the faith, while he summoned the believing bishops to come up to him. And, after this had happened in the year nine, in the year ten 49 a multitude of Huns entered the Roman territory and massacred those whom they found outside the cities; and they crossed the river Euphrates, and advanced as far as the district of Antioch. Accordingly, under the direction of God, as he said, "My people, enter thou into thy chambers, and hide thyself until My indignation be overpast," 50 and by order of the king, the believers in the East again retired into hiding. But John the hermit of Anastasia, a man of honourable character, had been killed in the desert by the Huns; but Simeon the hermit, who was called "the horned," had not been hurt.
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER OF THE EIGHTH BOOK, STATING WHO WERE CHIEF PRIESTS IN THE DAYS OF JUSTIN, WHO, AFTER REIGNING NINE YEARS DIED IN THE YEAR FIVE, AND THIS JUSTINIAN OF OUR DAY, HIS SISTER'S SON, BECAME KING AFTER HIM
The chief priests 51 in the days of Justin are as follows:— Of Rome, Hormisda; of Alexandria, Timothy; of Jerusalem, Peter, who succeeded John; and of Antioch, Paul the Jew, who was driven out, and after him Euphrasius, who was |213 burnt in the earthquake of Antioch in the year four,52 and after him was Ephraim of Amida; of Constantinople, Epiphanius. There is comprised in this space of time a space of nine years.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. IN IT IS CONTAINED BELOW THE PROLOGUE COMPOSED BY MORO, BISHOP OF AMIDA, IN THE GREEK TONGUE IN THE TETREUANGELION 53
"In order 54 to gather together the sense of a long treatise a man stores up a knowledge of these things succinctly under a few heads in his mind and memory and understanding. And we may understand these things from the heads which are set down in this book; and these again cause the inner meaning of all that is in them to pass rapidly and succinctly into the mind, when heard and considered in due order. For, if a man gathers together the record of the Gospels, he will learn from it that God became incarnate, and that divine as well as human properties are His, by which He made the |214 foundations of the world, which at His second coming He will make clearly to appear. And so everyone who examines these things severally will find first a notice of the census before His Incarnation, and then next the birth of John the Baptist for a testimony to the God of Israel, which happened in accordance with the previous annunciation of the angel; and he will find that the supernatural birth of Jesus, who is God, took place in the Virgin Mary and from her, and that every man has his beginning from the earth according to the saying of the Baptist,55 but He who is not from the earth is Jesus from heaven.
"Now the testimonies to His Incarnation mentioned in the book of the Gospel are those spoken in the spirit by Elizabeth and by the angel to the Virgin and Joseph and the shepherds at the annunciation of His birth by the assembly of watching angels; and again the prophecy of Zachariah, and the rising of the star, which betokened the indestructible reign of the Son of God, who was born; and the prophecy of Simeon the priest and Anna about the coming of Christ for the salvation of the world and of Israel; and besides these also the proclamation of the Baptist, who testified that he was from earth and our Saviour from heaven. And, further, in the Gospel-record a man will understand His divine dispensation, which was effected by infinite wisdom, and not through book-wisdom and the pursuit of learning; and His power of performing wonderful mighty works in deed and word, and His knowledge about everything, and that He did no sin; and again that it was at His own pleasure to suffer in His own time and not to suffer when it was not time; and that it was in His power 56 to destroy sufferings by His voluntary sufferings in the body, and to do away death by His Resurrection and to ascend to heaven. And the record plainly states that He became incarnate of the Virgin in flesh endowed with a soul and an intellect; it states His nine months' human conception, His natural and |215 supernatural birth, and that He was wrapped in swaddling-clothes and sucked milk, and was also circumcised according to law; and, further, that He fled before the threats of Herod into Egypt, carried by His mother, and that He came up: from Egypt for the renovation of Israel and after the manner of Israel; and again, that He increased in stature, and was subject to His mother and to Joseph her husband, and was baptized with water by John to signify the renovating birth of mankind, which is in him renewed in a figure, because His baptism bestowed upon us the holy birth of the Spirit; and He was tempted by the devil as a man, but as God easily overcame the tempter in the contest and the argument; and He was ministered to by angels; and He gave peace to our race by restoring us to Paradise; further, He associated with the disciples in human fashion, and withdrew at one time from the persecutors, and hungered and thirsted and was weary; but He showed that He did not submit to these things merely from the necessity of nature in human fashion, as though He were not God, by the fact that it is testified that He verily fasted forty days and was afterwards hungry (in a similar manner He also slept; but, because He was on a mountain in quiet, He kept watch in prayer, and this prayer He made to the Father in human fashion on behalf of men; but on the sea and in the storm He slept in the ship for the instruction of the disciples, that they might believe that it is He who stills the storms of the seas and the sound of their waves); and, further, that, when they sought to throw Him down from the brow of the hill they could not do so, but, while they stood all around Him, He passed through the midst of them and went His way; and, |216 when wounded by the lance on the Cross, His life did not pass away of necessity, but He bowed His head and gave up the ghost; and in every respect divine and human qualities are His. But the reforms which Christ effected in the world are His rebuke of the deceiver, and the demons which He drove out, and the fiends which He ejected, and the sore diseases which He healed, and the dead which He raised, and the divers temptations which He thrust away, and certain passions which He brought to naught; which reforms were types and figures of the future world, which shall be far removed from evil, the world which is looked for by us with hope and faith and love. And the teaching of our Saviour draws men away from the passion of the love of money and the love of glory and pleasure, and raises them up that they may serve God in uprightness of will."
Now there was inserted in the Gospel of the holy Moro the bishop, in the eighty-ninth canon, a chapter which is related only by John in his Gospel, and is not found in other manuscripts, a section running thus: "It happened 57 one day, while Jesus was teaching, they brought Him a woman who had been found to be with child of adultery, and told Him about her. And Jesus said to them (since as God He knew their shameful passions and also their deeds), 'What does He command in the law?' And they said to Him, 'That at the mouth of two or three witnesses she should be stoned.' But He answered and said to them, 'In accordance with the law, whoever is pure and free from these sinful passions, and can bear witness with confidence and authority, as being under no blame in respect of this sin, let him bear witness against her, and let him first throw a stone at her, and then those that are after him, and she shall be stoned.' But they, because |217 they were subject to condemnation and blameworthy in respect of this sinful passion, went out one by one from before Him and left the woman. And, when they had gone, Jesus looked upon the ground and, writing in the dust there, said to the woman, 'They who brought thee here and wished to bear witness against thee, having understood what I said to them, which thou hast heard, have left thee and departed. Do thou also, therefore, go thy way, and commit not this sin again.' "
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1 vii. 14.
2. 2518.
3. 3 vii. 14; Mich. fol. 161 r; cf. Jo. Mal. p. 410.
4. 7 Cf. Jo. Mal. pp. 410, 411.
5. 2 Mich. loc. cit.
6. 3 Cf. Jo. Mal. loc. cit.
7. 4 Cf. Theoph. A.M. 6012.
8. 5 Cf. Evag. iv. 4.
9. 6 vii. 13.
10. 2 Cf. Jo. Mal. p. 412; Evag. iv. 3.
11. 3 Cf. Evag. iv. 4.
12. 2 There is probably some mistake in the heading, as a bishop could not be an apokrisiarios. Jo. Eph. (ap. "Dion.") omits the word,...
13. 3 This chapter is contained in Cod. Rom. Mai's text is, however, not taken from the MS. but is a copy of that of Assemani (B. 0. vol. i. p. 364 ff.), taken not from our author, but from John of Ephesus (ap. "Dion."). The letter also exists in a much longer form in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,650, fol. 155, and in a MS. in the Museum Borgianum at Rome, which has been edited by Prof. Guidi (Atti dell' Accademia de' Lincei, Ser. 3, Tom. 7, 1881). It exists also in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,641, fol. 157, where the text is not a copy of 14,650, as Guidi states on the authority of Wright, but is similar to that in our author and in Jo. Eph., and, being followed by the later history of the little boy, as in Jo. Eph., is plainly derived from that author. A Greek account of the same events, derived in part from this letter, is contained in the Martyrium Arethae (Boissonade, Anecd. Graec. vol. v.), and a slightly different one in Simeon Metaphrastes (Migne, Patr. Graec. 115, p. 1249 ff.).
14. 4 Jo. Eph. ap. "Dion." (Assem., B. O. p. 364 ff.); Mich. fol. 166 ff.
15. 1 524.
16. 4 I.e. emigrants or nomads, a name applied to certain Arab tribes: Ar. Ma'addiyya.
17. 1 I.e. "son of sailors."
18. 3 Here the sentence breaks off, being taken up again lower down.
19. 5 Prov. x. 14.
20. 1 Mich. fol. 161 r, 164 v.
21. 2 525.
22. 3 Mich. fol. 164.
23. 4 1 Kings ix. 18, 19.
24. 1 526.
25. 4 Mich. fol. 165 v; Greg. H. E. i. p. 201.
26. 6 Two leaves in the MS. have here been transposed. I pass on from p. 244, 1. 26 (Land) to p. 246, 1. 16. The intermediate portion has nothing to do with the subject of this chapter, but belongs to the next. This is also evident from a comparison with Michael and Gregory.
27. 2Mich. fol. 164 r; Greg. p. 78,
28. 5 The name meant is Spahpat..., the title of the Persian commander-in-chief (Josh. Styl. 59, and Wright's note). Cf. also 9. 4.
29. 3 Mich. fol. 162 r.
30. 4 Jo. Eph. ap. Mich. fol. 161 v, Greg. H. E. pp. 195, 197, from Philox. Ep. ad Man. Sen. (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,597, fol. 35 ff.).
31. 7 Cf. 7. 12.
32. 8 Cf. Jo. Eph. I.e.
33. 10 Mich. fol. 162 r.
34. 1 Jo. Eph. ap. "Dion." (Assem., B. O. 2, pp. 48, 49); Mich. l.c.
35. 6 At this point we go back to fol. 140 (see p. 205, note 6).
36. 2 Not Aphthonius; see John's life in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 12,174, fol. 84.
37. 5 2 Cor. i. 4(?); I Thess. iii. 7 (?).
38. 6 In Jo. Eph. (Land, Anecd. Syr. ii. p. no, 1. 3) "Beth Shuro." "Dion." "in the temple of Beth Shilo."
39. 7 Mich. fol. 163.
40. 8 525-531.
41. 1 Mich. " was expelled together with the brotherhood, and the monks of the monastery..."
42. 6 See bk. 7, ch. 4 (p. 156, note 2).
43. 7 Or, "near Harmosho." I find no trace of either of these names, and suspect both to be corrupt. Mich. omits both, writing merely "Sergius, and the monastery... Hauro."
44. 1 At this point we return to fol. 142.
45. 2 Mich. has the masculine, " who is now polluted."
46. 4 Sir. xxix. 21.
47. 5 I.e. learned in the inner or allegorical meaning.
48. 1531.
49. 2 531-2.
50. 3 Isa. xxvi. 20.
51. 4 Cf. Mich. fol. 167 v.
52. 1 526.
53. 3 This chapter is contained in Cod. Rom., where the heading is, "The prologue composed concisely under heads by the holy Moro, bishop of Amida, a man deserving of blessed memory, upon the Gospel and the dispensation of Christ in the flesh."—Cf. p. 221.
54. 4 Mich. fol. 162 ff.
55. 1 John iii. 31.
56. 4 Cod. Rom., "that it is now in His power."
57. 2 John viii. 1-11.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah09.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 9.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 9.
BOOK IX
ALSO this ninth Book, concerning the reign of Justinian, states how he became Anti-Caesar1 on the fifth day of the week in the last week of the fast; and, after he had governed for three months in conjunction with Justin his uncle, who died at the end of July, when the year five was now ending,2 this Justinian became emperor, in the year eight hundred and thirty-eight of the Greeks, in the three hundred and twenty-seventh Olympiad. And the events which happened during his reign down to the year fifteen,3 a space of ten years, which is contained in the sections below, are set down in this ninth Book, consisting of twenty-six chapters. Behold! they are set down below, and are as follows:—
The first chapter of the ninth Book deals with the fighting which went on in the summer of the year five before Nisibis and Thebetha, a Persian fortress.
The second chapter of the Book treats of the battle which was fought in the desert of Thannuris.
The third chapter of the Book gives an account of the battle which was fought before the city of Dara on the frontier.
The fourth chapter of the Book gives information about the battle which was fought on the Euphrates in the year nine.
The fifth chapter tells of Gadar the Kadisene, a Persian general, how he was killed; and Izdegerd, who was with him, a nephew of the Ptehasha of Arzanene, was taken prisoner.
The sixth chapter deals with the battle which was fought before Martyropolis on the frontier, and the large numbers |219 of Huns who invaded the territory of the Romans in the year ten.
The seventh chapter explains how in the summer of the year eleven peace was made between the Romans and the Persians by the ambassadors, Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices.
The eighth chapter of the ninth Book treats of the Samaritans who rebelled and set up a tyrant of their own in the country of Palestine.
The ninth chapter of the Book, concerning the heresy of Julian the Phantasiast, bishop of the city of Halicarnassus,4 how it appeared.
The tenth chapter sets forth the first epistle of Julian to Severus, with a question about the body of Christ our God.
The eleventh chapter of the Book treats of the answer to the epistle of Julian, which the doctor Severus, the chief priest, wrote to him.
The twelfth chapter of the Book imparts information about the second epistle of Julian, which he wrote to Severus.
The thirteenth chapter tells of the answer made by Severus the patriarch to this second epistle of Julian.
The fourteenth chapter of the Book treats of the riot which took place in the royal city, and describes how Hypatius and Pompeius were put to death, and large numbers of the people were massacred in the circus in the year ten.
The fifteenth chapter treats of the request contained in the petition which the believing bishops who had been summoned from exile to the royal city presented to King Justinian concerning their faith.
The sixteenth chapter of the ninth Book sets forth the defence made by Severus the chief priest in his epistle to King Justinian, refusing to come, when summoned by him to the royal city.
The seventeenth chapter of the ninth Book treats of Carthage, the chief city of the country of Africa, how it was |220 taken by Belisarius the general and a Roman army, and made subject to King Justinian.
The eighteenth chapter of the ninth Book deals with Rome and Naples in the country of Italy, and how they were taken by Belisarius the general and a Roman army.
The nineteenth chapter of the ninth Book again treats of Severus the patriarch, who went up to the royal city and appeared before the king, and was received in the palace, and remained there till the end of the month of March in the year fourteen, and then departed.
The twentieth chapter of the ninth Book treats of the epistle of Severus the patriarch to the order of priests and the society of monks in the East, dealing with his expulsion from the royal city.
The twenty-first [chapter] of the ninth Book sets forth the canonical epistle of union and concord which was sent by Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, to Severus the patriarch.
The twenty-second chapter of the ninth Book treats of the epistle of concord and union canonically sent by Severus in answer to Anthimus, chief priest of Constantinople, the royal city.
The twenty-third chapter of the ninth Book introduces the epistle of concord and union which was canonically sent by Severus to Theodosius of Alexandria.
The twenty-fourth chapter of the ninth Book treats further of the canonical epistle of union and concord which was sent by Theodosius the patriarch in answer to Severus the doctor.
The twenty-fifth chapter of the ninth Book gives information about the canonical epistle of concord which was sent by Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, to Theodosius, patriarch of the great city of Alexandria.
The twenty-sixth chapter of the ninth Book records the answer to the epistle, which was canonically sent by |221 Theodosius, archbishop of Alexandria, to Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, in concord and brotherhood.
There is inserted also in it, at the end of this ninth Book, the prologue given above, which was composed concisely under heads by the holy Moro, bishop of Amicla, a man deserving of blessed memory, upon the Gospel and the dispensation of Christ in the flesh, and also a story which is contained in the eighty-ninth canon, taken from the Gospel of John and mentioned by him alone, about a woman with child by adultery, who was brought to Him by the Jewish doctors.5
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, TREATING OF THE ACCESSION OF JUSTINIAN, AND OF THE FIGHTING WHICH WENT ON BEFORE NISIBIS AND THE FORTRESS OF THEBETHA
In the year five,6 when Justin was king, that old man of whom we related above 7 that he came from the country of Illyricum, he made his sister's son, who was general, Anti-Caesar;8 and Justinian became Anti-Caesar on the fifth day of the week in the last week of the fast. And,9 after he had governed for three months, his uncle died, at the end of July, and he became emperor, in the year eight hundred and thirty-eight of the Greeks,10 in the three hundred and twenty-seventh Olympiad. And11 as to his own Castra Mauriana he gave orders, and a great city was built, and privileges were granted to it, and a military force was also stationed in it; and water was brought into it from a distance,12 because its own water was bad. |222
And, behold! from the beginning of his reign down to this day he has indeed devoted attention to building, refounding cities in various countries, and repairing walls in various places for the protection of his dominions.
But, since the Persians and the Romans were at enmity with one another in those times, while Timus 13 (?), the master of the soldiers, was duke on the frontier, the army with its officers was mustered round him to fight against Nisibis; and they fought, but could not take it, and retired thence to the fortress of Thebetha; and the army came close up to the wall and made a breach in it; and it was the hottest part of the summer. And through some cause or other they were prevented from effecting their purpose, and did not get possession of the fortress, which was about fifteen parasangs from Dara. And the army was ordered to return to Dara; and, because they greedily ate honey and the flesh of large numbers of swine, some of the infantry died of thirst on the march and were lost to the army, and others threw themselves into the wells of the desert and were drowned, and the rest were burnt up by the heat on the march, but the cavalry reached Dara; and so the army was broken up.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT IN THE DESERT OF THANNURIS
During the lifetime of Justin 14 the king, who had learned that Thannuris was a convenient place for a city to be built as a place of refuge in the desert, and for a military force to be stationed to protect 'Arab against the marauding bands of |223 Saracens, Thomas the silentiary, a native of Aphphadana, had been sent to build such a city. And, when he had made but inconsiderable progress, then the works which had begun to be carried out were destroyed by the Saracens and Kadisenes from Singara and Thebetha. Now, because the Romans, as we have stated above, had taken the field and fought against Nisibis and Thebetha, therefore afterwards the Persians also similarly came and made an entrenchment (?) in the desert of Thannuris. And, Duke Timus, the master of the soldiers, having died, Belisarius had succeeded him; and he was not greedy after bribes, and was kind to the peasants, and did not allow the army to injure them. For he was accompanied by Solomon, a eunuch from the fortress of Edribath (?); 15 and he was an astute man, and well-versed in the affairs of the world; and he had been notary to Felicissimus the duke, and had been attached to the other governors; and he had gained cunning through experience of difficulties.
Accordingly, a Roman army was mustered for the purpose of marching into the desert of Thannuris against the Persians under the leadership of Belisarius, Cutzes, the brother of Butzes, Basil, Vincent, and other commanders, and Atafar, the chief of the Saracens. And, when the Persians heard of it, they devised a stratagem, and dug several ditches among their trenches, and concealed them (?) all round outside by triangular stakes of wood, and left several openings. And, when the Roman army came up, they did not perceive the Persians' deceitful stratagem in time, but the generals entered the Persian entrenchment at full speed, and, falling into the pits, were taken prisoners, and Cutzes was killed. And of the Roman army those who were mounted turned back and returned in |224 flight to Dara with Belisarius; but the infantry, who did not escape, were killed and taken captive. And Atafar, the Saracen king, during his flight was struck (?) from a short distance off, and perished; and he was a warlike and an able man, and he had had much experience in the use of Roman arms, and in various places had won distinction and renown in war.
CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE BEFORE DARA
The Persians were proud and puffed up and boastful; and, indeed, the Mihran and the marzbans assembled an army and came against Dara and encamped at Ammodis, being fully confident in the expectation of taking the city, because the Roman army had been diminished by their sword. And their cavalry and infantry approached and came up on the south side of the city, intending to encompass it all round for the purpose of blockading it; but a Roman force met them by the help of our Lord, who chastises but does not utterly deliver over unto death. For a certain Sunica, a general, who was a Hun, and, having taken refuge with the Romans, had been baptized, and Simuth (?),16 a Roman tribune, and their armour-bearers with twenty men each drove the whole Persian army away from the city several times, passing boldly and vigorously from one part of the field to another, and cutting men down right and left with the lance. And they were practised in the use of the sword; and their cry was loud and terrific, and made them appear terrible to the Persians, so |225 that they fell before them: and two of their leaders were killed, besides no small number of horsemen; while of the faige, who are the Persian infantry, many were cut down and hurled back by the Helurians,17 under Butzes, to the east of the city.
And the Persians, when they saw how great the number of the dead was, acted craftily, and sent to Nisibis, asking them to bring as many baggage-animals as possible and come at once to Dara, and take as much spoil as they could. And, when large numbers came, they laded them with the bodies of their slain, and then they returned in shame. However, the rest of the Persian force invaded Roman 'Arab, and burned it with fire.
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT ON THE EUPHRATES IN THE YEAR NINE 18
The Persians, having learned wisdom by experience through the great injury which they had suffered from the attacks of the Romans whenever they approached the city and went out against them, went up into the desert portion of the Roman territory and encamped on the Euphrates; and according to their usual practice they made a trench. And Belisarius at the head of a Roman force and tribunes came up against them to battle; and they arrived in the last week of the fast. And the Persians were found to be as a little flock, and so they appeared in their eyes: and Asthebid their commander was afraid of them, and those who were with him; and he sent 19 to the Romans, asking them to respect the feast, |226 "for the sake of the Nazarenes and Jews who are in the army that is with me, and for the sake of yourselves, who are Christians." And, when Belisarius the general had considered this, he was willing to agree; but the commanders murmured greatly, and would not consent to wait and respect the day. And, when they went out to battle on the eve of the first day of the week, the day of unleavened bread, it was a cold day, with the wind in the face of the Romans; and they showed themselves feeble, and turned and fled before the Persian attack; and many fell into the Euphrates and were drowned, and others were killed; but Belisarius escaped, while the nephew of Butzes was taken prisoner (for he himself was ill at Amida, and did not go to the battle, but sent his army to Abgersatum under Domitziolus), and went down to Persia, but eventually returned: and how this happened I will relate in this next chapter.
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING GADAR THE KADISENE, A PERSIAN GENERAL, HOW HE WAS KILLED; AND IZDEGERD, WHO WAS WITH HIM, AND WAS NEPHEW OF HORMIZD, PTEHASHA OF ARZANENE, WAS TAKEN PRISONER
The Romans, when Belisarius was duke, in the year five,20 having been prevented from building Thannuris on the frontier, wished to make a city at Melebasa; wherefore Gadar the Kadisene was sent with an army by Kawad; and he prevented the Romans from effecting their purpose, and put them to flight in a battle which he fought with them on the hill of Melebasa. And he was high in the confidence of Kawad, |227 and had been stationed with an army to guard the frontier eastwards from Melebasa in the country of Arzanene as far as Martyropolis. And this man uttered many boasts and vain words against the Romans, and blasphemed like Rab Shaken, who was sent by Sennacherib. And he brought about seven hundred armed cavalry, and some infantry, who accompanied them for the sake of amassing plunder; and they crossed the Tigris into the district of Attachae in the territory of Amida. And Bessa was duke in Martyropolis; and it was summer time in this year nine.21 And with Gadar was Izdegerd, the nephew 22 of the Ptekasha,23 who, as a neighbour, knew the region of Attachae. And when Eessa heard of it he went out against him with about five hundred horsemen from Martyropolis, which was about four (?) 24 stades distant. And he met him at Beth Helte and routed his army on the Tigris, and killed Gadar, and took Izdegerd prisoner and brought him to Martyropolis. This man after the peace, which was made in the year ten,25 was given in exchange for Domitziolus, who returned from Persia. But Bessa the duke after routing Gadar and the Persian cavalry, who were guarding the frontier of Arzanene, entered the country and did much damage there; and he carried off captives and brought them to Martyropolis.
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER INFORMS US IN THIS NINTH BOOK ABOUT THE FIGHTING WHICH WENT ON BEFORE MARTYROPOLIS, AND ABOUT THE GREAT HOST OF HUNS WHICH INVADED THE TERRITORY OF THE ROMANS
The villages in the country of Arzanene are the property of the Persian crown, and no small sum is collected as poll-tax |228 from their inhabitants for the king's treasury and for the office of the Ptehasha, who is stationed there (he is the king's prefect). To this country, as related above, Bessa the duke did much injury; who took the nephew of the Ptehasha captive, and also kept him prisoner in Martyropolis. And King Kawad was much distressed when he heard from the Ptehasha about the devastation of the country: which same Hormizd left no stone unturned, 26 using force and cunning (?) against Martyropolis, in order to get possession of it, for it acts as an ambush and a place of refuge for a Roman army, enabling it to ravage Arzanene. And an army was, so to speak, equipped by the Persian army: Mihr Girowi was sent to hire a large number of Huns and bring them to their assistance. And they came and were gathered together against Martyropolis at the begining of the year ten; 27 and they made a trench against it, and a "mule" 28 and many mines; and they made assaults upon it, and pressed it hard. And in it was Butzes and a Roman force of no small size, and they drove large numbers of Persians back in battle. But Nonnus also, the bishop of the city, had died.
Now Belisarius, being held culpable by the king on account of the rout which had been inflicted on the Roman army by the Persians at Thannuris and on the Euphrates, had been dismissed from his command, and went up to the king; and he was succeeded at Dara by Constantine.
And a large Roman army was mustered, and Sittas was general; and Bar Gabala, the Saracen king, was with them. And they reached Amida in November 29 (?) of the year ten;30 and John, the hermit of Anastasia, a man of honourable character, who had been elected to the bishopric, accompanied |229 them. And, when they had gone to Martyropolis and the winter came on (and the country is northerly and cold), the Persians were impeded by rain and mud, and underwent hardships, while they were also afraid of the numbers of the Roman army; and Kawad their king also had died while they were there; and they made a compact with the Romans to withdraw from the city.
And, soon after they had withdrawn and Martyropolis had been freed from blockade, and the Roman army had returned, the Huns,31 who had been hired by the Persians, arrived. This great people suddenly attacked the territory of the Romans, and massacred and slew many of the tillers of the soil, and burned villages and their churches; and they crossed the Euphrates and advanced as far as Antioch; and no one stood before them or did them any harm except only the same Bessa, the duke of Martyropolis, who fell upon a detachment of them during their retreat and killed them, and captured about five hundred horses and much spoil; and the man became rich. And at the fortress of Citharizon the duke there repulsed a party of them, consisting of about four hundred men, and captured their baggage-animals.
Now32 after Kawad Khosru his son became king. His mother during the lifetime of Kawad her husband had been vexed by a demon; and all the magians and sorcerers and enchanters, who had been summoned by Kawad her husband, who loved her greatly, did her no good, but, to say the truth, added demons to demons in her. She in the year four,33 in the days of Liberius the duke, was sent to the blessed Moses, who was a monk close to Dara, about two parasangs' space distant, and was a famous man. And she was with him a few days, and was cleansed, and returned to her own land, |230 having received from this holy Moses of the monastery called Tarmel an amulet taken from the bones of Cyriac the martyr to protect her, that in it she might find refuge, so that the spirit should not return upon her. And, to do him honour, she, under a certain symbolical form (?), built him a house of prayer in her own country, and he is worshipped there. And, remembering the grace wrought in her through this blessed Moses of Tarmel, she did a service to the land of the Romans in the manner and on the occasion set forth below.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, HOW PEACE WAS MADE BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND THE PERSIANS, AND LASTED SIX OR SEVEN YEARS, IN THE DAYS OF RUFINUS AND OF HERMOGENES, THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES.
Justinian the king, considering the things which had happened in his dominions between the rivers, and the forces which had at various times been destroyed by the Persians, and the tillers of the soil who had been slain and made captive by the Huns, and the land which had been burnt with the villages upon it, was not inclined again to send an army to contend in war with Khosru, who became king after Kawad his father. And, since this man was friendly to Rufinus, and it was he who had advised his father to make him his successor, he used to make assertion to the king, and encourage him, and to undertake that, if he showed himself before him in his own country, he would for the sake of the |231 peace desired by the king accept what he justly asked of him. And so this Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices, were sent as ambassadors to Khosru in the year eleven;34 and they had much speech with him. And, because this Rufinus was well known there, inasmuch as he had been several times sent to Kawad, and was his friend, and used to give many presents to the magnates of his kingdom, and the queen, the mother of Khosru, was friendly to him, because he had advised Kawad to make her son king, and she owed gratitude to Moses the blessed monk of Tarmel after God for her healing, she earnestly entreated Khosru her son, and on consideration of a sum of gold which he received, which was sent by King Justinian according to the message transmitted to him by Rufinus and Hermogenes his ambassadors, he made peace; and a written treaty was drawn up and ratified. And35 the stars in the sky had appeared dancing in a strange manner, and it was the summer of the year eleven.36 And it lasted about six or seven years, until the year three.37
CHAPTER VIII
THE EIGHTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE SAMARITANS, WHO REBELLED AND SET UP A TYRANT OF THEIR OWN IN THE COUNTRY OF PALESTINE.
The Samaritans in the country of Palestine who live near the city of Neapolis, not far from Caesarea, having heard that |232 the Persians had from time to time attacked and invaded the Roman territory, and supposing that they had shown themselves weak before them, were emboldened by the thought that they had been sent from Khuth and Babylon, and from 'Awa and from Hamath and from S'farwayim by Shalman'asar, king of Assyria, and settled in the land of Samaria; and, having rebelled, they set38 a tyrant at their head; and they entered Neapolis, and killed Mommuno the bishop there; and they made an insurrection, and wrought havoc in the country, wishing to help the Persians, because it was out of their country that they had been settled in the territory of the Romans; and they burnt many temples of the saints; and they occupied the city and amassed spoil.
And, when the king heard of this, he sent Hadrian the tribune; and there were gathered together also the duke of the country, who was with him, and an army of Romans, and the Saracens of Arabia; and they marched against the Samaritans. And they were cut to pieces by the Romans; and they killed the tyrant, and took the city and restored it to its former normal condition of subjection to their authority. And a bishop was also appointed in it; and a military force was stationed there, to guard it and to keep order among the inhabitants of the country.
CHAPTER IX
THE NINTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE PHANTASIASTIC HERESY OF JULIAN OF HALICARNASSUS, HOW IT APPEARED
Julian,39 bishop of the city of Halicarnassus, withdrew from his see through zeal with the other believing bishops; and he was an old man. and he was zealous in the faith: and in his desire to avoid speaking of two natures he, like Eutyches and |233 the monks who have not a right knowledge of the true order of things, fell into the heresy of Eutyches. (And he was an acquaintance and a friend of the learned Severus the chief priest; and once this same Julian on being questioned by someone composed a treatise against the Diphysites, and he produced it (?) at no great length without cause of offence.) However, though that wise combatant Severus had heard of it, he had kept this knowledge hidden, fearing lest, if he corrected it, house should be divided against house, and he should cause a division in love, which no man had been able to separate, being patiently determined to accept his poverty, which is according to right (?).
And, when in this way 40 reason was added to reason, as our Lord brought it about, in order, that is, that the learning of Severus might be made manifest, the beauty of his true faith, for the benefit of the discerning and of those who love instruction, [he was compelled to expose the matter].41
And, to show the nature of the original subject of contention, I insert some epistles, which, taken in order, supply information to the reader, in the following chapters of this ninth Book. |234
CHAPTER X
THE TENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE FIRST EPISTLE OF JULIAN TO SEVERUS, WITH A QUESTION ABOUT THE BODY OF CHRIST 42
"Certain 43 men have appeared here who say that the body of our Lord was corruptible, making use of testimony from the holy Cyril; in the first place from what he wrote to Succensus, saying, 'After the Resurrection it was the body which had suffered, though it no longer supported human infirmities but was incorruptible';44 and from this they wish to prove that before the Resurrection it was corruptible, inasmuch as it was of our nature, but after the Resurrection it received incorruptibility: and in the second place from what he wrote to Theodosius the king, saying, 'It is a marvel and a miracle that a body naturally subject to corruption rose without corruption.'45
"And they quoted such things as these by way of extracts; but I, who set down the whole passage, made it my endeavour to show the opinion held, by numerous doctors. But they brought me also his sixty-seventh treatise, which was written by him on the subject of the holy Virgin, the Theotokos, and in it are contained the words, 'The body of our Lord was in no way subjected to the sin which belongs to corruption, hut was susceptible of death and of true burial, and He destroyed them in it.' 46 And I indeed considered it to be an error in |235 writing. And so, in order that the dispute may be solved by our being examined by you, I have also sent what I have written,47 and I am convinced that our fathers agree with it. And write to me at once, that I may know what opinions to hold on these matters, because I do not consider it right that we should again say that that which was not corrupted was susceptible of corruption. And pray that our life may be in unison with the grace of God."
CHAPTER XI
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE OF JULIAN, WHICH SEVERUS WROTE TO HIM, AS FOLLOWS
"When first I received your piety's epistle, I rejoiced in accordance with my custom at your greeting, with which I was well pleased. Since in it you urge me to read the tome composed by you, which you sent with it, written to those who, you say, think and say concerning the body of our Lord and God, Jesus Christ our Saviour, that it was corruptible, and you ask me to write a criticism of it and send it to the love of God that is you, in obedience to you I have readily done this, I, a man who change about from one place to another and have no convenient time even for other things that are required. Still, so far as it was possible for it to be written, I have written it, partly by collecting in my memory passages from the teaching of the fathers, partly also from the few volumes of their works which were here. For I know well that there was a similar question in the royal city also, and by means of the proofs from the fathers drawn up by me the controversy and dispute were brought to an end. And so, since there appeared to me to be something unseemly in the things written by you, |236 since I find that the doctors of the holy Church, who have been from time to time, have instructed me differently on these matters, I have delayed sending what I have written to your piety (as indeed was right), lest some in ignorance should suppose that the controversy conducted in these words was a strife between us, and, although a discussion such as I knew it was would abound in love, yet some might suppose it to be hostility. Accordingly, let me know at once what your pleasure is upon these things, for I am ready to perform whatever is agreeable to your affection, holding as my warrant the saying of the apostle, who said, 'Let everything that is done by you be done in love.'"48
CHAPTER XII
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER, THE SECOND EPISTLE OF JULIAN TO SEVERUS, WRITTEN IN ANSWER TO THE PRECEDING, AS A RESPONSE TO IT
"You 49 write that there appeared to you to be something unseemly in the things which I have written; and you ought to have informed me at once in the epistle, and released me from anxiety. But I believe that in all that I have written I have truly confessed the Incarnation derived from us, and I have exerted myself to prove that the fathers were in accord with one another; for I do not consider it possible for us to believe and hold that which is corruptible and that which is incorruptible to be the same. And, while we confess Him who by His stripes healed all men to be passible, yet we also know Him to be raised and exalted above passions; and, if He was mortal, yet we also confess that He trampled on death, and gave life to mortals through His death. Accordingly you have only caused me anxiety by saying that I have written |237 something that is unseemly, and not telling me what it is, that I may defend it. But condescend to write and tell me what is stated by the fathers, by Athanasius 50 and Cyril and others, for I wish to know your mind also. But51 I believe that I have followed the intention of the fathers, who are not at variance with themselves or at variance with one another, even as Paul, who says that salvation is not by works but by faith, is not at variance with James, who says that faith without works is dead. They did not say these things in opposition to one another, but in concord.52
"But pray that we may be enlightened by God, and may not through passion yield to our own wills, while at the same time you cause the word in a brief compass to shine upon us.
"The holy Cyril writes, 'It is not easy for us to say that corruption can ever take hold of the flesh which was united to the Word';53 and five lines lower down, 'It is a wonder and a miracle that a body naturally subject to corruption was raised.' 54 And what is the idea which he wishes to bring out (for he is not at variance with himself in these things), if he was not in these words thinking of the corruption of universal nature? For He bore our infirmities of His own will and not by compulsion of nature; and He took up our sins in His body on the tree, dying for our sin."
CHAPTER XIII
THE THIRTEENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE, ADDRESSED TO THE SAME JULIAN BY SEVERUS
"It 55 seems to me a very strange thing, when I call to |238 mind the few words which I wrote, that the love of God that is in you says that you were in great anxiety; since I performed your request for no other reason than to free you from anxiety and disturbance. For, if you had sent me a small question and problem, then I might perhaps have used few words in making answer; but, since it is a tome of many lines and a fully-completed work that you have sent me to examine, after considering the things contained in it every day according to my ability, I will make my opinion clear to you.
"Now in respect of what is fitting I have found much which I will do readily for your piety; and, to show that I am not speaking falsely, listen to what you wrote, as follows: 'In order to bring about an understanding of the matter in dispute, I have sent what I have written; but test it to see whether it is in accord with the Holy Scriptures, because I believe that our fathers were in accord with these. Write and tell me what opinion I am to hold.' Since, therefore, you have given me matter for much discussion, how is it that in your second epistle you have required me to treat of many matters in a few lines and in a single utterance, as you say, a thing which needs many words and proofs from the fathers, who spoke under the inspiration of God? For the Holy Scripture says, 'It is the Lord that teacheth intelligence and knowledge';56 and again in another place, 'The Lord giveth wisdom; and from His presence cometh knowledge and understanding. And lie giveth salvation to the righteous.'57 For, if your piety and we endeavour in this way to prove with respect to these fathers that they are not in opposition to one another, there is nothing to prevent us from examining the matter carefully and knowing that they have never in anyway shown |239 themselves to be in opposition either to one another or to themselves.
"For 58 you rightly and justly say that the doctors are not in opposition to one another, even as Paul is not in opposition to James when the one says, 'By faith is a man justified without works,'59 while the other wrote, 'Faith without works is dead';60 because Paul spoke of faith before baptism, which is the perfection of confession out of a pure heart, when it has not previously displayed good works in the world, but such a man is justified by believing and confessing and being baptized; while James referred to faith after baptism, when he said that it is dead without works, if a man does not confirm it by right action. For baptism is the earnest of a good conversation; since even our Lord, who was to us an instructor, after He had hallowed the water and been baptized by John and given us the institution of baptism, Went up to the mountain and underwent a struggle with the tempter and destroyed all his power, thereby guiding us, that we might know that after the divine cleansing we ought to display a contest in deed and to struggle according to law with the adversary, therein displaying our virtues.
"But someone will object, and say, 'Behold! Paul took Abraham as a proof that a man is justified by faith without works, saying, "Therefore they that are in the faith are blessed with the believing Abraham";61 and, "To him that hath not worked but hath believed on Him that can justify sinners his faith is reckoned for righteousness";62 while James proved by the case of Abraham that a man is not justified |240 by faith only, but by works confirmed by faith.63 And how are these not contradictory? for the same Abraham is an example of those who have not worked but believed, and of those who have shown faith by works.'
"I am ready to explain from the Holy Scriptures. For he who examines the periods of Abraham's life [will see] that he is an instance of both, of the faith which before baptism confesses salvation by believing in Christ, and of that after baptism which is joined with works, which is a reproduction of the old circumcision of the flesh, which drives away the denial of uncircumcision and brings to us the adoption as sons by God; wherefore Moses also was ordered to say thus to Far'oh; 'And say thou unto Far'oh, "Israel is my son, my firstborn."'64 Wherefore Paul writes to the Colossians and says, ' In whom ye were circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands, in the putting off of the flesh of sins and in the circumcision of Christ, and ye were buried with Him in baptism.'65 Wherefore he said of Abraham also that he was justified by faith without works while he was in uncircumcision, before he was circumcised, thus pointing to confession before baptism without works, writing to the Romans, 'To Abraham his faith was reckoned for righteousness. How? Not through circumcision, but in uncircumcision.' 66 And he did not speak falsely; for the words of Moses are witness, which say of God that He said to Abraham, 'Look toward heaven and tell the stars, if thou. be able to tell them'; and He said, 'So shall thy seed be': |241 and Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness.67
"But again our master James also took the same Abraham as an example in the faith which saves by works after baptism, he being then circumcised and not in uncircumcision. And we may learn from the Scripture; for he writes thus: 'Wilt thou know, O man, that faith without works is dead? For our father Abraham was justified by works, when he offered Isaac his son as a burnt-sacrifice. Thou seest that faith wrought with his works, and by works was made perfect. And the Scripture was fulfilled which saith, "Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness: and He was called his friend."'68 It is easy again for one.who reads the writings of Moses to learn from the book of Genesis that Abraham, after he was circumcised, offered Isaac as a burnt-sacrifice and fulfilled the commandment and was justified by works, giving us an instance of faith after baptism, which is a spiritual circumcision, justifying a man by works; for it is written, 'Abraham was circumcised, and Ishmael his son, and those born in his house, and those bought with his money from strange peoples';69 and then God, trying Abraham, said to him, 'Take thy son, whom thou lovest, even Isaac, and get thee to the high land; and offer him there as a burnt-sacrifice.'70 Accordingly these words of the apostles and those written in the old law do not seem to be in opposition to one another, but to be one, and to have been spoken by one spirit concerning faith before baptism, which justifies the man who presents himself upon a short confession only without action, baptism |242 being full salvation if a man depart from the world forthwith, and another faith, which is after baptism, which requires the proof of good works and also raises the man to the measure of perfection and to high place.71 And so also James very properly says of it that faith is made perfect by works; since the wise Paul also in another place gives similar teaching respecting faith, saying that it is made perfect through works: for the Galatians, after they had been baptized and been reckoned sons of God through the Spirit, were perverted to Judaism and were circumcised, since they vainly supposed that by the circumcision of their flesh they gained something in Christ beyond the uncircumcised; and he wrote to reprove them, saying, 'In Jesus Christ neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth anything; but faith which is worked out by love.'72 From this also, therefore, it is plain that that kind of faith after baptism is of avail and saves with which work is joined and united in love; and what work done in love is Paul declares and says, 'Love is long-suffering and kind; love is not envious and excited and puffed up, nor is it ashamed; and it seeketh not its own, and is not provoked; and it imputeth no evil; and rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth; and it hopeth all things, and endureth all things. Love doth not quickly fail.'73 These things are for the direction of action and labour and toil, that many may be profited and be saved, when united to faith. And who will dare to find fault? for respecting this our Lord also said, 'If ye love Me, keep My commandments.'74 |243
"As, therefore, the Holy Scriptures and our fathers have been consistent in the teaching given to us, so upon this question too they are in accord in teaching those who do not read negligently: wherefore, as it is written, 'Everything is known to the understanding, and plain to them that find knowledge';75 which knowledge I have endeavoured to send in a discreet manner to your affection, as is the duty of Christians.76
"But, since I have learned from several quarters that you have published the tome containing your work, which was addressed to me, not only in the great city of Alexandria but also in various places, in accordance, as I am persuaded, with Christ, even God the Lawgiver, I have in love again sent and written to our brother the presbyter Thomas not to publish my work, but to keep it to himself, because I hoped that by the counsel of two persons, as by one mouth and soul, my writings and those of your Holiness might be made known. For after this fashion I once and again examined the teaching of the memorable Akhs'noyo77 and Eleusinus the bishops, and the books which they composed upon abstruse matters concerning the faith; and I never found in their case any declaration of the relations which we had with one another in love during our discussions, when by the help of our Lord we were alike of one mind. For I never produced either book or treatise in order to gain distinction with men, or to win renown beyond the measure of my feebleness, but in the rectitude of the Gospel in accordance with the teaching and legislation of the apostles. However, it is also unseemly that at such a time as this we should abandon the struggle against the heretics and contend and write against one another, lest the saying of the apostle be |244 fulfilled against us, who says, 'If ye bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not consumed one of another.' 78 Such contentions it is the duty of those who love our Lord to shun with all their power, and to love one another, that peace may abound and may visit the Israel of God. Greet the brotherhood that is with you. The one that is with me salutes you in our Lord."
When Julian received this epistle also from this learned Severus, he was very indignant, and was moved with anger; and he wrote, saying that his request had been refused by him for a year 79 and a month, and he had not received the respect due to him, and he had been tricked (?). And then Severus again wrote a long treatise abounding in proofs from the true doctors of the holy Church, who say that the body of Christ which He received from us was susceptible of innocent passions except sin until the Resurrection.80 And for this reason, in order that it may be known, I have set down the above epistles for the discerning.
There were many books addressed to Julian and Felicissimus and Romanus and others who shared his opinions, and in them there is also much material for profit in study for those that love instruction. And they became known to the sagacious and intelligent of the true party of the faith concerning the Incarnation of our Saviour, and the simple were preserved and enlightened so as not to become Eutychianists, and especially the monks. |245
CHAPTER XIV
THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE RIOT WHICH HAPPENED AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND HOW HYPATIUS AND POMPEIUS WERE KILLED, AND LARGE NUMBERS OF THE PEOPLE WERE MASSACRED IN THE CIRCUS
In the year ten 81 the slaughter wrought by the many Huns who invaded the territory of the Romans, and harried it, and killed many people who were in the country, and burned, as recorded above, was not enough, but in the royal city also many persons perished there in a riot which broke out. For, when John of Caesarea in Cappadocia was prefect there, by sedulously inventing pretexts against persons by the use of trickery and cunning, there and in various cities, he amassed a large quantity of gold for the royal treasury from all classes, both magnates and craftsmen; and he was listened to with attention in the palace, and was formidable to everyone, since he stood so high in the confidence of the king that he made false accusations against many persons; and he was surrounded by flatterers and informers. And there were present in the royal city no small number of people from every quarter who had complaints against him, and favoured and supported one of the factions. Wherefore there were constant outcries against him and against the king; and the factions united and were in accord with one another for several days; and the workshops were shut, and they began to plunder everything that came in their way, and to burn. And the king |246 was alarmed; and at last the palace was shut. And the parties collected in the circus and raised a great riot; and they kept crying out that Hypatius should be king; and, if not, they would burn the city. And Hypatius was compelled to come out, and Pompeius accompanied him. And they took a necklace belonging to one of the soldiers and set it on his head and enthroned him king, and they cried out at him and praised him. And, when this happened, by the advice of certain persons they set fire to the great church of the city, in order that upon receiving the news of the disaster the assembled people might be scattered; for King Justinian was in distress and alarm in the palace. And Mundus, a general, and his troops were present there; and he and the Scholarians and all the troops who were at hand received orders, and they shut the door of the circus, and they massacred and slew all classes of people who were present there; and there were no means of fleeing and escaping from the massacre. And more than 80,000 persons perished there in this riot. And Hypatius and Pompeius were at last arrested, and came in before the king. And, when he understood the state of the case, he wished to spare the men's lives; but he was not able to do so, for his consort was enraged, and swore by God and by him, and adjured him also to have the men put to death. And they were sent to the seashore and killed and thrown into the sea.
CHAPTER XV
THE FIFTEENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE BELIEVING BISHOPS WHO WERE RECALLED FROM EXILE TO THE ROYAL CITY AND PRESENTED A SUPPLICATION TO THE KING CONCERNING THEIR FAITH, WHICH RUNS AS FOLLOWS
"Various82 other men crown your believing head, O victorious king, with a crown of praises—men who take |247 occasion from the case of other persons to write words about your favours towards them; but we, who have been ourselves judged worthy to experience your virtues, render thanks to you with a crown of laudation, which we weave with splendour. And, while in the desert, and, so to speak, at the end of the world, we have been this long time dwelling in quietness, praying to the good and merciful God during such days as those on behalf of your Majesty and on behalf of our sins: and your tranquillity has inclined towards our vileness and in your believing letters summoned us to come to you. And the thing is a wonder to us that you did not receive this our request with scorn, but, with the kindness innate in you, sympathised with us, so as to bring us out of affliction, making the pretext that this or that man had interceded for us.
"Now we, since it is our duty to obey when commanded, immediately left the desert, and, journeying quietly along the road in peace without our voice being heard, have come before your feet; and we pray God, the bountiful giver, on our behalf to reward your serenity and the God-loving queen with good gifts from on high, and to bestow peace and tranquillity upon you, and to set every rebellious people as a stool beneath your feet.
"However, now that we have come, we present a supplication to your peacefulnesses containing our true faith, not wishing to hold an argument with any man on any matter that is not profitable, as it is written,83 lest we annoy your ears; for it is very hard for a man to convince persons of a contentious disposition, although he make the truth manifest. And so, as we have said, we refuse to engage in a dispute with the contentious, who will not receive instructors; for our master |248 the apostle said, 'We have no such custom, neither the Churches of God.' 84
"Accordingly, victorious king, we do now also declare the freedom of our faith, although in the desert, when we received your edict at the hands of Theodotus the duke, we wrote and declared what we think, and your Majesties gave us a message of truth free from affliction in that you were graciously moved and summoned us to your presence. And, since we have been judged worthy of the mercies of God, we do in this supplication inform your orthodoxies that by the grace of God we have from our earliest infancy received the faith of the apostles, and have been brought up in it and with it, and we think and believe even as our three hundred and eighteen God-inspired holy fathers, who drew up the faith of life and salvation, which was confirmed by our one hundred and fifty holy fathers who once met here, and ratified by the pious bishops who assembled at Ephesus and rejected the impious Nestorius. And so in this faith of the apostles we have been baptized and do baptize, and this saving knowledge is grounded in our hearts, and this same doctrine alone we recognise as a rule in the faith, and beyond it we receive no other; because it is perfect in all points, and it does not grow old nor need renovation.
"Now we acknowledge a worshipful and holy Trinity of one nature, power, and honour, which is made known in three persons; for we worship the Father and His only Son, God the Word, Who was begotten of Him eternally beyond all times, and is with Him always without variation, and 'the Holy Spirit, which proceeds from the Father, and is of the nature of the Father and of the Son. One of the persons of this holy Trinity, that is, God the Word, we say by the will of the Father in the last days for the salvation of men took flesh of the Holy Spirit and of the holy Virgin the Theotokos Mary in a body endowed with a rational and intellectual soul, passible after our nature, and became man, |249 and was not changed from that which He was. And so we confess that, while in the Godhead He was of the nature of the Father, He was also of our nature in the manhood. Accordingly He Who is the perfect Word, the invariable Son of God, became perfect man, and left nothing wanting for us in respect of our salvation, as the foolish Apollinaris said, saying that the Humanisation of God the Word was not perfect, and deprives us, according to his opinion, of things that are of prime importance in our salvation. For, if our intellect was not united with Him, as he absurdly says, then we are not saved, and in the matter of salvation have fallen short of that which is of the highest consequence for us. But these things are not as he said; for the perfect God for our sake became perfect man without variation, and God the Word did not leave anything wanting in the Humanisation, as we have said, nor yet was it a phantom of Him, as the impious Mani supposes, and the erring Eutyches.
"And, since Christ is truth and does not know how to lie and does not deceive, because He is God, therefore God the Word truly became incarnate, in truth again, and not in semblance, with natural and innocent passions, because of His own will He for our sake among the things which He took upon Himself in the passible flesh of our nature of His own will endured also our death, which He made life for us by a Resurrection befitting God, for he first restored incorruption and immortality to human nature.
"And, indeed, as God the Word left nothing wanting and was not phantasmal in the Incarnation and Humanisation, so He did not divide it into two persons and two natures according to the doctrine introduced by Nestorius the man-worshipper and those who formerly thought like him, and those who in our day so think.
"And the faith contained in your confession refutes the doctrine of these men and contends with it, because in your |250 earnestness you said thus: 'God appeared, Who became incarnate. He is in all points like the Father except the individuality of His Father. He became a sharer of our nature, and was called Son of Man. Being one and the same, God and man, He showed Himself to us, and was born as a babe for our sake; and, being God, He for men and for the sake of their salvation became man.' 85
"If those who dispute with us adhered to these things in truth and were not content to hold them in appearance only, but rather consented to believe as we do and you do and as our holy God-inspired fathers did, they would have abstained from this stirring of strife. For that Christ was joined by composition, and that God the Word is joined by composition with a body endowed with a rational and intellectual soul the all-wise doctors of the Church have plainly stated. Dionysius, who from the Areopagus and from the darkness and error of heathendom attained to the supreme light of the knowledge of God through our master Paul, in the treatise which he composed about the divine names of the Holy Trinity says, 'Praising it as kindly, we say, as is right, that it is kindly, because it in truth partook perfectly of our attributes in one of its persons, drawing to itself and raising- the lowliness of our manhood, out of which the simple Jesus became joined by. composition in a manner that cannot be described; and He who was from eternity and beyond all times took upon Him a temporal existence, and He who was raised and exalted above all orders and natures became in the likeness of our nature without variation and confusion.'86 And Athanasius again in the treatise upon the faith named the unity of God the Word with soul-possessing flesh a composition, speaking thus: 'What is the relationship to the unbelief of those who |251 call it an indwelling instead of an Incarnation, and instead of a union and composition a human energy? ' 87
"If, therefore, according to our holy fathers, whom your peacefulnesses have followed, God the Word, who was before simple and not composite, became incarnate of the Virgin, the Theotokos Mary, and united soul-possessing and intellectual flesh to Himself personally and made it His own and was joined with it by composition in the dispensation, it is manifest that according to our fathers we ought to confess one nature of God the Word, who took flesh and became perfectly man. Accordingly God the Word, who was before simple, is not recognised to have become composite in a body, if He is again divided after the union by being called two natures. But, just as an ordinary man, who is made up of various natures, soul and body and so forth, is not divided into two natures because a soul has been joined by composition with a body to make up the one nature and person of a man, so also God the Word, who was personally united and joined by composition with soul-possessing flesh, is not divided into or in two natures because of His union and composition with a body. For according to the words of our fathers, whom the fear of God that is in you has followed, God the Word, Who was formerly simple, consented for our sake to be united by composition with soul-possessing and intellectual flesh and without change to become man. Accordingly one nature and person of God the Word, Who took flesh, is glorified, and there is one energy of the Word of God which is made known, which is exalted and glorious and fitting for God, and is also lowly and human. How is it that some are not corrected?"
And they are urgent and refuse to accept what Leo wrote in the Tome in opposition to these things, he and those of his opinions; and they produced quotations from him, and from |252 Nestorius and Theodore and Diodorus and Theodoret and the Synod of Chalcedon, who speak of two natures after the Incarnation of God the Word, and two persons; and they provided a copious refutation of these with proofs drawn from the fathers who have at various times held opinions contrary to these and taught one nature and person in the Church, saying that God the Word was in truth humanised without change and became perfect man, and the same remained perfect God, besides things which I forbear to record here on account of their length, and because they were everywhere to be found in works against the Diphysites.
And at the end of their petition they said thus: "And for this reason we do not accept either the Tome or the definition of Chalcedon, O victorious king, because we keep the canon and law of our fathers who assembled at Ephesus and anathematised and deprived Nestorius and excommunicated any who should presume to compose any other definition of faith besides that of Nicaea, which was correctly and believingly laid down by the Holy Spirit. These we reject and anathematise. And this definition and canon those who assembled at Chalcedon deliberately set at naught and transgressed, as they state in the Acts of that Synod;88 and they are subject to punishment and blame from our holy fathers in that they have introduced a new definition of faith, which is contrary to the truth of the doctrine of those who from time to time have been after a pure manner doctors of the Church, who, we believe, are now also entreating Christ with us, that you may aid the truth of their faith, honouring the contests undergone by their priesthoods, by which the Church has been exalted and glorified. For thus shall peace reign in your reign by the power of the right hand of God Almighty, to whom we pray on your behalf that without toil or struggle in arms He will set your enemies as a stool beneath your feet." And, when the letter of defence for the faith, as given |253 above, had been presented to the king and been read, and many words had been spoken during the no small space of one year and more by the believing bishops who had come thither to the royal city by the king's command, as recorded above, with whom was the learned John the archimandrite, the son of Aphthonia, (and he wrote a record of the discussions), the king would not banish the Synod of Chalcedon from the Church, while he summoned by letter the holy Severus the chief priest, who was hiding in various places. And, since he rejected the king's request and refused to come to him, the believing bishops who were in Constantinople returned each one of them to any place he chose to hide himself, according as he judged convenient for him.
And 89 then after a time, in the year thirteen,90 after many letters from the king, the holy Severus also came to him and was received, and he was in the palace till March of the year fourteen,91 while the Diphysite bishops everywhere were disturbed and annoyed and also alarmed, and especially Ephraim of Antioch, until in their anxiety they stirred up Agapetus, chief priest of Rome, who shared their opinions, and invited and brought him to the royal city. Moreover, how it came about and what happened will be made known in a chapter which I am going to write below.
The end of the petition contained in the fifteenth [chapter]92 concerning the monks who assembled at Constantinople.93 |254
CHAPTER XVI
THE SIXTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK TREATS OF THE DEFENCE, WHICH SEVERUS, WHEN REFUSING TO COME TO THE ROYAL CITY, WROTE IN AN EPISTLE TO THE KING, AS FOLLOWS
"The 94 eternal Word of the Father, the Son of God, Who had in the end taken flesh and was not changed, and, moreover, became perfectly man by the Holy Spirit and Mary the holy Virgin, the Theotokos, and in everything was truly made like unto us except sin, fulfilling the teaching of salvation in parables, [sowed] the seed from it in His disciples, that they too and all throughout the whole world who by their means received the word, if anything that was good sprang up from it in the way of righteousness and pious deeds, might ascribe this not to themselves but to the power of that which He sowed in the beginning, as by grace, and, when among valleys and boulders and stone rocks in the wilderness, might with loud and strong voices cry out, making utterance. Similarly, therefore, has your serene Mightiness also sown the seed of kindliness that is in my vileness, and has caused this letter to spring forth from me; not as the offspring of presumption, for how was it possible that in answer to the powerful and strong voice of your Majesty, which reached my ears, an utterance should not be emitted by me? For, when those who bitterly despised my vileness thought that they had everywhere shut the doors in my face without mercy, then indeed, as by an unexpected miracle, you by your letter summon me to yourself, me, a man who am, as it were, driven about and banished by enemies. And this same thing is like God, who to them that were pursued by foemen, when they thought themselves |255 shut in and caught by them, provided a broad way of safety, worthy of His wisdom and His great might; a way which worked a miracle upon Far'oh, who had let them go after their long time of subjection, and again pursued after them to bring them into subjection to his. hard yoke, and with his horsemen surrounded them in the wilderness of the Sea of Rushes and barred the way, thinking in his heart and saying, 'These men are entangled in the land, for the wilderness hath shut them in."95 But the marvellous God to those who thought themselves hemmed in by warriors made a way of grace over the sea dry, that they might cross it on foot; who commanded Moses to raise his staff over the sea and cause it to be divided. And so in close resemblance to these things you also with your Majesty's wand of peace have divided the sea in the wilderness which hemmed me in; and the way which, it was thought, could not be traversed you have again caused to be traversed by me.
"And it is a great proof of your gentleness that you unhesitatingly indited your letter to me even with oaths, promising me immunity from injury; in this also after the manner of God, because He too, condescending to the weakness of men, oftentimes sent forth His promises with oaths, as Scripture teaches, and Paul made mention of it, saying, 'When God made promise to Abraham, because He had none greater than Himself by whom He could swear, He sware by Himself and said, "Blessing, I will bless thee; and multiplying, I will multiply thee."'96 But I, the vile one, am bold to say that I was in no need of such security, since I trust the word that comes out of your mouth only, believing it to be a perfect safeguard to me, even as the wise Koheleth said, 'Observe the mouth of the king, and be not anxious in regard to the word of the oaths of God.'97 But I have confidence in the test which springs from the deeds which in truth bear witness more than oaths to your peacefulness as well as to your inclination to the mercies which belong to a gentle |256 soul. For, as soon as you have taken upon yourself the cares of the kingdom, you release from sorrow all classes of men sentenced to exile, chief priests and magnates and common people, having regard to that which is equally esteemed by all men, the light of the sun, and rain, and the temperate air which it brings, and the other things which are required for and conduce to the life of men.
"But I will not, by drinking from the copiousness of this rich stream of your gentleness, cause myself to err, and be rendered proud; but I have determined to declare what is in my mind. For I am afraid lest, if my meanness be openly seen in the royal city, many persons may be alarmed, and, though I am in truth nothing but merely a vile person bound under this heavy yoke of sins, when they hear of this, many persons may be roused to anger and inflamed by this paltry anxiety, as by a little coal of fire, so as to trouble and annoy even your Mightiness owing to your affection towards me: and I think that it will not seem to you fitting nor to others profitable. Now this I say, not as though I had any power against your Majesty's Mightiness, for it is written, 'When a righteous king sitteth upon a throne, no evil riseth up against his eyes,'98 but because I am persuaded that, as this power belongs to you by grace from on high, so you are clad in understanding and wisdom, and make it your endeavour to do many things, not by this sword, but by sagacity befitting kingship. And this we are taught by the Scripture, which says, 'A wise king winnoweth and scattereth the wicked.'99 And, just as it is easy for those who are winnowed by the wind, which blows away the chaff, to hold aloof from sinners, so also is it simple for your serenity, my lord, with the all-considering heart and with |257 the mercy of a gracious father, to separate those that are under subjection to you from those of the contrary part, in order that the Churches in union may be reckoned worthy of friendship. For I know that it was for this reason also that you judged it right that my feebleness too should come to your feet, because, when also you reckoned this same thing worthy of a letter from you to the pious bishops of the East, who are men that pray for the safety and preservation of your Majesty, they also, after they had written to you what they thought, informed my feebleness of this your will, urging us according to the custom of the Church to help you by prayer on your behalf.
"Now in your great city of Alexandria nothing has been done by me of the things falsely asserted against me. And it is easy for me to show the folly of the informers; for they have slandered me, saying that by means of a large sum of gold which I distributed there, I stirred up riotous contention. And this same thing is known to those who hate me greatly that, though involved in the passions of other sins, I do not seek hastily to amass money; and this by no light reasons, but my life is habitually frugal, insomuch that not even the renowned bishopric drew me away from this habit. For, as it is the approved custom for a priest to perform priestly functions, in the same way it is the approved custom for him to be poor: wherefore also the law given by Moses ordained that the chosen tribe of Levi should have no inheritance in the land, but for their necessary food the appropriated oblation should be sufficient, being associated in this with |258 the widows and the needy and the orphans, because they are accustomed to poverty, saying, 'And the Levite shall come (because he hath no part or inheritance with thee), and the stranger and the orphan and the widow, which are in thy villages, and they shall eat and rejoice; that the Lord thy God may bless thee in all thy works which thou cloest.' 100 But, since, as it is written, 'Righteous lips are acceptable to the king, and he loveth upright speech,'101 your Mightiness may learn from the governors who have been at any time in Alexandria, and now from their officials, whom nothing escapes, whether anything of the kind has been done by me even in word, or has been reported to have been done, as they have falsely and maliciously asserted of me. But about these informers I will not say anything, because it does not escape your knowledge what kind of men they are: but I await a judgment with them, after we have been separated from this world of toil, before the tribunal of Christ, where we shall give an account for idle words and for vain thoughts; and especially shall we bishops, to whom much has been intrusted, be judged, although here we delight in bodily things and dally in them.
"But, if some apply the term turbulence to what I wrote to Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus, who has been perverted to the heresy of the Manichees and reckons the voluntary saving passions of Christ, the great God, as a phantasy, I do with ten thousand mouths and tongues confess and do not deny what I wrote, even as no one will hastily order me to deny my faith: for this is the opinion of your orthodoxy also, who more than the affairs of the world care to hold fast the things which belong to the Spirit. And I was not impelled to do this by my own will or my own motion, but I was greatly pressed by him to write, because he thought that I agreed with his doctrine. For, when I had gone through what he sent to me (and I am far away from Alexandria), in the things which |259 he wrote I found that under the name of incorruptibility he covered, as it were with a sheepskin, the blasphemies of Mani, because there are many things which I will forbear to mention. "This foolish man, who confesses the passions with his lips only, hiding his impiety, wrote thus: 'Incorruptibility was always attached to the body of our Lord, which was passible of His own will for the sake of others.' And in brotherly love I wrote and asked him: 'What do you mean by "incorruptible," and "suffered of His own will for the sake of others," and "was attached to the body of our Lord," if without any falsehood you confess it to be by nature passible? For, if by the incorruptibility possessed by it you mean holiness without sin, we all confess this with you, that the holy body from the womb which He united to Himself originally by the Holy Spirit of the pure Virgin, the Theotokos, was conceived and born in the flesh without sin and conversed with us men, because "He did no sin, neither was guile found in His mouth," 102 according to the testimony of the Scriptures. But, if you call impassibility and immortality incorruptibility, and say that the body which suffered in the flesh on our behalf was not one that was capable of suffering with voluntary passions and dying in the flesh, you reduce the saving passions on our behalf to a phantasy; for a thing which does not suffer also does not die, and it is a thing incapable of suffering.' 103 And upon receiving such remarks as these from me he openly refused to call the holy body of Emmanuel passible in respect of voluntary passions; and therefore he did not hesitate to write thus, without shame and openly: 'We do not call Him of our nature in respect of passions, but in respect of essence. Therefore, even if He is impassible, and even if He is incorruptible, yet He is of our nature in respect of nature.'" |260
And the rest of the erring fatuity of Julian, which is contained at great length in the epistle, I forbear to record now, matters which are to be found in the many books which this holy Severus composed against Julian.
But at the end of the epistle he wrote, saying thus: "I therefore entreat you and take hold of your feet, again repeating the request that you will leave my meanness alone, and not again bring me forth among men, because I am enfeebled in my body and in my mind; wherefore also I am weak, since true are the words of Scripture which say, 'The mind falleth among blows(?).' And there are now many white hairs on my head, which bear witness to me of death, the departure from this weary life, and it appears to me to be a thing very good and beneficial to sit hidden in a corner and bear in my mind the separation of soul from body, awaiting my grave; for 'the earth is the home of everyone that dieth,'104 as Job said; because in the case of other animals who live on the earth their hair does not change, but in the case of this rational animal, man, because he was destined to come to judgment and have his deeds examined in the future world, as soon as he reaches old age, the hair of his head turns white, such appearance making announcement to him and inciting him, as far as those who have delayed are concerned, to prepare his deeds for his departure; and the Scripture also bears testimony to him, saying, 'Lift up thine eyes and look on the fields, for they are white and prepared for harvest';105 for the separation of the soul from the body is in truth a harvest, and, as with a sickle, He cutteth it away from it, and it is bereft. So I beg that your Mightiness will grant me this simple request, that I may dwell hidden where I am, because the |261 rest of my days in the world I am determined to live in secret, as in a corner; for such is the life of a monk.
"May Christ, who is God over all, give you dominion over your enemies, with perfect peace and concord among the Churches, that you may be crowned with this also. And, if I am committing any fault or presumption in this my letter of petition, I entreat you to forgive me, as on other points; for it is very becoming in a Christ-loving king to overcome evil with good, as the apostle said,106 a duty which you display in deed, and are therefore rightly called Victorious."
The signature of Severus to the epistle—
"May the only Trinity, for that is our God, preserve your orthodoxy many years, keeping the dominion of the commonwealth of the Romans in peace, and may He bring every nation of Romans and barbarians into subjection to you, and grant to the holy Churches by your means perfect concord in sound faith; and may He reckon you worthy to receive a crown in the kingdom of heaven."
Now after this epistle the holy Severus remained till the year thirteen,107 and then came to the royal city, because he was pressed by letters from the king.
CHAPTER XVII
THE. SEVENTEENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING AFRICA, WHICH WAS CONQUERED BY BELISARIUS THE GENERAL
When in the summer of the year eleven108 Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices, had by the help of our Lord made peace between the Romans and the Persians on the terms contained in the written treaty, and the Roman generals and army in the East had come to the royal city, they received blame from the king and incurred his displeasure, |262 because they had not acted worthily of the high honour and rank which he had bestowed on them by showing themselves brave and astute in the struggle against the Persians, and especially Belisarius, because of the loss of the army under his orders, which had been defeated in battle at Thannuris and on the Euphrates; and he made his defence to the king on the ground of the impatience of the army, and the lack of discipline among the men under him.
Now there were in Constantinople certain magnates from Africa, who, owing to a quarrel which they had with the prince of the land, had left their country and taken refuge with the king, and they gave him information about the country and incited him, saying that it was very extensive and very peaceful, and that it had no thought of a war with the Romans, but was engaged in a struggle with the Moors, a people who are settled in the desert and live by robbery and devastation like the Saracens. And they pointed out to the king that this country had been torn and snatched from the Roman Empire since the days of Zirzeric, who took Rome, and also carried off valuable objects of gold and silver and other precious substances, and withdrew to Carthage in Africa, a distinguished city, which he took and occupied; and he settled there, and stored and placed the treasures in it.
And so the king made ready an army under Belisarius and Martin and Archelaus the prefect, and many ships carrying arms and accoutrements (?) for the army; and they sailed over the sea; and, because God willed this expedition and assisted it, they arrived in a few days and suddenly appeared before the royal city of Carthage. And the prince of the land was not there, |263 but was engaged in war with the Moors in the desert; but a small force, which was in the city, which came out and met the Romans, was defeated in battle and was vanquished and retreated. And the city was surrendered, and the Romans entered and occupied it. And they collected spoil; and the prince's treasure was kept for the king of the Romans.
Now the Romans also occupied a few of the cities of the country, because they were betrayed to them by certain men who were with them, who betrayed the country and knew it well; and it109 is a spacious land, extending over about fifty days' journey, and contains more than one hundred and thirty cities, and is rich and fertile. But the king and the chief priests of the land and the magnates of the people were Arimenites.110
Now, when the prince heard it and came with an army, it was found to be small and contemptible before the Romans; and, when he understood that his kinsmen had been taken, and his magnates had surrendered, and his treasure had been carried away, he was weakened, and on condition that his life should be spared he surrendered. And he was taken away in company with Belisarius in the year twelve,111 and was publicly presented to the king in the circus before the people, with the treasure112 and his kinsmen and his magnates. And an ambassador of Khosru, king of the Persians, was there and was present and saw these things. And from that time Africa has been subject to the Romans. And gradually the other cities in the region of Africa were reduced: only the Moors continue their accustomed hostilities there. |264
CHAPTER XVIII
THE EIGHTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING ROME, WHICH WAS TAKEN BY BELISARIUS
Alimeric 113 the tyrant held possession of Rome by rebellion in the days of Zeno and Anastasius; and he was a warlike man and an able, and he added great strength to the country of Italy, and he rebuilt Rome and kept the barbarians out of it. And he had died, and his successors one after another held and governed the country of the Romans in rebellion against the kingdom of Constantinople.
Now a certain Dominic,114 one of the chief men of the country, had a quarrel with the tyrant, and took refuge with King Justinian, and gave him information about the country. And he was an old man, well read in the Scriptures,115 a Diphysite; and he often engaged in disputation, and I know him. Now the king, having conquered Africa in the manner described above, was eager to conquer Rome also. And, observing that Belisarius had been successful in the war in Africa without doing any injury to the population of the country or diminishing it by bloodshed, but had been content with the necessary demands of tribute, taxes, and subjection, he made ready an army for him and sent him to Rome. And John the chief priest there had died during those days, and Agapetus had succeeded him.
And, when the army had reached a place called Naples, a celebrated city, not far from Rome, and had taken it, the Senate in Rome and their council, together with their chief, were disturbed and afraid, because they had already heard how Carthage and the tyrant of that country of Africa had been conquered; and, observing these things, they anticipated |265 matters by sending a petition, asking for peace, and promising to surrender the city; and later they also sent hostages. And afterwards Belisarius arrived there with the army and was received in the city with the praises of its inhabitants, and he occupied it and did no injury in it. And he was there for a time, while occupying the other cities also and bringing them into subjection to the king, without doing any hurt by slaying or destroying the population. And the king gained renown by these things and rejoiced in the year fourteen.
CHAPTER XIX
THE NINETEENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING SEVERUS, WHO AGAIN WENT UP TO CONSTANTINOPLE AND APPEARED BEFORE THE KING
Now 116 the well-tried Severus, after receiving pressing summonses from the king, at last came to Constantinople in the year fourteen,117 and was received in a friendly manner in the palace by the king, who was disposed 118 and incited thereto by Theodora the queen, who was devoted to Severus, and he was honourable and venerable in her eyes. And, Epiphanius, the chief priest of the city, having died, Anthimus had succeeded him; and he was an ascetic man and a practiser of poverty, and a friend of the needy and a believer. He was bishop of Trebizond, and, happening for some reason to be present there, and being a man of virtuous character and known to the king and the magnates for his chastity, he was appointed patriarch; and he would not receive the Synod of Chalcedon into the faith. |266
And in Alexandria, after Gaian had been driven out, who was a Julianist, and was there for three months after the death of Timothy, Theodosius became bishop, a man of conspicuous faith and learned and kind and gentle; and he was an acquaintance and a friend of the holy Severus.
When these three chief priests were joined together in love, and in faith were not divided from one another, Ephraim 119 of Antioch was alarmed and greatly disturbed, and yet more so because Peter of Jerusalem was not of his own inclination a lover of discord or a heretic, although through weakness and lack of energy and vigour he conducted himself according to the times.
Now120 it happened that in those days Sergius,121 an archiatros of Rhesaina, went up to Antioch to make a complaint against Asylus,122 the bishop of that city, telling Ephraim the patriarch that he had been injured by him. And this man was a man of eloquence and practised in the reading of many books of the Greeks and in the teaching of Origen, while for some time he had been reading commentaries on the Scriptures by other doctors in Alexandria (and he was skilled in the Syriac tongue, reading and speaking) and books of medicine. And of his own inclination he was a believer, to which evidence is also borne by the prologue and the very apt translation of Dionysius which he made 123 and the treatise composed by him on the faith in the days of the illustrious Peter, the believing bishop. However, as regards his character, this Sergius was very |267 wanton in the lust of women, and he was incontinent and not chaste, while he was greedy in respect of the love of money.
Of this man Ephraim made trial, and, finding him to be a man of experience, promised to do for him anything that he asked, if he would go as his emissary to Rome with an epistle to Agapetus, the chief priest there, and return. And he accepted. And he was furnished with presents by Ephraim, and received a letter for the man, while he was accompanied by a lad named Eustace, an architect, from Amida, who spreads about a strange story about Sergius; but, lest it should do harm to the reader, I do not record it.
These men also accordingly came to Rome to Agapetus, and they delivered the epistle and were received; and the man was pleased with their epistle, in which he found agreement with his opinions. And he came with them to Constantinople in the month of March in the year fourteen; and Severus was there, and Anthimus was chief priest. And the whole city was disturbed at the arrival of Agapetus;124 and the earth with all that is upon it quaked; and the sun began to be darkened by day and the moon by night, while ocean was tumultuous with spray (?) from the 24th of March in this year till the 24th of June in the following year fifteen.125 And Agapetus, when he appeared before the king, had a splendid reception from him, because he spoke the same language and was chief priest of the country of Italy, which had been |268 conquered and brought into subjection to him. And he was instructed in the outward words of Scripture but did not understand its meaning; and he held an ignoble opinion upon the Incarnation of Jesus, our Lord Christ, God the Word, and he would not consent to call the Virgin Mary the Theotokos, and divided the unity into two natures, since he held the priority of the conception of the babe, like those of the school of Diodorus and Nestorius. And he abstained from communion with Anthimus and Severus, and they yet more from communion with him; and one of them he called an adulterer and the other a Eutychianist: and he perverted the love of the king towards them and made him hostile to them; and he drove them from the city.
And 126 Anthimus and Severus and Theodosius of Alexandria made union with one another 127 in epistles, which we have set down below; and Anthimus and Severus left the city to live each of them in hiding wherever was convenient for him.
Now Menas became bishop in the royal city after Anthimus. And Sergius the archiatros died suddenly there, and Agapetus died after him in those days by a miracle, his tongue being eaten away and rending him in his lifetime;128 and Silverius became bishop in Rome after him.
CHAPTER XX
THE TWENTIETH CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF SEVERUS TO THE ORDER OF PRIESTS AND MONKS IN THE EAST, TREATING OF HIS EXPULSION FROM THE ROYAL CITY
"To129 the God-loving presbyters and deacons and |269 archimandrites and priors and all the holy order of monks in the East Severus greeting in our Lord.
"That I have passed outside the city which is ruler among cities and beyond the pursuit of men, some of you, O holy ones, being present, have seen with their own eyes, I who have reckoned it right to indite this short letter on my part and to stir you up to the expression (?) of thanksgiving for what I even reckon as my glory (?), and to state clearly that the actions of the divine providence towards us are in truth beneficial to us for the preservation of the orthodox faith and the formation of a new will, with which, as one may say, it is right to clothe oneself after the fashion of a new garment, and for shunning every heretical opinion and contention. For Jacob also the patriarch, the great in endurance of labours and in trust in God, when he fled from intercourse with the barbarians in Sh'khem and from the dangers that surrounded him there, urged those that dwelt with him to the same course to which I have urged you, as he says in Scripture: 'And Jacob said to his household and to all them that were with him, Put away from among you the strange gods, and be clean, and change your garments: and let us arise and go up to Beth El and build there an altar unto God, who answered me in the day of distress and delivered me in the way which I went.'130 For he has in truth delivered me from all the expectation of the adversaries, who hate me without a cause, and mocked at me and wagged their heads and said, as in Job, 'His foot hath fallen into a gin, and he hath been caught in a net. Let gins come upon him, and they shall prevail against him, as thirsting for him. His noose is hid in the |270 ground, and the net is over his paths.' 131 But, as for the wickedness of these men, it is not sated with blood; the Christ-worshipping queen was a sufficient protection for me, and God, who through your prayers directed her to that which is good in His sight, even as He cries in Isaiah the prophet to those that trust in Him, 'Fear not, because I have delivered thee. I have called thee by thy name, because thou art Mine. If thou pass through water, I am with thee, and rivers shall not overflow thee; and in fire thou shalt not be burned, and flame shall not scorch thee. Because I am the Lord thy God, the Holy One of Israel, that delivereth thee.' 132
"And He that said these things has not only given me a marvellous deliverance, but has further also added an addition to the portion of the believers, to say truth, to the portion of the Lord and to the possession of His inheritance, Israel, that it may not be as those whom the Scripture blames, saying, 'Ye shall sow your seed in vain.'133 For the pious Anthimus, archbishop of the royal city, who received the chief chair, even when he was in possession of it, would not retain it, but in upright fashion and with true judgment and knowledge hated the impiety of these men, and accepted the communion of us and of Pope Theodosius of Alexandria and of all the pastors who belong to our confession. Accordingly they vainly lead men astray who say that they do not receive the Synod of Chalcedon in respect of the definition of faith, but in respect of the rejection of Eutyches and Nestorius, clokes which Flavian also used but did not succeed in leading your zeal astray, and you were not overreached by Satan, and are able to say like Paul, 'His devices do not escape us.'" 134
And so on with the rest of the epistle. |271
CHAPTER XXI
FIRST CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF ANTHIMUS TO SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH
"To135 our pious and holy brother and fellow-minister, the patriarch, my lord. Severus, Anthimus greeting in our Lord.
"Bearing in my mind the utterance of the Lord which says, 'To whomsoever much has been committed, from him shall much be required,' 136 and the saying of the Psalmist, 'Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord? and who shall stand in His holy place?'137 and the apostle, who ordains of what sort a man must be who is set apart for God, I have been in no small fear. For, if those great patriarchs called themselves, one 'dust and ashes'138 and another 'a worm and no man,' 139 what shall I say, the small and contemptible, who have attained to the height of this ministry without being worthy of it? For the disturbance of the holy Churches also agitates my soul greatly; for certain men, being held fast in sins and, as if displaying an appearance of avoiding variation and confusion, which does not exist, wantonly divide God the Word, who is one and indivisible, and became incarnate without variation. And for this reason I am in great sorrow, as it is said in the Psalmist, 'Sorrow hath taken hold upon me because of the sinners that have forsaken Thy law.'140 But trust in God gives me joy, and I believe that He will surely perform His promises and will give us all that we mean creatures need, not because we are His friends but because of importunity, and He will make requisition for all His elect; who has also for a long time preserved your Holiness from sins |272 through your apostolic contests and labours and your spiritual teachings, which by grace have been vouchsafed unto you, as a stone that cannot be moved, as well as us, His holy Churches, to be an invariable foundation of the faith. It is therefore the same God who assigns exaltation to the lowly and greatness to the small and strength to the weak, as the divine apostle says, 'By grace are we all justified.' 141 And these things, being by divine power made strong in weakness, have by an ineffable judgment brought our weakness also to be ruler in the holy Church in this royal city. Acknowledging therefore His grace, we beg you, pious one, to entreat Christ our God to assist our worthlessness; and, because different men have different marks, the mark of priests is also the preaching of the gospel, for, 'Speak,' He says, 'priests, and, when you go up upon the high mountains, make proclamation.' 142
"In this first spiritual and love-abounding greeting I communicate with you, O holy one; for, while rejoicing in union and. also in conjunction with you and in spiritual ties in accordance, with the laws of the Church, I declare that I cleave to the one only definition of faith, that which was laid down by the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers who assembled at Nicaea under the direction of the Holy Spirit, and to this I pray that I may cleave unto the end; which definition was ratified by the Synod of one hundred and fifty holy fathers which assembled in this royal city against the impious fighters against the Spirit; and not only so, but also by the holy Synod which assembled at Ephesus against the impious Nestorius, the leaders of which were the archbishops, memorable for piety and love of God, Celestine of the Romans and. Cyril of Alexandria, who in his twelve chapters overthrew Nestorius the man-worshipper. To these chapters I assent together with all his writings and embrace |273 them as a holy law, while together with these holy teachings of Cyril I receive also the formula of. Zeno uniting the Churches, which aims at the consummation of religion for the annulling of the Synod of Chalcedon and the impious Tome of Leo. I confess that God the Word, who was begotten before the ages of God the Father, the only Son, connatural and coeternal with the Father, through whom all things were made and through whom all things were established, the Light of Light, the invariable image and invisible will of the Father, in the last days became incarnate and became perfectly man of the Holy Spirit and of the holy Theotokos and ever-virgin Mary, and united to Himself personally flesh of our nature, having a rational and intellectual soul, and without variation and confusion and sin took our resemblance upon Him. For He remained immutable as God, and even in assuming our attributes He did not at the same time also diminish His own divine properties; and that which was derived from us He made His own by dispensation by a junction consisting in a natural union. For He who was begotten without time and without a body of God the Father, the same submitted to a second birth in a body; and, after He had in an ineffable manner become incarnate of a virgin mother, she that bore Him also continued a virgin even after the birth. Wherefore also we truly confess her to be the Theotokos, and that He who was born of her in the flesh is perfect God and perfect man, the same out of two natures one Son, one Lord, one Christ, and one nature of the incarnate Word; and He became perfectly man, while each one of the natures remained without confusion in its sphere of manifestation, the natures which combined to form an indivisible unity. So also He is very rightly one of the holy and connatural Trinity, before the Incarnation and after the Incarnation, inasmuch as He did not add a number to the Trinity, the number of a quaternity; and He is impassible in that He is of the nature of the |274 Father, but passible in the flesh in that He is of our nature. For God the Word did not suffer in His own nature, but in flesh of our nature; and He who personally united this to Himself suffers in our likeness. And Gregory the Theologian defined the matter and called Him impassible in the Godhead, passible in the assumption of flesh.143 And He is one and the same in the miracles and also in the passions; and by dispensation He made our passions His own, voluntary and innocent ones, in flesh which was passible and mortal and of our nature, intellectually and rationally possessed of a soul. And this all the time of the dispensation He allowed to be passible and mortal for the purpose mentioned above with respect to His Humanisation, I mean that He suffered not in semblance but in reality. For in the flesh that was capable of suffering He endured voluntary and natural and innocent passions and the death by the Cross; and by a miracle befitting God, that of the Resurrection, He made and rendered it impassible and immortal and in every way therefore incorruptible, since it came from the union and existence in the womb, which was holy and without sin. While recognising, therefore, the distinction between the elements which have combined to form the unity of nature, I mean the divine and the human nature, we do not separate them from one another; also we do not cut the One and ineffable into or in two natures, nor yet do we confound Him by rejecting the distinction between the Godhead and the manhood, but we confess Him to be one out of two, Emmanuel.
"And, thus believing and taking my stand upon this belief, as upon a rock, I also anathematise the deviations from the truth which have been made by both sides, and the impious and erring men who went before them as their |275 leaders (I refer to Valentine and Marcion and Arius and Macedonius and Eunomius and Apollinaris and Eutyches), and those also who owing to the union with the Word have vainly and impiously confessed the flesh which was derived from us and was personally united to God the Word to be impassible and immortal, and have introduced a semblance and a phantasy as belonging to the great mystery of the immutable and veritable Humanisation of the Lord; and I anathematise also Paul of Samosata and Photinus and Diodorus and Theodore and Nestorius, and also Theodoret and Andrew and Hibo and Eutherius and Alexander of Hierapolis and Irenaeus the twice-married and Cyrus and John 144 and Bar Tsaumo the Persian and the Synod of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo and those who say that He is made known and exists in two natures, i.e. our Lord Jesus Christ after the ineffable union, and do not confess that there is one aspect, one person and nature of God the Word, who became incarnate and became man. On the basis of these apostolic and divine and blameless doctrines, holy brother ours, I give you the right hand of communion, a communion which I will hold fast till my last breath, while I will not consent to hold communion with any man who thinks differently from this, because Basil says, 'He who communicates without discrimination with the foolish is separated from the freedom of Christ.' 145 For I know that you also, pious one, hold these things fast, and have for a long time laboured. For who is there who in our times has undergone such a contest, removing from place to place, that his faith may not be shaken? And in you I see the doctors of the Church, because you have duly set the lamp |276 visibly on a stand, shining, as you do, in deed and word. It will be worthy therefore of your piety in consideration of these things to gladden us by instruction in return for our letter." And the rest, consisting of the greeting of the epistle.146
CHAPTER XXII
THE TWENTY-SECOND CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF SEVERUS TO ANTHIMUS
"To147 our all-pious and all-holy brother and fellow-minister, the patriarch Anthimus, Severus greeting in our Lord Jesus Christ our God.
"For the letter 148 of your chastity Paul the apostle shall give me a precedent for crying aloud in very opportune time, 'Thanks be unto God for His ineffable gift': 149 for immediately upon your accession to the see of the patriarchal throne of the. Church in the royal city you determined in the exaltation of the primatial see for the sake of the right religion to despise that which to others is an occasion for betraying their faith. For in those who wish to follow the divine commandments and, as it is written, to go after the Lord, the wisdom of the Most High places fitting thoughts, in deacons and presbyters and patriarchs according to the order of their priesthood; insomuch that the patriarch Abraham, after he had settled in many and divers countries, came to a certain country and drank copiously from a well that sprang from it, which was named the Well of Oaths, because he made oaths and treaties with the barbarians who lived near the country, and he planted fair and fruitful plantations; and, lest his thoughts should be dissipated in them, he called there upon the name of the Lord, the everlasting God, and, as he said to Him, 'Thy thoughts shall not go after the beauty of things that are seen and forget God in the pleasant delight of the sight, |277 for He alone is from everlasting, and hath made the things that are seen bright to the eyes and pleasant to the taste': and Scripture goes on to relate thus: 'Abraham planted a piece of land by the Well of Oaths and called there on the name of the Lord, the everlasting God' 150 (and some have explained it to be wood-land and some plantation-land). In the same way, therefore, your piety after having settled in other countries has come to the head of the oaths, as to a piece of land fair in produce, I mean the see of the royal city, which is rich in the pomp of the world, and drinks from the plentiful abundance of the stream. And, when you perceived that certain men wish to be perverted to a reprobate mind, differing from the pure unadulterated coinage, well tried in the orthodox faith, you did not allow the eyes of your mind to go astray through the beauty of the world and the splendour of its vanities, which pass away; but, after the pattern of the patriarch Abraham, you called there upon the name of the Lord, the everlasting God, whose merciful Word became incarnate and became man, that is, in order that the second Adam might in truth die the death that had prevailed over us and overthrow its eternal dominion, a death which it was not possible for impassible and immortal flesh to endure, because that which is impassible and immortal is not capable of suffering and dying. For, if He did not die our death for our sins and destroy this |278 death in flesh resembling our passions 151 when He rose from the dead, we are strangers and alien to the benefit of the Resurrection. For 'Christ died for our sins,' 152 cries Paul; and again, 'Since by man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the dead. For, as in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all live';153 and again, 'Since the children partook of flesh and blood, He also in like manner partook of the same, that through death He might bring to naught him that had the power of death, that is, Satan, and might deliver them who through fear of death were all their lifetime under subjection to bondage. For He received not of angels, but of the seed of Abraham did He receive. Wherefore it was right that in all things He should be made like unto His brethren.'154 Now the seed of Abraham was the passible body of our race, which God the Word, the Ruler of All, united to Himself personally from the Holy Virgin, in order that with Him He might raise our race, which had fallen under the power of death, inasmuch as He was the firstfruits of our race. So also, since He is one nature and person, it is manifest that the incarnate Word of God of His own will endured the assay and assault of human and natural and innocent passions. And the signs, even the human ones, He utters in a divine fashion (?),155 and performs some of them in a manner befitting God and some in human fashion. And we do not on account of the difference of the energies and the utterances and the miracles and the passions fall into the division of the two natures after the ineffable union and divide these things, the utterances and tokens and energies, forasmuch as we know that it is the same who wrought the miracles and who suffered and spoke in a divine manner and after the dispensation. |279
"These, to speak briefly, are the foundations on which the faith and confession of Christ rest, and 'to them nothing can be added, and from them nothing can be taken away.' 156 I 157 use opportunely in connexion with these things the holy words of Koheleth, and with application to those who have swerved from the king's highway and have gone in a crooked way and rejoice in evil perversity, but, as the Scripture said, 'in the Spirit which speaks parables,' 158 according to the law which was before delivered unto the Church by the apostles."
And again a little lower down in the epistle he says,159 "On these terms I undertake to participate in communion and also in inseparable conjunction with your piety and with those only who hold and also preach these things with you, and those who hold or say anything different I reject as strangers and aliens to our communion; and I avoid the foolishness that is in these men, as also your messenger said, as a thing that makes us alien to the boldness of Christ and supplies many with an occasion to sin. But, as one of those men of wisdom in divinity also says, 'By reason of foolishness many have sinned.'160 For, if so be that we stand upon this watch-tower and place of observation and proclaim this to those who are under our power, we shall hear from them combs of honey, even good words, and the sweetness of them is healing to the soul.
"Since therefore you have chosen for yourself to contend in a good struggle and have confessed a good confession, cry out like the prophet Habakkuk, ' I will stand upon my watch |280 and walk upon a rock,' 161 and despise them that strive below. And, if so be they place you under curses and anathemas, say to God with David with great fitness, 'They shall curse, and Thou shalt be blessed: let them that rise up against me be ashamed, but Thy bond-servant shall rejoice.'162 For also those who profess a sound faith according to the utterance of the apostle 'are come unto Mount Tsiyon, and unto the city of the living God, unto Jerusalem in heaven, and to innumerable companies of angels, and to the Church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven.' 163 Now, how can a man, shooting from the earth, hit those that are in the Church that is in heaven and mingle with it? For in vain will he toil and without profit will he stretch his bow, even if he dare to shoot upwards; for upon himself will the arrows that are shot come down: for we listen also to one of the wise men, who says thus: 'He that casteth a stone upwards casteth against his own pate';164 only if so be we continue unto the end, armed in the breastplate of the right faith and girt about in every place with all kinds of spirits. Now of this conjunction with your piety, which has been brought about for us by this canonical letter, tending both to unity of spirit and to be a bond of peace, as the apostle said,165 I will send information to our fellow-minister my lord Theodosius, the holy Pope and archbishop of the 'great and Christ-loving city of Alexandria, who labours in apostolic fashion, and undergoes a contest and stands in danger on behalf of the true word, and increases the efficacy of the talents intrusted to him every day by means of industry, and rejoices constantly in the manifestation of them. And do you write to him, |281 even as you have written to us, and grasp him with the same hands of concord, and write and enter into communication with him by a communicatory letter in accordance with the rules and laws of the holy Church. Wherefore the love of God that is in you should take care to perform your part towards him also, and it shall be to you, according to the prophecy of Isaiah, 'a wall and an outwork'; 166 as shall come to pass. And greet your brotherhood. That which is with me greets you in our Lord."
CHAPTER XXIII
THE TWENTY-THIRD CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF SEVERUS TO THEODOSIUS
"To 167 our all-pious and all-holy brother and fellow-minister, the chief priest", my lord Theodosius, Severus greeting in our Lord.
"In the Book of the Judges, which is the Book of the Tribes, he said that the tribe of Judah invited the tribe of Simeon his brother to community of lots, urging him, as to brotherly assistance, in these words: 'And Judah said unto Simeon his brother, Come with me into my lot, and let us fight with the Canaanites; and I likewise will go into thy lot. And Simeon went with him.'168 But I invite your person, holy brother, not to the community of war and fighting and to give a helping hand for the sake of lots of inheritance, but rather to the community of peace and concord, and on account of a gain made by the Church which Christ, even God, purchased with His own blood, a wonderful addition. For the holy Anthimus, the chief priest, who has been judged worthy to tend the Church of the royal city, severing the bonds and snares of the bitterness of the heretics, and repelling now their deceitful arts, now his open attacks,169 has embraced our |282 communion, holding the sound and pure faith. And to my meanness he has sent a letter, containing a covenant of communion upon a perfectly orthodox confession, and he has anathematised by name everyone who is a heretic and an alien; and his mind is not estranged from the commandments and ordinances of the Lord, which our spiritual fathers left as holy laws, upon which we all ought to gaze earnestly and say, like the enduring Job, 'Gazing upon righteousness, I will not turn away.' 170 So I eagerly and with goodwill welcomed this event which has happened as the gift of God, and I repeated the saying of the divine Scripture, 'This day we know that the Lord is with us, that all the peoples of the earth may know that the power of God is mighty.' 171 For this is written in Joshua the son of Nun.
"And it would indeed have been right that the holy archbishop Anthimus should first apply to your evangelical throne and offer to you the firstfruits of concord; but the necessity of this time and the distance of the country and the hurry of events changed the due order of things; and because this was done in secret; for as a wise doctor of divine doctrines you know what is written in the record by John the Theologian rather than Evangelist,172 that the disciples were assembled with the doors shut for fear of the Jews, and that the great God and our Saviour, Jesus Christ, while the doors were shut, appeared inside by a miracle, and stood in the midst and said, ' Peace be with you.'173
"I have therefore attached to this letter a copy of my own letter of concord and that of the God-loving chief priest, the man above mentioned, which were composed under fear of the Jews, and have sent them to your Holiness. But the religious presbyter and steward, Theopompus,174 also has certainly already given you an account of this proceeding (for he also has communicated with you 175 in this counsel and |283 action), because I believed that the love of God that is in you would rejoice and exult over it, especially when you met with the canonical letters containing the covenants.
"But know, O pious brother, beloved by me above all things, that these demands of the Chalcedonians differ in no way whatever from the promised covenant of Nahash the Ammonite, which he wished to make with the Children of Israel, who said to him, 'Make a covenant with us, and we will serve thee'; but he cruelly and barbarously returned answer, 'On this condition will I make a covenant with you, that you pluck out all your right eyes; and I will lay a reproach upon Israel.' 176 We are therefore in need of 'much watching and of immutable faith, and of prayers and entreaties that He that keeps Israel will not slumber nor sleep, and that He will turn the reproach upon those that are rich and boastful, and we may not become 'a scorn and a reproach to them that are round about us,'177 as David somewhere sings, while falling from divine things, they also confess human things; for no trust is to be placed in unbelievers and enemies of God. But to you, who are understanding in divine things, what is here said is matter of knowledge."
CHAPTER XXIV
THE TWENTY-FOURTH CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF THEODOSIUS TO SEVERUS
"To 178 our all-pious and all-holy brother and fellow-minister, the patriarch, my lord Severus, Theodosius greeting in our Lord.
"O being beloved by me above all things, rock of Christ, and guardian of the pure faith who cannot be shaken, very excellent is the blessing granted to our time, which has displayed your spiritual constancy to the holy Churches of God. We are also in good hope and are confident that the blameless pattern of your virtue, which we possess, will be preserved |284 for you. But I do not know which of your virtues to admire; for what is there among your qualities which is either defective or which stands in need of superfluous description? If so be I admire the severe manner of your lovely life, the virtue of chastity attracts me to it, and the glorious purity of right faith, which justly demands to be placed before them all, and your life of labours endured for a long time for God's sake, and your flight from place to place, and the fact that in everything you have chosen to suffer, in order that we may not be perverted from the right faith. In the same faith how many times have you under stress of events boldly cried with Paul, 'Who shall separate me from the love of Christ? Shall tribulation or distress or persecution?' 179 But in what category shall we place the exactitude of your teaching, whereby those that err are reproved and deceit is plucked out by the roots, while those that believe are delivered and are planted into the right faith? And it seems to me as if I heard Christ, even God, saying to you what He said to Jeremiah the divine prophet: 'Behold! I have put My words in thy mouth. Behold! I have this day set thee over nations and over kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to build, and to plant'; 180 and again what He said about Paul: 'He is a chosen vessel unto Me, to bear My name before the nations, and before kingdoms, and before all Israel.' 181
"These are your qualities, O divine father,— qualities which it is perhaps easy to admire, but difficult to carry fully into action, even as now also by the watchful labours of your pious soul good deeds have been done to the Church of God. For in Christ Jesus those who were before far off have become near. The pious Anthimus, who will be henceforth renowned for character and faith, the chief priest and true pastor of the Church of the royal city, has of his own will become a communicator with you, pious one, and with us, and walked after our right faith; who has banished and rejected snares and disturbances, and has trampled on transitory and unstable |285 profit, inasmuch as he has learned to believe that human greatness is nothing, and has boldly proclaimed the right and unfailing faith; so that on account of this which has happened how we rejoiced and how we gave thanks to God and what spiritual festival we celebrated, O honoured father ours, it is not possible to say in words.
"Now he has made a firm covenant in a canonical letter and sent it to our evangelical throne, as indeed your Holiness also has already stated even in your honoured letter. And in the things which he has written he has declared the whole exactitude of the sound and right faith, while he has spurned with the anathemas everything that is deceitful and heretical, professing that he holds and proclaims these things with us, and says these things, since he is a communicator with those in whose communion our holy Church also rejoices, and professing that from those from whom we turn away he also turns away. He has therefore mentioned by name and anathematised those other names of the impious heresy, and the impious Synod held at Chalcedon, and the epistle of Leo. And, when we had with all possible care considered the things written to us by the pious man and minutely examined them all, and had found that nothing in them was alien from the right faith, and we saw that there also everyone who is opposed to us was attacked,182 we all the more admired your judgment upon them; for with the things which were canonically written to you, holy one, by the pious Anthimus upon the divine doctrines we found those also which were written to us to be in accord. Since, therefore, we have found the letter of concord and communion of the holy Anthimus to be of such sort, I will, like the prophet, cry out in due season, 'Let the heavens rejoice from above, and let the clouds sprinkle righteousness,' 183 because the Lord has had mercy on His people, and such good reforms have been brought to pass for the holy Church of God.
"With outstretched hand, therefore, we have accepted the event, and on our own part also hasten to conclude similar |286 covenants; and we have admitted the pious man to the closest communion with us, and have indited a return letter to him, in which we have clearly set forth the right faith of the fathers and exposed the evil character of the faith which pollutes feeble understandings. And of the document on account of which we have entered into communion with him, and will give it to any who shall be hereafter, of this we have sent a copy to your fatherhood, because we did not wish that any of your rights should cause you jealousy, and especially those which have to do with our holy Church. And then of necessity I say that the fact that you observe towards the evangelical see the prime honour which is due to it, and express the same in writing, as the things written to me declared you to do, was in truth worthy of your holy soul, which is careful to do everything with judgment and in accordance with the will of God. But I plainly declare my feeling that my chief honour, and one which gives me great joy, is that honour which is justly paid to you by everyone. With confidence, therefore, pious father ours, I unhesitatingly assent to whatever rightly seems good to you with regard to the holy Church, considering that, as befits your fatherhood, you will not cease from action and advice which will be of benefit to the Church.
"But so much for these things. But as to ourselves, O honoured father ours, by what distresses and human humiliation we are now surrounded, every kind of plot being concerted against us, in order that we may either flee of our own accord, or that we may be expelled by force by others, while they may be granted time here also to do their own deeds and lead astray the holy Church, I wished to declare in this letter |287 also (for thus especially should we incite you, who sympathise with us, to prayer on our behalf), but it is not right for us to add load to load and burden to burden. But by only saying this much about the greatness of the stress I make it plain that we are in very truth in need of your pious prayers."
And so on with the rest of the epistle.184
CHAPTER XXV
THE TWENTY-FIFTH CHAPTER, THE EPISTLE OF ANTHIMUS TO THEODOSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA
"To 185 our all-pious and all-holy brother and fellow-minister, the patriarch, my lord Theodosius, Anthimus greeting in our Lord.
"Christ Jesus our God, who called simple and unlearned men and fishermen to be apostles and teachers, and called those who were before these from feeding a flock to be kings and prophets, who has chosen weak things and despised things, as the divine apostle said,186 He it is who has now called me also, the mean one, to the work of this spiritual ministry in the judgments which He knows, to be the head of this holy Church of Constantinople. I therefore, the sinner, remembering the utterance of the Lord spoken through Ezekiel, 'As for thee, son of man, I have given thee as a watchman unto them of the house of Israel; and, if thou hear the word at My mouth, and give forewarning from Me, saying unto the sinner, If thou sin, thou shalt die the death, and thou tell not the sinner, that he may take warning, nor yet the impious, that he may turn from his way and live, the wicked man shall die in his |288 wickedness, but his blood will I require at thine hands,' 187 and the commandment of the apostle to Timothy about the blameless-ness of the bishop's office, am beset with fear and trembling. And, when besides these things I contemplate also the turmoil which is increasing in the holy Churches and on the side of those who do not believe rightly, because they have reckoned religion as a means of profit for a time, and speak wickedness on high against their head, and divide God the Word, who became incarnate without variation and became perfectly man, I am beset with weeping and groans, and I mourn over myself, because I am unworthy. But trust in God comforts me, as it is said, 'Look at the generations of old and see; who hath trusted in the Lord and been confounded? or who hath abode in His fear and been forsaken? or hath called upon Him and He turned away from him? Because the Lord is compassionate and merciful, and forgiveth sins and saveth in time of affliction.' 188 Therefore all my hope and my thoughts are set upon Him, that He will see our state and will hear, He who made the eyes and planted the ears, and that He will reprove the turbulence of those who prevent right ways, and will call like the true shepherd who laid down his life for his sheep, because He said, 'No man shall snatch them out of mine hands': 189 for He foreordained your Holiness to stand at the head of the people of Alexandria the great, and established you as a tiller of the Church, not in calm, but in the turmoil of storms, that you might guide the ship above the waves into the peace of the harbour of Christ our God by the holy and adored Spirit. 190 For by the prayers of your holy fathers, the former rulers, you have, as it were, received the trust of standing at the head of a people which walks after the teaching of the fathers, and contends for its pastor unto death in word and deed. |289
"Embracing, therefore, union with you and brotherly unanimity in Christ and the laws of the Church, we declare by this Synodical epistle that we cleave to the one definition of faith, that of our three hundred and eighteen holy fathers at Nicaea, which also the one hundred and fifty who assembled here against the fighters against the Spirit ratified, and to the holy Synod which met at Ephesus with the assent of Celestine and in the presence of Cyril, who in the twelve chapters demolished the doctrine of Nestorius. To these I assent, and I embrace the rest of his writings; and I receive the formula of Zeno uniting the Churches, which aimed at the annulling of the Synod of Chalcedon and of the Tome of Leo. And I confess that God the Word, the only Son, who was begotten of the Father in eternity, through whom all things were made, Light of Light, living image of the Father and sharing His nature, in the last times became incarnate by the Holy Spirit and of Mary the Virgin, and became a man perfectly without variation and confusion, in everything like unto us except sin; and He remained God immutable, and, when He assumed our attributes, He was not diminished in His Godhead; and that which was derived from us He made His own by dispensation by a natural union. For He who was begotten without time and without a body of God the Father, the same underwent a second birth in flesh, inasmuch as in an ineffable manner He became incarnate of a virgin mother; and, after she had borne Him, she continued in her virginity; and we justly confess her to be the Theotokos, and that He who was born of her in the flesh is perfect God and perfect man, the same out of two natures one Son, one Lord, and one Christ, and one nature of God the Word who became incarnate; and each one of the natures which combined to form an indivisible unity remained without confusion. And so He is very rightly one of the holy and connatural Trinity, both before He took flesh and after He took flesh, and a fourth number was not added to the Trinity; and He is impassible in that He is of the nature of the Father, but passible |290 in the flesh in that He is of our nature. For God the Word did not suffer in His own nature, but in flesh of our nature; and He who personally united this to Himself suffered in our likeness. And Gregory the Theologian defined the matter and called Him impassible in His Godhead, passible in the assumption of flesh. 191 And He is one in the miracles, and also in the passions, and by dispensation He made our passions His own, voluntary and innocent ones, in flesh which was passible and mortal after our nature, endowed with a soul and an intellect, and passible and mortal all the time of the dispensation; for He suffered not in semblance but in reality, and in flesh that was capable of suffering He suffered and died on the cross; and by a Resurrection befitting God He made and rendered it impassible and immortal, and in every way incorruptible, since it came from the union of the womb, which was holy and without sin. While recognising, therefore, the distinction between the elements which have combined to form the unity of nature, I mean between the Godhead and the manhood, we yet do not separate them from one another; also we do not cut the One into or in two natures, nor yet do we confound Him by rejecting the distinction between the Godhead and the manhood, but we confess Him to be one out of two, Emmanuel.
"And, thus believing and taking my stand upon this belief, as upon a rock, I also anathematise the deviations from the truth of such and such men."
And the rest, consisting of the greeting in the epistle. |291
CHAPTER XXVI
THE TWENTY-SIXTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, THE EPISTLE OF THEODOSIUS TO ANTHIMUS THE CHIEF PRIEST
"To 192 our all-pious and all-holy brother and fellow-minister, the archbishop and patriarch, my lord Anthimus, Theodosius greeting in our Lord.
"And how else could it have come about that you, a chief priest wise and watchful towards the Creator of all things and their Saviour and God, should in the midst of events openly show yourself crying out like Jeremiah the divine prophet, 'I have not wearied of going after thee, and the day of a man have I not desired,' 193 except that you despised such human honour, and placed the observance of religion before all things? The thing, therefore, which has been thus done by your Holiness is great without controversy, and all the believers who have heard of it are already wondering at it, while hereafter also all the bond-servants of the Lord who shall be hereafter will wonder at it, when it is duly proclaimed in all the holy Churches. But it is no higher than the rest of your apostolic and truly sublime and holy life. For it was truly fitting for you, who by unceasing energy in ascetic exercise have mortified your earthly members, that you might speak in the words of Scripture, and with Paul are able to say, 'I am crucified with Christ; nevertheless I live, yet now not I, but Christ liveth in me,' 194 after the manner of Moses the great to esteem the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of this world, and to choose rather to be afflicted with the people of God than to enjoy the temporal pleasure of sin.195
"For I, who am feeble, judge that it is on account of my shortcomings that I endure all the troubles which befall me; |292 but, since I am bound to represent the Church which is under the evangelical throne, which is now enduring many ills (and how many it is enduring is not easy to say), therefore in due season I say as the divine Paul said, 'As the sufferings of Christ abound in us, so also is our consolation great in Christ.' 196 For the fact that you, the pious chief priest and patriarch of the royal city, should use boldness on behalf of the right and apostolic faith, and should be eager to show that in respect of the strict observance of the divine doctrines you are of one mind and one accord with Severus, the holy patriarch of the Eastern Churches, has almost made me forget in the evangelical see and acceptation of the divine Mark the whole of the troubles which are upon us. For, 'what thanks can we render to God?' 197 For this apostolic saying also do I use on account of the help with which He has helped His holy Churches, who has now stablished you as a stablisher of these, and as a foremost fighter in the danger to religion. For you have shown, O pious man, that you have dwelling in you the holy utterance of the Lord, which says, 'Fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul; but rather fear Him which is able to destroy soul and body in hell,' 198 and that you 'reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us.' 199 While, therefore, your spiritual light so shines before men, God is glorified in this great increase of those that are being saved, which His true Church receives.
"So it is with joyful exultation and delight that I have canonically received your piety's letter of concord and union, which has just been brought to me, 200 because the holy patriarch Severus above mentioned told me beforehand that it was coming to me, who is the cause of all blessings and benefits to the Church of Christ and to me; and he has also sent me, as befitted him, a copy of what you canonically wrote to one |293 another, which also made it clear that your communion was brought about with great caution and great benefit. And, while inditing this letter with my whole heart, I say the same things to your Holiness which also I wrote to him, 201 that I confess as the one definition of faith and accept that which was laid down by our three hundred and eighteen holy fathers at Nicaea through the Holy Spirit, and ratified by the Synod of one hundred and fifty and by that at Ephesus, which was assembled by our father Cyril, who in the twelve chapters rejected Nestorius; and I accept also the formula of Zeno uniting the Churches, which aimed at the annulling of the Synod of Chalcedon and of the Tome of Leo, while I confess that God the Word, of the nature of the eternal Father, Light of Light, Very God of Very God, became incarnate and also became man by the Holy Spirit and of Mary the ever-virgin, in flesh endowed with a soul and an intellect after our nature, and was made like unto us in everything except sin, for, 'sin He did not, neither was guile found in His mouth,' 202 as the Scripture said. For it was right and just that the nature which was vanquished in Adam should in Christ put on a crown of triumph over death. And so also the apostle said, 'Since the children partook of flesh and blood, He also in like manner partook of the same, that through death He might bring to naught him that had the power of death, that is, Satan, and might deliver them who through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to sin.' 203 But, if we were vanquished in another nature, and the Word of God did not partake of it or make the same flesh which was assumed from us and personally united to Him impassible and immortal through the union with Him, as some foolishly say, our faith is vain, because it is no great thing that Satan |294 should be vanquished by the Lord; but in a body which was passible and of our nature He suffered innocent passions, and underwent death, and trampled on the sting of sin, and dissolved the power of death. Now, if He received the seed of Abraham, and in everything was made like unto us His brethren except sin, as the wise Paul said, and through death, which He underwent in His own flesh, vanquished Satan, who had the power of death, while He remained beyond the assault of passions in that He is recognised to be and is justly God, on account of His victory we glory, because we have been delivered from the yoke of bondage. Who is there, therefore, who will not marvel at the accuracy of the divine words, which everywhere supply due direction and in the same words refute the 'semblance' of Eutyches, and those who are like him, and the doctrine of Nestorius? For he says that Christ partook of our likeness in flesh and blood; and, that no one might think that He did so in phantasy, he went on to say that He partook of the same that through death He might bring to naught the power of death.
"Moreover they contend against those who divide the one Christ into two natures by the example of children. For,204 as the child and the man, who is made up of soul and body, is one out of two, and the two are called one nature, though the soul was not converted into flesh nor the body changed into the essence of the soul; so also Christ, who consists of the two elements, the Godhead and also the manhood, which have a perfect existence, each in its proper sphere, is one and is not divided; and the union is not confused in Him in that [He united to Himself personally flesh of our nature and] 205 allowed it in all the dispensation to be passible and mortal (but the same was holy without sin), and by the Resurrection made and rendered it impassible and immortal and in every |295 way incorruptible. For our former father Cyril said, 'He first raised His body in incorruption, and He first exalted it to heaven.' 206 So believing therefore, I anathematise such and such."
And the rest, consisting of the greeting in the epistle.
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1 Cf. bk. 6, ch. 6.
2. 2 526-7.
3. 4 537.
4. 1 The text has "Alexandria," but Halicarnassus is obviously meant, as in the heading of the chapter below.
5. 3 This seems to refer to the MS. from which the scribe was copying, as the prologue of Moro is not inserted at this place in our MS.
6. 4 527.
7. 5 Bk. 7, ch. 14; 8, 1.
8. 7 See bk. 6, ch. 6.
9. 8 Mich. fol. 167 v, 168 r; Greg. p. 78.
10. 10 527.
11. 11 Mich. fol. 162 r.
12. 13 Mich. fol. 161 r.
13. 2 Probably Timostratus (Wright, C. B. M. p. 559).
14. 6 The text has "Justinian," but clearly Justin must be meant.
15. 4 Perhaps Hieriphthum (Gelzer, Geo. Cypr, p. 159).
16. 4 Perhaps the "Simas" of Procopius {Bell. Pers. i. 13).
17. 1...The Herulians, whom the Greeks frequently called Helouroi, are meant.
18. 3 531.
19. 8 Mich. fol. 168r; Greg. pp. 78, 79,
20. 4 527.
21. 1 531.
22. 2 Syr. " sister's son."
23. 3 The native title of the tribal chief: Arm. bdeashkh. See Noeldeke, I.e. note 2.
24. 4 This number cannot be right, as Martyropolis was N. of the Tigris, 240 stades from Amida and 100 from Attachae (Proc. Bell. Pers. i. 21).
25. 5 532.
26. 3 Lit. "was moving all the stones."
27. 7 531-2.
28. 9 Seebk. 7, ch. 3 (p. 153).
29. 11 Or October. It is not stated whether it was the st or the nd Theshrin.
30. 12 531.
31. 3 The rest of this chapter and the following chapter are contained in Cod. Rom.
32. 5 Mich. fol. 168 r.
33. 6 526.
34. 3 532-3.
35. 4 "Dion." fol. 182 v*; cf. Jo. Mal. p. 477.
36. 5 533.
37. 6 540.
* In the Paris transcript. I take the reference from the analysis of " Dionysius," published by M. Nau in the Revue de l'Orient Chrétien, Suppl. trim. 1897, fasc. 4.
38. 2 Mich. fol. 168 r; Greg. p. 79.
39. 4 Mich. fol. 181 r; Greg. H. E. p. 211.
40. 4 Perhaps something has fallen out before this sentence. Mich. has "but, after Julian had written that it was his opinion, and the holy man had answered him twice, and he would not obey."
41. 5 I supply these words from Mich.
42. 1 These letters are contained in Add. MS. 17,200 and in Cod. Syr. Vat. 140, from which last extracts are given by the Assemani (Bibl. Vat. MSS. Catal. vol. iii. p. 323 ff.). Both these give the Syriac translation of Paul of Callinicus. Our author's translation is independent.
43. 2 Mich. fol. 181 r.
44. 3 Cyr. Ep. 45 (Migne, Patrol. Graec. vol. lxxvii. p. 236).
45. 4 Cyr. de Rect. Fid. ad Theod. Imp. 22.
46. 6 I cannot find this in the Quod Beata Maria Sit Deipara.
47. 1 Possibly something has dropped out here. See the quotation in ch. 13 (p. 238); and so Paul. Call. Mich., however, has the same as our text, so that no alteration should be made in it.
48. 3 i Cor. xvi. 14.
49. 5 Mich. fol. 181 v.
50. 1 Text, "Theodosius." Paul of Callinicus, however, has "Athanasius," and so Mich.
51. 2 Here begins a short extract in Cod. Rom.
52. 3 Here the extract in Cod. Rom. ends.
53. 4 Cyr. de Rect. Fid. ad Theod. Imp. 21.
54. 6 Cyr. op. cit. 22.
55. 8 Mich. fol. 181 ff.
56. 5 Job xxi. 22.
57. 6 Prov. ii. 6, 7.
58. 1 Here begins an extract in Cod. Rom.
59. 3 Rom. iii. 28.
60. 4 Jas. ii. 20.
61. 10 Gal. iii. 9.
62. 11 Rom. iv. 5.
63. 1 Jas. ii. 21-24.
64. 6 Ex. iv. 22.
65. 7 Col. ii. 11, 12.
66. 9 Rom. iv. 9, 10.
67. 1 Gen. xv. 5, 6.
68. 3 Jas. ii. 20-23.
69. 6 Gen. xvii. 26, 27.
70. 7 Gen. xxii. 2.
71. 1 Cod. Rom. here inserts in the margin a sentence from bk. 10, ch. 9 (see p. 313), which Mai prints as if it were part of the text.
72. 4 Gal. v. 6.
73. 6 I Cor. xiii. 4-8.
74. 8 John xiv. 15.
75. 3 Prov. viii. 9.
76. 4 Here the extract in Cod. Rom. ends.
77. 6 Paul. Call. has "Felicissimus."
78. 1 Gal. v. 15.
79. 2 Ep. III. ad Sev. (Add. 17,200, fol. 9 r).
80. 5 Add. 17,200, fol. 38 ff. (Latin translation in Mai Spicilegium Romanum, x. p. 169).
81. 2 532.
82. 4 Mich. fol. 171 ff.
83. 3 Tit. iii. 9.
84. 1 i Cor. xi. 16.
85. 2 I do not know whence this is taken.
86. 5 Dion. Areop. de Div. Nom. i. 4.
87. 2 This is not in the extant portions of the Sermo de Fide.
88. 4 Mansi, vii. pp. 456, 457.
89. 1 Jo. Eph. Frag. (Anecd. Syr. ii. p. 386).
90. 2 534-5.
91. 3 536.
92. 4 This is not in the text.
93. 5 According to the heading the petitioners were not monks but bishops. In Mich., however, they are called "bishops and monks."
94. 1 Cf. Evag. iv. ii.
95. 2 Ex. xiv. 3.
96. 3 Heb. vi. 13, 14.
97. 5 Eccles. viii. 2.
98. 3 Prov. xx. 8.
99. 6 Prov. xx. 26.
100. 1 Deut. xiv. 29.
101. 2 Prov. xvi. 13.
102. 3 i Pet. ii. 22.
103. 4 Quoted shortly from the third letter of Severus to Julian (Add. MS. 17,200, fol. 17).
104. 4 Job xxx. 23.
105. 5 John iv. 35.
106. 1 Rom. xii. 21.
107. 5 534-5.
108. 7 533.
109. 2 The rest of this sentence is contained in Cod. Rom. Instead, however, of "and is rich and fertile," it has "and the chief city and capital of the country is called Carthage."
110. 3 I.e. Arians—followers of the Synod of Ariminum.
111. 4 534.
112. 7 Cf. Jo. Mal. p. 479.
113. 1 I.e. Theodoric; see bk. 7. ch. 12.
114. 2 Or Demonicus.
115. 3 Lit. "from the reading of the Scriptures." Possibly some words have fallen out.
116. 2 Jo. Eph. Fragm. (Anecd. Syr. ii. p. 386).
117. 3 535-6. In chs. 15 and 16 the date is rightly given as the thirteenth year of:he Indiction (534-5).
118. 4 Cf. Evag. iv. 10.
119. 2 Mich. fol. 170.
120. 5 What follows is contained in an abbreviated form in Add. MS. 12,154, fol. 151.
121. 6 Mich. I.e.; Greg. H. E. p. 205 ff.
122. 7... Asylus of Rhesaina is mentioned in Elijah's life of John of Constantia (ed. Kleyn, p. 59), whence I follow the reading of 17,202.
123. 10 Wright, C. B. M. pp. 493-501.
124. 4 This sentence is not in 17,202, but, being in 12,154 (which, however, omits the portents following) and in Mich., it must be presumed to have formed part of the original text.
125. 6 537.
126. 1 Cf. Evag. iv. 11.
127. 2 Here the extract in 12,154 breaks off owing to the loss of a leaf in the MS.
128. 4 This passage is repeated in a ninth cent, chronicle in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,642, fol. 29 v, which, however, in place of... has..., "and he tore it with his teeth."
129. 5 Mich. fol. 178.
130. 5 Gen. xxxv. 2, 3.
131. 1 Job xviii. 8-10.
132. 2 Isa. xliii. 1-3.
133. 3 Lev. xxvi. 16.
134. 42 Cor. ii. 11.
135. 1 Mich. fol. 174.
136. 2 Luke xii. 48.
137. 4 Ps. xxiv. 3.
138. 5 Gen. xviii. 27.
139. 6 Ps. xxii. 6.
140. 8 Ps. cxix. 53.
141. 2 Tit. iii. 7.
142. 4 The reference seems to be to Isa. xl. 9.
143. 2 Greg. Naz. Or. xl. 45.
144. 2 After this name the names of Theodoret and Andrew are accidentally repeated in the MS.
145. 7 I do not know from what part of Basil's works this quotation is taken.
146. 1 Given by Mich.
147. 2 Mich. fol. 174.
148. 3 The sentence, as it stands, is ungrammatical, but this is clearly the meaning; there is the same difficulty in Mich.
149. 4 2 Cor. ix. 15.
150. 1 Gen. xxi. 33.
151. 1 This is an awkward construction, and we should perhaps insert a word, rendering "resembling us in our passions."
152. 2 I Cor. xv. 3.
153. 3 i Cor. xv. 21, 22.
154. 5 Heb. ii. 14-17.
155. 7 Probably some words have dropped out in this sentence.
156. 1 Eccles. iii. 14. I owe this reference and the translation of the difficult sentence which follows to Dr. Hamilton. I can scarcely think that this sentence represents what Severus wrote, but, as Mich. has practically the same, any corruption must be older than our author. See p. 277, note 2.
157. 2 Mich. fol. 175.
158. 4 The reference is probably to I Cor. xiv. 2, as Dr. Hamilton suggests.
159. 5 A fragment of the letter not contained in our author is found in Add. MS. 12,155, fol. 110, and the whole intervening portion, including this fragment, is given in Mich.
160. 7 Sir. xxvii. 1.
161. 1 Hab. ii. 1.
162. 3 Ps. cix. 28.
163. 6 Heb. xii. 22, 23.
164. 7 Sir. xxvii. 25.
165. 10 Eph. iv. 2.
166. 1 Isa. xxvi. 1.
167. 2 Mich. fol, 175 ff.
168. 3 Judg. i. 3.
169. 5 Severus must have written "their open attacks"; but, as Mich. also has the singular possessive, we must not emend. See p. 277, note 2.
170. 2 Job xxvii. 6.
171. 3 Josh. xxii. 31, iv. 24.
172. 6 Mich. "beyond the other evangelists."
173. 7 John xx. 19.
174. 8 MS. Theopomptus.
175. 10 Mich. " with us."
176. 2 I Sam. xi. 1, 2.
177. 3 Ps. lxxix. 4.
178. 4 Mich. fol. 176, 177 r.
179. 3 Rom. viii. 35.
180. 4 Jer. i. 9, 10.
181. 5 Acts ix. 15.
182. 3 Lit. "shot at with arrows."
183. 5 Isa. xlv. 8.
184. 2 Given in Mich.
185. 3 Mich. fol. 177.
186. 4 I Cor. i. 27, 28.
187. 1 Ezek. iii. 17, 18.
188. 5 Sir. ii. 10, 11.
189. 8 John x. 29.
190. 9 Or, "wind."
191. 1 Greg. Naz., Or. xl. 45.
192. 1 Mich. fol. 177 v.
193. 2 Jer. xvii. 16.
194. 4 Gal. ii. 20.
195. 6 Heb. xi. 25, 26.
196. 2 2 Cor. i. 5.
197. 3 I Thess. iii. 9.
198. 5 Matt. x. 28.
199. 6 Rom. viii. 18.
200. 8 What follows in our text is omitted by Mich.
201. 1 Not in the letter given above (ch. 24), but in the letter of Theodosius to Severus upon his election to the see (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,602, fol. 2-4).
202. 2 I Pet. ii. 22.
203. 4 Heb. ii. 14, 15.
204. 2 Mich. fol. 177 v, 178 r.
205. 4 The sentence, as it stands in the text, is unintelligible, and from a comparison with the letter to Severus in Add. 14,602 it is clear that the bracketed words have fallen out.
206. 2 I do not know the source of this quotation.
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Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 10.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 10.
BOOK X
IN this tenth Book also and in the sixteen chapters contained in it, which are set forth below, are included the events which successively happened from the year fifteen, the year eight hundred and forty-eight according to the era of the Greeks,1 down to the end of the year thirteen, the year eight hundred and fifty-nine of the Greeks,2 still in the time which is concerned with this serene king of our day, Justinian.
The first chapter, concerning Ephraim, who went down to the East.
The second, concerning the doings of Bar Khili at Amida in the years fifteen and two.3
The third, concerning Cyrus, a presbyter of the town of L'gino,4 who was burned in the tetrapylon of Amida.
The fourth, concerning the epistle of Rabbulo of Edessa to Gemellinus of Perrhe about those who eat the sacrament like ordinary bread.
The fifth, concerning the dedication of the church at Antioch, and also the Synod which was assembled by Ephraim.
The sixth, concerning Khosru, king of Persia, who went up and took Sura and Berrhoea and Antioch.
The seventh, concerning Belisarius, who went down and took Sisaurana, a fortress in Persian territory.
The eighth, concerning Khosru, who went up and took Callinicus and the other camps on the frontier of the Euphrates and the Chaboras. |297
The ninth, concerning the plague of tumours.
The tenth, concerning Martin and Justus, who entered Persian Armenia and returned.
The eleventh, concerning Khosru, who went up to Edessa and did not take it, and returned.
The twelfth, concerning James and Theodore, the pious believing bishops, who were consecrated and sent to the East and intrusted with the leadership.
The thirteenth, concerning the country of Lazica, which was conquered by Khosru.
The fourteenth, concerning the lack of corn and the scarcity of vegetables which occurred in the years nine and ten.5
The fifteenth, concerning Rome, which the barbarians took and sacked.
The sixteenth, concerning the decorations and buildings of Rome.
THE TENTH BOOK
CHAPTER I
THE FIRST CHAPTER
When 6 Severus and Anthimus, the believing chief priests, had been driven out by the king, as mentioned in the ninth Book above, and had withdrawn from the royal city on the arrival of Agapetus of Rome, who soon after died at the end of the month of March in the year fourteen,7 as also did Sergius the archiatros, who brought him, then Ephraim, who held the see of Antioch in the East, was strengthened and invigorated, and upon his sending a message [to the king] (?) 8 there was sent |298 [a force of Romans] (?) 9 and Clement[inus the tribune (?): and] he received orders in the year fifteen 10 to traverse the Eastern jurisdiction and to go all round it, and himself to give admonition in words, while Clementinus was to use force to make the inhabitants of the cities in the East accept the Synod, as had been done by the natives of Italy, the land of Rome. And this same Ephraim, accompanied by Clementinus, went [to] Berrhoea and Chalcis and Hierapolis and Batnae and Edessa, and to Sura and to Callinicus and the rest of the frontier, and to Rhesaina and to Amida and to Constantia; and he induced many persons to submit, some by words and by promising them the friendship of the king, and some by fear of threats and also exile and spoliation of goods and degradation from their ranks and exclusion from all trades; and others they hunted and drove from country to country, among them the monks, who were found approved in the faith and true believers in time of trial. And, as the winter was a severe one, so much so that from the large and unwonted quantity of snow the birds perished and..., there was distress... among men... from the evil things. And 11... in various countries... From the hill of Singara [in the land] of the Persians they took (?)... John, the |299 believing [bishop] of Constantia, [by means of] a man named Cons[tantius (?)], and he was imprisoned in A[n]t[i]o[ch] and afflicted and... he would not change but continued... until the beginning of the year one 12 [in] prison [and there] ended [his life]... and they were expelled... and lived in [various] countries... [until] the year three.13... Khos[r]u... and went up [to] S[ura] and Berrhoea and Anti[o]ch. Now Theodosius of Alexandria was summoned by the king to come to him, and went up with a few bishops from his jurisdiction; and he would in no wise accept the Synod of Chalcedon, until in the year one 14 Paul was appointed to the see. And, when Theodosius and the bishops who were with him came before the king, their [arrival] was announced by letter to Ephraim... thence... But The[odosius and those who were] with him [appeared] before the king and..., and without..., and they were removed..., and there they lived, and the queen was studious in showing them honour, and no one [of] their acquaintances or other discreet men was prevented from seeing them [or] ministering to them.... Now there went up... in [the year fif]teen,15 and also (?)... the king... much... he told him about [a... man] named But 16..., [who plotted] a rising in Dara in the summer of the year, who was put to death. And he freed the king from distress of mind, but in what way I have not sure enough information to state, and therefore keep silence. |300
And, because Paul who succeeded Th[eo]d[osius] (?) in the see..., he shut up... 17 on account of zeal for the faith [in] a bath and suffocated him; and this man's son he arrested and put in the guard-house, that he might not make his father's death known. But it so happened that he escaped and made his way to the queen, and through the believers who knew his father he told the news of his fearful death. And on this account Ephraim of Antioch was sent to Alexandria, and Abraham Bar Khili [accompanied him]; and, as they passed through Palestine, they took with them a monk named Zoilus. And they went to Alexandria and] investigated the action of Paul; and they drove him from his see and enthroned Zoilus, a Synodite, in the city: and in order to protect this man from the violence [of] the people of the city they appointed Acacius Bar Eshkhofo 18 of Amida tribune of the Romans there.
CHAPTER II
THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THE TENTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE DOINGS OF ABRAHAM 19 [BAR KHILI AT AMIDA] |301
(Here the MS. breaks off. The words in brackets I supply from the headings in the introduction to this Book. The whole of this chapter and the following are missing.)
CHAPTER IV
FROM THE EPISTLE WRITTEN BY RABBULO TO GEMELLINUS, BISHOP OF PERRHE, ABOUT THOSE WHO INSULT THE MYSTERIES AND SUPPORT THEMSELVES UPON THEM LIKE COMMON BREAD 20
"I 21 have heard that in your country of Perrhe certain of the brethren, whose cloisters are not known, and others of the distinguished archimandrites of the place, have falsely given out concerning themselves the vain report that they do not eat bread, and have lyingly uttered of themselves the empty boast that they do not drink water, and have asserted of themselves that they abstain from wine. Accordingly I am afraid to mention that I have heard that they insult the body and blood of Jesus, the Son of God; but, since necessity constrains me, I will, as is right, be bold to say things which are what these men are not afraid to do, who madly and without discrimination offer the body and blood of Jesus Christ our Lord, that is, the holy and hallowing body which they have received and the living and life-giving blood which they have drunk. These men, whom I do not know how to name, are said impiously to satisfy the constant wants of their natural hunger and thirst upon it, and it is impossible for them of their own will to go |302 even one day without the oblation, which is their sustenance; but continually every day a large quantity of food is supplied by the sacrament. And for this reason also they richly leaven the particle which they prepare, and diligently dress it, and carefully seethe it, that it may serve them for food, and it is not treated as the mystery of the body of Christ, symbolised in unleavened bread. And for the rest it is said that, whenever hard pressed, they even offer common unconsecrated bread over one another's hands and eat it. And it is said to be their practice, when walking from one place to another or going on a long journey, to satisfy their natural hunger and thirst on the same body of our Lord two or three times in one day, and, as soon as they have reached their destination, in the evening they are said again to offer the oblation and partake of it as if fasting; nay, even in the holy days of the fast of Lent they presume to act in this manner without fear of God and without shame before men. And men who, as they say, refrain from bread and water every day are found to eat the holy bread and drink the blessed wine on such glorious days, on which even the vile themselves abstain.
"Now the Spirit that is in me, holy brother ours, bears witness for me that I tremble to write to your reverence all that I have heard about them, because my heart could not really believe it: and I would it had been possible for you to have known what I wish to learn 22 without an epistle or a word from me, and for these same men to have received correction from your uprightness, because neither did I wish that either you, my lord, or they should know what is rumoured about |303 them. Do not then think yourself or let them suppose that it is because I believe the evil report about them that I write these same things to you concerning them; but, being still in doubt, I say to others also that it is impossible that such a great sin should be committed by men who have ever been baptized in Christ. For they say that, as soon as they have performed the sacrament in the paten, they lightly (?) eat as much as they want of it, while the cup of the blood each of them tempers with hot water, whenever they can, like mixed wine and drinks it, and again fills it and gives it to his neighbour; so that owing to the quantity of wine which they drink under the name of the sacrament they are often obliged actually to spit it out of their mouth.
"O what transcendent impiety, if it is the fact that these men, despising their life, have converted the revered vessels of the sacrament, which on account of the mysteries contained in them even for spiritual heavenly purposes men fear to approach boldly, into vessels of service for their belly, and did not even so much as remember the punishment which Belt'shatstsar, the heathen king, received and was reproved! For, because in the vessels of the service of God he purposed to insult God like a rebel by using them in a carnal fashion, the likeness of a palm of a hand that wrote was sent from on high to write on the wall of his house the righteous sentence of condemnation for his presumption: though how indeed can the vessels of service of the temple in Jerusalem be compared to the glorious vessels of service of the body and blood of the Son of God? For neither is the showbread of the priests of Israel in any way worthy to be compared to the glory of the transcendent mystery; and, if so be any man likens the bread of the table, which David ate when he was hungry, to the life-giving body of God the Word, we ought to look upon him as |304 a foolish man who does not distinguish the body and blood of the Lord from showbread: wherefore he is an offender against the body and blood of our Lord. For the showbread scarcely cleansed a bodily pollution, even when baptisms of various kinds were combined with it and observance of this and that: but this life-giving body and blood of our Lord Jesus not only purged and hallowed the sin of the soul and of the body in those who received it with faith, but also caused God to be in us, and that by His Spirit, as we are in Him by our body; 23 for, 'Whoso eateth My body and drinketh My blood,' says the Son of God, 'he is in Me and I in him, and I will raise him up at the last day.' 24 In another way again we may understand the greatness of this service, which is a new one, delivered to us by God the Word, from the hard and severe punishment which Paul pronounced against those who have enjoyed it, beyond that received by those who offend against the old service introduced by Moses; for he said, 'If so be he who transgressed against Moses' law died without mercy at the mouth of two or three witnesses, of how much sorer punishment will he be worthy who hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood of His covenant as that of an ordinary man, and hath done despite unto the Spirit of His grace, wherewith we were sanctified.' 25 Who is there, therefore, who is so mad as to compare this bread of life, which came down from heaven by virtue of its union with God the Word and gives life to the world, to the showbread with its earthly seasoning? But the opinion of anyone who thinks or acts in this manner is manifest and is, moreover, clearly apparent, for he who thus madly receives it reckons it to be in fact common bread, as he sees it, and does not believe the Son who says, 'The bread which I will give is My body, which is given for the life of the world;' 26 for it follows that not only is the bread in the body of Christ, as is seen by them, but in the bread is the body of the invisible God, 27 as we believe and |305 receive the body 28 not to satisfy our bellies but to heal our souls. For29 those who eat the holy bread in faith do in it and with it eat the living body of God the Sanctifier, and those who eat it without faith receive sustenance, as with other things necessary for the body. For, if the bread is carried off and eaten by enemies by violence, they eat common bread, because those that eat it have not faith, which perceives its sweetness: for the bread is tasted by the palate, but the virtue which is hidden in the bread is tasted by faith. For that which is eaten is not only the body of our Saviour, as we said a little before, but whatever is mingled with it, as we believe: for the virtue 30 which is not eaten is mingled with the edible bread, and to those that partake of it becomes one with it, even as the hidden heavens mingle with the visible water, and from them a new birth is born. For the Spirit secretly hovers over the visible water, so that from it a likeness of the heavenly Adam is born anew. 31 And, just as in the visible water, in order that it may impart to all who are outwardly baptized in it, there is invisible life, so also in the external bread food is hidden and concealed, of which everyone who rightly partakes obtains immortal life; and we believe the saying of Paul, that those who receive it slightingly obtain from it injury to soul and body and are not profited, even if they are reckoned among the believers. And would that they obeyed the saying of the apostle, who says, 'And let a man examine himself, and then let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup; and he that eateth of it when he is not fit for it eateth and drinketh condemnation to himself! 32 And the same proclaims by his words that it is on account of our enmity against the body and blood that the various infirmities |306 and unexpectedly sudden death have befallen us by a righteous judgment. "By reason of this happen most of the diseases and sicknesses, and the fate of those who fall asleep suddenly. But, if we judged ourselves, we should not be judged. But, when our Lord judges us, He gives us a discipline, that we may not be condemned with the world." 33 And, if those who were in the fixed days of service were now to partake, they would receive one substance only of the body of life. If it be done without the sorrow of repentance, and men do not receive it in faith with reverent fear, even if they do not also commit a deed contrary to their faith, then they are guilty of the body and blood of the Lord, as Paul said, because they do not discern the Lord's body. What punishment can be too severe for this, too great even to be applied to the judgment of those who approach it without fear and do not receive an aliment of faith, but a thing necessitated by their hunger? O, what insolence is this, to which the divine retribution is not equal, if it slays the man! Who does not fear even heaven, when men satisfy the needs of their bodies on a coal of devouring fire, as if it were common bread? Who is not frightened at this statement, that of the coal on which our life depends, that which the seraph revealed to us, grasping it with a fiery forceps in his hand, to signify the sublimity of our mystery, and, while meditating upon it with reverence, approached to take hold of it, of this these men eat to satiety and without fear? And before the body which is given for the life of the world their heart does not quake and they are not afraid, and their hands do not tremble or shake, and their knees do not slip that they should fall, when they eat it for the support of bodily life. And perhaps we ought to say that our Lord also in His full knowledge of all times knew the deed of these men; and for this reason, after they had eaten of the legal passover and were satisfied, then blessed the bread and gave it to His disciples, in order that these men might not say that, after He had blessed, they were satisfied (but, after they were satisfied, He blessed, when the Master and His disciples took a small particle of it); and over the cup He said, |307 'Take, drink ye all of it,' that they might understand by this that it was of this small cup of which twelve persons drank.
"And it must needs be said that they thought of themselves that they would attract the admiration of simple persons (?) by their abstinence from bread and wine, and did not understand that the laughter of the intelligent would defeat and overcome them, and would fall upon their heads, prevailing over the praise of ignorant persons like them. Those who are like them have in all this unpardonable sin accepted for themselves glory from perishing men, even though it did not result to them. It is not fit that they should be named men, but, in justice, they should be named rabid dogs: for the sign of rabid dogs is this, that they suddenly attack the body of their master to eat it.
"And a man who has forbidden himself bread ought to be empty and not taste anything until the time appointed for him. And this is well known that, when Saul enacted that no one should taste anything on the day of battle until the evening, then Jonathan, because he tasted some honey on the end of his rod, incurred the penalty of death, if it had not been for the violence of the people until he was safe. For 'the foundation of the life of man is bread and water,' says Jesus Bar Asira, the son of Simeon. (Under the name of bread he extended his saying to all food.) And they say of these men that, after they have received the oblation in the morning, and partaken of it yet again in the evening, then they lightly (?) 34 eat other food and lightly (?) feed on dressed beet and pulse.35 They are said to fill themselves on cheese instead of bread; they are, moreover, in the habit of eating fish with all their pleasant taste; they sate themselves largely |308 on delicious fruit, and they delight in it particularly when dry, besides honey-combs and egg-cakes. And, because the heat of the wine which they drink under the name of the Sacrament inflames them more with thirst, all through the summer season they are said regularly to drink the milk of sheep and goats; and this again they have done of set purpose, for they have also discovered that the moisture and coolness of milk are found to temper the perpetual burning which results from the wine in their excess. Now, because of these things, and by reason of them, there is in due season uttered, as it shall be spoken, against them also the righteous reproof of God which He pronounced to Eli because of his sons: 'Behold! I have given you all the good things of the earth, that ye might use them without sin; even as for them I set apart all the offerings of the children of Israel, that they might enjoy them without guilt. Wherefore have ye also offended against My body and My blood, like those who wrought wickedness against My sacrifices and against My offerings?' And, since the impiety of these men against God has far surpassed the impiety of those others, which was committed against the people, there has been fear and great trembling in case they should suffer, lest also a punishment like that which went forth against those should be pronounced against them. " 'Wherefore,' thus said the Lord, the God of Israel, 'I said indeed that thy house and the house of thy father should minister before Me for ever'; but now the Lord saith, 'Be it far from Me! for them that honour Me I will honour, and they that despise Me shall be lightly esteemed.' " 36 You see how He rejected them for ever from the priesthood, and made them outcasts and aliens from His house.
"Now, what shall I say of men who are not in unison |309 with the prophets of the Old Testament, nor yet resemble 37 the apostles of the New? For they ought at least to have learned from the chief of the apostles, Peter, what his food was; since he has plainly stated in what his bodily life consisted. For, when his chosen disciple, Clement, asked him to allow him to be his only minister, he spoke thus to him, praising his zeal and jesting at his sustenance: 'Why! Who is strong enough for all this ministry? Are we not continually eating bread and olives? or perhaps it may be that sometimes there may also be a cabbage.' 38 Moreover, have they not also received a good tradition from Paul, the preacher of truth? For, behold! he also out of the greatness of his need sent and sold his tunic, and with the price of it it is written that they bought bread only and brought it to him with a cabbage, 39 that by his action he might lay down a law for us also, as in his saying, 'If we have food and raiment, that is enough for us.' 40 And, if it is a small thing for them to liken themselves to the apostles, the baptizers of the world, let them imitate even the Lord of the apostles, the Maker of the worlds, and of all that is in them; unless, perhaps, even the human dispensation of our God is contemptible and vile in their eyes. For, behold! as to our Lord, He has everywhere shown us that He ate bread; and the bread too was not of wheat, but it was of barley, and so were the seven other loaves, which were fruitful and multiplied at His word, and 4000 men ate of them and left seven baskets actually (?) full of bread. And, when He ate the passover with His disciples, unleavened bread was set before Him. And also after His resurrection from the dead He ate bread with His disciples for forty days, that the dispensation of our Lord and His fleshly assumption of a body might be believed by them, as they themselves wrote: 'Jesus went in and out among them.' 41 And the house of Cleopas, |310 because He did not wish them to recognise Him while walking with them in the way, He blessed over bread and brake it for them within the house, and then they knew Him.
"But these men, as I hear, do not follow in their deeds those that err, nor yet are they in concord with the truth in their actions; for they are not circumcised like the Marcionists, neither are they ascetic after the manner of Christians. For, behold! they are not like those deniers of the truth who eat only pulse or bread, but do not presume to commit a lie at their oblations, neither yet do they resemble us believers who eat common bread in moderation and receive the support of our true life separately.
"Why have these gluttons not trained themselves, so that cheap things only might be enough for them? And why have these guzzlers not accustomed themselves to repel the hunger of their belly with something mean and vile? And wherefore do they not eat ordinary, simple, common bread only? But it is plain that it is in order that they may not afflict themselves. But, if they really wish to afflict their bodies, let them not sate themselves, but eat bread only. And, behold! they are wasted and shrunk and reduced to weakness. But it is plain and manifest that these men do not struggle with their bodies, nor yet do they wrestle with Satan; but for the sake of vain glory they exercise themselves in the tricks of their evil devices, and not in the afflictions of asceticism."
And further the rest of the epistle with proofs from the Scriptures. |311
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH WHICH EPHRAIM OF ANTIOCH PERFORMED, AND THE SYNOD OF THE BISHOPS OF HIS JURISDICTION
Ephraim,42 who was chief priest in Antioch, rebuilt from its foundations the round-shaped church in Antioch and the four triklinia adjoining it. And, when he performed the consecration of it, he assembled one hundred and thirty-two bishops from his jurisdiction in the year one; 43 and on the occasion of the dedication of the church he received a contribution from each one of them, such as he pleased, on a lavish scale. And he confirmed the Synod of Chalcedon in a document which the bishops whom he had assembled were required to sign; and they anathematised the holy Severus, the believing patriarch, and everyone who agrees with him and does not accept the Synod.
But God, who makes judgment for the. oppressed, after a short time roused up the Assyrian against him and against the city, according to the words of the prophet, who said, "The Assyrian is the rod of Mine anger and the whip wherewith I scourge: against a profane people will I send him, and against a peevish people will I give him a charge, to lead away captives and to take the prey." And two years afterwards, in the year three, Khosru went up against Antioch, as described in the following chapter.44
The rest of the tenth Book is wanting in Add. 17,202. The sixteenth chapter and a fragment of the fifteenth are, however, contained in Cod. Rom., and the former exists also in a shortened form in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 12,154 (fol. 158), from which it is published by Land. Part of the contents of |312 chapters 6-15 may also be recovered from the fragments of James of Edessa (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 14,685, fol. 22), and from Michael and Gregory.
FRAGMENTS OF CHS. 6-8 FROM MICH. FOL. 173 R; GREG. P. 79, AND JAC. EDESS. L.C 45.
In the eleventh year of Justinian, which is the year eight hundred and fifty of the Greeks,46 in the month of December (?) 47 a great and terrible comet appeared in the sky 48 at evening-time for one hundred days.49 And that year the peace between the kingdoms was broken, and Khosru, king of the Persians, went up and carried off captives from the cities of Sura and Antioch and Berrhoea and Apamea and the districts belonging to them, a bitter captivity. And the Romans also went down to Persia and carried off captives from the countries of Kurdistan and Arzanene and Arabia.
Then Khosru went up against Callinicus with a great army, and carried off captives from it and from the whole of the southern part 50 of the land between the Rivers.51
FRAGMENT OF CH. 9 FROM MICH. FOL. 184 R 52
[Moreover Zachariah the Rhetor also writes concerning this scourge as follows.] |313
In the Greek version of the prophecy of Ezekiel is a passage referring to the plague of tumours; and instead of what is stated in the Syriac language, "All knees shall flow with water," 53 he says, "All thighs shall be befouled with pus." 54 And this plague, which is the rising of a swelling on the groins and in the arm-pits of men, began in Egypt and Ethiopia and Alexandria and Nubia 55 and Palestine and Phoenicia and Arabia and Byzantium (?) and Italy and Africa and Sicily and Gaul, and it penetrated to Galatia and Cappadocia and Armenia and Antioch and Arzanene and Mesopotamia, and gradually to the land of the Persians and to the peoples of the North-East, and it slew. And those who were afflicted (?) with the scourge and happened to recover and not die trembled and shook: and it was known that it was a scourge from Satan, who was ordered by God to destroy men.
In the city of Emesa was the head of John the Baptist, and many sought refuge with it and escaped: and the demons were disturbed before men, being scattered (?) by the saint.
FRAGMENTS OF CHS. 10, 11 FROM JAC. EDESS. L.C., MICH. FOL. 173 R; GREG. P. 79 56
The Romans went down and did much destruction in the country of Armenia.57 |314
And again Khosru went up and made an attack 58 upon Edessa, and, not being able to take it, he carried off captives from Batna; and departed.
FRAGMENT OF CH. 12 FROM MICH. FOL. 186 V,59 AND GREG. HIST. ECCL. PP. 215, 217.
And on account of the distress and scanty numbers of the pastors among the Persians there was a man named Cyrus, a believing bishop,60 who consecrated and ordained priests, and that from the year one down to this year eight.61 And, lest the heads of the communities of believers should be blamed, or because the priests who were among the Persians belonged to the opposite party (?), and they were assailed by affliction and trouble, they procured provisions (?);62 and then after due deliberation they consecrated and appointed chief priests in Arabia; and these were Theodore the monk, a strenuous man, and James, the laborious and industrious, the very strenuous,63 who was then in the royal city.64 And he was to be found everywhere, visiting and exhorting with readiness. And he was a practiser of poverty and an ascetic, and swift on his feet, and travelled like 'Asahel.65 And he was a presbyter in the monastery of the Quarry in the village of Gamuwa, which is on the mountain of Izlo.66 And by the treaty which he concluded he rescued many from among the Persians. |315
FRAGMENTS OF CHS. 13, 14 FROM JAC. EDESS. L.C.; MICH. FOL. 185 V; GREG. P. 81 67
Khosru, king of the Persians, again went up and carried off captives from 68 Petra, a city in Lazica, and placed a garrison there.69 And from that time the Romans continued making attacks upon it for seven years, and then the Persians were defeated and the Romans took it from them.
And at that time there was a scarcity of produce and a lack of the fruit of trees, in the year nine,70 and there was a famine which destroyed soul and body, and it was followed by emaciation such that a man ate 10 lbs. of bread at one time and whatever other kinds of food he could get with it through greediness and hunger. And he became swollen and inflated from the food, but was not satisfied, but was hungry and greedy for food, and asked for bread to fill his belly, and so he died.
After this there was a plague among oxen in all countries, especially in the East, and it lasted two years, until the lands remained untilled for lack of oxen. |316
CHAPTER XV
ABOUT THE SACK OF ROME, WHICH IN THE DAYS OF JUSTINIAN THE BARBARIANS TOOK AND SACKED 71
[In the eighteenth year of Justinian, which is the year eight hundred and fifty-seven of the Greeks,72 the barbarians73 took Rome, the chief city of Italy; and since they could not guard it, they established themselves in the camp by the side of it, while they left the city deserted and empty.74]
In 75 the third year after the sack of the city of Ilium, which was sacked in the days of Samson and Eli the priest in Jerusalem, kings began to be set up in the city of Rome, which was at first called Italy, and the kings who reigned in it were called kings of the Latins. And in the days of Yotham and Ahaz, kings of Judah, Romulus became king there, and he built up the city with great and noble buildings, and it was called Rome after his name; and the kingdom of its inhabitants was called the kingdom of the Romans from the time of Hezekiah the king. |317
CHAPTER XVI
[FROM THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF ZACHARIAH, FROM THE SIXTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE TENTH BOOK], ABOUT THE OBJECTS AND BUILDINGS IN THE CITY OF ROME 76
Now the description of the decorations of the city, given shortly, is as follows, with respect to the wealth of its inhabitants, and their great and pre-eminent prosperity, and their grand and glorious objects of luxury and pleasure, as in a great city of wonderful beauty.
Now its pre-eminent decorations are as follows, not to speak of the splendour inside the houses and the beautiful formation of the columns in their halls and of their colonnades (?) and of their staircases, and their lofty height, as in the city of wonderful beauty.
It 77 contains 24 churches of the blessed apostles, Catholic churches. It contains 2 great basilica, where the king sits and the senators are assembled before him every day. It contains 3 24 great spacious streets. It contains 2 great capitols. It contains 80 golden gods. It contains 64 ivory gods. It contains 46,603 dwelling-houses. It contains 1797 houses of magnates. It contains 1352 reservoirs 78 pouring |318 forth water. It contains 274 bakers, who are constantly making and distributing annonae to the inhabitants of the city, besides those who make and sell in the city. It contains 5000 cemeteries, where they lay out and bury. It contains 31 great marble pedestals.79 It contains 3785 bronze statues of kings and magistrates. It contains, moreover, 25 bronze statues of Abraham, Sarah, and Hagar, and of the kings of the house of David, which Vespasian the king brought up when he sacked Jerusalem, and the gates of Jerusalem and other bronze objects.80 It contains 2 colossal statues. It contains 2 columns of shells.81 It contains 2 circuses. It contains 2 theatres and one.82 It contains 2 amphitheatres.83 It contains 4 beth ulde.84 It contains 11 imfiya.85 It contains 22 great and mighty bronze horses.86 It contains 926 87 baths. It contains 4 orbilikon.88 It contains 14 tinon enkofitoriyon.89 It contains |319 2 parenamabole 90 of special bronze horses. 91 It contains 45 sistre.92 It contains 2300 public oil-warehouses. It contains 291 prisons or aspoke.93 It contains in the regions 254 public places 94 or privies. It contains 673 emparkhe,95 who guard the city, and the men who command them all are 7. The gates of the city are 37. Now the circumference of the whole city is 216,036 feet, which is 40 miles; the diameter of the city from east to west is 12 miles, and from north to south 12 miles.96
But God is faithful, who will make its second prosperity greater than its first, because great is the glory of all the might of the dominion of the Romans.
The eleventh Book, the first three chapters of the twelfth Book, and the beginning of the fourth chapter are missing.
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 1 537.
2. 2 One of these numbers must be erroneous, for the thirteenth year of the indiction ends with Aug. 31, 550, while the year 859 of the Seleucids ends with Sept. 30, 548. The latter is probably right, as the fall of Rome, with which the Book ends, was on Dec. 17, 546.
3. 3 537 and 539.
4. 4 Text " L'gin."
5. 1 546 and 547.
6. 3 Mich. fol. 173 v.
7. 5 536.
8. 6 In this chapter the MS. is very much torn and obliterated. The words in brackets are conjectural supplements.
9. 1 This supplement is made probable by the account in Elijah's life of John of Constantia (ed. Kleyn, p. 47).
10. 2 536-7.
11. 7 The MS. is here very indistinct, and, as Land's text is very incomplete, I give the text which I follow, conjectural supplements being enclosed in square brackets:
12. 1 537-8.
13. 2 540
14. 3 537-8.
15. 8 537- A year ending with—... can hardly in this place be other than fifteen.
16. 11 Or possibly Kut...
17. 2 Mich.: "he suffocated his archdeacon"; but I cannot get this from the letters remaining in our text.
18. 6 I.e. son of a cobbler.
19. 9 Here the MS. breaks off. The words in brackets I supply from the headings in the introduction to this Book. The whole of this chapter and the following are missing.
20. 1 This letter is also published by Overbeck in his edition of Ephraim (p. 231 ff.) from our MS. The beginning of it is quoted by Assemani (B. O. vol. i. p. 409), as from John of Ephesus ap. "Dion." This extract bears no indication that it is part of a letter, and varies considerably from our author.
21. 2 Jo. Eph. ap. "Dion." (Assem., B. 0. i. p. 409); Mich. fol. 179ff.
22. 7 We rather require " to state."
23. 1 Mich. "his body."
24. 2 John vi. 54, 56.
25. 4 Heb. x. 28, 29.
26. 6 John vi. 52.
27. 7 Mich. "Son of God."
28. 1 A comparison with Mich. shows that at this point a leaf has been lost in our MS., which I supply from Mich. An extract from this portion is also contained in Add. MS. 14,532, fol. 67, from which it has been edited by Overbeck (op. cit. p. 230). The translation of the part which exists only in Arabic I submit with great diffidence, having but a very superficial knowledge of that language.
29. 2 Here the extract in 14,532 begins.
30. 4 Mich. "the body."
31. 5 Here the extract in 14,532 ends.
32. 6 I Cor. xi. 28, 29.
33. 1 i Cor. ii. 30-32.
34. 4... Here the Syriac text again begins.
35. 5 I insert "beet and" from Mich.
36. 4 I Sam. ii. 30.
37. 1 Mich. "listen to.;'
38. 2 Clem. Hom. xii. 5, 6; id. Recog. vii. 5, 6.
39. 3 Act. Paul. et Thecl. xxiii. (Syriac, Wright, pp. 147, 148; translation, pp. 129, 130).
40. 4 i Tim. vi. 8.
41. 8 Acts i. 21.
42. 1 Mich. fol. 173 v.
43. 2 537-8.
44. 9 There follow in the MS. the words [Syriac], "the sixth chapter,"
45. 1 The order and contents of these passages agree so well with the headings at the beginning of this Book, that I make no doubt that they are taken from our author. In general I follow Michael, whose account is the longest.
46. 2 538-9.
47. 3 Or January, it not being stated whether it was the st or the nd Khonun. The month is only in Jac. Edess.
48. 4 "In the sky" is only in Jac. Edess.
49. 5 So Jac. Edess. Mich. has "several days."
50. 6 "The southern part" is only in Jac. Edess.
51. 7 Mich. and Greg. afterwards relate the capture of Antioch and Callinicus over again. As this second account occurs in similar words in "Dionysius" (Cod. Syr. Vat. 162, fol. 71), who writes out John of Ephesus, and is absent in Jac. Edess., it is almost certainly derived from John, a fact which strongly confirms the previous conclusion that the account in the text is derived from our author.
52. 8 Greg. (p. 80) also quotes a passage relating to the plague as from Zachariah; but only the last sentence of this is identical with Mich.'s quotation, the rest being identical with a passage quoted by Mich. from Jo. Eph. It is clear, therefore, that either Gregory has erred or his text is corrupted.
53. 1 Ezek. vii. 17.
54. 2 This passage is written in the margin of 9. 13 in Cod. Rom., where it is printed by Mai (p. 358) as part of the text (see p. 242, note l).
55. 3 Greg. "Libya."
56. 7 The close correspondence of this account of the expedition against Edessa with the heading of ch. 9 seems to show that it is derived from our author. Jac. Edess., indeed, inserts the capture of Petra between the Armenian campaign and the expedition to Edessa, but only by a slip, for the following sentence, " and from that time the Romans were attacking it" etc. (see ch. 13), must refer to Petra, not to Edessa, as is proved by the sense and by a comparison with Mich.
57. 8 In Jac. Edess. only.
58. 1 "And made an attack" is in Jac. Edess. only.
59. 2 That this passage is derived from our author is shown by the use of the indictional years, which is not found in Jo. Eph. Moreover, according to our author's own peculiar fashion the numerals are given in Greek.
60. 3 "Of Singara " is added by Greg.
61. 4 538-545.
62. 5 This sentence (not in Greg.) is extremely obscure and probably corrupt. The real meaning seems to be that many Monophysites had been carried off by the Persians.
63. 6 Greg. adds "a simple man."
64. 7 In Mich. this clause is applied to Theodore, but is followed by the words "This is my lord James Burd''oyo," which seem to be a gloss intended to point out that they really belong to James. After this Greg. inserts "and they ordained him oecumenical metropolitan."
65. 8 Mich. "Active in his journeying, and travelled like a courier."
66. 9 Greg. adds, "and he began to go round the countries of the East and to give ordination to the orthodox, showing himself in the dress of a beggar, and chiefly on the roads from fear of the persecution."
67. 1 That this passage comes from our author appears from the juxtaposition of these two events, the campaign in Lazica and the famine, as in the headings above, and from the use of the indictional reckoning with the numeral in Greek; see note below.
68. 2 So Mich. Jac. Edess. has "took."
69. 3 Here Jac. Edess. interpolates the attack on Edessa (see ch. 11, note).
70. 4 546. The translator of Mich., who alone records the date, has..., ''in the district of Hanata"; but no such place is known, and I have no doubt that it is a misunderstanding of..., which our author transliterates as... at p. 249, 1. 7, 12; p. 258, 1. 9, 1.
71. 1 The heading and the latter portion of the chapter are in Cod. Rom. The first paragraph, which seems to be derived from the same source, I supply from Mich. and Greg. (pp. So, 81). A portion of the Syriac Michael containing this paragraph and the description of Rome in the next chapter has been edited by Prof. Guidi (Bull. della Commiss. Arch. di Roma, xix. p. 61 ff.).
72. 2 546. This was the twentieth of Justinian, and the fact that the same misreckoning is found twice in 12. 4 and once in 12. 5 tends to show that this sentence is derived from our author.
73. 3 Mich. "the Romans."
74. 5 Mich. adds, "of its people. And that you may know what loss to the empire of the Romans was wrought at its capture, behold! I will write out an account, though only in a summary, composed by one that knew and saw its buildings."
75. 6 Mich. fol. 185 r.
76. 2 This is the heading in 12,154 (see p. 311). Cod. Rom. has "a description of the decoration of Rome." The chapter has been edited with an introduction, notes, and translation by Prof. Guidi (Bull. della Commiss. Arch. ai Roma, xii. p. 218 ff.; cf. xix. p. 61 ff.), from whose work I have derived much assistance.
77. 6 Mich. (ed. Guidi); Notitia ap. Jordan Top. der Stadt Rom, 2. 571.
78. 8... Notit. "lacos".
79. 1.... Notit. "arci marmorei XXXVI."
80. 3 Mich. " and took the bronze gates and other objects."
81. 5 A misunderstanding of "columnae coclides."
82. 6... 12,154 has [Syriac] " 3," and so Mich. Notit. " theatra III."
83. 7... Notit. "amphitheatra II."
84. 8.... Notit. "ludi IIII." Mich. Arab, adds [Syriac], "granaries."
85. 9... (Guidi). Notit. "nymfea XV" (MS. B "XI). Mich. Syr...., Arab...., "places of amusement.".
86. 10 The MS. has... "feeble," not..., "bronze," as Mai; but we must read..., and so Mich.
87. 12 Mich. Syr. 56, Arab. "956," and so MS. B of Notitia: cet. "856."
88. 13.... Notit. " Cohortes vigilum VII."
89. 14... = Notit. "quorum excubitoria XIII," "quorum" having been translated..., and... omitted by the Syrian (Guidi).
90. 1.... Notit. "castra" (Guidi).
91. 2 A mistranslation of "equitum singularium" (Guidi).
92. 3.... Notit. "lupanaria XLV." MS. "46." Read "45" with Mich.
93. 5 Notit. "horrea CCXC " (MS. B " CCXCI"), so that... is probably a corruption of... (Duval in Guidi); but, as Mich. also has "prisons," the corruption may have existed in our author's original text, and I therefore do not emend....
94. 6 This word (...) generally means "public baths"; but the translation in the text accords with Notit. "latrinas publicae" (the Curiosum printed opposite adds "quod est sicessos") "CCXLIIII."
95. 7... (Guidi). Mich. Arab...., "custodians"; Notit. "vicomagistri DCLXXII" (MS. B DCLXXIII).
96. 8 Here 12,154 adds, "These are exclusive of many things which we have not set down here. And these things the author set down while weeping for the city, because in his time the barbarians entered it and sacked it." This MS. omits the sentences containing corrupt or difficult words, as well as the introductory and concluding sentences. Mich. (Arab. fol. 185 r) has, in place of the concluding sentence, "Verily for the sack of this great city, which was completely burnt at this time by a barbarian people, Justinian the king sorrowed exceedingly, and all the magnates of the kingdom clothed themselves in mourning. And in those days the king's sorrow was increased by the death of the queen, the blessed Theodora, who departed in the twentieth year of the reign of Justinian, which is the year eight hundred and fifty-nine of the Greeks, and he gave a large quantity of gold on behalf of her soul." Greg. (p. 81) has the same in a shorter form.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah12.htm
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 12.
Zachariah of Mitylene, Syriac Chronicle (1899). Book 12.
BOOK XII
CHAPTER IV
[Note to the online text: book 11 and the first 3 chapters of book 12 are lost from the manuscript.]
... earnestly [admonished] her not to do this in a vile manner and injure her spirit on account of the future righteous judgment. And she said to him, "How can I worship Him, when He is not visible and I do not know Him?" And after this one day, while she was in her park (and these things were in her mind), in a fountain of water which was in the park she saw a picture of Jesus our Lord, painted on a linen cloth, and it was in the water; and on taking it out she was surprised that it was not wet. And, to show her veneration for it, she concealed it in the head-dress which she was wearing, and brought it and showed it to the man who was instructing her; and on the head-dress also was imprinted an exact copy of the picture which came out of the water. And one picture came to Caesarea some time after our Lord's passion, and the other picture was kept in the village of Camulia, and a temple was built in honour of it by Hypatia, who became a Christian. But some time afterwards another woman from the village of Dibudin, mentioned above,1 in the |321 jurisdiction 2 of Amasia, when she learned these things, was moved with enthusiasm, and somehow or other brought one copy of the picture from Camulia to her own village; and in that country men call it "a0xeiropoi/htoj," that is, "not made with hands"; and, moreover, she also built a temple in honour of it. So much for these things.
In the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Justinian, the year three,3 a marauding band of barbarians came to the village of Dibudin and burned it and the temple, and carried the people into captivity. And certain earnest men, natives of the country, informed the serene king of these things, and begged him to give a contribution and to have the temple and the village restored (?) and the people ransomed. And he gave what he pleased. But one of the men attached to the king's person in the palace advised him to have the picture of our Lord carried on a circular progress through the cities by these priests, and a sum of money sufficient for the building of the temple and the village collected. And behold! from the year three until the year nine4 they have been conveying it about.5 And I believe that these things happened under the direction of Providence, because there are two comings of Christ according to the purport of the Scriptures, one in humility, which also took place five hundred and sixty-two years before this year nine, which is also the thirty-third of the reign of Justinian, and a future one in glory, which we are awaiting; and this same thing is a type of the progress of the mystery and picture and wreathed image of the King and Lord of those above and those below, which shall be quickly revealed. And, indeed, I admonish my own self and my brethren, since there is fear |322 of falling into the hands of God, that every man devote himself to affliction and penitence, for he shall be requited for his deeds; for the coming of our God, the righteous Judge, is already near; to whom with His Father and the Holy Spirit be glory. Amen.
CHAPTER V
THE FIFTH CHAPTER TREATS OF THE POWDER, CONSISTING OF ASHES, WHICH FELL FROM HEAVEN
In addition to all the evil and fearful things described above and recorded below, the earthquakes and famines and wars in divers places, and the abundance of iniquity and the deficiency of love and faith, which have happened and are happening, there has also been fulfilled against us and against this last generation the curse of Moses in Deuteronomy, when he admonished the people who had come out of Egypt, when they were just about to enter the land of promise, and said to them, "If thou wilt not hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God, and wilt not observe and do all His statutes and His commandments, which I command thee this day, all these curses shall come upon thee and overtake thee"; 6 and a little further on he speaks thus: "The Lord shall give for the rain of thy land powder; and dust from heaven shall He send down upon thee, until He destroy thee. And He shall smite thee before thine enemies; and thy carcase shall be meat unto the fowls of heaven and unto the beasts of the earth, and there shall be no man to fray them away." 7
Such fearful things and more fearful things are coming; for in the year four,8 on the first Sabbath, which is the Sabbath before the feast of unleavened bread, the heavens above us |323 were covered with stormy (?) clouds, brought by the east winds, and instead of the usual rain and moistening water dropped upon the earth a powder composed of ashes and dust by the commandment of God. And it showed itself upon stones and fell upon walls; and discerning men were in fear and trepidation and anxiety, and instead of the joy of the Passover they were in sorrow, because all the things that are written had been fulfilled against us on account of our sins. Now it was the twenty-eighth year of this king.
Now, as regards the scope and sequence of the work, the book has brought us down in chronological order as far as the year four; but as to one chapter, concerning an event which happened here at the end of the year one,9 which before this year four we omitted, we have retraced our steps like men on the sea through the violence of the waves and record it briefly, it being as follows:—
CHAPTER VI
THE SIXTH CHAPTER OF THE TWELFTH BOOK, CONCERNING BASILISCUS, A PRESBYTER OF ANTIOCH, WHO WENT TO AMIDA WITH AUDONO (?) THE DUKE
In the summer of the year one,10 when the year was now just drawing to an end, and a council of bishops was being held in the royal city, certain men, their representatives in the cities here, whose names I forbear to record, some of |324 them, as I think, acting out of jealousy (?) of spite, wrote to their bishops, who were sojourning in the West, in order to please them and also to gratify their ears, saying, "There are certain Schismatics, that is, dividers, in the district, and especially in the land between the Rivers, who are holding councils and are, as it were, attracting the whole people from one end to the other to join them, and are in separation from our Church." And the bishops there brought the communication which they had received before the king, and he ordered Audono (?) 11 the duke, who was at Hamimtho, to investigate the matter in conjunction with Basiliscus, a presbyter of Antioch; and they were to reconcile them, if willing, to the Church. And, while the matter so stood, Bar Korgis, a presbyter of Amida, joined them at Hamimtho; and he assembled the priests and the inhabitants of the villages in the district of the trench and put constraint on them, as 12 well as from the property, so to speak, of Dith, a believing man, who had lately died, and from Ingilene and Tzophanene. And, when these men reached the city of Amida, then they put pressure on the five chaste cloisters of monks there with the intention of ejecting them; and they spoke with them and listened to them. And they readily met them, and especially the gentle John the archimandrite, of whom we have mentioned 13 that he was providentially present, a Greek and a grammarian, and the earnest Sergius, their visitor; which men stood at their |325 head, supported by the learned and believing men, John and Sobbo, and Stephen, an archiatros of the city. And they did not expel the cloister societies of monks, but they retired to Izlo. And, since Peter, the master of. the offices, arrived in the year two,14 and heard from the monks about the threats made against them, he withdrew them. The duke he restrained from again expelling the monks, and censured him.
CHAPTER VII
THE SEVENTH CHAPTER TREATS OF THE MAP OF THE WORLD WHICH WAS MADE BY THE DILIGENCE OF PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR, KING OF EGYPT
Now Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, as the Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea declares, two hundred and eighty years and more before the birth of our Lord, at the beginning of his reign, set the Jewish captives in Egypt free and sent offerings to Jerusalem to Izra'el,15 who was priest at that time; and he assembled seventy men learned in the law and had the Holy Scriptures translated from the Hebrew tongue into Greek; and he stored them up and kept them with him; for in this matter he was indeed moved by God, in order to prepare for the calling of the nations who should attain to knowledge, that they might be true worshippers of the glorious Trinity through the ministration of the Spirit.
Yet again about the space of one hundred and thirty years after him Ptolemy Philometor also was honourably moved and exerted himself, and by means of ambassadors and letters and presents, which he sent and dispatched to the rulers of the countries of the nations, he urged them to write down and send to him the limits of the lands under their sway and of the neighbouring peoples, and also a description of their habitations and their customs. And they wrote and sent them to him except the northern region extending to the East |326 and to the West. And we have thought it necessary to write it out here at the end for the understanding of the discerning. And the account is as follows:—
[At this point follows an epitome of the geography of Claudius Ptolemaeus, whom our author has taken for an Egyptian king. As no good purpose would be served by publishing a translation of this section, I omit it. A portion of it is also contained under Zachariah's name in Add. MS. 14,620, fol. 28, with considerable variations from our MS. After the description of the province of Africa this MS. has the curious addition, "and they speak Syriac and Latin." There is another addition to Ptolemy in the notice of the Scenitae of Arabia Felix,16 where our author adds, "who are called Sabaeans," to which 17,202 further adds, "the same is Sh'ba," while in place of the Sabaeans, whom Ptolemy mentions lower down,17 our author has "the Ofirians, the same is Ofir." 18 These additions are of course due to our author himself or some earlier Christian translator; but there are others which point to a difference of reading. Thus in place of " 'Aqa&kai, Ai0qi/opej"19 he has "others who live in the water, who eat fruit," and to the notice of the Sachalites he adds, "from whence come pearls, and they sail on the water on bladders," an addition which in Nobbe's text of Ptolemy is printed as the note of a Scholiast.20 Again to the notice of the frankincense country in Ethiopia21 he adds, "thence comes beet." There are a few other places where our author throws some light on Ptolemy's text. Thus in place of the Pexi=noi 22 of Ethiopia he has "cubit-men," and, therefore, perhaps read Phxi=noi, while among the tribes of Arabia Felix in the place where Nobbe's text has Dwrhnoi/ 23 our author's reading [Syriac] (14,620, [Syriac]) shows that he read "Dwsarhnoi/," as in the text of |327 Montanus. Other variations from Ptolemy's text are probably due to carelessness or misunderstanding. There is, however, one peculiar variation, of which it is hard to see the origin, in the account of Taprobane, where our author has "and their women are deaf," the corresponding statement in Ptolemy being "[Greek]." 24 I continue the translation at p. 336, 1. 13, of Land's text.]
This description of the peoples of the world was made, as recorded above, by the exertions of Ptolemy Philometor and in the thirtieth year of his reign, one hundred and fifty years before the birth of our Saviour, so that the space of time from that day to the present, which is the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Justinian, the serene king of our days, the eight hundred and sixty-sixth year of Alexander, and the three hundred and thirty-third Olympiad,25 will be found to be a space of seven hundred and eleven years. In such a space of time, therefore, how many cities have been built and added among all peoples in the world from the time of Ptolemy down to the present day, and especially since the birth of our Saviour! And peace has reigned among nations and kindreds and tongues, and they have not observed their former custom, nor has nation stood up to make war or to use their swords against nation, nor have they contended in battle, in that the prophecy has been fulfilled in them which says, "They shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning-hooks."26
And besides these there are also in this northern region five believing peoples, and their bishops are twenty-four, and their Catholic lives at D'win, the chief city of Persian Armenia. The name of their Catholic27 was Gregory, a righteous and a distinguished man. |328
Further Gurzan,28 a country in Armenia, and its language is like Greek; and they have a Christian prince, who is subject to the king of Persia.
Further the country of Arran in the country of Armenia, with a language of its own, a believing and baptized people; and it has a prince subject to the king of Persia.
Further the country of Sisagan, with a language of its own, a believing people, and there are also heathens living in it.
The country of Bazgun,29 with a language of its own, which adjoins and extends to the Caspian Gates and sea, the Gates in the land of the Huns. And beyond the Gates are the Bulgarians with their own language, a heathen and barbarous people, and they have cities; and the Alans, and they have five cities; and the men of the race of Dadu (?), and they live on the mountains' and have strongholds; the Unnogur, a people living in tents, the Ogor, the Sabir, the Bulgarian,30 the Khorthrigor, the Avar, the Khasar, the Dirmar (?), the Sarurgur (?), the Bagarsik (?), the Khulas (?), the Abdel, the Ephthalite, these thirteen peoples dwelling in tents; and they live on the flesh of cattle and fish and wild beasts and by arms; and beyond them the tribe of the pigmies and of the dog-men, and north-west of them the Amazons,31 women with one breast each, who live entirely by themselves and fight in arms and on horseback; and there is no male among them, but, when they wish to pair, they go in peaceful fashion to a tribe near their country and hold intercourse with them for a month of days and return to their country; and, when they bear a child, if it is a male, they kill it, and, if it is a female, they preserve it alive; and in this way they keep up their Tanks. And the tribe which lives near them is the Harus (?), tall, big-limbed (?) men, who have no weapons of war, and |329 horses cannot carry them because of the bigness of their limbs (?). And to the east again verging on the north are three other black tribes.
Now in the land of the Huns about twenty years and more ago some men translated some books into the native tongue; and the origin of it, which the Lord brought about, I will relate as I heard it from certain truthful men, John of Rhesaina, who was in the monastery founded by Ishokuni close to Amida, and Thomas the tanner, who were carried into captivity when Kawad carried away captives fifty years and more ago. And, when they reached the land. of. the Persians, they were again sold to the Huns and went beyond the gates and were in their country more than thirty years; and they took wives and begot children there. But after about this space of time they returned and told us the story with their own mouths as follows:—
After the coming of the captives from the land of the Romans, whom the Huns had taken away with them, and after they had been in their country for thirty-four years, then an angel appeared to a man named Kardutsat, bishop of the country of Arran, as the bishop related, and said to him, "Take three pious priests and go out into the plain and receive from me a message sent to thee by the Lord of spirits, because I am guardian of the captives who have gone from the land of the Romans to the land of the nations and have offered up their prayer to God. And he told me what to say to thee." And, when this same Kardutsat, which, when translated into Greek, is Theokletos,32 had gone zealously out into the plain and had.., called upon God, he and the three4presbyters, then the angel said to them, "Come, go into the land of the nations and warn the children of the dead, arid ordain priests for them, and give them the mysteries, and strengthen them; and behold! I am with you and will deal graciously with you there, and signs shall ye do there among |330 the nations, and all that is needed for your service ye shall find." And four others went with them; and in a country in which no peace is to be found these seven priests from evening to evening found a lodging and seven loaves of bread and a jar of water. And they did not enter by way of the Gates, but were guided over the mountains. And, when they reached the place, they told these things to the captives, and many were baptized, and they made converts among the Huns also. They were there for a week of years, and there they translated books into the Hunnic tongue.
Now at that time Probus happened to be sent on an embassy to those parts by the king, in order to hire some of them to meet the nations in war. And, when he heard from the Huns about these holy men and understood their story also from the captives, he was very eager and desirous to see them. And he saw them, and received a blessing from them, and showed them much honour before the eyes of those nations.
And our king, when he heard from them the facts recorded above, which the Lord so brought about, loaded thirty mules from the territories of the neighbouring Roman cities and sent them to them, and also flour and wine and oil and linen cloths and other commodities and sacramental vessels. And the animals he gave as a present to them, because Probus was a believing and a kindly man.
Now another Armenian bishop also, whose name was Maku (?), was stirred to emulation by such noble deeds and went out after two more weeks of years; and he was honourably moved and went to the country of his own accord and some of his priests with him. And he built a brick church and planted plants and sowed various kinds of seeds and did signs and baptized many. When the rulers of these nations saw something new happening, they admired the men and were greatly pleased with them and honoured them, each |331 one among them inviting them to his own district and his own people, and beseeching them to be his instructors: and behold! they are there to this day. And this same thing is a token of the mercies of God, Who cares for everyone that is His in every place. And henceforth it is the time which is placed in His own power, that the fulness of the peoples may come in, as the apostle said.33
For for one week of years the king of Persia also, as those who know relate, has separated himself from the eating of things strangled and blood, and from the flesh of unclean beasts and birds, from the time when Tribonian the archiatros came down to him, who was taken captive at that time, and from our serene king came Birowi, a perfect man, and after him Kashowi, and now Gabriel, a Christian of Nisibis. From that time he has understood his food, and his food is not polluted (?) according to the former practice, but rather it is blessed, and then he eats. And Joseph also, the Catholic of the Christians, is high in his confidence, and is closely attached to him, because he is a physician, and he sits before him on the first seat after the chief of the Magians, and whatever he asks of him he receives.
Out of kindness towards the captives and the holy men he has now by the advice of the Christian physicians attached to him made a hospital, a thing not previously known, and has given 100 mules and 50 camels laden with goods (?) from |332 the royal stores, and 12 physicians, and whatever is required is given; and in the king's retinue (?) 34...
[Note to the online edition: an index of names and things and an index of Greek words followed. I have omitted these]
[Note to the online edition: footnotes have been moved to the end. Footnotes concerned only with bits of Syriac and Greek have been omitted because of the time it would take to transcribe it.]
1. 6 In the lost beginning of the chapter (?).
2. 1 The word... generally expresses metropolitan jurisdiction, so that the expression is equivalent to "in the province of Helenopontus."
3. 3554-5
4. 7 561.
5. 8 There is perhaps a gap here, as Land marks, though it is not certain that there ever was anything written there. So also in the next line.
6. 1 Deut. xxviii. 15.
7. 2 Deut. xxviii. 24-26.
8. 3 556.
9. 2 Summer 553.
10. 3 553.
11. 4 This perhaps represents the Teutonic Audwin or Aldwin; or we might make the easy correction... for..., and translate "Evodian."
12. 6 It is probable that something has here dropped out.
13. 10 In the lost portion. After this it is probable that something has been lost, since the following statements can hardly apply to John. In this case we may render "of whom we have mentioned that [..., and X.,] who was providentially present."
14. 2 553-4.
15. 4 El'azar is meant.
16. 1 Ptol. Geog. vi. 7. 21.
17. 2 Ibid. vi. 7. 23.
18. 3 Similarly in place of... (vi. 7. 24) he has "the mountains of Ofir."
19. 4 Ptol. Geog, iv. 9. 3.
20. 5 Ibid. vi. 7. 11. Montanus prints it as part of the text, and so it is in the Athos MS. reproduced by Langlois. Wilberg brackets it.
21. 6 Ibid. iv. 7. 31.
22. 7 Ibid.
23. 8 Ibid. vi. 7. 23.... is the reading of nearly all the MSS.
24. 2 Ibid. vii. 4. i.
25. 3 555.
26. 5 Isa. ii. 4.
27. 6 Probably the word " first " has dropped out.
28. 1 I.e. Georgia or Iberia.
29. 3 I.e. Abasgia.
30. 4 This is probably a corruption or confusion, as the Bulgarians are said above to.have had cities. The people here meant are perhaps the "Bourou&goundoi" of Agath. v. 11.
31. 5 Cf. Strabo, xi. 5. 1.
32. 2 From Armenian kardal, to call, and Astuats, God.
33. 2 Rom. xi. 25.
34. 2... At this point the MS. breaks off, which makes it hard to tell the meaning of this word.... Across the last page of the MS. some illegible words are written in another hand.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: zachariah99_adverts.htm
A Catalogue of Books and Announcements of Methuen and Company, Publishers (1899)
A Catalogue of Books and Announcements of Methuen and Company, Publishers (1899)
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EOTHEN. By A. W. KINGLAKE. With an Introduction and Notes.
CRANFORD. By Mrs. GASKELL. With an Introduction and Notes by E. V. LUCAS.
THE INFERNO OF DANTE. Translated by H. F. CARY. With an Introduction and Notes by PAGET TOYNBEE.
JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN. By MRS. CRAIK. With an Introduction by ANNIE MATHESON. Two volumes.
THE EARLY POEMS OF ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON. Edited by J. C. COLLINS, M.A.
THE PRINCESS. By ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON. Edited by ELIZABETH WORDSWORTH. |11
MAUD, AND OTHER POEMS. By ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON, Edited by ELIZABETH WORDSWORTH.
IN MEMORIAM. By ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON. Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A.
A LITTLE BOOK OF SCOTTISH LYRICS. Arranged and Edited by T. F. HENDERSON.
Fiction
THE KING'S MIRROR. By ANTHONY HOPE. Crown vo. s.
THE CROWN OF LIFE. By GEORGE GISSING, Author of 'Demos,' 'The Town Traveller,' etc. Crown vo. s.
A NEW.VOLUME OF WAR STORIES. By STEPHEN CRANE, Author of 'The Red Badge of Courage.' Crown vo. s.
THE STRONG ARM. By ROBERT BARR. Crown vo, s.
TO LONDON TOWN. By ARTHUR MORRISON, Author of 'Tales of Mean Streets,' 'A Child of the Jago,' etc. Crown vo. s.
ONE HOUR AND THE NEXT. By THE DUCHESS OF SUTHERLAND. Crown vo. s.
SIREN CITY. By BENJAMIN SWIFT, Author of 'Nancy Noon.' Crown vo. s.
VENGEANCE IS MINE. By ANDREW BALFOUR, Author of 'By Stroke of Sword.' Illustrated. Crown vo. s.
PRINCE RUPERT THE BUCCANEER. By C. J. CUTCLIFFE HYNE, Author of 'Captain Kettle,' etc. Crown vo. s.
PABO THE PRIEST. By S. BARING GOULD, Author of 'Mehalah,' etc. Illustrated. Crown vo. s.
GILES INGILBY. By W. E. NORRIS. Illustrated. Crown vo. s.
THE PATH OF A STAR. By SARA JEANETTE DUNCAN, Author of 'A Voyage of Consolation.' Illustrated. Crown vo. s.
THE HUMAN BOY. By EDEN PHILPOTTS, Author of 'Children of the Mist.' With a Frontispiece. Crown vo. s.
A series of English schoolboy stories, the result of keen observation, and of a most engaging wit.
THE HUMAN INTEREST. By VIOLET HUNT, Author of 'A Hard Woman,'etc. Crown vo. s. |12
AN ENGLISHMAN. By MARY L. PENDERED. Crown vo. s.
A GENTLEMAN PLAYER. By R. N. STEPHENS, Author of 'An Enemy to the King.' Crown vo. s.
DANIEL WHYTE. By A. J. DAWSON, Author of 'Bismillah.' Crown vo. s.
A New Edition of the Novels of Marie Corelli
This New Edition is in a more convenient form than the Library Edition, and is issued in a new and specially designed cover.
In Crown vo, Cloth, s. Leather, s. net.
A ROMANCE OF TWO WORLDS.
VENDETTA.
THELMA.
ARDATH: THE STORY OF A DEAD SELF.
THE SOUL OF LILITH.
WORMWOOD.
BARABBAS: A DREAM OF THE WORLD'S TRAGEDY.
THE SORROWS OF SATAN.
The Novelist
MESSRS. METHUEN are making an interesting experiment which constitutes a fresh departure in publishing. They are issuing under the above general title a Monthly Series of New Fiction by popular authors at the price of Sixpence. Each Number is as long as the average Six Shilling Novel. The first numbers of 'THE NOVELIST' are as follows:/p> I. DEAD MEN TELL NO TALES. E. W. HORNUNG.
[Ready.
II. JENNIE BAXTER, JOURNALIST. ROBERT BARR.
[Ready.
III. THE INCA'S TREASURE. ERNEST GLANVILLE.
[Ready.
IV. A SON OF THE STATE. W. PETT RIDGE.
[Ready.
V. FURZE BLOOM. S. BARING GOULD.
[September.
VI.
[October.
VII.
[November.
VIII. A NEW NOVEL, MRS. MEADE.
[December.
|13
A CATALOGUE OF
MESSRS. METHUEN'S
PUBLICATIONS
---------
Poetry
Rudyard Kipling. BARRACK-ROOM BALLADS. By RUDYARD KIPLING. 58th Thousand, Crown vo. s.
'Mr. Kipling's verse is strong, vivid, full of character.... Unmistakeable genius rings in every line.' Times.
'The ballads teem with imagination, they palpitate with emotion. We read them with laughter and tears; the metres throb in our pulses, the cunningly ordered words tingle with life; and if this be not poetry, what is?'Pall Mall Gazette.
Rudyard Kipling. THE SEVEN SEAS. By RUDYARD KIPLING. 47th Thousand. Cr. vo. Buckram, gilt top. s.
'The new poems of Mr. Rudyard Kipling have all the spirit and swing of their predecessors. Patriotism is the solid concrete foundation on which Mr. Kipling has built the whole of his work.'Times.
'The Empire has found a singer; it is no depreciation of the songs to say that statesmen may have, one way or other, to take account of them.'Manchester Guardian.
'Animated through and through with indubitable genius.'Daily Telegraph.
"Q." POEMS AND BALLADS. By "Q." Crown vo. s. d.
'This work has just the faint, ineffable touch and glow that make poetry.'Speaker.
"Q." GREEN BAYS: Verses and Parodies. By"Q." Second Edition. Crown vo. s. d.
E. Mackay. A SONG OF THE SEA. By ERIC MACKAY. Second Edition. Fcap. vo. s.
'Everywhere Mr. Mackay displays himself the master of a style marked by all the characteristics of the best rhetoric."Globe.
H. Ibsen. BRAND. A Drama by HENRIK IBSEN. Translated by WILLIAM WILSON. Third Edition, Crown vo. s. d.
'The greatest world-poem of the nineteenth century next to "Faust." It is in the same set with "Agamemnon," with "Lear," with the literature that we now instinctively regard as high and holy."Daily Chronicle.
"A. G." VERSES TO ORDER. By "A. G." Crown vo. s. d. net.
'A capital specimen of light academic poetry.'St. James's Gazette.
James Williams. VENTURES IN VERSE. By JAMES WILLIAMS, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. Crown vo. s. d.
'In matter and manner the book is admirable.'Glasgow Herald.
J. G. Cordery. THE ODYSSEY OF HOMER. A Translation by J. G. CORDERY. Crown vo. s. d.
'A spirited, accurate, and scholarly piece of work.'Glasgow Herald. |14
Belles Lettres, Anthologies, etc.
R. L. Stevenson. VAILIMA LETTERS. By ROBERT Louis STEVENSON. With an Etched Portrait by WILLIAM STRANG. Second Edition. Crown vo. Buckram. s.
'A fascinating book.'Standard.
'Full of charm and brightness.'Spectator.
'A gift almost priceless.'Speaker.
'Unique in Literature.'Daily Chronicle.
G. Wyndham. THE POEMS OF WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE. Edited with an Introduction and Notes by GEORGE WYNDHAM, M.P. Demy vo. Buckram, gilt top. 10s. d.
This edition contains the 'Venus,'' Lucrece,' and Sonnets, and is prefaced with an elaborate introduction of over 140 pp.
'One of the most serious contributions to Shakespearian criticism that have been published for some time.'Times.
'We have no hesitation in describing Mr. George Wyndham's introduction as a masterly piece of criticism, and all who love our Elizabethan literature will find a very garden of delight in it.'Spectator.
'Mr. Wyndham's notes are admirable, even indispensable.'Westminster Gazette.
W. E. Henley. ENGLISH LYRICS. Selected and Edited by W. E. HENLEY. Crown vo. Buckram, gilt top. s.
'It is a body of choice and lovely poetry.'Birmingham Gazette.
Henley and Whibley. A BOOK OF ENGLISH PROSE. Collected by W. E. HENLEY and CHARLES WHIBLEY. Crown vo. Buckram, gilt top. s.
' Quite delightful. A greater treat for those not well acquainted with pre-Restoration prose could not be imagined." Athenaeum.
H. C. Beeching. LYRA SACRA: An Anthology of Sacred Verse. Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A. Crown vo. Buckram. s.
'A charming selection, which maintains lofty standard of excellence."Times.
"Q." THE GOLDEN POMP. A Procession of English Lyrics. Arranged by A. T. QUILLER COUCH. Crown vo. Buckram. s.
'A delightful volume: a really golden "Pomp."'Spectator.
W. B. Yeats. AN ANTHOLOGY OF IRISH VERSE. Edited by W. B. YEATS. Crown vo. s. d.
An attractive and catholic selection. Times.
G. W. Steevens. MONOLOGUES OF THE DEAD. By G. W. STEEVENS. Foolscap vo. s. d.
'The effect is sometimes splendid, sometimes bizarre, but always amazingly clever.'Pall Mall Gazette.
W. M. Dixon. A PRIMER OF TENNYSON. By W. M. DIXON, M.A. Cr. vo. s. d.
'Much sound and well-expressed criticism. The bibliography is a boon.'Speaker.
W. A. Craigie. A PRIMER OF BURNS. By W. A. CRAIGIE. Crown vo. s. d.
' A valuable addition to the literature of the poet.'Times.
L. Magnus. A PRIMER OF WORDSWORTH. By LAURIE MAGNUS. Crown vo. s. d.
' A valuable contribution to Wordsworthian literature.'Literature.
Sterne. THE LIFE AND OPINIONS OF TRISTRAM SHANDY. By LAWRENCE STERNE. With an Introduction by CHARLES WHIBLEY, and a Portrait. 2 vols. s.
' Very dainty volumes are these: the paper, type, and light-green binding are all very agreeable to the eye.'Globe.
Congreve. THE COMEDIES OF WILLIAM CONGREVE. With an Introduction by G. S. STREET, and a Portrait. 2 vols. s.
Morier. THE ADVENTURES OF HAJJI BABA OF ISPAHAN. By JAMES MORIER. With an Introduction by E. G. BROWNE, M.A. and a Portrait. 2 vols. s. |15
Walton. THE LIVES OF DONNE, WOTTON, HOOKER, HERBERT AND SANDERSON. By IZAAK WALTON. With an Introduction by VERNON BLACKBURN, and a Portrait. s. d.
Johnson. THE LIVES OF THE ENGLISH POETS. By SAMUEL JOHNSON, LL.D. With an Introduction by J. H. MILLAR, and a Portrait. 3 vols. 10s. d.
Burns. THE POEMS OF ROBERT BURNS. Edited by ANDREW LANG and W. A. CRAIGIE. With Portrait. Second Edition. Demy vo, gilt top. s.
This edition contains a carefully collated Text, numerous Notes, critical and textual, a critical and biographical Introduction, and a Glossary.
'Among editions in one volume, this will take the place of authority.'Times.
F. Langbridge. BALLADS OF THE BRAVE; Poems of Chivalry, Enterprise, Courage, and Constancy. Edited by Rev. F. LANGBRIDGE. Second Edition. Cr. vo. s. d. School Edition. s. d.
' A very happy conception happily carried out. These "Ballads of the Brave" are intended to suit the real tastes of boys, and will suit the taste of the great majority.', Spectator.
'The book is full of splendid things.' World.
Illustrated Books
John Bunyan. THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. By JOHN BUNYAN. Edited, with an Introduction, by C. H. FIRTH, M.A. With 39 Illustrations by R. ANNING BELL. Crown vo. s.
This book contains a long Introduction by Mr.Firth, whose knowledge of the period is unrivalled; and it is lavishly illustrated.
'The best "Pilgrim's Progress.'" Educational Times.
F.D.Bedford. NURSERY RHYMES.. With many Coloured Pictures by F. D. BEDFORD. Super Royal vo. s.
'An excellent selection of the best known rhymes, with beautifully coloured pictures exquisitely printed.'Pall Mall Gazette.
S. Baring Gould. A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES retold byS. BARING GOULD. With numerous Illustrations and Initial Letters by ARTHUR J. GASKIN. Second Edition. Cr. vo. Buckram. s.
'Mr. Baring Gould is deserving of gratitude, in re-writing in simple style the old stories that delighted our fathers and grandfathers.'Saturday Review.
S. Baring Gould. OLD ENGLISH FAIRY TALES. Collected and edited by S. BARING GOULD. With Numerous Illustrations by F. D. BEDFORD. Second Edition. Cr. vo. Buckram. s.
'A charming volume.'Guardian.
S. Baring Gould. A BOOK OF NURSERY SONGS AND RHYMES. Edited by S. BARING GOULD, and Illustrated by the Birmingham Art School. Buckram, gilt top. Crown vo. s.
H. C. Beeching. A BOOK OF CHRISTMAS VERSE. Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A., and Illustrated by WALTER CRANE. Cr. vo, gilt top. s. d.
An anthology which, from its unity of aim and high poetic excellence, has a better right to exist than most of its fellows.' Guardian.
History
Gibbon. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. By EDWARD GIBBON. A New Edition, Edited with Notes, Appendices, and Maps, by J. B. BURY, LL.D., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. In Seven Volumes. Demy vo. Gilt top. s. d. each. Also Cr. vo. s. |16 each. Vols. I., II., III., IV., V., and VI.
'The time has certainly arrived for a new edition of Gibbon's great work.... Professor Bury is the right man to undertake this task. His learning is amazing, both in extent and accuracy. The book is issued in a handy form, and at a moderate price, and it is admirably printed.' Times.
' The standard edition of our great historical classic."Glasgow Herald.
' At last there is an adequate modern edition of Gibbon.... The best edition the nineteenth century could produce.' Manchester Guardian.
Flinders Petrie. A HISTORY OF EGY PT.FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY. Edited by W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L., LL.D., Professor of Egyptology at University College. Fully Illustrated. In Six Volumes. Cr. vo. s. each.
VOL. I. PREHISTORIC TIMES TO XVITH DYNASTY. W. M. F. Petrie. Fourth Edition.
VOL. II. THE XVIITH AND XVIIITH DYNASTIES. W. M. F. Petrie. Third Edition.
VOL. IV. THE EGYPT OF THE PTOLEMIES. J. P. Mahaffy.
VOL. V. ROMAN EGYPT. J. G. Milne.
' A history written in the spirit of scientific precision so worthily represented by Dr. Petrie and his school cannot but promote sound and accurate study, and supply a vacant place in the English literature of Egyptology.'Times.
Flinders Petrie. RELIGION AND CONSCIENCE IN ANCIENT EGYPT. By W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L., LL.D. Fully Illustrated. Crown vo. s. d.
' The lectures will afford a fund of valuable information for students of ancient ethics.'Manchester Guardian.
Flinders Petrie. SYRIA AND EGYPT, FROM THE TELL EL AMARNA TABLETS. By W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L., LL.D. Crown vo. s. d.
' A marvellous record. The addition made to our knowledge is nothing short of amazing.'Times.
Flinders Petrie. EGYPTIAN TALES. Edited by W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. Illustrated by TRISTRAM ELLIS. In Two Volumes. Cr. vo. s. d. each.
' Invaluable as a picture of life in Palestine and Egypt.'Daily News.
Flinders Petrie. EGYPTIAN DECORATIVE ART. By W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. With 120 Illustrations. Cr. vo. s. d.
' In these lectures he displays rare skill in elucidating the development of decorative art in Egypt.'Times.
C. W. Oman. A HISTORY OF THE ART OF WAR. Vol. II.: The Middle Ages, from the Fourth to the Fourteenth Century. By C. W. OMAN, M.A., Fellow of All Souls', Oxford. Illustrated. Demy vo. 21s.
' The book is based throughout upon a thorough study of the original sources, and will be an indispensable aid to all students of mediaeval history.'Athenaum.
' The whole art of war in its historic evolution has never been treated on such an ample and comprehensive scale, and we question if any recent contribution to the exact history of the world has possessed more enduring value.'Daily Chronicle.
S. Baring Gould. THE TRAGEDY OF THE CAESARS. With numerous Illustrations from Busts, Gems, Cameos, etc. By S. BARING GOULD. Fourth Edition. Royal vo. 15s.
'A most splendid and fascinating book on a subject of undying interest. The great feature of the book is the use the author has made of the existing portraits of the Caesars and the admirable critical subtlety he has exhibited in dealing with this line of research. It is brilliantly written, and the illustrations are supplied on a scale of profuse magnificence.' Daily Chronicle.
F. W. Maitland. CANON LAW IN ENGLAND. By F. W. MAITLAND, LL.D., Downing Professor of the Laws of England in the University of Cambridge. Royal vo. s. d.
' Professor Maitland has put students of English law under a fresh debt. These essays are landmarks in the study of the history of Canon Law."Times. |17
H. de B. Gibbins. INDUSTRY IN ENGLAND: HISTORICAL OUTLINES. By H. DE B. GIBBINS, Litt.D., M.A. With 5 Maps. Second Edition. Demy vo. 10s. d.
H. E. Egerton. A HISTORY OF BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY. By H. E. EGERTON, M,A. Demy vo. 12s. d.
It is a good book, distinguished by accuracy in detail, clear arrangement of facts, and a broad grasp of principles.' Manchester Guardian.
' Able, impartial, clear.... A most valuable volume.'Athenaeum.
Albert Sorel. THE EASTERN QUESTION IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. By ALBERT SOREL, of the French Academy. Translated by F. C. BRAMWELL, M.A. With a Map. Cr. vo. s. d.
C. H. Grinling. A HISTORY OF THE GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY, 1845-95. By CHARLES H. GRINLING. With Maps and Illustrations. Demy vo. 10s. d.
' Mr. Grinling has done for a Railway what Macaulay did for English History.' The Engineer.
W. Sterry. ANNALS OF ETON COLLEGE. By W. STERRY, M.A. With numerous Illustrations. Demy vo. s. d.
'A treasury of quaint and interesting reading. Mr. Sterry has by his skill and vivacity given these records new life.' Academy.
Fisher. ANNALS OF SHREWSBURY SCHOOL. By G. W. FISHER, M.A., late Assistant Master. With numerous Illustrations. Demy vo. 10s. d.
'This careful, erudite book.'Daily Chronicle.
' A book of which Old Salopians are sure to be proud.'Glade.
J. Sargeaunt. ANNALS OF WESTMINSTER SCHOOL. By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., Assistant Master. With numerous Illustrations. Demy vo. s. d.
A. Clark. THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD: Their History and their Traditions. By Members of the University. Edited by A. CLARK, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Lincoln College. vo. 12s. d.
'A work which will be appealed to for many years as the standard book.' Athenaeum.
J. Wells. A SHORT HISTORY OF ROME. By J. WELLS, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Wadham Coll., Oxford. Second and Revised Edition. With 3 Maps. Crown vo. s. d. This book is intended for the Middle and Upper Forms of Public Schools and for Pass Students at the Universities. It contains copious Tables, etc.
'An original work written on an original plan, and with uncommon freshness and vigour.'Speaker.
O. Browning. A SHORT HISTORY OF MEDIAEVAL ITALY, A.D. 1250-1530. By OSCAR BROWNING, Fellow and Tutor of King's College, Cambridge. In Two Volumes. Cr. vo. s. each.
VOL. i. 1250-1409. Guelphs and Ghibellines.
VOL. ii. 1409-1530. The Age of the Condottieri.
O'Grady. THE STORY OF IRELAND. By STANDISH O'GRADY, Author of Finn and his Companions. Crown vo. s. d.
Byzantine Texts
Edited by J. B. BURY, M.A. EVAGRIUS. Edited by Professor LEON PARMENTIER of Liège and M. BIDEZ of Gand. Demy vo. 10s. d.
THE HISTORY OF PSELLUS. By C. SATHAS. Demy vo. 15s. net. |18
Biography
S. Baring Gould. THE LIFE OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. By S. BARING GOULU. With over 450 Illustrations in the Text and 12 Photogravure Plates. Large quarto. Gilt top. 36s.
'The best biography of Napoleon in our tongue, nor have the French as good a biographer of their hero. A book very nearly as good as Southey's "Life of Nelson."'Manchester Guardian.
' The main feature of this gorgeous volume is its great wealth of beautiful photogravures and finely-executed wood engravings, constituting a complete pictorial chronicle of Napoleon I.'s personal history from the days of his early childhood at Ajaccio to the date of his second interment.'Daily Telegraph.
P. H. Colomb. MEMOIRS OF ADMIRAL SIR A. COOPER KEY. By Admiral P. H. COLOMB. With a Portrait. Demy vo. 16s.
' An interesting and adequate biography. The whole book is one of the greatest interest.'Times.
Morris Fuller. THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF JOHN DAVENANT, D.D. (1571-1641), Bishop of Salisbury. By MORRIS FULLER, B. D. Demy vo. 10s. d.
J. M. Rigg. ST. ANSELM OF CANTERBURY: A CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGION. By J. M. RIGG. Demy vo. s. d.
F. W. Joyce. THE LIFE OF SIR FREDERICK GORE OUSELEY. ByF.W. JOYCE.M.A. s. d.
' This book has been undertaken in quite the right spirit, and written with sympathy, insight, and considerable literary skill.' Times.
W. G. Collingwood. THE LIFE OF JOHN RUSKIN. By W. G. COLLINGWOOD, M.A. With Portraits, and 13 Drawings by Mr. Ruskin. Second Edition. 2 vols. vo. 32s.
' No more magnificent volumes have been published for a long time.'Times.
' It is long since we had a biography with such delights of substance and of form. Such a book is a pleasure for the day, and a joy for ever.'Daily Chronicle.
C. Waldstein. JOHN RUSKIN, By CHARLES WALDSTEIN, M.A. With a Photogravure Portrait, Post vo. s.
' A thoughtful and well-written criticism of Ruskin's teaching.'Daily Chronicle.
A. M. F. Darmesteter, THE LIFE OF ERNEST RENAN. By MADAME DARMESTETER. With Portrait. Second Edition. Cr. vo. s.
' A polished gem of biography, superior in its kind to any attempt that has been made of recent years in England, Madame Darmesteter has indeed written for English readers "The Life of Ernest Renan."'A thenaeum.
W. H. Button. THE LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. By W. H. HUTTON, M.A. With Portraits. Cr. vo. s.
' The book lays good claim to high rank among our biographies. It is excellently even lovingly, written."Scotsman.
Travel, Adventure and Topography
Sven Hedin. THROUGH ASIA. By SVEN HEDIN, Gold Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society. With 300 Illustrations from Sketches and Photographs by the Author, and Maps. 2 vols. Royal vo. 20s. net.
' One of the greatest books of the kind issued during the century. It is impossible to give an adequate idea of the richness of the contents of this book, |19 nor of its abounding attractions as a story of travel unsurpassed in geographical and human interest. Much of it is a revelation. Altogether the work is one which in solidity, novelty, and interest must take a first rank among publications of its class.'Times. 'In these magnificent volumes we have the most important contribution to Central Asian geography made for many years. Intensely interesting as a tale of travel.' Spectator.
F. H. Skrine and E. D. Ross. THE HEART OF ASIA. By F. H. SKRINE and E. D. Ross. With Maps and many Illustrations by VERESTCHAGIN. Large Crown vo. 10s. d. net.
' This volume will form a landmark in our knowledge of Central Asia.... Illuminating and convincing. For the first time we are enabled clearly to understand not only how Russia has established her rule in Central Asia, but what that rule actually means to the Central Asian peoples. This book is not only felix opportunitate, but of enduring value.' Times.
R. E. Peary. NORTHWARD OVER THE GREAT ICE. By R.E.PEARY, Gold Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society. With over 800 Illustrations. vols. Royal vo. 32s. net.
'The book is full of interesting matter, tale of brave deeds simply told; abundantly illustrated with prints and maps.'Standard.
'His book will take its place among the permanent literature of Arctic exploration.' Times.
G. S. Robertson. CHITRAL: The Story of a Minor Siege. By Sir G. S. ROBERTSON, K.C.S.I. With numerous Illustrations, Map and Plans. Second Edition. Demy Bvo. 10s. d.
' It is difficult to imagine the kind of person who could read this brilliant book without emotion. The story remains immortal, a testimony imperishable. We are face to face with a great book.'Illustrated London News.
' A book which the Elizabethans would have thought wonderful. More thrilling, more piquant, and more human than any novel.'Newcastle Chronicle. ' One of the most stirring military narratives written in our time.'Times.
'As fascinating as Sir Walter Scott's best fiction.'Daily Telegraph.
' A noble story, nobly told.Punch.
H. H. Johnston. BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA. By Sir H. H. JOHNSTON, K.C.B. With nearly Two Hundred Illustrations, and Six Maps. Second Edition. Crown to. 18s. net.
' A fascinating book, written with equal skill and charm, the work at once of a literary artist and of a man of action who is singularly wise, brave, and experienced. It abounds in admirable sketches from pencil.' Westminster Gazette.
L. Decle. THREE YEARS IN SAVAGE AFRICA. By LIONEL DECLE. With 100 Illustrations and 5 Maps. Second Edition. Demy vo. 10s. d. net.
' A fine, full book.'Pall Mall Gazette.
' Its bright pages give a better general survey of Africa from the Cape to the Equator than any single volume that has yet been published.'Times.
A. Hulme Beaman. TWENTY YEARS IN THE NEAR EAST. By A. HULME BEAMAN. Demy vo. With Portrait. 10s. d.
' One of the most entertaining books that we have had in our hands for a long time. It is unconventional in a high degree; it is written with sagacious humour; it is fullof adventures and anecdotes.'Daily Chronicle.
Henri of Orleans. FROM TONKIN TO INDIA. By PRINCE HENRI OF ORLEANS. Translated by HAMLEY BENT, M:A. With 100 Illustrations and a Map. Cr. to, gilt top. 25s.
R. S. S. Baden-Powell. THE DOWNFALL OF PREMPEH. A Diary of Life in Ashanti, 1895. By Colonel BADEN-POWELL. With 21 Illustrations and a Map. Cheaper Edition. Large Crown vo. s.
R. S. S. Baden-Powell. THE MATABELE CAMPAIGN, 1896. By Col. BADEN-POWELL. With nearly 100 Illustrations. Cheaper Edition. Large Crown vo. s.
S. L. Hinde. THE FALL OF THE CONGO ARABS. By S. L. HINDE. With Plans, etc. Demy vo. 12s. d. |20
A. St. H. Gibbons. EXPLORATION AND HUNTING IN CENTRAL AFRICA. By Major A. ST. H. GIBBONS. With full-page Illustrations by C. WHYMPER, and Maps. Demy vo. 15s.
'His book is a grand record of quiet, unassuming, tactful resolution. His adventures were as various as his sporting exploits were exciting.'Times.
E. H. Alderson. WITH THE MASHONALAND FIELD FORCE, 1896. By Lieut.-Colonel ALDERSON. With numerous Illustrations and Plans. Demy vo. 10s. d.
'A clear, vigorous, and soldier-like narrative.'Scotsman.
Fraser. ROUND THE WORLD ON A WHEEL. By JOHN FOSTER FRASER. With 100 Illustrations. Crown vo. s.
'A very entertaining book of travel.' Spectator.
' The story is told with delightful gaiety, humour, and crispness. There has rarely appeared a more interesting tale of modern travel.'Scotsman.
' A classic of cycling, graphic and witty.'Yorkshire Post.
Seymour Vandeleur. CAMPAIGNING ON THE UPPER NILE AND NIGER. By Lieut. SEYMOUR VANDELEUR. With an Introduction by Sir G. GOLDIE, K.C.M.G. With 4 Maps, Illustrations, and Plans. Large Crown vo. 10s. d.
' Upon the African question there is no book procurable which contains so much of value as this one.'Guardian.
Lord Fincastle. A FRONTIER CAMPAIGN. By Viscount FINCASTLE, V.C., and Lieut. P. C. ELLIOTT-LOCKHART. With a Map and 16 Illustrations. Second Edition. Crown vo. s.
' An admirable book, and a really valuable treatise on frontier war.'Athenaum.
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S. Baring Gould. AN OLD ENGLISH HOME. By S. BARING GOULD. With numerous Plans and Illustrations. Crown vo. s. 'The chapters are delightfully fresh, very informing, and lightened by many a good story. A delightful fireside companion.' St. James's Gazette. |22
S. Baring Gould. HISTORIC ODDITIES AND STRANGE EVENTS. By S. BARING GOULD. Fourth Edition. Crown vo. s.
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T. K. Cheyne. FOUNDERS OF OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM. By T. K. CHEYNE, D.D., Oriel Professor at Oxford. Large Crown vo. s. d.
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H. H. Henson. DISCIPLINE AND LAW. By H. HENSLEY HENSON, B.D., Fellow of All Souls', Oxford. Fcap. vo. s. d.
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Oxford Commentaries
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THE XXXIX. ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. Edited with an Introduction by E. C. S. GIBSON, D.D., Vicar of Leeds, late Principal of Wells Theological College. Second and Cheaper Edition in One Volume. Demy vo. 12s. d.
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AN INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. By A. E. BURNS, Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of Lichfield. Demy vo. 10s. d.
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The Churchman's Library
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THE BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH CHRISTIANITY. By W. E. COLLINS, M.A. With Map. Cr. vo. s. d.
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SOME NEW TESTAMENT PROBLEMS. By ARTHUR WRIGHT, Fellow of Queen's College, Cambridge. Crown. vo. s.
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The Library of Devotion
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' Charming."Record.
' Delightful.'Church Bells.
THE CONFESSIONS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. Newly Translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by C. BIGG, D.D., late Student of Christ Church. Second Edition.
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THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. By JOHN KEBLE. With Introduction and Notes by WALTER LOCK, D.D., Warden of Keble College, Ireland Professor at Oxford.
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THE IMITATION OF CHRIST. A Revised Translation, with an Introduction, by C. BIGG, D.D., late Student of Christ Church.
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' A nearer approach to the original than has yet existed in English."Academy.
A BOOK OF DEVOTIONS. By J. W. STANBRIDGE, M.A., Rector of Bainton, Canon of York, and sometime Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford.
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LYRA INNOCENTIUM. By JOHN KEBLE. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by WALTER LOCK, D.D., Warden of Keble College, Oxford.
Leaders of Religion
Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A. With Portraits, Crown vo. s. d.
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The following are ready:
CARDINAL NEWMAN. By R. H. HUTTON.
JOHN WESLEY. By J. H. OVERTON, M.A.
BISHOP WILBERFORCE. By G. W. DANIELL, M.A.
CARDINAL MANNING. By A W. HUTTON, M.A.
CHARLES SIMEON. By H. C. G. MOULE, D,D.
JOHN KEBLE. By WALTER LOCK, D.D. |27
THOMAS CHALMERS. By Mrs. OLIPHANT.
LANCELOT ANDREWES. By R. L. OTTLEY, M.A.
AUGUSTINE OF CANTERBURY. By E. L. CUTTS, D.D.
WILLIAM LAUD. By W. H. HUTTON, B.D.
JOHN KNOX. By F. MAcCUNN.
JOHN HOWE. By R. F. HORTON, D.D.
BISHOP KEN. By F. A. CLARKE, M.A.
GEORGE FOX, THE QUAKER. By T. HODGKIN, D.C.L.
JOHN DONNE. By AUGUSTUS JESSOPP, D.D.
THOMAS CRANMER. By. A. J. MASON.
Other volumes will be announced in due course.
Fiction
SIX SHILLING NOVELS
Marie Corelli's Novels
Large crown vo. s. each.
A ROMANCE OF TWO WORLDS. Nineteenth Edition.
VENDETTA. Fifteenth Edition.
THELMA. Twenty-first Edition.
ARDATH: THE STORY OF A DEAD SELF. Eleventh Edition.
THE SOUL OF LILITH. Ninth Edition.
WORMWOOD. Ninth Edition.
BARABBAS: A DREAM OF THE WORLD'S TRAGEDY. Thirty -fourth Edition.
'The tender reverence of the treatment and the imaginative beauty of the writing have reconciled us to the daring of the conception, and the conviction is forced on us that even so exalted a subject cannot be made too familiar to us, provided it be presented in the true spirit of Christian faith. The amplifications of the Scripture narrative are often conceived with high poetic insight, and this "Dream of the World's Tragedy" is a lofty and not inadequate paraphrase of the supreme climax of the inspired narrative.'Dublin Review.
THE SORROWS OF SATAN. Fortieth Edition.
' A very powerful piece of work.... The conception is magnificent, and is likely to win an abiding place within the memory of man.... The author has immense command of language and a limitless audacity.... This interesting and remarkable romance will live long after much of the ephemeral literature of the day is forgotten.... A literary phenomenon... novel, and even sublime.', C. T. STEAD in the Review of Reviews.
Anthony Hope's Novels
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THE GOD IN THE CAR. Eighth Edition.
' A very remarkable book, deserving of critical analysis impossible within our limit; brilliant, but not superficial; well considered, but not elaborated; constructed with the proverbial art that conceals, but yet allows itself to be enjoyed by readers to whom fine literary method is a keen pleasure.' The World.
A CHANGE OF AIR. Fifth Edition.
'A graceful, vivacious comedy, true to human nature. The characters are traced with a masterly hand.'Times.
A MAN OF MARK. Fourth Edition.
'Of all Mr. Hope's books, "A Man of Mark" is the one which best compares with The Prisoner of Zenda."' National Observer.
THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT ANTONIO. Fourth Edition.
' It is a perfectly enchanting story of love and chivalry, and pure romance. The Count is the most constant, desperate, and modest and tender of lovers, a peerless gentleman, an intrepid fighter, a faithful friend, and a magnanimous foe.' Guardian.
PHROSO. Illustrated by H. R. MILLAR. Fourth Edition.
'The tale is thoroughly fresh, quick with vitality, stirring the blood.'St. James's Gazette. |28
'A story of adventure, every page of which is palpitating with action.'Speaker.
'From cover to cover "Phroso" not only engages the attention, but carries the reader in little whirls of delight from adventure to adventure.'Academy.
SIMON DALE. Illustrated. Third Edition.
' " Simon Dale" is one of the best historical romances that have been written for a long while.'St. James s Gazette.
' A brilliant novel. The story is rapid and most excellently told. As for the hero, he is a perfect hero of romance' A thenaeum.
'There is searching analysis of human nature, with a most ingeniously constructed plot. Mr. Hope has drawn the contrasts of his women with marvellous subtlety and delicacy.'Times.
Gilbert Barker's Novels
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PIERRE AND HIS PEOPLE. Fifth Edition.
' Stories happily conceived and finely executed. There is strength and genius in Mr. Parker's style.'Daily Telegraph.
MRS. FALCHION. Fourth Edition.
' A splendid study of character.'Athenaeum.
'A very striking and admirable novel.' St. James's Gazette.
THE TRANSLATION OF A SAVAGE.
'The plot is original and one difficult to work out; but Mr. Parker has done it with great skill and delicacy. The reader who is not interested in this original, fresh, and well-told tale must be a dull person indeed." Daily Chronicle.
THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD. Illustrated. Sixth Edition.
' A rousing and dramatic tale. A book like this, in which swords flash, great surprises are undertaken, and daring deeds done, in which men and women live and love in the old passionate way, is a joy inexpressible.'Daily Chronicle.
WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC: The Story of a Lost Napoleon. Fourth Edition.
' Here we find romance, real, breathing, living romance. The character of Valmond is drawn unerringly. The book must be read, we may say re-read, for any one thoroughly to appreciate Mr. Parker's delicate touch and innate sympathy with humanity.' Pall Mall Gazette.
AN ADVENTURER OF THE NORTH: The Last Adventures of 'Pretty Pierre.' Second Edition.
' The present book is full of fine and moving stories of the great North, and it will add to Mr. Parker's already high reputation.'Glasgow Herald.
THE SEATS OF THE MIGHTY. Illustrated. Ninth Edition.
'The best thing he has done; one of the best things that any one has done lately.' St. James's Gazette.
' Mr. Parker seems to become stronger and easier with every serious novel that he attempts. He shows the matured power which his former novels have led us to expect, and has produced a really fine historical novel.'Athenaeum.
' A great book.'Black and White.
THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. Second Edition. s. d.
' Living, breathing romance, genuine and unforced pathos, and a deeper and more subtle knowledge of human nature than Mr. Parker has ever displayed before. It is, in a word, the work of a true artist.' Pall Mall Gazette.
THE BATTLE OF THE STRONG: a Romance of Two Kingdoms. Illustrated. Fourth Edition.
' Such a splendid story, so splendidly told, will be read with avidity, and will add new honour even to Mr. Parker's reputation."St. James's Gazette.
' No one who takes a pleasure in literature but will read Mr. Gilbert Parker's latest romance with keen enjoyment. The mere writing is so good as to be a delight in itself, apart altogether from the interest of the tale.'Pall Mall Gazette.
' Nothing more vigorous or more human has come from Mr. Gilbert Parker than this novel. It has all the graphic power of his last book, with truer feeling for the romance, both of human life and wild nature. There is no character without its unique and picturesque interest. Mr. Parker's style, especially his descriptive style, has in this book, perhaps even more than elsewhere, aptness and vitality.' Literature. |29
S. Baring Gould's Novels
Crown vo. s. each.
'To say that a book is by the author of "Mehalah" is to imply that it contains a story cast on strong lines, containing dramatic possibilities, vivid and sympathetic descriptions of Nature, and a wealth of ingenious imagery.'Speaker.
'That whatever Mr. Baring Gould writes is well worth reading, is a conclusion that may be very generally accepted. His views of life are fresh and vigorous, his language pointed and characteristic, the incidents of which he makes use are striking and original, his characters are life-like, and though somewhat exceptional people, are drawn and coloured with artistic force. Add to this that his descriptions of scenes and scenery are painted with the loving eyes and skilled hands of a master of his art, that he is always fresh and never dull, and it is no wonder that readers have gained confidence in his power of amusing and satisfying them, and that year by year his popularity widens.' Court Circular.
ARMINELL. Fourth Edition.
URITH. Fifth Edition.
IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA. Sixth Edition.
MRS. CURGENVEN OF CURGENVEN. Fourth Edition.
CHEAP JACK ZITA. Fourth Edition.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_00_0_eintro.htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography. Preface to the online edition.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography. Preface to the online edition.
Cosmas Indicopleustes ('India-voyager') of Alexandria was a Greek sailor in the early th century who travelled to Ethiopia, India and Sri Lanka. He then became a monk, probably of Nestorian tendencies, and around 550 AD wrote a strange book, copiously illustrated, which is the text presented here.
There can be few books which have attracted more derision, mixed with wonder, than the Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes. It advances the idea that the world is flat, and that the heavens form the shape of a box with a curved lid. The author cites passages of scripture which he distorts wildly in order to support his thesis, and attempts to argue down the idea of a spherical earth by stigmatizing it as 'pagan.' The approach to scripture is discreditable, and the conclusion made simply wrong.
The book is often cited as evidence that Christianity introduced the idea of the flat-earth into the world, and brought in the age of ignorance. This is hardly fair, since Cosmas does not represent a mainstream of any kind, personally or spiritually. The latter pages of his work are devoted to rebutting the criticism of his fellow-monks, that what he was saying was wrong.
As far as we can judge from the surviving literature, Christians and pagans did not as such hold different views about the shape of the world. Some of the philosophers had supposed a spherical earth, and even calculated its size, and some Christians followed them, particularly if they were educated men. Other philosphers had derided the idea, and some Christians did likewise, such as Lactantius and Cosmas. Naturally Christian writers of this school turned to scripture to illustrate their theme, but their methods of exegesis attracted severe criticism from other Christian authors such as Photius. In short, it was a subject on which there was no certain knowledge in the ancient world. In the absence of the Victorian culture of science which we enjoy today, there was also no means for a proto-scientist to publish his discovery in such a way that it would be clear to all that he was not simply a crank idly speculating. It seems unreasonable to condemn Cosmas for reflecting the era in which he lived, when our incredulity reflects only the better-informed era in which we were wise enough to be born.
The book is not without value, however. 'Indicopleustes' means 'Indian voyager'. We learn from stray scraps in classical literature that there was some trade between the Roman empire and India. But Cosmas was one of the rare souls who had actually made the journey. Indeed we learn from his book that he had travelled over much of the Red Sea coast, and as far as Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka), and he describes some of what he saw, and even drew pictures of the strange animals in his autograph manuscript. Some of these have been copied into the existing manuscripts. Away from his daft theory, Cosmas proves to be an interesting and reliable guide. He happened to be in Ethiopia at the time when the King of Axum was preparing a military expedition to attack Jewish Arabs in the Yemen. He records now vanished inscriptions. In short, he gives us a window into a fascinating world of which we would otherwise know nothing. This is the main value of his work.
Composition
The work was originally in 5 books. Objections led to him adding first book 6 and then further books up to book 10. Books 11 and 12 seem to have no connection with the main portion of the work, and may have been added by a later editor from other works by Cosmas, such as his work on Geography addressed to a certain Constantinus. This includes his description of the island of Taprobane, Ceylon or Sri Lanka. The Vatican manuscript was copied from a text of only 10 books.
About Cosmas
Cosmas' own name is not absolutely certain. Two of the three Mss. give no name for the author -- only the Laurentian Ms. names him. However a portion of book 5 appears in the marginal commentaries ('catenae') on the Psalms, giving the name Cosmas Indicopleustes as the author.
Cosmas tells us that he was a native of Egypt, probably of Alexandria. He never received a complete education (II, 1). He was a merchant (II, 54 and 56) in early life, perhaps importing spices. He made many voyages. He knew Palestine and the area around Mt. Sinai (V, 8, 14, 51-52), had been to Socotra (III, 65), and had navigated in the Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf (II, 29). He had rounded cape Gardafui and sailed off Somalia (II, 30). Later in life he settled in Alexandria, developed indigestion, ophthalmia and other ills (II, 1). That he was a monk is supposed, as the Laurentian manuscript calls him Kosmaj monaxoj, and indeed it is likely enough. Cosmas even mentions in book 2 another merchant, Menas, a friend of his, who also became a monk.
Cosmas is often referred to in the literature as a Nestorian. He tells us that he was a pupil of Patricius, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Diodorus of Tarsus, and a friend of Thomas of Edessa. All of these were Nestorians. He highlights the churches planted in the East, all again Nestorian. One passage only gives the opposite impression, that where he uses the Chalcedonian term theotokos, Mother of God, for Mary; but this passage is not found in the Vatican manuscript, suggesting it is a later addition.
Interestingly he refers to Marcionites and Montanists in book 5, which suggests that these groups were still active in his part of the world at this time.
Date of the work
The date of the work is fairly certain. In book 2, Cosmas tells us that it is 25 years since he was in Axum, and he was there when Elesbaas was preparing his expedition against the Homerites. That expedition probably took place in 525 AD, or possibly 522 AD. At the beginning of book 6, he refers to two eclipses, giving the dates as Mechir 12 and Mesori 24: these would seem to be the eclipses of 6 Feb. 547 and 17 Aug. 547. The logical inference is that the work was written around 550 AD.
Greek text
McCrindle's translation is given in the following pages. This was based on the only available Greek text, that of the great Montfaucon, which Migne had reprinted. Nevertheless this was a pre-critical text. In 1909 E.O.Winstedt published a critical edition of the text, without a translation but with English preface and notes. I considered adding his preface to this collection also, but it is difficult to scan and not really relevant in large portions. I have drawn on it for various points in this preface, and also made use of the preface to Wanda Wolska-Conus edition, Sources Chrétiennes 141 (1968).
Montfaucon's text was primarily based on the Laurentian manuscript (L). Those who have read his Diarium Italicum will appreciate the difficulties this venerable scholar, the father of bibliography, faced in obtaining access to manuscripts in Italy. Winstedt suggests that his text does not follow the manuscript very closely. One serious error occurs in book 5 (248B-249B), where a leaf is missing in L. Montfaucon for whatever reason only restored a small part of this text from V. Unfortunately this passage is the one used in the catenae, and the difference has led to confusion over whether Cosmas wrote some other work containing the words in the catena. All of them are in fact from the Christian Topography.
Winstedt also included monochrome plates of some of the illustrations from the Vatican manuscript (V). I have added these plates as an appendix, after some hesitation, since the originals were probably made by the author. All the manuscripts are magnificently illustrated. Those in the Vatican Ms. are probably close copies of an antique original. It is likely that Cosmas was his own artist, since some of them show subjects unfamiliar to the average monastic copyist; at any rate, he must have directed the execution. The first picture in V (f.12) has no connection with the text, but shows an antelope between two banana trees. Native words for the banana, and the mention of the little known port of Adulis, Gabaza, in the picture on f.12v, all tend to suggest the involvement of the author.
I have added a translation of the summary of contents to the front of McCrindle's translation. Wolska-Conus describes McCrindle's version is being a little hasty, particularly in the theological portions, and a little prone to force the text in the direction of the droll and amusing in others.
Manuscripts
Three complete manuscripts exist:
Rome: Vaticanus Graecus 699 (V). An uncial manuscript of the 9th century, written in Constantinople. It comprises 123 folios written in two columns, each of 32 lines except where miniatures appear. It contains only books 1-10, and as the index of books at the front is written in the same hand, and lists only 10, clearly it never had more. It omits the introductory prayer, first prologue, and start of the second prologue. Various leaves are missing. The manuscript is the best of them, but corrupt in point of copying accuracy. General production quality is top-class. Accents have been added by a subsequent corrector. The codex is illustrated 'magnificently'.
No. 1186 of the Greek Mss. of the Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinai (S). 11th century, 209 leaves, each of 30 lines, folio. Written in Cappadocia. Very correctly written and accented. It contained 12 books, but the end is lacking. Commences with the first prologue, then the summary of 12 books, then the second prologue starting where V does. At the end of the th book (i.e. the end of the original work), it has a prayer not found in L. L and S are generally very closely related. It contains practically the same illustrations as L.
Florence: Laurentianus Plutei IX.28 (L). 11th century, written in minscule hand. 12 books. Written probably in the Iviron monastery on Mt. Athos. 279 folios, of 22 lines. Omits the summary of contents. Differs from V at the point where the two both begin, with an untranslatable sentence. A leaf or more is missing after fol. 104 (Montfaucon 200D), which is absent also in V and S only partly contains the text, so a row of dots appears in the printed text. Since McCrindle had no access to S, at this point his text is incorrect. Illustrations are not so fine as those in V. Corrected throughout by another hand.
Phillips 2581. A paper copy of L, made 21 June 1682. 326 pages, in quarto, paper. This was at Cheltenham when Winstedt wrote, but the Phillips collection is now dispersed. Winstedt had not seen it, however, but relied on a description by H. Omont. Wolska-Conus simply quotes Winstedt.
Other partial manuscripts also exist, mainly containing illustrations:
Paris Suppl. Gr. 844. 18th century. Contains only copies of some of the pictures in L.
Paris Gr. 2426 (P). 16th century. On ff. 112 ff, contains a copy of most of book 11, copied by Nicholas de la Torre, possibly from the archetype of Z although it contains more of this book than Z did. The text is handled freely, and seems to relate to the Smyrna manuscript.
Smyrna B-8 (Z). ca. 1100AD. Described by Papadopoulos-Kerameus in an 1877 catalogue. Selections appear on pp.156-192, under the name of Maximus (written over a shorter name which has been erased). Just a collection of pictures with short bits of text attached to it.
Vienna Theol. 9 (W). Selections. Bought in Constantinople by A. Busbeck. Copied from S, or more likely an Ms. similar to S.
Finally a bunch of Mss. of the Psalter and Gospels are listed by Winstedt, which prefix extracts from book 5 as catenae. These he describes as all worthless, but he lists a few:
Vat. Gr. 363 (R ). 10th century.
Oxford, Bodleian Library: Ms. Cromwell 15. 11th century. Bought on Mt. Athos in 1727.
Bodleian Arch. Selden 29. AD 1338. Fol. 116 has a catena on Luke, ascribed to Cosmas Indicopleustes.
[Others exist]
There are also numerous Mss. which use a section from book 5 as a catena on the Psalms, again of limited value:
Vat. Gr. 342. 12th century. f. v.
Vat. Gr. 525. 12th century. f. 1.
Venice, Marcianus Gr. 498. 14th century. f. 270.
Bodleian, Baroc. 15. 12th century. f. 22.
Turin B. I. 10.
Milan, Ambrosian. B. 106. 10th century.
Moscow 358. 11th century.
Vat. Gr. 1747.
Paris Gr. 2743. Once Colbertinus 1476, 16th century, copied by J. Diassorinos. This is mentioned by Montfaucon, and also by Omont, both of whom lead the reader to suppose Cosmas was the author of a commentary on the Psalms preserved herein. In fact it contains only the usual chunk of book 5, followed by material from other authors.
Paris Gr. 169 (Mazarin-Reg. 3450). 14th century. A similar Ms., with the paragraph expanded by adding a following section from other authors.
Vallicellianus C. 4. 16th century. ff. 434-5. Also with the expanded paragraph from book 5.
Paris Gr. 3179. 16th century. Copied by Bigot. Also with the expanded paragraph from book 5.
Vat. Gr. 711. fol. 196.
The three main Mss. fall into two families: V and the others. V has 10 books; S and L have 12. In V the paragraphs on the major and minor prophets are in Septuagint order, as aso in the parallel passage in the Chronicon Paschale; in S and L, they are disarranged into the order of Theodore of Mopsuestia, as in McCrindle's translation. Winstedt suggests this shows that Cosmas' literary executor added two books from his papers, and 'corrected' the order into that favoured among Nestorians, and perhaps added other notes at various points, found only in L and S. Cosmas wrote his own notes, so supplementary paragraphs cannot be distinguished from the original with ease. S cannot be a copy of L, and is more reliable as L has been corrected by an educated man who corrected Cosmas' bad Greek at various points. V is undoubtedly the best manuscript.
Roger PEARSE
th July 2003
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_00_1_preface.htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Title Page, Contents, Editor's Preface
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Title Page, Contents, Editor's Preface
WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society
------------0------------
THE CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY
OF
COSMAS.
FIRST SERIES.NO. XCVIII-----MDCCCXCVII
KOSMA
AIGUPTIOU MONAXOU
XRISTIANIKH TOPOGRAFIA.
----------------
THE
CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY
OF
COSMAS, AN EGYPTIAN MONK.
Translated from the Greek, and Edited, with Notes and Introduction
BY
J. W. McCRINDLE, M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.S.G.S.,
LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE AT PATNA, AND FELLOW OF
CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY;
AUTHOR OF A SERIES OF WORKS ON ANCIENT INDIA, AS DESCRIBED BY THE CLASSICAL AUTHORS,
INCLUDING THE "INDICA" OF CTESIAS, MEGASTHENES AND ARRIAN; THE PERIPLÛS
OF THE ERYTHRAEAN SEA"; PTOLEMY'S "GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA", AND THE
"INVASION OF INDIA BY ALEXANDER THE GREAT".
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
---------
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., PRESIDENT.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, ESQ., M.A.
COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE N. CURZON, M.P.
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
ALFRED HARMSWORTH, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD HAWKESBURY.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., M.A.
ADMIRAL SIR ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, G.C. B.
VICE-ADMIRAL ALBERT H. MARKHAM.
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E. G. RAVENSTEIN, ESQ.
HOWARD SAUNDERS, ESQ.
CHARLES WELCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., B.A., Honorary Secretary.
CONTENTS
PAGE
EDITOR'S PREFACE ix-xii
INTRODUCTION:
Sources of the Text ----Biography of the Author; His system of the world; Opinions about his work; His place in history i-xxvii
THE AUTHOR'S SUPPLICATION FOR DIVINE AID 1
PROLOGUE I 2
PROLOGUE II 3
BOOK I:
The Places and Figures of the Universe; the heresy of affirming that the Heavens are spherical, and that there are Antipodes; Pagan errors as to the causes of rain and of earthquakes 7
BOOK II:
The position, figure, length and breadth of the earth; the site of Paradise; the Greek inscriptions at Adulê; extract from Ephorus; the ancient empires; the Fall of Man and its effect on the Angels; the circumscription of angels, demons and souls 23
BOOK III:
The Tower of Babel; the Mission of Moses to the Israelites; comments on his history of the Creation of the World; the conversion of the nations to Christianity 91
BOOK IV:
A recapitulation of the views advanced; theory of eclipses; doctrine of the sphere denounced 129
BOOK V:
Description of the Tabernacle: Patriarchs and Prophets who predicted the coming of Christ and the future state; the agreement of these with the Apostles 138
BOOK VI:
The size of the Sun; a dissertation on the two states 244
BOOK VII:
The Duration of the Heavens 263
BOOK VIII:
Interpretation of the Song of Hezekiah; the retrogression of the Sun; ancient dials; predictions referring to Cyrus 304
BOOK IX:
Courses of the Sun and Moon and other heavenly bodies; their movements effected by the angels 321
BOOK X:
Passages from the Christian Fathers confirming the Author's views 331
BOOK XI:
Description of certain Indian animals and plants, and of the island of Taprobane (Ceylon) 358
BOOK XII:
Old Testament narratives confirmed by Chaldaean, Babylonian, Persian and Egyptian records; the island Atlantis 375
APPENDIX:
Plates with figures illustrative of the Text, and explanations of them 387
INDEX 393
---------------------
ERRATA
Page ix, line 17, for Theodosius, read Theodorus
.. 5, line 24, " vail,, veil
,, 23, note 2,,, e0gku&klion,, e0gku&klioj.
" 43, line 19, " each of,,, each pair of
" 76, line 4,,, diameter,,, dimensions
154, note 1,,, pavilio, '' papilio
" 213, line 5, " Appolinarius, " Apollinarius
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
------------------
H E Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes is one of the prodigies of literature. The boldness and perverse ingenuity with which its author, from a long array of irrelevant scripture texts, seeks to construct an impossible theory of the universe can scarcely fail to astonish everyone who reads it. It made its appearance at that period in the world's history, when Christendom, fast losing the light of Greek learning and culture, was soon to be shrouded in the long night of mediaeval ignorance and barbarism. The work reflects with singular distinctness this prominent characteristic of the age which produced it; for while Cosmas, on the one hand, held the principles of the Christian faith combined with others pervading the theology then current which led to the darkening of all true knowledge, he had, on the other hand, a somewhat considerable, if inexact, acquaintance with the philosophical and scientific speculations of the Greeks. He may thus not inaptly be compared to a two-headed Janus, with one face turned to the light of departing day, and the other to the shadows of the coming night. |x
In our Introduction will be found a statement showing the sources whence the text of this unique work has been derived. A biography of its author then follows; next, a synopsis of his cosmological views, and finally, citations of the opinions which have been passed upon his system of the world and the contents of his work generally.
The translation here presented is literal, as far as the exigencies of idiom would permit. It is the first that has been made of the whole work into English, or, indeed, into any other language except Latin and Norwegian. In its preparation we have lacked the advantage, generally enjoyed by translators of classical texts, that of having at hand for reference a variety of translations and commentaries to throw light on passages that are dark, dubious, or disputed, or otherwise perplexed. We have had, indeed, the assistance of Montfaucon's Latin version, but no commentary whatever to give us light where we found Cosmas dark. That good and learned Father is generally accurate, but, like the good Homer, he sometimes nods, and we give at the foot of the page a list of notes which refer to passages whereof his interpretations differ from our own.1 Another list of notes follows, in which suggestions are offered for the correction of the Greek text.2 |xi
Cosmas tells us, in the outset of his work, that he has inserted notes ( paragrafai/) for the clearer exposition of the text (to_ kei/menon).These notes he seems to have placed, not in the margin, but in the body of the work, after the text to which they refer. In our translation they appear in a similar position, but printed in a type somewhat smaller than that of the text.
Our rendering of the word #Ellhnej requires a word of explanation. In the days of Cosmas it was used, not so much to designate persons of Hellenic descent, as persons who clung to the old superstitions of Greece and Rome and rejected Christianity. Montfaucon's rendering is Graeci, but we have considered Pagans as preferable.3 This class of persons Cosmas sometimes calls also oi9 e cwqev, those without the pale of the Church, an expression which we render mostly by pagans.
Cosmas had some skill in drawing, and seems to have taken as much delight in covering his MSS. with illustrative sketches as was taken, according to his showing, by the Israelites of old in covering the rocks of Mount Sinai with inscriptions when once they had been taught by Moses the art of writing. Montfaucon, having made a selection from these sketches, relegated them en masse to the end of |xii his work. His copies of them, which are not always quite exact, have been reproduced for the present work, by photographic processes, in a way which leaves nothing to be desired, and will be found, with explanatory notes, in the Appendix.
The passages of Scripture to which Cosmas refers are very numerous, and the words are cited at length both in the Greek text and in the Latin version. We have, however, given only the references, in cases where this could be done without inconvenience to the reader.
In conclusion we have to express our obligations to Mr. J. Coles, Map-Curator of the Royal Geographical Society, and to Dr. James Burgess of Edinburgh, for their kindness in writing for us those mathematical notes to Book vi, in which they show how egregiously Cosmas erred in his calculations of the size of the sun;4 while to Mr. C. Robertson of Edinburgh, late of the Indian Civil Service, we stand greatly indebted for valuable suggestions and criticisms made while he had the goodness to hear us read over our translation to him. Mr. Foster, the Secretary of the Society, must permit us further to say how much the work has profited by his careful correction of the final proofs, and the suggestions which he was kind enough on occasion to offer.
J. W. McC.
32, LAURISTON PLACE, EDINBURGH,
November 1897.
[Footnotes have been renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1 N. 2, p. 2; n. 1, p. 19; n. 3, p. 24; n. 3, p. 71; n. 1, p. 85; n. 2, p. 92; n. 1, p. 94; n. 2, p. 106; n. 5, p. 119; n. 1, p. 123; n. 2, p. 131; n. 1, p. 138; n. 2, p. 183; n. 4, p. 192; n. 1, p. 264; n. 2, p. 277; n. r, p. 279; n. 1, p. 322; n. 2, p. 336; n. 3, p. 341; n. 2, p, 361; n. 1, p. 363; n. 2, ibid.; n. 3, p. 364.
2. 2 N. 1, p. 12; n. 1, p. 13; n. 1, p. 16; n. 1, p. 29; n. 1, p. 50; n. 4, p. 120; n. 1, p. 138; n. 1, p. 170; n. 2, p. 190; n. 1, p. 202; n. 1, p. 212; n. 1, p. 224; n. 2, p. 305: n. 4, p. 321; n. 1, p. 329; n. 3, p. 347; n. 1, p. 355; n. 7, p. 366; n. 2, p. 369; 11. 2, p. 383.
3. 1 This point will be found further explained in n. 2, p. 3.
4. 1 For the note with diagrams on pp. 247-8, we are indebted to Mr. Coles; and for n. 2, p. 249, n. 1, p. 250, and n. 1, p. 252, to Dr. Burgess.
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Introduction.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Introduction.
INTRODUCTION.
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SOURCES OF THE TEXT.
H E Christian Topography of Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes, or the Indian Navigator, has been preserved in two copies: one a parchment MS. of the tenth century belonging to the Laurentian library in Florence, and containing the whole work except only the last leaf; the other, a very fine uncial MS. of the eighth or ninth century, belonging to the Vatican library, and containing sketches drawn by Costnas himself, but wanting entirely the twelfth book, which is the last. There is, besides, in the Imperial library in Vienna, a Cosmas MS., but this contains only a few leaves of the Topography. The existence of the work, which had been for ages forgotten, and the importance and interest of its contents, were first made known in the latter half of the seventeenth century by Emeric Bigot. This learned French scholar, while visiting Italy, extracted from the Florentine Codex a copy of the |ii Adulitic Inscriptions,1 and of passages relating to Ethiopia and India. These extracts were afterwards published in Thevenot's Relation de divers Voyages, accompanied with a translation into French. Twenty years later (1706), the work appeared in its complete form as exhibited in the Florentine Codex, collated with that of the Vatican. It was not, however, published separately, but was included in the second volume of the splendid work Nova Collectio Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum, edited by Father Montfaucon, a Benedictine monk, celebrated for his profound knowledge of Patristic literature. The Greek text was illustrated by a learned introduction and a Latin translation of great elegance and accuracy. Notes were also added, chiefly to point out where discrepancies exist in the readings of the MSS. The present translation has been prepared from Montfaucon's text, as reprinted in the 88th volume of the Patrologia Graeca, printed at the Migne Press, Paris, 1864.
THE TITLE OF THE WORK.
In the Florentine Codex, the index of the work reads thus: Au#th h( bi/bloj Xristianikh_ Topografi/a periektikh_ panto_j tou~ ko&smou par' h(mi=n w)nomasme/nh. This Book named by us Christian Topography comprehensive of the whole world, Montfaucon entitles it: Cosmae Egyptii Monachi Christiana Topographia, sive Christianorum Opinio de Mundo: The Christian |iii Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk, or the Opinion of Christians concerning the World. As Cosmas all through the work keeps harping, with the most provoking reiteration, on his doctrine that the universe consists of only two places, namely, the earth which is below the firmament, and heaven, which is above it, the term Topography designates the treatise properly enough; though on turning to peruse it for the first time, we should from its title expect its contents to be very different from what they are found to be.
NOTICE OF THE WORK BY PHOTIUS, PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
Montfaucon does not seem to have been aware that a brief notice of the Topography is to be found in the Bibliotheka of Photius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, who was elected to that dignity in A.D. 858. Photius states that the work had for its title
Xristianw~n bi/bloj, and was an exposition extending to the eighth book. He does not give the author's name, but states that he flourished in the reign of the Roman Emperor Justinus, and dedicated his work to a certain Pamphilus. He condemns it as being below mediocrity in style, and faulty in its syntax; and at the same time calls in question the author's veracity, saying that he makes up stories so incredible that he may fairly be regarded as a writer of fables rather than of facts. He then gives a very concise summary of the |iv contents of the Topography, and concludes with a reference to the last four books, which had from time to time been added to defend the doctrines set forth in those which had preceded.
THE NAME OF THE AUTHOR OF THE "TOPOGRAPHY."
A doubt long ago arose as to whether Cosmas was the proper or family name of the author of the Topography. Isaac Voss first started this doubt, and Fabricius subsequently gave currency to the opinion that Cosmas was so called because his work was devoted to a description of the Kosmos: just as the Abbot John of Sinai was called Climacius because he had published a work entitled Climax. In the absence of evidence, this must remain an open question.
BIOGRAPHY OF COSMAS.
The Topography fortunately contains passages which throw light on the personal history of its author, and enable us also to fix with certainty the date at which he wrote. He was most probably a native of Alexandria, and may have been of Greek parentage. His education was confined to the more elementary branches of knowledge, such as would fit him for the career he pursued in the earlier part of his life----that of a merchant. But though he was not instructed, as he tells us himself,2 |v in the "learning of the schools," yet so inquisitive was his turn of mind and so sharp his intellect that he eventually acquired such a knowledge of literature and science as raised him to the level of the culture of his time, and to his being accepted as a capable exponent and defender of the Christian faith.
The commercial pursuits of Cosmas carried him into seas and countries far remote from his home. Thus he tells us that he had sailed upon three of the great gulfs which run up into the earth from the ocean, namely, the Mediterranean Sea, the Red Sea, and Persian Gulf.3 He sailed also upon that part of the Erythraean Sea which beyond Cape Guardafui stretches southward toward the outlying ocean, which in those days was regarded with terror and held to be unnavigable on account of the violent currents and dense and dismal fogs in which it was thought to be enveloped. When the ship which carried Cosmas was approaching this dread region of currents and fogs, a storm gathered overhead, and flocks of albatrosses, like birds of ill omen, hovered on the wing high above the mast. Dismay seized alike the passengers and the crew, and amidst outcries of "port the helm," the course of the vessel was reversed and she headed northwards.4 Cosmas does not say whether in the course of this voyage he reached India, which was his destination when he embarked. |vi If he did not, he must have made a second and more successful attempt; for no one, we think, who reads his eleventh book, in which he describes the island of Ceylon and the ports, commerce, and animals of India, can doubt that he writes about these places from personal knowledge of them.
One of the most interesting and instructive parts of the Topography is that in which Cosmas relates what he had heard and seen in the course of his travels in Ethiopia.5 By the name of Ethiopia he designates in a general way the vast region which stretches southward from Egypt down towards the equator; and from an incidental remark which he drops when treating of the Adulitic inscription on the throne,6 we learn that he had traversed it almost throughout its length and its breadth. Like Herodotus of old, he was ever athirst after knowledge, and when he was unable to visit places which lay in the vicinity of his route, he made inquiries about them from such persons as knew them and could be trusted to report things truly. The capital of Ethiopia at that time was Axum, an important centre of commerce, and also of religion and learning. It was one of the places which Cosmas, in pursuit of his calling, visited,7 and from one or two of his statements we may infer that he was well received at Court, and was permitted by the King, who professed the Christian faith and could speak Greek, to travel freely through his dominions. |vii
The seaport of Axum was Adule or Adulis,8 the modern Zulá or Thulla, situated near Annesley Bay and distant from the capital about one hundred and twenty miles or an eight days' journey. Cosmas found himself here in the year 525 A.D., at which time Elesboas, the King of Axum, was preparing an expedition against the Homerites in Arabia.9 Here, at the request of the Governor, Cosmas, along with his friend Menas, a monk of the monastery at Raithu, copied the famous Greek inscriptions on the marble tablet and the basanite throne, which lay together outside the town on the road which led to Axum.10
Among other parts of Ethiopia which our traveller visited we may include the Aromatic country----that great projection on the east of the African Continent which terminates in Cape Guardafui. His description of this district (which supplied the Egyptians of old with their spices for embalming the dead), and of its products and its foreign trade, shows that it must have come from the pen of an eye-witness.11 He may also have proceeded to the north-west, and visited the kingdom of Meroe (now Khartum), for in that direction lay the seats of several tribes mentioned in the inscription on the throne. Montfaucon, in his Preface, credits him with the discovery, in the Abyssinian province called Agau, of the true source of the Nile. It was not, however, the source of the main stream |viii which he discovered, but that of the Blue Nile,12 which, a millennium afterwards, was rediscovered by the Portuguese, and more recently by the Scottish traveller Bruce. There was still another interesting locality which the traveller tells us he visited, and this lay on the other side of the Red Sea----the Desert, namely, of Sinai, where he found, strewn among the sands, fragments of rock covered with inscriptions which he took to have been carved by the Israelites when they were wandering in that wilderness.13
Cosmas, when all his travels were over, returned to Alexandria, perhaps after paying a visit to Jerusalem; and, abandoning the secular life, retired to the seclusion of the cloister, where he devoted his leisure to the composition of works on descriptive geography, cosmography, and Scriptural exegesis. Of these, the Christian Topography alone is extant. The loss of the geographical treatise, as Montfaucon well says, is to be deplored with tears. It has been conjectured that the geographical passages in the Topography, as, for instance, the description of Ceylon in the eleventh book, are extracts from that treatise.
THE CHRISTIAN SECT TO WHICH COSMAS BELONGED.
In the days of Cosmas ecclesiastical controversies were rife, and professing Christians were divided |ix into numerous sects. That to which Cosmas most probably belonged was the Nestorian. To this point Photius makes no reference, and it has been equally overlooked by Montfaucon. The first who called in question the orthodoxy of our Monk was De La Croze, who, in his Histoire du Christianisme des Indes, adduced the following arguments to prove his Nestorian proclivities: ----1°, that Cosmas calls Patricius, who was the Archbishop of Persia when that country had been infected with Nestorianism, a divine man and an illustrious teacher;14 2°, that Cosmas, in his list of heretical sects, names the Manichaeans, the Marcionists, the Eutychians, the Arians and the Apollinarians, but not the Nestorians;15 3°, that in his exposition of Scripture, and in his system of the world, he always follows Theodosius of Mopsuestia and Diodorus of Tarsus, who were the principal teachers of the Nestorians; 4°, that concerning Christ and the Incarnation of the Word, he uses the same modes of expression as the Nestorians.16 We may add as a fifth argument the glowing terms in which Cosmas speaks of the wide diffusion of Christianity among the heathen nations of the east, which was mainly the work of missionaries from Persia, where Nestorianism reigned supreme.17 Only one passage occurs to throw some doubt on the certainty of this conclusion----that in which Cosmas addresses Mary as |x the Mother of God, an expression abhorrent to the Nestorians. Had Cosmas in his monastery relapsed into what was there considered orthodoxy?
THE DATE AT WHICH THE "TOPOGRAPHY" WAS WRITTEN.
We have already mentioned that the Topography has data from which the time when Cosmas wrote can be certainly determined. In the second book (p. 55), where he mentions his visit to Adulê, he observes that it was made when Elesboas the Axumite King was preparing an expedition against the Homerites in Arabia, and that this was at the beginning of the reign of the Roman Emperor Justinus, since which time some five-and-twenty years more or less had elapsed. Now, as it is known that the expedition was made in A.D. 522, and that Justinus was at that date in the fifth year of his reign, Cosmas must have been writing about the year 547. It is true that an indication which apparently conflicts with this appears in the tenth book (p. 351), where he speaks of Theodosius, the heretical Bishop of Alexandria, as residing at the time in Constantinople, and then on p. 353 refers to the death of his predecessor in office, Timothy the younger,18 as an event of recent occurrence. Now it is known that this Timothy died in 535, and was succeeded by Theodosius, who, after a brief |xi residence in his diocese went to Constantinople, whence he was banished in 536. The tenth book must therefore have been written in the year preceding. How, then, is this earlier date to be reconciled with the later? Montfaucon answers this question satisfactorily. Cosmas, he points out, in order to meet objections urged against his opinions, was in the habit of making additions from time to time to the number of its books. The earlier date thus probably indicates the time when he began to make such additions, and the later when he was making the last, or one of the last, recensions of his work.
OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED REGARDING THE "TOPOGRAPHY."
The condemnatory verdict of Photius upon the work of Cosmas has not been endorsed by modern opinion. The style of the Topography has no doubt the shortcomings which the Patriarch pointed out; but Cosmas, it is proper to remember, expressly disclaims all pretensions to the learning of the schools. He pleads that from his early years he had been so engrossed in business, and had been besides so much abroad, that he had found no spare time for studying rules of grammar and the art of composition; he could, therefore, only write in a homely style, without attempting any flights of rhetoric. Rhetoric, moreover would, he thought, be out of place in his books, since "he wrote for |xii Christians, who had more need of correct notions than of fine phrases." The style has, notwithstanding, some redeeming points. Cosmas, in spite of his loose grammar, seldom fails to make his meaning clear, or to put forward his arguments with sufficient point and force. Some passages, besides, which give us an insight into the depth and fervour of his faith, rise to an eloquence which suggests the belief that, had he cultivated the art, he might have shone in pulpit oratory.
It is, however, in relating his travelling experiences that Cosmas is found at his best. The language he uses is simple, and his descriptions are not only remarkably vivid, but are, above all things, truthful. In this respect modern opinion is entirely at variance with that of Photius. The greater knowledge now possessed of the remote regions which Cosmas visited goes all to show that the thought of tickling the fancy of his readers with tales of wonder had never entered his mind, but that on the contrary he was a man who had a supreme regard for truth, and who was at once an acute observer, and shrewd in judging the value of the information which he received from others.
As soon as the Topography, in its complete edition by Montfaucon, made its appearance, it excited great interest in the circles of learning, and at once took rank as a work which contained more accurate and more valuable information on geographical subjects than any other document that had come down from the early mediaeval age. |xiii At the same time, the extreme singularity of the views which it propounded on cosmology and on the interpretation of Scripture texts filled its readers, with combined feelings of amazement and amusement.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
The Topography was republished at Venice in 1776 in Gallandi's Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, and its most valuable sections were, printed, along with a French translation, at Paris in 1855, in Charton's Voyageurs Anciens et Modernes. Its contents were made use of by Robertson in his Disquisition on Ancient India, and by Gibbon in his History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. The latter, referring to the absurd theory of the world held by Cosmas, remarks that "the nonsense of the Monk was, nevertheless, mingled with the practical knowledge of the traveller".
Among the eminent geographers who have turned the Topography to account may be mentioned Mannert, Gosselin, Humboldt, Dodwell, Playfair, Bredow, Reinaud, Létronne, Sir Henry Yule,19 and Mr. Raymond Beazley;20 while among |xiv ecclesiastical writers may be noted Allatius, Bandini, De La Croze, Assemanni, Cave and Milne Rae.21 The Adulitic inscriptions again have exercised the pens of such scholars as: Fabricius, Chishull, Vincent, Salt, Boeckh, V. de Saint-Martin, Dr. H. Müller of Vienna, and Dr. Glaser of Munich.
THE SYSTEM OF THE WORLD ACCORDING TO COSMAS.
The Christian Topography is a production of which It may be truly said to_ pa&rergou krei=ttou tou~ e rgou. It is essentially controversial, its professed design being to refute, from Scripture and common sense, the impious Pagan cosmography, according to which the earth is a sphere; and the centre around which the heaven, which is also a sphere, revolves with all its luminaries. The arguments with which Cosmas seeks to demolish this theory and to illustrate his own are absurd in the extreme; and were it not for the geographical, historical, and other kinds of notices which are here and there incidentally introduced into its pages, his work would chiefly serve for amusement. According to his view, the figure of |xv the universe can best be learned from a study of the structure and furniture of the Tabernacle which Moses prepared in the wilderness.22 This wonderful conception did not originate with himself. Some of the Christian Fathers who preceded him had entertained it in a vague and general way, believing it might be warranted by the expression's in Hebrews, ix, 23 and 24, where the Tabernacle and its contents are said to be patterns (u(podei/gmata) and antitypes or figures of the true (a)nti/tupa tw~n a)lhqinw~n). It was left to Cosmas to develop the conception and work it out into all its details. So he explains again and again that the division of the Tabernacle into two places, by means of the veil, typified the division of the universe into two worlds----an upper and a lower, by means of the firmament. The table of shew-bread, again, with its waved border, represented the earth surrounded by the ocean, while its other parts and the things upon it symbolized each some object or other in the natural world. Now, as the table was twice as long as it was broad, and was placed lengthwise from east to west, and breadthwise from north to south, from this we learn that the earth is a rectangular plane which extends in length from east to west, and in breadth from north to south, and is twice as long as it is broad. The ocean, he further gives us to know, is unnavigable, and, while encompassing this earth of ours, is itself encompassed by another earth, which had been the |xvi seat of Paradise and the abode of man until the Ark, floating on the billows of the Flood, wafted Noah and his family over into this earth. The heavens come downward to us in four walls, which, at their lower sides, are welded to the four sides of the earth beyond ocean, each to each. The upper side of the northern wall, at the summit of heaven, curves round and over, till it unites with the upper side of the southern wall, and thus forms, in the shape of an oblong vault, the canopy of heaven, which Cosmas likens to the vaulted roof of a bathroom. This vast rectangular hall is divided at the middle into two stories by the firmament, which thus serves as a ceiling for the lower story and a floor for the upper. The lower story is this world, where men and angels have their abode until the Resurrection, and the story above is heaven ---- the place of the future state. As to the position (qe/sij) of the earth in the scheme of things, Scripture left Cosmas in no doubt. The Psalmist had declared that the Creator had founded the earth upon its own stability (e0pi th_n a)sfa&leian au)th~j); Job, that He had hanged it upon nothing; and Isaiah, that, while heaven was His throne, the earth was His footstool. Clearly, therefore, the place of the earth was at the bottom of the universe ---- a position to which it must have naturally sunk (as he shows in a very curious passage) at the very instant of its creation.23 What then can be more absurd than the Pagan doctrine that the earth is in the |xvii middle of the universe? Were it in the middle, there must be something below it as well as above it; but there is nothing below it, since we learn from Genesis that God made heaven and earth, and nothing else beyond these. Here then the Pagans are at war with divine Scripture; but, not content with this, they are at war also with common sense itself and the very laws of nature, declaring, as they do, that the earth is a central sphere, and that there are Antipodes, who must be standing head-downward and on whom the rain must fall up.
Referring to the figure of the world as thus conceived by Cosmas, Sir Henry Yule with grim humour remarked that "one of the huge receptacles in which female travellers of our day carry their dresses, forms a perfect model of the Kosmos of Kosmas". The theory, again, by which Cosmas accounts for the vicissitudes of day and night is no less preposterous than his idea of the figure of the world. The Pagan theory that the earth is spherical and placed in the centre of the universe, with the heavenly bodies revolving round it, accounted satisfactorily for the disappearance of the sun during the night; but where could Cosmas, in whose philosophy there was neither a spherical earth nor any under-world, find a place for the great orb of light when no longer visible? The problem did not baffle his ingenuity. Calling to his aid the words of Solomon, which declared that the sun on rising turned first towards the south and then |xviii towards the north, where he went down, and thence hastened to the place in which he arose, he made them the basis of the following extraordinary theory. The earth, he tells us, gradually rising up from the south, extends westward, until it culminates at last in a huge conical mountain situated somewhere in the far-away frozen north. Behind this immense cone, the sun at the close of day disappears from view, and leaves the world which we inhabit in darkness, until, having circled round the cone, he reappears in the east to give birth to a new day. According, moreover, as he is high or low during his nocturnal revolution, the nights vary in their length; while, owing to a slight obliquity in his motion, eclipses are produced. On the question of the magnitude of the great luminary Cosmas differed widely from the Pagan philosophers, and wrote his sixth book mainly to prove that, instead of its being, as they thought, many times larger than the earth, it was no more than the size of two only of the earth's climates or zones, those between the latitudes of Alexandria and Rhodes, and Rhodes and Constantinople, an extent of about 635 geographical miles.24 But the words of Solomon form by no means the only Scriptural warrant for taking this view of the order of nature, for the candlestick placed on the south of the table of shew-bread typified the sun shining upon the earth from the south towards the north, while the waved border |xix which ran round the table typified the ocean surrounded by the outer earth, both of which were illuminated by the sun while circling round the gigantic mountain.25
The Pagan theory which Cosmas especially detested, and made most frequently the subject of his scornful and violent invective, was that which maintained that the heavens were spherical and in constant revolution. He heaps text upon text to confute the advocates of this most pestilent doctrine, which, if admitted, would, he contended, abolish the future state and make the resurrection of Christ of no account.
But while Cosmas regarded as impious the doctrine that the heavens revolve, he admitted the revolution of the celestial luminaries, which, he held, were propelled in their courses by the angels, who do not live in heaven but are restricted to the aerial spaces below the firmament, until the resurrection.
All these and other views no less absurd, though interesting, Cosmas states and re-states with the most wearisome pertinacity, and holding them to be most vital verities, sanctioned alike by common sense and the paramount authority of divine Scripture, denounces again and again "those reprobate Christians who, instead of accepting them, prefer, through their perverse folly or downright wickedness, to adopt the miserable Pagan belief |xx that earth and heaven are spherical, and that there are Antipodes on whom the rain must fall up.
CRITICISMS OF HIS SYSTEM.
Since the Topography had for its main design the exposition of these views, it has been compared by Yule to "a mere bank of mud, but remarkable on account of certain geographical fossils which are found imbedded in it". This comparison, however, we venture to think, does less than justice to the work, for besides the geographical there are many other "fossils" to be found in the mud, of different kinds and generally of more or less interest and value. A list of these----but not pretending to be complete----has been given by Montfaucon in his Introduction. Among others may be specified the indication of Clysma as the place of the passage of the Red Sea; the wares brought by merchants to the Israelites when they sojourned in the wilderness; the seat of the terrestrial Paradise; the worship of Mithras by the Persians; the rite of baptism; the date of the Nativity; the question of the canonicity of the Catholic Epistles; the exposition of the prayer of Hezekiah; the inscriptions on the rocks found in the desert of Sinai; the state of Christianity in Socotra, Ceylon and India; the extent to which Christianity had spread over the heathen world; the interpretation of the prophecies of Daniel; extracts from Pagan writers and Fathers of the Church preserved only by Cosmas; and his views on the destiny of children |xxi who die in the womb or in infancy. The portion, moreover, of the Topography which is the "mud bank" of the comparison is not without some value. It is a specimen of a once prevalent and not yet quite extinct mode of Scriptural exegesis; it reveals what were some of the main currents of thought which permeated the Christian world at the beginning of the Middle Ages; it discloses to what a lamentable degree, as Monotheistic Christianity rose to the ascendant, triumphant alike over the Persian Dualism of the Manichceans, and the Greek Pantheism of the Neo-Platonists, the light of Hellenic learning and science had faded from Christendom before as yet Islam, which was destined to receive and preserve that light, had appeared in the world; and while it exhibits the attitude in which Theology and Science in those days stood to each other, it illustrates the signal danger of regarding Scripture as a store-house of divine communications which may be turned to account in defending or in oppugning scientific speculations. To quote Yule once more: "The work is a memorable example of that mischievous process of loading Christian truth with a dead weight of false science."
OTHER WORKS BESIDES THE "TOPOGRAPHY" WRITTEN BY COSMAS.
Besides the Christian Topography Cosmas wrote several other works, of which the most important |xxii was one addressed to Constantinus, in which he described the whole earth. Cosmas mentions it in Book 1. A second was entitled A Delineation or Image of the Universe and of the Stellar Motion, made in imitation of the artificial Sphere of the Pagans, and a Treatise thereon addressed to the most Pious Deacon Homologus. A third book was A Commentary on the Song of Songs; and a fourth An Exposition of the Psalms.
GENERAL NATURE OF THE CONTENTS OF EACH BOOK OF THE "TOPOGRAPHY."
To the Topography, when first published, Cosmas prefixed two prologues, in the first of which he exhorts his readers to bestow upon his works a diligent and careful perusal; and in the second, which contained the dedication to Pamphilus and apologies for his own shortcomings as a writer, he points out the nature of the contents of each of the five books of which the work then consisted. In the first book he attacks, and to his own satisfaction demolishes, the pernicious anti-Christian doctrines of the Pagan philosophy, that the world is spherical and that there are Antipodes. In the second he propounds the true theory which all Christians are bound to accept, based as it is upon the inspired Word, and maintained, besides even by some of the Pagan philosophers themselves. By the citation of measurements of the earth made from east to west and from north to |xxiii south, he seeks to prove that the length of the earth is twice its breadth. In the third book he insists on the authority and harmony of Scripture, adducing many texts, which, as in the preceding book, he twists with audacious ingenuity to lend support to his own impossible theory. In the two following books he again demolishes the doctrine of the spheres, while he re-states and fortifies his own theory with a long array of additional texts.
The publication of these books, which gave definite and uncompromising expression to views of which the germs had long been vaguely floating about in the air of Christendom, produced, as might have been expected from their novelty when seen wrought together into a self-consistent system, a startling effect. Objections were urged----directed especially against his views regarding the figure of the world. How, he was asked, could the sun, which was many times larger than the earth, be hidden behind the mountain in the north, however great its altitude? The sixth book was written to show that the sun, so far from being many times larger than the earth, was in point of fact only the size of two of the earth's "climates".
The seventh book, addressed to Athanasius, sought to refute a work written by a professing Christian, who held that heaven was an ever-revolving sphere, but nevertheless dissoluble. Cosmas cites and expounds numerous texts to show that the heavens cannot be dissolved, and that neither men nor angels can "enter into them until after the |xxiv Resurrection. The eighth book is addressed by Cosmas to another of his friends, called Peter, who had asked him to expound the Prayer of Hezekiah. The exposition is given, and Cosmas then proceeds to show how the minds of the Babylonians had been impressed by the miraculous sign of the retrogression of the shadow upon the sun-dial----and how Cyrus had been led to favour the Jews and dismiss them from their Babylonian captivity by his reading the prophecies of Isaiah which referred to himself even by name. The ninth book, treating of the heavenly bodies, ascribes their motions to the angels, who groan under this hard and incessant toil which they perform for the benefit of man, and not for their own. They would have sunk, therefore, into despair, had they not seen that, even after the Fall, God was merciful and kind to man, on whose destinies their own depended. They were further encouraged when they afterwards saw that the Apostle Paul was caught up into the third heaven, and was there entertained with a glimpse of its glories.
In the tenth book Cosmas cites a number of the Fathers to show that his doctrines were in closest harmony with the teachings of the Church. In the eleventh, which is entirely geographical, he describes some animals and plants which he had seen or heard of in the course of his travels, and gives an account also of the island of Ceylon, and of its extensive commerce with India, Persia, China, and the countries of the west. The twelfth |xxv and last book shows that several of the old Pagan writers bore testimony to the antiquity of the Old Testament scriptures.
THE MAPS AND SKETCHES WHICH ILLUSTRATE THE VIEWS OF COSMAS.
"There is," says Mr. Raymond Beazley, in the admirable work we have already referred to, "another interest about the Topography. It contains in all probability the oldest Christian maps that have survived. There is little reason to doubt that the numerous sketches.... which are to be found in the Florentine manuscript of the tenth century were really drawn by Cosmas himself (or under his direction) in the sixth; and are thus at least two centuries earlier than the Map of Albi, or the original sketch of the Spanish monk Beatus" (p. 281). The Plates found in the Appendix have been reproduced by photography from those which accompany Montfaucon's edition of the Topography.
THE PLACE OF COSMAS IN HISTORY.
With regard to the place which Cosmas holds in history, we cannot do better than cite the estimate expressed by the same writer, whose wide and accurate knowledge of mediaeval literature enables him to speak ex cathedra on the subject. "Cosmas," he says, "is of interest to us as the last of the old Christian geographers, and in a sense, too, the first |xxvi of the mediaeval. He closes one age of civilization which had slowly declined from the self-satisfied completeness of the classical world, and he prepares us to enter another that, in comparison, is literally dark. From the rise of Islam the geographical knowledge of Christendom is on a par with its practical contraction and apparent decline. Even more than actual exploration, theoretical knowledge seemed on its death-bed for the next five hundred years" (p. 33). In a subsequent passage dealing with the same topic, he says: "The place of Cosmas in history has been sometimes misconceived. His work is not, as it has been called (in the earlier years of this century), the chief authority of the Middle Ages in geography. For, on the whole, its influence is only slightly, and occasionally, traceable. Its author stated his position as an article of Christian faith, but even in those times there was anything but a general agreement with his positive conclusions... The subtleties of Cosmas were left to the Greeks, for the most part; the western geographers who pursued his line of thought were usually content to stop short at the merely negative dogmas of the Latin Fathers; and no great support was given to the constructive tabernacle system of the Indian merchant.... Yet, after all, the Christian Topography. must always be remarkable.... It is one of the earliest important essays in scientific or strictly theoretic geography, within the Christian aera, written by a Christian thinker" (p. 283). Mr. Beazley concludes his long |xxvii notice of the great Christian Cosmographer in these terms: "He felt himself to be the apostle of full supernatural theory in science. He knew that his work was unique. And such it has always been recognised----by some with rapture, by others with consternation, by most with derision. At least it is a monument of infinite, because quite unconscious, humour. 'For neither before him was any like unto him, neither shall be after.' "
[Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1 Pp. 57-66.
2. 1 P. 23.
3. 1 P. 39.
4. 2 Pp. 39, 40.
5. 1 Pp. 50-68.
6. 2 P. 67, line 9
7. 3 P. 359.
8. 1 P. 54.
9. 2 Pp. 55, 56.
10. 3 Pp. 51-53.
11. 4 P. 62.
12. 1 Pp. 5 2-54.
13. 2 Pp. 159, 160.
14. 1 P. 24.
15. 2 Pp. 212, 213.
16. 3 Pp. 187, 188.
17. 4 Pp. 118-121.
18. 1 So called to distinguish him from Timothy the Cat.
19. 1 This distinguished Orientalist, in the Introduction to his Cathay and the Way Thither, has given a translation of the geographical portions of the Topography. He also occasionally cites the work in his celebrated edition of Marco Polo.
20. 2 This writer, in his work The Dawn of Modern Geography, published this year,----a work remarkable for learning and research, and its happy combination of accuracy of detail with breadth of view, makes frequent reference to the Topography, and even devotes an entire chapter to a searching analysis and criticism of its several books.
21. 1 Author of The Syrian Church in India, a well-written, scholarly work (published in recent years), in which he comes to the conclusion that there is no evidence of the planting of a Christian Church in Southern India before the beginning of the sixth century, or less than half a century before Cosmas wrote.
22. 1 Pp. 42-4, 299, and passim.
23. 1 See p. 29.
24. 1 See pp. 251-2.
25. 1 See pp. 40-43 and 322-4.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_01_book .htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 1-22. Prologues, Book 1
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 1-22. Prologues, Book 1
THE CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY;
OR,
THE OPINION OF CHRISTIANS CONCERNING THE WORLD.
BY COSMAS, AN EGYPTIAN MONK.
-----------------------
1131 This book, which embraces the whole world, I have designated "Christianikê Topographia".
-----------------------
N the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost----the one adorable Godhead in three Persons----the consubstantial and life-originating Trinity of the one God, from whom every good gift and every perfect gift comes down to us from above, I, a miserable sinner, open my slow and stammering lips, trusting that for my humility's sake in soliciting utterance, and for the advantage of my hearers, He will give me the spirit of wisdom and utterance in the opening of my lips: He who is the Lord of Grace and Dispenser of all good things; God over all and blessed for evermore, Amen! |2
[(HERE), WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF GOD, THE CONTENTS OF THIS WORK
Book I, work of a Christian
Against those who want to be Christian, but believe and profess, like those outside, that heaven is spherical.
Book II
Christian theories on the form and layout of places in the whole universe, taking their proofs from the divine scriptures.
Book III
That divine scripture is sure and worthy of trust, that it reveals things which agree among themselves and with the whole, in both the Old and New Testament, and that it indicates the utility of the shape of the whole universe.
Book IV
Concise recapitulation, with illustration, of the shape of the universe according to the divine scriptures, and refutation of the sphere.
Book V
Where is found the description of the tabernacle and the agreement of the prophets and the apostles.
This work is thus called by us CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY EMBRACING THE WHOLE UNIVERSE.
Book VI, additional
The size of the sun.
Book VII
Dedicated to Anastasius and proving that the heavens are indestructible.
Book VIII
On the canticle of Ezechiel, and the retrogradation of the sun.
Book IX
Design of the course of the stars.
Book X
Citations of the Fathers agreeing with the whole of our writing.
Moreover, apart from the work: Book XI
Drawings and description of the Indian animals; in the same way about the trees and of the island of Taprobane.
Still another book: Book XII
Explaining that many ancient writers, among outsiders, attest the antiquity of the divine scriptures composed by Moses and the prophets and that the Greeks seem to have learned to write later than everyone else, as well as the divine scriptures, because of their inveterate incredulity.]
PROLOGUE I.
FIRST of all I exhort those who will read this book to peruse it with all attention and diligence, and not to run over it in a perfunctory manner, but with loving pains to study it and take into their minds impressions of the places, figures, and histories which it contains; and when the book has been read to the end, let them further look into the volume which we have composed for that lover of Christ, Constantinus: a volume wherein we have described more fully the whole earth, both the one beyond the ocean, and this one, and all its countries, together with the southern parts from Alexandria to the Southern Ocean, namely, the river Nile and the countries adjacent, and all the races of Egypt and Ethiopia; the Arabian Gulf besides, with the countries adjoining and their inhabitants as far as the same ocean, and likewise the middle country between the river and the gulf, with the cities, districts and tribes therein contained----a volume 2 to prove that what things are said by us are true, and those false which are said by our adversaries, 114 for whose sake this book and the drawings 3 it contains have been prepared----those, I mean, concerning the size of the sun, and that sun-burnt, uninhabited part of the world about which they din our ears, and vomit out fictions and fables. Let me next exhort my readers to examine the sketch 4 of the universe and the stellar motions which we have prepared as a representation of |3 the organic sphere of the pagans 5, and to study the account of it sent to the pious deacon Homologus, then they with God's help are quite competent, especially with this book and the volume mentioned, to overthrow from the foundation the error of the pagan 6 theories. For if any Christian possesses these three works, and is by divine grace carefully exercised in the divine scriptures, he will easily confute the foolish views of the fable-mongers, for, from the figure itself, the constitution of the world and the very nature of things, they prove that the divine scriptures and the doctrines preached by Christians are perfectly true. Be strong then, ye Christians, in the Lord.
PROLOGUE II.
The Christian Topography of the whole world demonstrated from divine scripture, about which Christians ought not to doubt.
IN days long gone by I hesitated, O God-beloved, God-loving and Christ-loving 7 Pamphilus, to take in hand the treatise descriptive of the constitution of the whole world which you enjoined me to draw up. For even had I so wished, it was out of my power, as you well know, on account of the lingering illness by which I was prostrated. |4 But since, in answer to your frequent prayers, I have recovered from that illness, accept at last the Preface to the books of the work which I submit, partly as fulfilling the obedience I owe you, and partly as dreading the condemnation of the sluggish servant which the discourse of our Saviour in the Gospels has pronounced. And let no one condemn me as overbold, because I conduct the exposition of my subject in a style homely and unmethodical, since it is not fine phrases the Christian requires but right notions. For while many be the darts and helmets and shields and wars set in motion against the Church, some supposed to be Christians, holding divine scripture of no account but despising and looking down upon it, assume like the Pagan philosophers, that the form of the heavens is spherical, being led into this error by the solar and lunar eclipses.8 We have therefore conveniently divided the subject of the book into five parts. In the outset then the first part is directed against the persons referred to who have been misled, and argues that one who wishes to profess Christianity cannot be led away by the plausible 115 errors of those outside the Church----errors which are opposed to divine scripture. For should any one choose to examine closely the Pagan theories he will find them to be entirely fictitious, fabulous sophistries, and to be utterly impossible. Then again, for the Christian who will naturally ask and say: these being refuted, what are the true theories that must be admitted in opposition to them? I have written the second book, which proceeds to explain from divine scripture the nature of the Christian theories----to describe the figure of the whole world, and to notice that some of the ancient Pagans have been of the same opinion. Then again, by way of replying to one |5 who should doubt and ask: how does it appear that Moses and the prophets in saying such things say what is true? the third book exhibits the credibility of Moses and the Prophets, showing that they spake not of themselves, but as inspired by divine revelation, and that the writers alike of the Old and New Testament, men approved both by word and deed, having foreseen these things, declared them accordingly. It further shows what is the utility of delineations of the world, and how the notion of the sphere had its origin and beginning. The fourth book, again, has been written for behoof of those who wish to run their eye over the figures, and is a brief recapitulation, along with delineations, of what has been said before----a refutation, in fact, of the theory of the sphere and of the Antipodes. Then again, the fifth book has been written for those enquiring what the Christian theories are, and it shows that in what we have said and have represented by drawings we have neither devised fictions of our own nor invented new fables; but from revelation and from what God who created the world has ordained, have beheld the pattern of the whole world----namely the Tabernacle prepared by Moses, which the New Testament consistently with this view has pronounced to be an image of the whole world; and which also by means of the vail Moses divided, and so made one tabernacle into two, just as God also in the beginning divided what was one region, extending from the earth to the highest heaven, into two regions, by means of the firmament; and just as in the tabernacle there was an outer and an inner place, so here there was a lower and an upper. Now the lower is this world, and the upper is the world to come, into which also the Lord Christ, after having risen according to the flesh from the dead, ascended the first of all, and into which the righteous shall in their turn afterwards ascend. And since from Adam to Moses, and from Moses to John, and from John all the Apostles |6 and Evangelists, have each and all in harmony, and both by words and types spoken of these two states; and since not one of them has uttered a discordant note, either saying that there was a state before the first, or supposing that there is a third after the second; but all of them, as if inspired by the Holy Ghost, have proclaimed that there are 116 but two states only, we, therefore, putting our confidence in the scriptures, which are truly divine, have not only sketched the figures of the whole world, but also of those very places by which you will find the Israelites made their exodus, also the mountain on which they received the law in writing, and were instructed in the knowledge of writing; also the delineation of the Tabernacle and the settlement in the Land of Promise; until he who was expected to arise from among them, and who was predicted by all the men of old and by the Prophets, did actually appear, proclaiming the future second state, which on his coming he showed in himself to us all, having entered into the inner Tabernacle, into the upper celestial region, into which at his second coming he shall call the righteous, saying: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. To Him be glory for ever, Amen! |7
BOOK I OF COSMAS, A MONK.9
Against those who, while wishing to profess Christianity, think and imagine like the pagans that the heaven is spherical.
S many as ardently desire true knowledge and are lovers of the true light, and earnestly endeavour to become fellow-citizens of the saints in the age to come, who regard the Old and New Testament as in reality divine scripture, who are obedient to Moses and the Christ, who follow out to the end the principles they have adopted, who acknowledge |8 that the world was produced by God out of mere nothing, and who believe that there is a resurrection of men and a judgment, and that the righteous shall inherit the Kingdom of Heaven; all these carefully examine the divine scriptures all throughout, to see whether in Moses, who wrote the account of the Creation, and in the other Prophets, they |9 contain descriptions of the places and figures of the whole creation, among which is indicated also the position of the Kingdom of Heaven, which the Lord Christ promises God will give to righteous men. And when they find the Old and New Testaments to be in mutual harmony, they abide therein firmly grounded and immovable, in nothing confounded by their adversaries. But those on the other hand who prank themselves out in the wisdom of this world, and are self-confident that by scholastic reasonings they can comprehend its figure and position, scoff at all divine scripture as a mass of fables, stigmatising Moses and the prophets, the Lord Christ and the Apostles as idle babblers,10 117 and given over to vain delusions; while with supercilious airs, as if they far surpassed in wisdom the rest of mankind, they attribute to the heavens a spherical figure and a circular motion, and by geometrical methods and calculations applied to the heavenly bodies, as well as by the abuse of words and by worldly craft, endeavour to grasp the position and figure of the world by means of the solar and lunar eclipses, leading others into error while they are in error themselves in maintaining that such phenomena could not present themselves if the figure was other than spherical. But concerning these matters we shall not enter into any discussion just at present, since those persons sufficiently confute the one the other. But those who wish to profess Christianity, while wishing at the same time to |10 bedeck themselves with the principles, the wisdom, and the diversity of the errors of this world, and contend that one thing and another should be accepted, seem to differ nothing from a shadow which exists while the intermediate body from which it is projected is in light, but which cannot exist when that body is not in light, nay, is even obliterated by the light when the body is illuminated all round.
It is against such men my words are directed, for divine scripture denounces them, as of old it denounced the strangers sojourning in Samaria, because they feared God and burned incense and offered worship on the high places.11 Were one to call such men double-faced12 he would not be wrong, for, look you, they wish both to be with us and with those that are against us, thus making void their renunciation of Satan whom they renounced in baptism, and again running back to him. Now, such men cannot be with us at all; but they occupy a middle position, like empty houses standing high up in the air, without having either foundations in the earth below, or anything from above to hold them fast.13 For while they have as yet scarcely come by their principles they set about destroying them; and before they have yet destroyed them, they show that their end is unaccomplished, as they stand firm neither on the one side nor the other, but rather laugh at every one, and are themselves laughed at by all. In the first place, then, when arguing with them about the spherical figure, we showed that this figure was not possible, and was indeed quite inconsistent with the nature of things. Certain of them say that the heaven is a body consisting of four elements,14 but some later on superciliously |11 reconstructed it with an additional fifth new element,15 though formerly its essential constitution comprised only four elements, for they saw at a glance that the heaven could not revolve if it was composed of these. But herein again they are found to be blind even when they think that those who are sharp-sighted do not see. For since the heaven is seen to be of sundry and diverse colours, whence a power to produce heat and cold seems to be inherent in them, they say that the eyes of all are deceived by reason of their immense distance. Well, then, let any one of them who so wishes come forward and tell us: Why do the stars which, according to you are evidently fixed in an immovable sphere, not 118 apparently differ in colour and size, though their distances from us are seen to be unequal, if the centre of the earth be the point from which our eyes are directed towards them? And how is it that many of the fixed stars are equal and like to the planet we call Mars, to which a lower sphere has been assigned, and how do we in like manner see not a few of them to be like the planet Jupiter? But |12 further, we do not even see the heaven itself to be of one and the same colour, for, if it were asked from whence can we surmise that the cloud-like concretions which you have named the galaxy, and which you have so designated simply because of the difference of their colour, have derived their peculiar appearance, while the surface on which the ray of vision strikes is uniform? and if I replied that these were proofs of the composition and mixture of different elements, no one, I apprehend, would dare to contradict me, even though he were a lover of falsehood, and much less if one of those who always assign the foremost place to truth. Now if the heaven has been constituted not of one single element endowed with a circular motion of its own, but of the mixture of the four elements, then it cannot well revolve. For it has been said that it must either be moved downward if the heavy element preponderate, or be carried upward if the opposite light one prevail, or must be stationary when no element is preponderant. This is certainly obvious to everybody. For no one would admit that he has ever seen the heaven move either upwards or downwards.16 It must be allowed therefore that it is firmly fixed. But should they ask: Whence are these motions that differ from the rest in an element that is simple and without qualities? since they say, and not untruly, that those bodies which they call planets revolve oppositely to the universe; and if in like manner they say that their revolution is accomplished in certain |13 times which the Creator has fixed, it is evident that they do not even deny that the planets advance from the East.17
Then being mazed with perplexing doubts, as usually happens to those who shrink from the truth, they say, on finding no way of escape, that the stars make retrogressions and pauses. But tell me, ye souls that are so ingenious in tying and untying knots, if from their very nature they have motion, how comes it that they stand still? For nothing that can thwart them enters as an element into their natural constitution. And tell me this besides, what is the force or what the necessity which imposes on them the contrary motion? And here let no one tell me that it is an ocular deception; for it is no minute distance to which they advance, seeing that they are often observed to shift their place from a sign of the zodiac that is in the rear to one in front. But what must we say of our opponents when passing on to the operations of the stars themselves, they reach the very height of absurdity, all unconscious that they themselves stand still or move backward, and are but a sorry set of good-for-nothing rascals? Now anyone would say that the star previously seen in Aries, but at present appearing in Pisces, was not in the house of Mars, but in that of Jupiter, and that it 119 makes movements, not such as they babble about when it is in Aries, but those which they ascribe to it in its transit through Pisces. But if they do not admit the retrograde motion of the planets which is apparent, whence then or wherefore is their course in both directions? They will perhaps in reply assign as the cause those invisible epicycles which they have assumed as vehicles on which, as they will insist, the planets are borne along. But they will |14 be in no better case from this invention, for we shall ask: Why have they need of vehicles? Is it because they are incapable of motion? Then, if so, why should you assert them to be animated, and that too even with souls more than usually divine? Or is it that they are capable? The very idea is, methinks, ridiculous. And why have not the moon and the sun their epicycles? Is it that they are not worthy on account of their inferiority? But this could not be said by men in their sober senses. Was it then from the scarcity of suitable material the Creator could not construct vehicles for them? On your own head let the blasphemy of such a thought recoil.
Cease, O ye wiseacres! prating worthless nonsense, and learn at last though late to follow the divine oracles and not your own baseless fancies. For, tell us, how ye think that the fixed stars move in an opposite direction to the universe? Is such a motion theirs only or that of the sphere in which they are placed? Then, if it is theirs, how do they traverse unequal orbits in equal time? And how comes it that of the stars in the galaxy not one has ever gone outside of it, nor any of those outside is seen nearer it or within it? But if one should say that it is the sphere which moves in the opposite direction, then it will be found that at the same time it moves oppositely to itself. But who can imagine a greater absurdity than this? Thus they do their best to prevent anyone surpassing them in their effrontery----or rather, let me say, in impiety, since they do not blush to affirm that there are people who live on the under surface of the earth. What then, should some one question them and say: Is the sun to no purpose carried under the earth? these absurd persons will, on the spur of the moment, without thinking, reply that the people of the Antipodes are there----men carrying their heads downwards, and rivers having a position opposite to the rivers here! thus taking in hand to turn every thing |15 upside down rather than to follow the doctrines of the truth, in which there are no futile sophisms, but which are plain and easy and full of godliness, while they procure salvation for those who reverently consult them.
But you will most effectually rebuke them if you say: Why does that sphere of yours not revolve from the north to the south, or from some other quarter to its opposite? And do not tell me, in answer, that such seemed better to the Maker of the world, for my 18.... But how can you 120 deem that you speak consistently with the nature of things in supposing that the whole heaven is in motion and describes a circle, without also supposing that outside of it there is either some other space or body, even though it were imaginary. For it is impossible any thing can move apart from the four elements, but must move either in earth, or in water, or in air, or in fire, whether it is transferred from place to place into the infinite, or whether it always revolves in the same place. But if the heaven as it revolves passes into the infinity of space, we must suppose that beyond it there is an infinite earth into which it rolls, when noiselessly leaving what is behind it; but if one of the other three elements be supposed, in not one of them is the sphere adapted to roll and rotate; nay, were it to be shot into any of them, a whizzing noise would attend the transition. But if, again, it rolls and rotates always in the same spot without moving from place to place, then it must be upheld by supports like a turner's lathe, or an artificial globe, or on an axis like a machine or a waggon. And if so, then we must again inquire by what the supports and axles are themselves upheld, and so on ad infinitum. And tell me, pray, how are we to suppose the axis passes through the middle of the earth, and of what material it consists.
When these problems then concerning the nature of |16 things are discussed, there remains the conclusion, as we said before, that the heaven is fixed and does not revolve. But even in supposing that the earth is in the middle of the universe, as its centre, you immediately give the deathblow to your own theory when you repeat that the middle is below, for it is impossible that the same thing can at once both be in the middle and below, for the middle is the middle between up and down, or between right and left, or between before and behind. Why do you then, when beleaguered with difficulties, utter absurdities contrary to nature, in opposition to scripture? For being in terror lest any one should pose you with this question: How can this unspeakable weight of the earth be held suspended by the air and not fall down? you have invented stones of things that are not true, but strange; and, reversing the order of things, give out that the middle is below; so that if any should suppose that instead of the earth, fire was the middle, you would then say that the middle was above instead of below, seeing that the tendency of fire is upward. To me, therefore, they seem to subvert the first by means of the second, and the second by means of the first. But if they say that the air because it surrounds the earth equally on all sides, is pushed on by the universe, and that the earth remains immovable, and swerves neither to the one side nor the other, why do men 19 and the irrational animals that live on land or fly in the air not move along with it, while all of them cleave the air in walking and in traversing it, and in going on high. And not only is it incapable of resisting these, but it cannot even sustain the weight of the lightest inanimate things, such as the shortest of feathers and the smallest of straws, but all of them cut it, it is so attenuated and so rare, and they outstrip it according to the force with which they are propelled. How then can we receive such false theories? |17
But should one wish to examine more elaborately the question of the Antipodes, he would easily find them to be old wives' fables. For if two men on opposite sides placed the soles of their feet each against each, whether they chose to stand on earth, or water, or air, or fire, or any other kind of body, how could both be found standing upright? The one would assuredly be found in the natural upright position, and the other, contrary to nature, head downward.20 Such notions are opposed to reason, and alien to our nature and condition. And how, again, when it rains upon both of them, is it possible to say that the rain falls down upon the two, and not that it falls down to the one and falls up to the other, or falls against them, or towards them, or away from them. For to think that there are Antipodes compels us to think also that rain falls on them from an opposite direction to ours; and any one will, with good reason, deride these ludicrous theories, which set forth principles incongruous, ill-adjusted, and contrary to nature.
And if one should examine that other sophism of theirs, namely, that the earth is inflated with air, and that earthquakes occur when the pent-up air shakes the earth violently, he would be amazed at the imposture and the contradiction in their statements. For if the earth when equally pressed by the whole air stands unshaken and unswerving, then, when inflated it ought to be all the heavier in that quarter, and to swerve to a side, after the example of man which they adduce. For not only does a man shake and tremble when attacked with |18 flatulency, but he trembles when seized with terror, and when overcome with wine, and pinched with cold, and when his blood boils with anger, and when he is old and imbecile, but when he reels under the effects of flatulency death results. Why then does not the earth also, which according to them is inflated with air, not collapse and lose its proper place? And why, again, do they further say that Egypt, because its soil is porous and its furrows allow the air to escape without violent shocks, is not subject to earthquakes, while in point of fact earthquakes have been of frequent occurrence in that country, and so violent as to overthrow cities and level them with the ground: and not only so, but even in the times of the Greeks, when Alexander, and Seleucus, and Antiochus, and Ptolemy ruled and reigned, they had recourse to the assistance of philosophers----Aristotle and his like----and frequently gave practical effect to what they advised? And when Antioch was being founded by Seleucus 21 and Antiochus, how was it that the philosophers were not able to point out that the country there was not safe from earthquakes, but on the 122 contrary exposed to their frequent visitations? And this we say from having seen that this city has been repeatedly overthrown by earthquakes; and not Antioch only but Corinth also, which has close at her hand the mob of the philosophers.
But if we should care to examine yet another of their opinions----that in which they say and try to prove by illustrations----that rain is produced from vapour drawn up |19 by heat into the atmosphere, in the same way, say they, as the bath draws up vapour from the heat, and lets it fall in drops; and just as a cupping-glass draws up moisture by means of tow and fire, so too does the sun draw up vapour, and in course of time lets it fall in drops, whence rain is produced. One cannot but marvel at such wisdom as this, imposing, as it does by its speciousness, upon the multitude. For since the bath derives its heat not from above but from below, how can it be said to draw up, and npt rather to push up? So too in the case of a caldron: it receives its heat not from above but from below, and in both instances the vapours are pushed up by the heat, and in the rebound, due in the one case to the roof and in the other to the lid, they fall in drops. Similar is the case of the cupping-glass, which, did not this instrument itself constrain nature and suck up moisture, would never have sucked it up at all,22 no, not even if fire and tow had been applied ten thousand times over. But further, when one thrusts a damp faggot into the fire, moisture is to such a degree pushed by the heat that both moisture and smoke are expelled from the other end of the faggot. And when one has kindled a fire on the ground he sees the moisture in the faggots conveyed upwards by the smoke, not drawn up by what is above but pushed up by the heat of the fire. Nay, more, if one washes a garment and spreads it on the ground, and if, when it has been dried by the sun, he lifts it up, he will find the moisture which has been expelled from it by the heat impressed on the ground in the very |20 shape of the garment. In like manner, if one places a hot piece of meat on a trencher he will see the moisture discharged in both directions, both upwards and downwards, the heat being intermediate, for above he sees the steam mounting upwards, and below he sees the trencher bathed in moisture on which the meat has impressed its own shape; whence it appears that heat does not draw up, as these sages tell us, but rather pushes up.
But when we propose a new question to them: Why is it that in the Thebaid, where the ground is parched up by the heat, the moisture is not drawn up and turned into rain for that country? they defend themselves by saying that it is a moderate and not an excessive heat that causes the drawing up. To this we shall give a very summary reply: And how happens it, we shall ask, that beyond the Thebaid, in Ethiopia, where the heat is far greater, there are frequent copious downfalls of rain? And how can they say, those many and tip-top wise men, that the sun has the power of drawing upwards, and assert also quite confidently that in the course of his revolution he becomes heated by friction, while they will not entertain the supposition that the heat is in him by nature. But more: when they allow that the air is moist and hot, what need have 123 those wiseacres to resort to sophistry and say that the moisture is drawn up from elsewhere, when up above they have the heat and moisture at the same spot? But if one should ask them about one particular element as it is in itself, that is, should ask them to show its distinctive quality, they immediately find themselves at a loss, and attribute two qualities to one single element and say: Earth is dry and cold; water, cold and moist; air, moist and warm; fire, warm and dry; so that, being beleaguered with difficulties, they assign eight qualities to the four elements. But at times they say that all the qualities exist in each of the elements. Once more, therefore, they |21 contradict their own words, by ascribing not four but only two qualities to each of the four elements. I marvel accordingly at those most excellent men when they attribute to water coldness and humidity, and to the air humidity and heat. How do they say that water, that is, the cold and moist, congeals and becomes ice in winter-time? Wherefrom comes that extreme cold which converts it into ice? For if they shall say that the departure of the sun naturally produces this effect, why does it not produce the same effect on the air, which is naturally warm, and at the same time moist, but makes it, on the contrary, extremely cold? And how does the cold itself----that is, water----not make the air----that is, the moist----freeze, but, on the contrary, it is the latter which makes the former freeze, as we actually see? Now though I have many things more to say about this question and the examples which they erroneously adduce in favour of their view of it, I curb myself, for I feel ashamed of the foolishness of what is said by them, and consider what has already been said on this subject sufficient.
There is, however, another sophism held by these wise men which I am especially anxious to deal with, and will forthwith proceed to discuss. They say that the heaven which they call a body contains the whole world, and stoutly maintain that outside of it nothing whatever exists; and yet they define angels and demons and souls, which are parts of the world as uncircumscribed, neither containing the heaven, nor contained by the heaven, not understanding what they say, since that which neither contains nor is contained is never by any possibility seen among things that are. If then these things be as they say, let them tell us with respect to their own soul whether it is, or is not. And if they say it is not, then to their own shame and disgrace they assume themselves to be soulless. But if they say that it exists, let them tell us whether it is |22 in them or is not in them. If they reply that it is not in them, they answer not less shamelessly and foolishly than they did before. But if they reply that the soul is in them, we must ask them a further question: As the body is circumscribed by the heaven, why is not the soul also circumscribed? And if, as they say, it illuminates the body without being circumscribed along with it, the question arises, where is it when it illuminates the body? since it is impossible that, being a created thing, it should not exist with things created. And if they say it exists somewhere 124 within the heaven, then it is again circumscribed by the body itself of the heaven, although it was represented by them as uncircumscribed. But if they make it exist outside the heaven, they, in the first place, confute themselves; in the next place, it will either be in a part of the heaven and occupy but a small part of it, or it will be in the whole of it, in which case it will circumscribe the heaven and will be found having form like a bodily substance; and this a spherical form embracing and limiting the sphere. But if, again, they say that as being uncircumscribed it pervades all things both within and without, let them not blind themselves to the fact that they arc both introducing polytheism and imagining an equality with God. For this property pertains to none except the uncreated Deity who created and fashioned the universe. So then, professing themselves to be wise, they become fools, as says the blessed Paul the Apostle, having changed the glory of the uncircumscribed Deity to their own created souls, thus appropriating to themselves the glory due to God. They must therefore in every way be avoided. For, saith the Apostle, from those turn away who hold an outward form of godliness but deny the power thereof.
[Footnotes have been moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 The numerals in the margin indicate the pages in Montfaucon's edition of Cosmas in the Nova Collectio Patrum. [Online edition: placed in square brackets. Material in red is not in the printed text. The summary of contents is found in the manuscripts so has been added from a Greek critical edition, although its exact position is doubtful]
2. 1 This work on Cosmography is one of the lost treasures of antiquity. Its loss appeared to Montfaucon one to be deplored even with tears.
3. 2 Katagrafai\. The Latin version erroneously renders this by paragraphi.
4. 3 Gr. ska&rifon. See Sketch No. 6 in the Appendix, and for the stars, Sketch No. 9.
5. 1 Tw~n e cwqen, lit. of those without the Church.
6. 2 9Ellhnikw~n. The Greek-speaking Jews used #Ellhn, Graecus, and some of its derivatives, in the sense of pagan, gentile, idolater, apparently because the Greeks were the most prominent Gentile people with which they were acquainted. This signification passed into the works of Christian authors, the Greeks, properly so-called, being designated by the term #Elladikoi/ or Graikoi/.
7. 3 Qeofikh~, Qeo&file/ te kai\ Xristo&file. These were official titles. The superlative of the first, qeofile/statoj, was applied to the Emperor, bishops, deacons and monks. In the Greek church it is now applied only to epi/skopoi.
8. 1 Aristotle from the circularity of the earth's shadow in eclipses inferred the rotundity of the earth.
9. 1 To this title Cosmas has prefixed the following: "The notes (paragrafai\) which occur in this work have been inserted for the clearer exposition of the text (tou~ keime/nou). The reader should therefore read first the text and then the notes." As Cosmas in this book seeks to confute the system of astronomy called the Ptolemaic----because Ptolemy, though not its founder, was its chief exponent----it may be of service if we remind the reader of the main outlines of that system. It assumed that the earth was the Centre of the universe, and that the heavenly bodies revolved round it in perfect circles and at a uniform rate of motion. Such phenomena as were found to be inconsistent with these assumptions were explained by means of subsidiary hypotheses. The belief that the earth was the centre of the universe seemed to accord with the relation in which the primary elements of which the material world was thought to be composed stood to each other. Thus earth, as being the stablest element, held the lowest place and supported water, above which was placed air, and above that again, fire, while ether was supposed to extend indefinitely above the others. In or beyond the ether were certain heavens, each of which contained a crystalline sphere, whereto was attached a heavenly body, which by the revolution of its crystalline sphere was made to move round the earth. When it was discovered that the planets move sometimes from west to east, sometimes from east to west, and for some time remain stationary at the point where progression ends and retrogression begins, the ancient astronomers were greatly puzzled, and to account for these irregularities in the planetary movements invented the hypothesis of epicycles. This doctrine is explained as follows in the article on the Ptolemaic System of Astronomy in Chambers's Encyclopaedia: " The acceleration of the sun on one side, and retardation on the other side of his orbit, is only apparent, and results from the earth not being in the centre of his sphere, c (see fig.), but at E, and consequently his motion appears to be slowest at P and quickest at R.
"The alternate progression and regression of the planets was accounted for by supposing them to move, not directly with their crystallines, but in a small circle whose centre was a fixed point in the crystalline, and which revolved on its axis as it was carried round with the latter; thus (fig.) the planet was carried round the small circle A B D, as that circle was carried round P Q R (now supposed to represent the planetary crystalline). The planet, while in the outer portion of its small circle, would thus have a forward and in the inner portion a backward motion. The larger circle was called an eccentric and the smaller an epicycle"
10. 1 Gr. spermolo&gouj. "The word", says Dr. Bloomfield in his annotated edition of the Greek New Testament, "was used properly of those small birds which live by picking up scattered seeds; but metaphorically of those paupers who frequented the market-places, and lived by picking up any scattered or refuse produce; and generally of persons of abject condition, without any certain means of support. Again, as the tribes of small birds which live by picking up seeds are especially garrulous, the word came to denote a prater." Though Cosmas here uses the word in its metaphorical sense, he once or twice afterwards uses it in the literal sense of a picker-up of seeds.
11. 1 See II Kings, xvii, 24-41.
12. 2 Gr. dimo&rfouj, lit. two-formed.
13. 3 An anticipation of the myth regarding Mahomet's coffin.
14. 4 The Platonists.
15. 1 Aristotle invented a term, e0ntele/xeia, to denote actuality of existence in contrast to its mere potentiality, du&namij. His followers, however, eventually came to use the term in the sense of a fifth element, namely mind, which differed entirely in its nature from the four elements of common speech. To this effect I may quote the words of Cicero: "Dicaearchus.... quemdam Phthiotam senem.... disserentem inducit, nihil esse omnino animum et hoc esse nomen totum inane.... Aristoteles.... quum quattuor nota illa genera principiorum esset complexus, e quibus omnia orerentur, quintam quamclam naturam censet esse, e qua sit mens. Cogitare enim et providere et discere.... haec et similia eorum in horum quattuor generum inesse nullo putat: quintum genus adhibet vacans nomine et sic ipsum animum e0ndele/xeian appellat novo nomine quasi quamdam continuatam motionem et perennem." (Tusc. Disp., i, 21, 22). Cicero has here confounded e0ntele/xeia with e0ndele/xeian, of which he has given the meaning correctly. Probably he had not seen the word in the written pages of Aristotle, but only heard it from the lips of Greek Peripatetics, who, like their countrymen of the present day, pronounced the letter tau~ very like de/lta.
16. 1 The Greek text, so far as I can see, must be wrongly punctuated. Ou)de\ ga_r a nw fero&menon, ou)de\ ka&tw, ti/j o(mologh&seien e(wrake/nai pw&pote; I remove the mark of interrogation and construe the negative with tij, and not with fero&menon. The Latin version, however, follows the punctuation: Quis autem dicat se vidisse coelum nec sursum nec deorsum ferri? This rendering is inconsistent with the immediately subsequent context, where the author states his own view that the heaven is immoveable.
17. 1 This sentence ends with a clause which cannot be construed with it, but which might serve to begin the next paragraph. The clause is: 0Oura&nion te poiou&menoi porei/an = Then when making (i.e. tracing) the course of the planets through heaven.
18. 1 The hiatus has after it e0sqai fqeggo&menoj.
19. 1 The text has a0nqrw&pouj, an evident mistake for
a!nqrwpoi.
20. 1 See Cicero, Acad. Prior., 2, 39, and Plutarch, 2, 869 c., on Antipodes. Nearly all the Christian Fathers held the same opinion as Cosmas abput the Antipodes; as, for instance, Lactantius, who asks: "Est quisqam tam ineptus qui credat esse homines, quorum vestigia sint superiora quam capita?" Augustin, Chrysostom, Severianus of Gabala, Beda, were likewise anti-Antipodeans.
21. 1 Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus Nicator in 300 B.C. Its first recorded earthquake occurred in 148 B.C., and it has frequently suffered since from the same cause. The one to which Cosmas here refers occurred in 526 A. D., and almost entirely destroyed the city, which, however, Justinian had rebuilt with great splendour before it was captured by Chosroes in 540 A.D. Corinth also suffered severely from this memorable earthquake.
22. 1 Gr. siku&a, which means both a cucumber and a cupping-glass. Montfaucon renders the word by the Latin cucumis, which means a cucumber but not a cupping-glass. Can he have used it in mistake for cucurbita? Charton does not give this illustration, though he gives the two which precede it. The argument is that it is the instrument ( o!rganon, i.e., the cupping-glass), which draws up the blood to the punctures, and not the heat from the wick burning inside the glass to produce a vacuum. There is an ambiguity in the statement of the argument.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_02_book .htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 23-90. Book 2
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 23-90. Book 2
BOOK II.
The Christian theories regarding the form and position of the whole world, the proofs of which are taken from Divine Scripture.
OW long I put off the composition of my work regarding the figure of the world, even though other admirable men as well as thyself frequently urged me to undertake it, you know best of all. O dearest, God-loving and Christ-loving Pamphilus, a man worthy of that name, since all holy men love thee 1----a sojourner in the earthly Jerusalem, but enrolled among the first-born and the prophets, with whom when of yore I knew thee only by report I was knit in the bonds of warmest friendship; but now I have had the satisfaction of having seen thee face to face, when by the will of God you came hither to us, to Alexander's great city, and never ceased to importune us about this work, enfeebled though we were in body, afflicted with ophthalmia and costiveness of the bowels, and as the result suffering afterwards from constant attacks of illness; while besides we were deficient in the school-learning of the Pagans,2 without any knowledge of the rhetorical art, |24 ignorant how to compose a discourse in a fluent and embellished style, and were besides occupied with the complicated affairs of everyday life. Nevertheless you ceased riot pressing us to compose a treatise about the Tabernacle prepared by Moses in the wilderness, which was a type and copy 3 of the whole world, as I explained to thee personally by the living voice in a cursory way, not as communicating opinions and conjectures of my own framing, but what I had learned from the divine scriptures, 125 and from the living voice of that most divine man and great teacher Patricius, who when fulfilling the vows of the Abrahamic rule,4 set out from Chaldaea with his disciple Thomas of Edessa, a holy man who followed him wherever he went, but by the will of God was removed from this life at Byzantium. Patricius propagated the doctrines of holy religion and true science, and has now by the grace of God been elevated to the lofty episcopal throne of all Persia, having been appointed to the office of Bishop Catholic of that country.5 So then being greatly perplexed about this undertaking, on account more |25 especially of those who delight in censoriousness, whose tongues are glib at calumny, and who can always find abundance of material for their scoffs and jeers, I shrank with more than ordinary hesitation from addressing myself to the work. But you again pressed me to proceed with it, loading me with condemnation upon condemnation if I refused, and assuring me that the work would be useful for the guidance of life and for the study and understanding of the divine doctrines, as well as for a refutation of the Greek preconceptions; while showing that the whole scope of divine scripture has respect to the future state, as is most pointedly affirmed by the Apostle when he says: For we know that if the earthly house of this our tabernacle were dissolved we have a building of God----a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.6 When in these and such like terms you appealed to me, and it was beyond my power to gainsay the injunctions laid upon me by your piety, I consented, trusting to receive the benefit of your prayers; while making supplication ourselves that the divine grace without which we can do nothing aright |26 might be vouchsafed to us in the opening of the mouth, so that we might be able without polished and artistic modes of expression, but in the simple words of ordinary speech (while grace manifests her own peculiar powers), both to teach her foster-children the divine knowledge of the doctrines, the lives of pious men, and the figure of the world and its origin, without ambiguity; as well as to describe with all readiness, and to communicate ungrudgingly, what we ourselves have freely received from God.Having finished, therefore, O God-beloved, the first book concerning pretended Christians, and having convicted them, to the best methinks of my power, of having attempted impossibilities, without our having sought to disparage the beauty of their language, which God forbid I should do, but to refute the fictitious and fabulous Greek theories; and having finished that book, we now in obedience to thy order proceed to discuss first in this second book the Christian theories regarding the figures and the position of the world. We shall then in the third book show that in describing and explaining the utility of the figures of the world, divine scripture alike in the Old and the New Testament is in itself sure and trustworthy. In the fourth book again we shall offer a recapitulation 126 and a delineation of the figures of the world; and similarly shall in the fifth book present a description of the tabernacle prepared by Moses, and exhibit the harmony of what has been said by the Prophets and Apostles. Be this then the book which we have entitled Christian Topography, embracing the whole world and deriving its proofs from the truly divine scriptures, regarding which a Christian is not at liberty to doubt. Since then aid from above, as has been said, cooperates with us through your prayers, we proceed to state our theories. Moses, then, the Divine Cosmographer, says: In the beginning God made |27 the heaven and the earth.7 We assume, therefore, that heaven and earth comprise the universe as containing all things within themselves. And that this is so he himself again proclaims: For in six days God made the heaven and the earth and all that in them is 8; and again in like manner he says: And the heaven and the earth were finished and all the host of them.9 And again, when recapitulating and giving its name to the book, he speaks thus: This is the book of the generation of heaven and earth,10 as if they contained all things, and as if all things that are in them ought to be signified along with them. For if, according to the counterfeit Christians, the heaven alone comprises the universe, he would not have mentioned the earth along with the heaven, but he would have said: This is the book of the generation of heaven. Evidently, however, he has not done so, nor any other of the prophets, and it is manifest that they knew that the two together comprised the universe, and indeed the whole company of the righteous and of the prophets always indicate the heaven along with the earth. Hear what each of them says. Melchisedech first when blessing Abraham thus speaks: Blessed be Abraham of God most High who created the heaven and the earth.11 In the second place, Abraham says: I will stretch out my hand to God most High who created the heaven and the earth. And again: Place thine hand under my thigh and I will make thee swear by the Lord the God of the heaven and the God of the earth.12 For when the most faithful Abraham wished to make his servant swear with more than usual solemnity by the circumcision as being a seal royal, Place, he said, thine hand under my thigh, instead of under the seal royal, that is, the circumcision. See also: Gen. xxiv, 7; |28 127 Psalm cxiv, 15; cxxxiv, 6, ci, 25; Isai. xlii, 5; Zech. xii, i; Isai. li, 13, xliv, 24, xlviii, 13, xlvi, 1, xl, 22; Jerem. x, 11; Daniel iii, 59; Acts xvii, 24, xiv, 15; Math., xi 25.13 Since then the divine scripture of both the Old and the New Testament shows by its customary declarations that all things are contained within heaven and earth, how is it possible that one can be a Christian who disbelieves all this, and says that all things are contained within the heaven only.
128 Since then the heaven and the earth comprise the universe, we assert that the earth has been founded on its own stability by the Creator, according once more to the divine scripture, and that it does not rest upon any body; for in the Book of Job it is written: He hangeth the earth upon nothing; and again (xxxviii, 4, 5, 6): Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth? etc. And in like manner in David (Psalm cii, 5) it is said: He who laid the foundations of the earth upon its own stability. By the power, therefore, of the Deity who created the universe, we say that it was founded and is supported by him. Upholding all things, as the Apostle saith, by the word of his power.14
For if a body of any kind whatever were either underneath the earth or outside of it, that body could not keep its place, but would fall down according to what is seen always occurring in the natural world. For if we take air, for instance, or water or fire, we find that things which are heavier than these do invariably fall down in them. Since therefore the earth is heavier than any other body whatever, the Deity placed it as the foundation of the universe, and made it steadfast in virtue of its own inherent stability. To illustrate this, let us suppose a place to have a depth |29 of a hundred cubits, and this place to be filled with a body denser say than water; then if one should lift a stone with his hand and drop it into the place, in what interval of time would it reach the bottom? One may reply, in four hours, let us say. But further, supposing the place to be filled with some rarer substance, air, for example, in what interval of time would the stone now reach the bottom? Evidently in a shorter time: in two hours, let us say. Supposing in the next place a still rarer substance, then the bottom will be reached in an hour, and with a yet rarer substance in half an hour. And again, if a rarer still be supposed, the stone will touch the bottom in a still shorter time; and so on until the body when attenuated to the last degree becomes incorporeal, and the time ceases of necessity to be any time at all. Thus then in the case supposed, where no body at all exists, but where there is only the incorporeal, the heavy body of necessity gains the bottom in no time at all and becomes stationary. The Deity, having thus in the order of nature, as the scripture declares, suspended the earth upon nothing, when it had reached the bottom of space laid its foundations upon its own stability so that it should not be moved for ever. But should one again, from a wanton love of contradiction, assume that outside of earth and heaven there exists 129 a place made of another invisible and imaginary substance, even such a place must of necessity rest upon something else, and this again upon another, and so on ad infinitum. Nevertheless let us, with God's help, tackle this subject as more a question of physical science. If one should suppose that place to be chaos, then because.....15 as the heaven is light and tends upwards, and the |30 earth heavy and tends downwards, and extremes are bound together with extremes, that, namely, which tends upwards with that which tends downwards, they support the one the other by their pulling against each other, and so remain unmoved. The Deity accordingly having founded the earth, which is oblong, upon its own stability, bound together the extremities of the heaven with the extremities of the earth, making the nether extremities of the heaven rest upon the four extremities of the earth, while on high he formed it into a most lofty vault overspanning the length of the earth. Along the breadth again of the earth he built a wall from the nethermost extremities of the heaven upwards to the summit, and having enclosed the place, made a house, as one might call it, of enormous size, like an oblong vaulted vapour-bath. For, saith the Prophet Isaiah (xlix, 22): He who established heaven as a vault. With regard, moreover, to the glueing together of the heaven and the earth, we find this written in Job: He has inclined heaven to earth, and it has been poured out as the dust of the earth. I have welded it as a square block of stone.16 Do not the expressions about inclining it to the earth and welding it thereto clearly show that the heaven standing as a vault has its extremities bound together with the extremities of the earth? The fact of its inclination to the earth, and its being welded with it, makes it totally inconceivable that it is a sphere.17 |31
Moses, likewise, in describing the table in the Tabernacle, which is an image of the earth, ordered its length to be of two cubits, and its breadth of one cubit. So then in the same way as Isaiah spoke, so do we also speak of the figure of the first heaven made on the first day, made along with the earth, and comprising along with the earth the universe, and say that its figure is vaultlike. And just as it is said in Job that the heaven has been welded to the earth, so do we again also say the same. Having learned, moreover, from Moses that the earth has been extended in length more than in breadth, we again admit this, knowing that the scriptures, which are truly divine, ought to be believed. But further, when God had produced the waters and angels and other things simultaneously with the earth and the highest heaven itself, he on the second day exposed to their vision this second heaven visible to our eyes, which, as if putting to use the creations of his own hands, he formed from the waters as his material. In appearance it is like the highest heaven, but not in figure, and it lies midway between that heaven and the earth; and God 130 having then stretched it out extended it throughout the whole space in the direction of its breadth, like an intermediate roof, and bound together the firmament with the highest heaven, separating and disparting the remainder of the waters, leaving some above the firmament, and others on the earth below the firmament, as the divine Moses explains to us, and so makes the one area or house two houses----an upper and a lower story.
But again, the divine scripture speaks thus in Moses concerning the second heaven: And God called the firmament heaven18; and in the inspired David we find these words: Stretching out the heaven as a covering19; and he adds: |32 who covereth his upper chambers with the waters; saying this evidently with respect to the firmament. But scripture, when coupling the two heavens together, frequently speaks of them in the singular, as but one, saying through Isaiah: He that established the heaven as a vaulted chamber, and stretched it out as a tent to dwell in20; meaning here by the vaulted chamber the highest heaven, and by what is stretched out as a tent the firmament, and thus declaring them in the singular number to be bound together and to be of similar appearance. David again speaks to this effect: The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth forth his handiwork21; here beginning with a duality and ending with a unity. For since, agreeably to the idiom of the Hebrew language, the same word serves to express both heavens and heaven, and the two heavens are not only bound together as one, but are also like in appearance and aspect, the divine scripture speaks of heaven both in the plural and in the singular number indiscriminately. For the blessed David, using this idiom, exclaims: Praise him, ye heavens of heavens,22 where you might say in the singular number a heaven of heaven, for he says elsewhere: And the water which is above the heavens: here distinctly employing the plural number, heavens, and indicating that the firmament has the waters above it. For following the idiom, instead of saying, the heaven of the heaven, he said the heavens of the heavens. For he again says also in another place: the heaven of the heaven belongs to the Lord, but the earth hath he given to the sons of man,23 here calling the highest heaven which is like a vault heaven of heaven, as it is the heaven of the firmament, being up above it and much loftier. And in Deuteronomy the great hierophant Moses thus speaks: |33 Behold unto the Lord thy God belongeth the heaven and the heaven of heaven, the earth with all that is therein. The great apostle Paul, moreover, uses this idiom, exclaiming: For our citizenship is in the heavens, from which also we look for the Saviour;24 beginning here with the plural number and ending with the singular, for he uses from which in the singular number. David also frequently makes use of this mode of expression, exclaiming: Praise the Lord from the heavens;25 and after he had said: Praise the Lord from the earth, he thus ends: the praising of him in earth and heaven;26 and in another passage, To him who made the heavens in wisdom;27 and on this subject he uses many such expressions.
We have said that the figure of the earth is lengthwise 131 from east to west, and breadthwise from north to south, and that it is divided into two parts: this part which we, the men of the present day, inhabit, and which is all round encircled by the intermedial sea, called the ocean by the Pagans, and that part which encircles the ocean, and has its extremities bound together with those of the heaven, and which men at one time inhabited to eastward, before the flood in the days of Noah occurred, and in which also Paradise is situated.28 Men, strange to say, having crossed the ocean in the Ark at the time of the Deluge, reached our part of the earth and settled in Persian territory, where also the Ark rested on the mountains of Ararat, having saved alive Noah and his sons, together with |34 their wives, so that there were four pairs, and all the brute animals, three pairs of clean, but of wild only one poor pair. Since Noah appears to have offered up to God in sacrifice the superfluous one pair of all the clean animals, there were four pairs of human beings, and of clean animals three pairs, but of wild beasts only one poor pair. Now when the Ark had crossed over into this part of the earth which we now from that time forth inhabit, the three sons of Noah divided the earth among them. Shem and his posterity obtained the regions extending from Asia as far as the eastern parts of the ocean29; Ham and his posterity the regions from Gadeira30 in the west to the ocean of Ethiopia, called Barbaria, beyond the Arabian Gulf,31 receiving besides the regions extending as far as our sea, |35 that is to Palestine and Phoenicia, as well as the southern parts, together with all that part of Arabia which adjoins us, and that which is called the Happy; and Japhet and his posterity: the regions extending from Media and Scythia in the distant north, as far as the western ocean and the parts outside of Gadeira, according to what is written in Genesis by the inspired Moses, who, in describing the division of the earth, speaks thus concerning these three: The sons of Japhet, Gamer (Gomer) 32 and Magog 33 and Madaï and Javan (Iouaun) and Elisa,34 whereby he indicates the hyperborean nations of the Scythians and Medes, and then similarly the Ionians 35 and the Greeks, 36 and likewise Thôbel 37 and Mosôch 38 and Thêres (Qh&raj) that he may show what nations lay near them. For he calls the Thracians Thêres, and from these, he tells us, some |36 were removed and dispersed among the islands of the Gentiles 39 and adjacent localities, for this indicates Tharseis. 40 The inhabitants of Cyprus he calls Kêtioi, and those of Rhodes, Rhodians.41 The sons of Ham (Cham), Cush (Chous) and Mesraim, thereby designating the Ethiopians and Egyptians. 42 Finally, Phut (Phouth) and Canaan,43 |37 whereby he designates the Libyans and adjoining nations. The sons of Cush, Saba and Elêsâ, whereby he designates the Homerites and their neighbours 44; similarly also the 132 nations one after another that occupy the southern parts. The Chananeans again, he says, were descended from Mesraim, that is the Egyptians and Sidonians and all the neighbouring nations. The sons of Shem, Elam and Ashur, that is the Elamites 45 and Assyrians and remaining nations, and as many of these as were spread far and wide over Asia and the East----the nations of the Persians, Huns, Baktrians, 46 Indians, onwards to the ocean.
The pagans even, availing themselves of what Moses has thus revealed, divide the whole earth into three parts: Asia, Libya and Europe, designating Asia the east, Libya the south, extending to the west; Europe the north, also extending to all the west; and in this our part of the earth there are four gulfs which penetrate into it from the ocean as the pagans also say, and say with truth when treating |38 of this subject 47 namely, this gulf of ours, which entering from Gadeira in the west extends along the countries subject to Rome; 48 the Arabian Gulf called the Erythraean 49 and the Persian, both of which advance from Zingium to the southern and more eastern parts of the earth from the country called Barbaria, which begins where the land of the Ethiopians terminates. 50 Now Zingium, as those who navigate the Indian sea are aware, is situated beyond the country called Barbaria which produces frankincense,51 and |39 is girdled by the ocean which streams from thence into both the gulfs. The fourth gulf is that which flows from the north-eastern part of the earth, and is called the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea.52 These gulfs only admit of navigation, for the ocean cannot be navigated on account of the great number of its currents, and the dense fogs which it sends up, obscuring the rays of the sun, and because of the vastness of its extent. Having learned these facts from the Man of God, as has been said, I have pointed them out as coincident also with my own experience, for I myself have made voyages for commercial purposes in three of these gulfs----the Roman, the Arabian and the Persian, while from the natives or from seafaring men I have obtained accurate information regarding the different places.
Once on a time, when we sailed in these gulfs, bound for Further India 53 and had almost crossed over to Barbaria, beyond which there is situated Zingium, as they term the |40 mouth of the ocean, I saw there to the right of our course a great flight of the birds which they call Souspha, which are like kites, but somewhat more than twice their size.54 133 The weather was there so very unsettled that we were all in alarm; for all the men of experience on board, whether passengers or sailors, all began to say that we were near the ocean and called out to the pilot: "Steer the ship to port and make for the gulf, or we shall be swept along by the currents and be carried into the ocean and be lost." For the ocean rushing into the gulf was swelling into billows of portentous size, while the currents from the gulf were driving the ship into the ocean, and the outlook was altogether so dismal that we were kept in a state of great alarm. A great flock, all the time, of the birds called Souspha followed us, flying generally high over our heads, and the presence of these was a sign that we were near the ocean.
The northern and western parts of the earth which we inhabit are of very great elevation, while the southern parts are proportionately depressed.55 For to what extent of its breadth the earth is imperceptibly depressed it is found to have an elevation of like area in the northern and western parts, while the ocean beyond is of unusual depth. But in the southern and eastern parts the ocean beyond is not of unusual but of the medium depth. When these facts are considered, one can see why those who sail to the north and the west are called lingerers. It is because they are mounting up and in mounting up they sail more |41 slowly, while in returning they descend from high places to low, and thus sail fast, and in a few'days bring their voyage to an end. Then the two rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, flowing down from the northern parts, that is, from Persarmenia to the south, have far more rapid currents than our river the Nile----that is, the Gêôn. For this river Nile flowing from low-lying regions in the south towards the elevated northern regions, and running, as one may say, up,56 pursues quietly the even tenor of its way. The eastern and southern parts again, as low-lying and overheated by the sun, are extremely hot, while the northern and western from their great elevation and distance from the sun are extremely cold, and in consequence the inhabitants have very pale complexions, and must keep themselves warm against the cold. But the whole of this portion of the earth is not inhabited, for the parts in the extreme north are to the last degree cold, and remain uninhabited, just as the parts in the extreme south remain also uninhabited on account of the excessive heat. For the blessed David thus speaks: Neither from the goings forth nor from the goings down (of the sun); nor from the desert mountains,57 where he calls the east exodous and the west dusmas, and the other regions, namely the extreme north and extreme south desert mountains. The pagans when 134 writing on these subjects say what is true concerning them.
These things being so we shall say, agreeably to what we find in divine scripture, that the sun issuing from the east traverses the sky in the south and ascends |42 northwards, and becomes visible to the whole of the inhabited world. But as the northern and western summit intervenes it produces night in the ocean beyond this earth of ours, and also in the earth beyond the ocean;58 then afterwards when the sun is in the west, where he is hidden by the highest portion of the earth, and runs his course over the ocean through the northern parts, his presence there makes it night for us, until in describing his orbit he comes again to the east, and again ascending the southern sky illumines the inhabited world, as the divine scripture says through the divine Solomon: The. sun riseth and the sun goeth down and hasteth to his own place. Rising there, he goeth to the south, and wheeleth his circuit, and the wind turneth round to his circuits.59 Here he calls the air the wind, for, as he says, the sun making a circuit in the air from east to south, from south to west, from west to north, from north to cast, causes the vicissitudes of day and night and the solstices; for, by the expressions wheeleth his circuit, and turneth round to his circuits, he signified not only the revolution but also the solstices, for it is the plural number he uses. For he does not say that the wind describes a circuit, but that the sun does so through the wind, that is, through the air.60 Yea, even the blessed Moses having been ordered on Mount Sinai to make the Tabernacle according to the pattern which he had seen, said under divine inspiration, that the outer Tabernacle was a pattern of this the visible world. Now the divine Apostle in the epistle to the |43 Hebrews, in explaining the inner Tabernacle, or that which was within the veil, declares that it was a pattern of the heavenly----that is, of the kingdom of the heavens or the future state, taking the veil which divides the one Tabernacle into two for the firmament; just as the firmament placed in the middle, between the heaven and the earth, has made two worlds----this world namely, and that which is to come, into which world to come the first who entered was the forerunner on our behalf, Christ, who thus prepared for us a new and living way. Now in his description of the first Tabernacle, Moses places in the south of it the candlestick, with seven lamps, after the number of days in the week----these lamps being typical of the celestial luminaries----and shining on the table placed in the north of the earth. On this table again he ordered to be 135 daily placed twelve loaves of shewbread, according to the number of the twelve months of the year----three loaves at each corner of the table, to typify the three months between each of the four tropics.61 He commanded also to be wreathed all around the rim of the table a waved moulding,62 to represent a multitude of waters, that is, the ocean; and further, in the circuit of the waved work, a crown to be set of the circumference of the palm of the hand, to represent the land beyond the ocean, and encircling it, where in the east lies Paradise, and where also the extremities of the heaven are bound to the extremities of the earth. And from this description we not only learn concerning the luminaries and the stars that most of them, when they rise, run their course through the south, but from the same source we are taught that the earth is surrounded by the ocean, and further |44 that beyond the ocean there is another earth by which the ocean is surrounded.
But again, from the prophecy of Lamech, the father of Noah, we learn that Noah, by means of the world-carrying Ark, was to convey men and the brute beasts into this earth of ours, for the prophecy runs somewhat to this effect: This same shall give us rest concerning our work and toil of our hands, because of the ground which the Lord God hath cursed.63 For this reason also Lamech gave Noah his name, which means rest. For the first man having sinned, and having been cast by God out of the garden into the earth, which was foul with thorns and effete, those ten generations smarted under grievous chastisement, being forbidden according to the sacred scripture to eat any longer of fruit that grew upon a tree, because man had transgressed by eating the fruit of a tree. And meagre truly was the fare on which the generations from Adam to Noah subsisted, since they neither ate the olive, nor tasted either wine or flesh, but were commanded to eat only grain, and that too although there the earth was by no means productive, but required the very hardest toil for its cultivation; for thus saith the scripture: Cursed is the ground in thy labours; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life; thorns also and thistles shall it bring forth to thee, and thou shalt eat the herb of the field; in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat thy bread.64
Note.
With regard to wine, it is manifest from what is recorded in Scripture that, after the Deluge, Noah having planted and cultivated the vine and expressed the juice from the grapes, drank to excess of the sweet must of which he had no previous experience, and made himself drunk; and with regard to flesh the case is still more manifest, for God instructed him in these terms: |45 Lo! I have given you all things as the green herb to eat, but flesh in the blood thereof shall ye not eat65; meaning this: Lately I interdicted you from eating many things, but now I permit you 136 to eat of all things, and to eat even flesh. Sacrifice, therefore, and pour out the blood, and then eat the flesh as ye eat vegetables; and eat also of the olive, of which before the Flood it was not permitted to eat, because it also was the fruit of a tree. But perhaps someone will object and say: If it is true that before the Flood they did not eat flesh, why is it then written: Abel was a keeper of sheep, and brought of the firstlings of his flock and of the fat thereof?66 If they did not eat flesh, why did they take upon them the care of sheep? And why did Abel, when he brought a lamb for sacrifice, not slay it? Now, one who so enquires, will be truly answered that, in making the oblation, he presented the holocausts alive; for one of the editions shows this, saying: Over Cain and over his sacrifice he did not apply fire, so that it is evident that the offerings were consumed with divine fire. They provided themselves with a flock to procure for themselves milk and wool. Another objection: If they did not eat flesh, how came it into their head to select the fat for the sacrifice to God? Answer----Because when anything is to be burned in the fire, fat is more readily set ablaze.
Text.
When God in his mercy wished that the human race should be no longer pinched with such scanty fare, and such hard toil, as they were less robust than the first men, who, being newly created, were better able to sustain their punishment, God taking occasion from the wickedness of men, of whom he found none righteous except Noah, brought in a flood for two or even for more reasons----that he might destroy the wicked, and save alive him that was righteous for the instruction of future generations----that, by the untimely end of the wicked, he might the better deter those who are liable to death, and will some |46 time or other die, from doing what is wicked----and that he might bring men, and the brutes that were created for the use of man, into this earth of ours, which is better than the other, and almost equal to Paradise; which also he hath done, having ordered Noah, who was left in this earth after the Flood, to taste of everything whether tree or grain, and having taught him also to eat flesh. But that he brought in the Flood not for the purpose merely of destroying the wicked, is evident from the fact that the water prevailed for a length of time, although one or two days were quite sufficient to have destroyed them all; but he brought it in also, that he might take the Ark across the ocean, and bring it to this earth of ours. For during one hundred and fifty days did the water prevail without diminishing, until, wonderful to relate, the Ark came to this earth of ours. The circumstance, moreover, that the water rose fifteen cubits above the tops of the highest 137 mountains, makes it evident beyond all question that this was due to the depth to which the Ark was submerged in the waters, in order that it might rest upon the mountains. For a half of the height of the Ark was under water to the depth of fifteen cubits, for its entire height was thirty cubits. From this, then, as well as from the prophecy of Lamech, and the construction of the table in the Tabernacle, we can learn that beyond the ocean there is an earth which encompasses the ocean. Nay more; the hierophant Moses also in Deuteronomy saith thus: And thou, Israel, hear the command which I give unto thee this day. Do not say in thine heart who shall go up into heaven to bring it down to us, or who shall go over the sea for us to bring it to us; but the word is nigh unto thee even in thy mouth.67 By this he means: Say not it is impossible to go up into heaven to bring down thence the divine precepts, or to |47 cross over to the farther side of the sea to bring them thence, for lo! they are in thy mouth and in thy heart. In the same passage he teaches us two truths----that beyond the ocean there is land or a place, and that it is impossible to cross the ocean, just as we, while in this mortal state, cannot possibly go up into heaven. Even Baruch, the scribe of Jeremiah the Prophet, when giving counsels of prudence in his epistle, being a man well taught in the institutions of Moses, speaks in the same strain with Moses, and says: Who hath gone up into heaven and taken it and brought it down from the clouds, who hath passed over the sea?68 Here he does not speak of our sea, for it admits of being crossed, but of the ocean itself.
Yet if Paradise did exist in this earth of ours, rnany a man among those who are keen to know and enquire into all kinds of subjects, would think he could not be too quick in getting there: for if there be some who to procure silk69 for the miserable gains of commerce, hesitate not to travel to the uttermost ends of the earth, how should they hesitate to go where they would gain a sight of Paradise itself? Now this country of silk is situated in the remotest of all the Indies, and lies to the |48 left of those who enter the Indian sea, far beyond the Persian Gulf, and the island called by the Indians Selediba and by the Greeks Trapobanê (sic).70 It is called Tzinitza, and is surrounded on the left by the ocean, just as Barbaria is surrounded by it on the right. The Indian philosophers, called the Brachmans, say that if you stretch a cord from Tzinitza to pass through Persia, onward to the Roman dominions, the middle of the earth would be quite correctly 138 traced, and they are perhaps right. For the country in question deflects considerably to the left, so that the loads of silk passing by land through one nation after another, reach Persia in a comparatively short time;71 whilst the route by sea to Persia is vastly greater. For just as |49 great a distance as the Persian Gulf runs up into Persia,72 so great a distance and even a greater has one to run, who, being bound for Tzinitza, sails eastward from Taprobanê; while besides, the distances from the mouth of the Persian Gulf to Taprobanê; and the parts beyond through the whole width of the Indian sea are very considerable.73 He then who comes by land from Tzinitza to Persia shortens very considerably the length of the journey. This is why there is always to be found a great quantity of silk in Persia. Beyond Tzinitza there is neither navigation nor any land to inhabit.
If one measures in a straight cord line74 the stages which make up the length of the earth from Tzinitza to the west, he will find that there are somewhere about four hundred stages,75 each thirty miles in length. The measurement is to be made in this way: from Tzinitza to the borders of Persia, between which are included all Iouvia,76 India, and the country of the Bactrians, there are about one hundred and fifty stages at least; the whole country of the Persians has eighty stations; and from Nisibis to Seleucia77 |50 there are thirteen stages; and from Seleucia to Rome and the Gauls and Iberia, whose inhabitants are now called Spaniards, onward to Gadeira, which lies out towards the ocean, there are more than one hundred and fifty stages; thus making altogether the number of stages to be four hundred, more or less. With regard to breadth: from the hyperborean regions to Byzantium there are not more than fifty stages. For we can form a conjecture as to the extent of the uninhabited and the inhabited parts of those northern regions from the Caspian Sea, which is a gulf of the ocean. From Byzantium, again, to Alexandria there are fifty stages, and from Alexandria to the Cataracts thirty stages;78 from the Cataracts to Axômis, thirty stages;79 from Axômis |51 to the projecting part of Ethiopia, which is the frankincense country called Barbaria, lying along the ocean, and not near but at a great distance from the land of Sasu which is the remotest part of Ethiopia, fifty stages more or less; so that we may reckon the whole number of stages at two hundred more or less; and thus we see that even here the divine scripture speaks the truth in representing the length of the earth to be double its breadth; For thou shalt make the table in length two cubits and in breadth one cubit, a pattern, as it were, of the earth.80
The region which produces frankincense is situated at the projecting parts of Ethiopia, and lies inland, but is washed by the ocean on the other side. Hence the 139 inhabitants of Barbaria, being near at hand, go up into the interior and, engaging in traffic with the natives, bring back from them many kinds of spices, frankincense, cassia, calamus,81 and many other articles of merchandise, which they afterwards send by sea to Adulê, to the country of the Homeritcs, to Further India, and to Persia. This very fact you will find mentioned in the Book of Kings, where it is recorded that the Queen of Sheba, that is, of the Homerite country, whom afterwards our Lord in the Gospels calls the Queen of the South, brought to Solomon spices from this very Barbaria, which lay near Sheba on |52 the other side of the sea, together with bars of ebony, and apes and gold from Ethiopia which, though separated from Sheba by the Arabian Gulf, lay in its vicinity. We can see again from the words of the Lord that he calls these places the ends of the earth, saying: The Queen of the South shall rise up in judgment with this generation and shall condemn it, for she came from the ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon.----Matt, xii, 42. For the Homerites are not far distant from Barbaria, as the sea which lies between them can be crossed in a couple of days, and then beyond Barbaria is the ocean, which is there called Zingion. The country known as that of Sasu is itself near the ocean, just as the ocean is near the frankincense country, in which there are many gold mines. The King of the Axômites accordingly, every other year, through the governor of Agau,82 sends thither special agents to bargain for the gold, and these are accompanied by many other traders----upwards, say, of five hundred----bound on the same errand as themselves. They take along with them to the mining district oxen, lumps of salt, and iron, and when they reach its neighbourhood they make a halt at a certain spot and form an encampment, which they fence round with a great hedge of thorns. Within this they live, and having slaughtered the oxen, cut them in |53 pieces, and lay the pieces on the top of the thorns, along with the lumps of salt and the iron. Then come the natives bringing gold in nuggets like peas,83 called tancharas, and lay one or two or more of these upon what pleases them----the pieces of flesh or the salt or the iron, and then they retire to some distance off. Then the owner of the meat approaches, and if he is satisfied he takes the gold away, and upon seeing this its owner comes and takes the flesh or the salt or the iron. If, however, he is not satisfied, he leaves the gold, when the native seeing that he has not taken it, comes and either puts down more gold, or takes up what he had laid down, and goes away. Such is the mode in which business is transacted with the people of that country, because their language is different and interpreters are hardly to be found. The time they stay in that country is five days more or less, according as the natives more or less readily coming forward buy up all their wares. On the journey 140 homeward they all agree to travel well-armed, since some of the tribes through whose country they must pass might threaten to attack them from a desire to rob them of their gold. The space of six months is taken up with this trading expedition, including both the going and the returning. In going they march very slowly, chiefly because of the cattle, but in returning they quicken their pace lest on the way they should be overtaken by winter and its rains. For the sources of the river Nile lie somewhere in these parts, and in winter, on account of the heavy rains, the numerous rivers which they generate obstruct the path of the traveller. The people there have their winter at the time we have our summer. It begins in the month Epiphi of the Egyptians and continues till Thôth,84 and during the |54 three months the rain falls in torrents, and makes a multitude of rivers all of which flow into the Nile.
The facts which I have just recorded fell partly under my own observation and partly were told me by traders who had been to those parts. And I now wish to give an account to your Piety of a matter quite pertinent to our subject. On the coast of Ethiopia, two miles off from the shore, is a town called Adulê, which forms the port of the Axômites and is much frequented by traders who come from Alexandria and the Elanitic Gulf.85 Here is to be seen a marble chair, just as you enter the town on the western side by the road which leads to Axômis. This chair appertained to one of the Ptolemies, who had subjected this country to his authority.86 It is made of costly white marble such as we employ for marble tables, but not of the sort which comes from Proconnesus.87 Its base is |55 quadrangular, and it rests at the four corners on four slender and elegant pillars, with one in the middle of greater girth and grooved in spiral form. The pillars support the seat of the chair as well as its back against which one leans, and there are also sides to right and left. The whole chair with its base, five pillars, seat and back and sides to right and left, has been sculptured from a single block into this form. It measures about two cubits and a half, and is in shape like the chair we call the Bishop's throne.88 Behind the Chair is another marble of basanite stone, three cubits in height and of quadrangular form, like a tablet, which at the centre of its upper portion rises to a sharp point whence the sides slope gently down in the form of the letter lambda (λ), but the main body of the slab is rectangular. This tablet has now fallen down behind the Chair, and the lower part has been broken and destroyed. Both the marble and the chair itself arc covered over with Greek characters. Now when I was in this part of the country some five and twenty years ago, more or less, at the beginning of the reign of the Roman Emperor Justinus,89 Elesbaan, who was then King of the Axômites, 141 and was preparing to start on an expedition against the Homerites on the opposite side of the Gulf 90 wrote to the |56 Governor of Adulê directing him to take copies of the inscriptions on the Chair of Ptolemy and on the tablet,91 and to send them to him. Then the Governor, whose name was Abbas, applied to myself and another merchant called Mênas, who afterwards became a monk at Rhaithû,92 and not long ago departed this life----and at his request we went and copied the inscriptions. One set of the copies was made over to the Governor; but we kept also like copies for ourselves which I shall here embody in this work, since their contents contribute to our knowledge of the country, its inhabitants, and the distances of the several places. We found also sculptured on the back of the Chair figures of Hercules and Mercury; and my companion, Menas, of happy memory, alluding to these would have it that Hercules was the symbol of strength and Mercury of wealth. I remembered, however, the Acts of the Apostles, and would on this one point differ from him, upholding |57 that we should take Hermes rather as the symbol of speech, for it is recorded in the Acts that they called Barnabas, Jupiter, and Paul, Mercury, because he was the chief speaker. Here is the form of the Chair and of the marble, and Ptolemy himself.93
Inscription on the Tablet.
The great king, Ptolemy, son of King Ptolemy and Queen Arsinoe, twin gods, grandson of the two sovereigns King Ptolemy and Queen Berenice 94----gods sôtêres----sprung from Hercules the son of Jupiter on the father's side, and on the mother's side from Dionysus the son of Jupiter----having received from his father the Kingdom of Egypt and Libya and Syria and Phoenicia and Cyprus, and Lycia and Caria, and the Islands of the Cyclades, made an expedition into Asia with forces of infantry and cavalry, and a fleet and elephants from the Troglodytes and Ethiopia----animals which his father and himself were the |58 first to capture by hunting in those countries, and which they took down to Egypt, where they had them trained for employment in war.95 And when he had made himself master of all the country on this side of the Euphrates, and of Cilicia and Pamphylia and Ionia, and the Hellespont and Thrace, and of all the forces in the provinces, and of the Indian elephants,96 and had also made subject to his authority all the monarchs who ruled in these parts, 142 he crossed the Euphrates river, and when he had subdued Mesopotamia and Babylonia and Susiana and Persis and Media, and all the rest of the country as far as Bactriana, and had collected all the spoils of the temples which had been taken away from Egypt by the Persians, he conveyed them to that country 97 along with the other |59 treasures, and sent back his troops by canals which had been dug.98
Such was the inscription on the tablet so far as we could copy it out, and, but for a few words, it would have been the whole, for it was only a small part of the tablet that had been fractured. The inscription again on the Chair was a continuation of the other,99 and ran thus:----
Having after this with a strong hand compelled the nations bordering on my kingdom to live in peace, I made war upon the following nations, and by force of arms reduced them to subjection.100 I warred first with the nation |60 of Gazê,101 then with Agamê 102 and Sigyê,103 and having conquered them I exacted the half of all that they |61 possessed. I next reduced Aua 104 and Tiamô, called Tziamô, and the Gambêla,105 and the tribes near them [he means the nations beyond the Nile],106 and Zingabênê and Angabe and Tiama and Athagaûs and Kalaa,107 and the Semênoi ---- a people who lived beyond the Nile on mountains difficult of |62 access and covered with snow, where the year is all winter with hailstorms, frosts and snows into which a man sinks knee-deep.108 I passed the river to attack these nations, and reduced them. I next subdued Lazine and Zaa and Gabala, tribes 109 which inhabit mountains with steep declivities abounding with hot springs, the Atalmô and Bega,110 and all the tribes in the same quarter along with them. I proceeded next against the TangaTtae,111 who adjoin the borders of Egypt; and having reduced them I made a footpath giving access by land into Egypt from that part of my dominions. Next I reduced Annine and Metine----tribes inhabiting precipitous mountains.112 My arms |63 were next directed against the Sesea nation. These had retired to a high mountain difficult of access; but I 143 blockaded the mountain on every side, and compelled them to come down and surrender. I then selected for myself the best of their young men and their women, with their sons and daughters and all besides that they possessed. The tribes of Rhausi I next brought to submission: a barbarous race spread over wide waterless plains in the interior of the frankincense country. [Advancing thence towards the sea] I encountered the Solate, whom I subdued, and left with instructions to guard the coast.113 All these |64 nations, protected though they were by mountains all but impregnable, I conquered, after engagements in which I was myself present. Upon their submission I restored their territories to them, subject to the payment of tribute. Many other tribes besides these submitted of their own accord, and became likewise tributary. And I sent a fleet and land forces against the Arabitae and Cinaedocolpitae 114 who dwelt on the other side of the Red Sea, and having reduced the sovereigns of both, I imposed on them a land tribute and charged them to make travelling safe both by sea and by land. I thus subdued the whole coast from Leucê Cômê 115 to the country of the Sabaeans. I first and |65 alone of the kings of my race made these conquests. For this success I now offer my thanks to my mighty God, Arês, who begat me, and by whose aid I reduced all the nations bordering on my own country, on the East to the country of frankincense, and on the West to Ethiopia and Sasu.116 Of these expeditions, some were conducted by |66 myself in person, and ended in victory, and the others I entrusted to my officers. Having thus brought all the world under my authority to peace, I came down to Aduli and offered sacrifice to Zeus, and to Ares and to Poseidon, whom I entreated to befriend all who go down to the sea in ships. Here also I reunited all my forces, and setting down this Chair in this place, I consecrated it to Ares in the twenty-seventh year of my reign.
Scholia of Cosmas on the Inscription of Ptolemy. From the Vatican codex.
Then Lazine and Zaa and Gabala. These nations are called by these names up to the present time.
I conquered the Sesea nation. Here he indicates the nations of Barbaria.
The Arabitae and Cinaedocolpitae. Note----He refers to the people of the Homerite country, that is, the inhabitants of Arabia Felix.
From Leuce Come. Note----In the territories of the Blemmyes there is a village (Kw&mh) called Leucoge.
As far as the country of the Sabaeans. Note----The land of the Sabaeans is also in the Homerite country.
And to the places of Sasu. Note----The land of Sasu, where there is much gold----that which is known as Tancharas, is the remotest in Ethiopia. Beyond this, and also beyond the country of the Barbareotes, the people who trade in frankincense, lies the Ocean. |67
Such is the inscription on the Chair, and at this very 144 day in the very place where that Chair stands they execute in front of it condemned criminals; but whether this custom has prevailed from the time of Ptolemy I cannot say. I have set all this down from a desire to show that he is quite correct in taking the land of Sasu and Barbaria to lie at the extremity of Ethiopia, since he had subjugated all these regions and the tribes by which they were inhabited, most of which we ourselves have seen, while about the rest we obtained accurate information when we were in their neighbourhood. For most of the slaves which are now found in the hands of merchants who resort to these parts are taken from the tribes of which we speak. As for the Semenai,117 where he says there are snows and ice, it is to that country the King of the Axômites expatriates any one whom he has sentenced to be banished. The nation again which has its seats beyond the Arabitae and the Cinaedocolpitae and the country of the Sabaeans he calls the Homerites. We can accordingly, from what has been above recorded, correctly estimate the breadth of the earth from the hyperborean regions down to Sasu and Barbaria, the frankincense country, to be not more than two hundred stages (of thirty miles each). I have written thus with the advantage of possessing exact knowledge, and I cannot therefore have fallen much short of the truth. For the facts I am indebted partly to what I observed in the course of my voyages and travels, and partly to what I learned from others on whose accuracy I could depend. Thus even in this matter divine scripture is proved to be right and the pagans to be wrong, who, in preference to the truth and in support of their vanity, advance conjectures, sophistries, and old wives' fables no matter how false, inventing forsooth another zone farther |68 south than the torrid, and like the earth which we inhabit; and although no one has either seen or heard of such. For how could that be seen or heard of, that has never come within the ken of our senses? Hence the nonsense they babble cannot be accepted; for it is the jargon of mere novices in quibbling, and not of old adepts in that art. These youngsters supposed that by their plausible sophisms they could refute the opinions of those who were born before them, thus attempting the impossible, as we have proved in brief in the preceding book.
Note on Ptolemy.
This Ptolemy is one of those Ptolemies who reigned after Alexander the Macedonian, concerning whom the prophet Daniel prophesied in different passages, and especially in the dream of Nabuchodonosor and in the vision of the four beasts that rose up from the sea which Daniel himself saw; namely in the image, a head of gold, but in the vision a lioness, by which he signified the kingdom of the Babylonians, that is Nabuchodonosor. Then, 145 in the image, the breast and the arms of silver, but in the vision, a bear----namely, the empire of the Medes, which was inferior to that of the Babylonians, whereby he means Darius the Mede. Next again in the image----the belly and the thighs of brass, but in the vision a leopard, the kingdom namely of the Persians, by which he signifies Cyrus, whose empire was no less splendid and renowned than that of the Babylonians. Then again in the image, the legs of iron, and in the vision, a beast terrible and dreadful, with claws of brass and teeth of iron, by which he indicates the Macedonian empire----that is Alexander----breaking kingdoms in pieces and subduing them. Then again in the image, the feet and toes partly of iron and partly of clay; and in the vision, ten horns corresponding in number with the toes, by which he means the empire of Alexander broken up after his death, which, in the vision also of the ram and the he-goat was, he says, broken up towards the four winds of heaven. For, when Alexander was approaching his end, he divided his empire among his four friends, of whom one reigned in Europe, that is, in Greece, another in Asia, another in Syria and Babylonia, and |69 the fourth in Egypt, Libya and the southern parts.118 Unto these four were many sons born, who filled their thrones after them and brought manifold evils upon the world, as has been recorded in the book of the Maccabees. Now the little horn speaking great things, that was in the midst of the ten horns, signifies Antiochus Epiphanes, who warred against the Jews in the days of the Maccabees. He speaks therefore of all these things as partly of iron and partly of clay, to show them as conquering each other and being conquered in turn, and not mixed together, just as iron and clay do not commingle.
Then again, in the image, he speaks of a stone cut out of the mountains without hands, and, in the vision, of the Son of Man coming on the clouds of heaven, whereby he indicates the Lord Christ on both side's of his descent----from Abraham and from the Virgin without human seed, for here the words without hands mean without human seed; while the words on the clouds of heaven are employed because the clouds without human hands carry as it were in their womb the rains to which they give birth. Then again, in the image, the words: And he smote the clay, the iron, the brass, the silver and the gold, and they became like the chaff of the summer threshing-floors, and the wind with its gusts swept them away and there was no more place found for them (Dan. ii, 35); and in the vision the words: I beheld till the beast was slain and his body destroyed, and given to be burned with fire; and as for the rest of the beasts their dominion was taken away, yet their lives were prolonged for a season (Dan. vii, ii), signify respectively the same thing----namely, that at the coming of the Lord Christ all these empires would be taken away----the Babylonian, the 146 Median, the Persian and the Macedonian, while all the kingdoms that arose from the partition of the last would become of no account. And such was the very condition of things in the time of Christ, for neither did the Babylonian, Median, Persian nor Macedonian empires then exist, but they had all been destroyed.
Then again, in the image, he says: And in the days of those kings shall the God of Heaven set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed, nor shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people, and it shall stand for ever (Dan. ii, 44). And in the |70 vision he says: And he came even to the Ancient of days and they brought him near before him----and there was given him dominion and glory and a kingdom, that all people, nations and languages should serve him; his dominion is an everlasting dominion, and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed (Dan. vii, 13, 14). This is one instance more of his saying the same thing both in the image and the vision, namely, that at the coming of the Lord Christ those kingdoms shall pass away and be destroyed, but his kingdom shall be indissoluble and eternal. This Ptolemy is therefore one of those who reigned, either Philometor or Euergetes the Second, or the king called Dionysus, who preceded the last Cleopatra.119 For these reigned more than seven and twenty years, and were descended from the first Ptolemies who were the sovereigns of Egypt, in accordance with the inscription on the marble tablet of which we have given a copy. For concerning the kings that now are, nothing has been written in the Prophet (Daniel), as the Lord himself says that the Law and the Prophets prophesied until John. For when Nebuchodonosor was cogitating whether his kingdom would endure, and Daniel whether the Judaic rites would be perpetually observed, the same revelation was made to both alike. At one and the same time shall thy kingdom come to an end, and the Judaic and ritual observances be abolished, and a new and better dispensation shall supersede the old----and be eternal and indissoluble----and this shall have its beginning when the first kingdoms and legal rites shall cease, and be openly exhibited when its supreme head makes his appearance. For concerning the Roman empire nothing is expressly written in the Prophet, for it did not rise by succession from Nabuchodonosor, nor has it congruity with the polity of the Jews, or, to speak more correctly, with the laws which they obey; but is rather calculated to destroy them. Nor did it succeed the empire of the Macedonians, for he says: The God of Heaven shall set up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed. Here he speaks of the Lord Christ, and within the scope of his words includes, though but darkly, the Roman empire, which made its appearance 147 contemporaneously with the Lord Christ. For while Christ was yet |71 in the womb, the Roman empire received its power from God as the servant of the dispensation which Christ introduced, since at that very time the accession was proclaimed of the unending line of the Augusti by whose command a census was made which embraced the whole world. The evangelist certainly indicates that this enrolment 120 was first made in the days of Augustus Caesar, when the Lord Christ was born, and deigned to be enrolled in a country subject to Roman dominion, and to pay tribute thereto.
The empire of the Romans thus participates in the dignity of the Kingdom of the Lord Christ, seeing that it transcends, as far as can be in this state of existence, every other power, and will remain unconquered until the final consummation, for he says that it shall not be destroyed for ever. Now, if that expression for ever be taken as applying to the Lord Christ, it signifies endless duration, in accordance with what Gabriel also says to the Virgin: And he shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever, and of his Kingdom there shall be no end.121 If again the expression be taken as applying to the Roman empire which made its appearance in the world along with Christ, this shall not be destroyed while this world continues. For I assert with confidence, that though, by way of chastisement for our sins, hostile barbarians rise up for a short while against the Roman dominion, yet that by the valour of him who governs us the empire will continue to be invincible, provided it does not restrict but widens the influence of Christianity. I say so because this imperial family 122 believed in Christ before the others, and this empire is the servant of the dispensation established by Christ, on which account he, who is the Lord of all, preserves it unconquered till the final consummation. The royal family of the Persians on the other hand is not of Persian lineage, nor in the line of the succession of its former kings, but it sprang from an |72 alien power, that is, from the Magi.123 For by the time of Christ the empire of the Persians had been destroyed by Alexander in accordance with the prophecy, and the successors to his empire ruled that part of the world until the time of Antiochus, after which the Parthians gradually made themselves masters of the country.124 In point of fact, they marched in arms against Jerusalem, and took prisoner Hyrcanus, the Ruler of the Jews, not long before the advent of the Lord Christ.125 As regards this empire of the Magi, it is now about four hundred years since it was founded, and in my opinion it ranks next to that of the Romans, because the Magi, in virtue of their having come to offer homage and adoration to the Lord Christ, obtained a certain distinction. For it was in the Roman dominions that the preaching of Christianity first became current in the days of the Apostles, and it was immediately afterwards extended to Persia by the Apostle Thaddaeus.126 And, to be sure we find 148 this written in the Catholic Epistles: The Church that is in Babylon elect together with you, saluteth you.127 The Roman empire, |73 moreover, has many bulwarks of its safety in that it is the foremost power in the world, in that it was the first to believe in Christ, and in that it renders services to every department of the Christian economy. There is yet another sign of the power which God has accorded to the Romans. I refer to the fact that it is with their coinage all the nations carry on trade from one extremity of the earth to the other. This money is regarded with admiration by all men to whatever kingdom they belong, since there is no other country in which the like of it exists.128 Let us now return to our proper subject.
Text.
For some of the old philosophers, who in the course of their travels visited almost every part of the inhabited world and wrote accounts of what they learned, have explained the position of the earth 129 and the revolution of the heavenly bodies in close agreement with divine scripture. Let one of them now come forward and give this evidence.
Extract from the fourth Book of the History of Ephorus.130 The Indians inhabit a country in the east near sunrise, while the Ethiopians dwell in the south near the Meridian, the Kelts in the west near sunset, and the |74 Scythians in the north towards the Pole. These divisions are not of equal size, Scythia and Ethiopia being larger and India and the Keltic divisions smaller. The two larger, however, are of similar size, and so are the two smaller. For the Indians are situated between the summer and the winter sunrise, while the Kelts occupy the regions from the summer to the winter sunset. The two distances are equal as well as nearly opposite each other. The Scythians again inhabit those regions which the sun leaves unvisited in the course of his revolution. They are situated opposite the nation of the Ethiopians, which seems to extend from the winter sunrise to the shortest sunset.
Note. 149 This Ephorus is an old writer, philosopher, and historian.
Ephorus, both in his text and by means of his sketch, explains accurately, like the divine scripture, the position of the earth and the revolution of the heavenly bodies. For this Ephorus was an historical writer who, in the fourth book of his History, has inserted the exposition which we have cited. Pytheas of Marseilles,131 again, in his work concerning the ocean, informs us |75 that when he had reached the remotest parts of the north the barbarous people found there showed him the cradle of the sun, for, in the parts where they live, the nights always have their source. Xenophanes also, the Colophonian,132 is clearly no believer in the sphere, for he supposed that the earth had no limits. Thus, then, the pagans are found, in what they have said, chiming in with sacred scripture.
But, to pursue our argument, we again assume that the four rivers which divine scripture says emanate from Paradise cleave a passage through the ocean and spring up in this earth. Of these, the Pheison is the river of India, which some call Indus or Ganges. It flows down from regions in the interior, and falls by many mouths into the Indian Sea. It produces beans of the Egyptian sort, and the fruit called Neilagathia; savoury herbs, also, and lotus plants, and crocodiles, and everything the Nile produces.133 The Geon, again, which rises somewhere in Ethiopia, passes through the whole of Ethiopia and Egypt, and discharges its water into our Gulf by several mouths, while the Tigrés and |76 Euphrates, which have their sources in the regions of Persarmenia, flow down to to the Persian Gulf. Such, then, are our opinions on these points. Divine scripture, with a view to show the diameter of Paradise, how great it is, and how far extended eastward, mentions the four rivers only, and thence we learn that the fountain which springs up in Eden and waters the garden, 150 distributes the residue of its waters among the four great rivers which cross over into this earth and water a large part of its surface.
Text.
Since then, the luminaries of heaven in this manner pursue their course, making day and night, seasons and years, serving also for signs for those sailing upon the seas or travelling through deserts, while they also supply the earth with light, we shall not say that they are moved by the revolution of the heavens, but rather by powers that are rational, as if they were so many torch-bearers, as we shall prove once more by the declaration of divine scripture. For the divine Apostle, speaking of the Adversary, teaches what was his work from the beginning in these words: According to the prince of the power of the air, of the spirit that now worketh in the sons of disobedience 134 ----words which clearly show him to have been formerly a prince endowed with the power of moving the air and changing its place, but one now cast out for ever from this dignity; yea, rather, one who from sheer depravity works upon sinners, as is evident from the fact that he stood not alone in having the power to do this, but shared it in common with many others. For some of the angels were commissioned to move the air, some the sun, some the moon, some the stars, while others prepared the clouds and the rains, and rendered many other services---- for this is the work, the appointed duty, of the angelic orders and powers----to minister to the well-being and honour of the |77 image of God, that is, of man, and to move all things like soldiers obeying the commands of the king. This work they were commanded to do on the fourth day, when God adorned the heaven with its stars. The work of the adverse demons, as rebels against God, is to do what will mar his image, for on the fourth day they transgressed the command and were cast out of heaven, as elsewhere he says: Are they not all ministering spirits sent forth to minister to those who shall be the heirs of Salvation? 135 thus expressly declaring that they were ordained for the service of man. He further says: For the earnest expectation of the creature waiteth for the revealing of the sons of God. For the creation was subjected to vanity not of its own will, but by reason of him who subjected it, in hope because the creation itself also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the liberty of the glory of the children of God.136 By the creature he here designates the angels, and by the sons of God the human race. By the term
a0pokaradoki/a (earnest expectation), he represents the creature as straining its neck to scan the distant horizon in hope of descrying some help coming to man. For if the angels had not been subjected to servile ministrations they would not have longed for liberty; for when man had sinned and received sentence of death, they were smitten with sore grief, concluding that all was hopelessly lost; for since man was the bond uniting the whole creation, as well as the image of God, they abandoned after his sentence all hope both of themselves and of the universe, and were unwilling to be his 151 servants and subordinates without resulting advantage. By the words, however, in the passage cited, by reason of him who hath subjected it in hope, the Apostle would have us understand that God did not permit the wish of the angels to prevail, but gave them some hope that they |78 might not despair, but be cheered with the prospect that in the course of time some good would accrue to man.
Note.
On the sixth day the demon who hates good, seeing man honoured and thought worthy to have great care bestowed on him, became envious, and formed a design to drag him down to ruin with himself. But when he was at a loss how to assail him, he happened to perceive the beasts running straightway to their food, while the object of his envy, looking around him at such of the trees as were pleasant to the eye, remained quite unmoved the while by the calls of appetite; whence he concluded he had received some command from God about them. Having then approached nearer in the form of the serpent, he sought to learn the nature of the command, and craftily says: What! hath God said ye shall not eat of every tree in the Garden? 137 Then the woman who had just been brought into the world, and was far inferior to the other in quickness of intelligence, answered his enquiry. Then, pretending he had already known the command (which he had only that moment learned), he began to accuse God of giving grudgingly, and to entice man to eat of the fruit, advising him at the same time to transfer his allegiance to himself; and thus, forsooth, become as God, infecting him in this way with his own disease. The man was, in fact, persuaded in the afternoon, and was that same day cast out of the garden, just as his tempter had himself, as soon as he sinned, been cast out of Heaven. Then the man heard the sentence of death pronounced upon him: Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return.138 This filled the angels with sore grief, and all the more as they were also disheartened at some of their own number having transgressed; although they were more especially distressed about man, as on him depended what lot should befall the whole creation----and he was also the pledge that secured the amity of all the world. For should this bond be in reality dissolved, the universe would of necessity be also dissolved. They bewailed, therefore, their own dissolution along with that of the universe, and could no longer endure to minister to man without any good resulting. But when |79 God, who is full of compassion, had, through his renewed care for man and the postponement of his punishment, inspired them with good hope, they began under its influence to render their services with alacrity. In each generation, moreover, God, by exalting the righteous to great renown, still further stimulated their alacrity, and implanted in them hopes of renovation, of restoration, and of resurrection. At the birth, particularly, of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, the whole multitude of the invisible 152 powers, having seen him born through whom comes the destruction of death, the beginning of the renovation and the resurrection, and their own freedom, lifted up their voices in hymns of praise to God, the cause of all, exclaiming: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.139 Then away were thrown at last all the sorrow and dejection which at one time they had suffered on account of man, and they gave expression to their joy at the birth of the second Adam. Wherefore they also, at the time of his temptations, remembering how in the days of old they had witnessed the discomfiture of the first Adam, which had filled them with dismay, but seeing now the victory of the second Adam, and how fairly not once but thrice in close grip with his tempter he had flung him out of the lists----they, I say, rejoiced with a great joy, and were eager in bestowing their services, as scripture has recorded, not now as if prompted by some hope, but because, having seen with their own eyes the victory of the second Adam, they came to minister to him with joyful alacrity.
But the host of his adversaries in their turn now mourned and lamented, being confounded with shame at the victory of the second Adam. Their chief accordingly finding himself unable to throw him down began to plot against him, with the Jews as his instruments, and having stirred up the Jewish mob against him and crucified and put him to death, imagined that he was at once and for ever rid of him. But when, not long afterwards, the resurrection----that wondrous, glorious, unexpected and mighty event----had taken place, and he had no longer to experience death or any other form of suffering whatever, but along with incorruption and immortality had obtained also immutability of soul; and when again he afterwards ascended heavenward in a chariot of cloud, |80 borne up like a conqueror who celebrates his triumph; then did he enter within the firmament, and was the first of all who opened up for us a new and living way. The angels therefore, clad in white raiment, rejoiced along with men, and brought the good tidings to the disciples and the women. But their adversaries, seeing the superiority to themselves and to the whole creation of the human nature, which they had at one time tripped up by the heels, but by which they were now thrown down, remained dumb with madness and overwhelmed with uttermost shame. Wherefore the Lord exclaimed to the disciples: Let not your hearts be troubled. I have overcome the world.140 And again: Lo! I have given you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions and all the power of the enemy 141----as much as to say: Man of old having sinned when the serpent in Paradise assailed him, it was said to him: He shall lie in wait for 142 thy heel, but thou for his head; that is, Ye shall he divided and at enmity against each other, that man may not be under obedience to him. So the warfare was then waged on equal terms, each having the power to hurt the other; for the serpent watching for the heel of man, that is, besetting his path in order to hurt him on finding him out of the path, as he 153 could do by creeping about his heel; while man being of upward stature and on his guard, and not straying from his path, was able to bruise 143 the head of the serpent. And now having conquered the serpent and brought him finally to shame, and having through his agency unjustly endured death for the whole race, and nailed the bond against it to the cross and blotted it out, I rose again on the third day victorious over death, and became the champion 144 who has achieved victory for all the human race, for through me the victory has been extended to all humanity. Be ye therefore of good courage. Behold, I have given you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions and on all the power of the enemy. He says in effect the serpent is no longer able to hurt your heel, being himself trampled down under your feet. So then, just as Adam |81 had on the sixth day sinned by eating about mid-day of the fruit of the tree, and was cast out of the garden in the afternoon, so also on the sixth day and at the sixth hour, the Lord Christ for his sake endured in the flesh the Cross, by which we are saved. And just as again from the time of the transgression to the expulsion from the garden, all the angels were filled with great dismay, expecting nothing else than the destruction of man and of themselves and of the universe, so also during the Passion from the sixth hour until the ninth the whole creation was shrouded in darkness at the wickedness that was being perpetrated. And just as the two, Adam and Eve, were at the ninth hour cast out of Paradise, so also at the ninth hour the Lord Christ in the spirit and the thief entered into Paradise. On the same day, therefore, in which Adam was made, that is, on the sixth, there occurred both the Fall and the grief of the angels, the sentence of death and the expulsion from Paradise, so also at the time of the Passion, on the same day, there occurred the death of the Saviour by the tree of the Cross, the mourning of the creation, and in the afternoon the putting away of the mourning and the entrance into Paradise. Verify I say unto you, saith the Saviour to the thief, to-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. 145 Glory to God for ever and ever, Amen! But we must now return to our text.
Text.
Wherefore the angels did not desist from the ministrations which they rendered to men liable to death and corruption, for the Apostle speaks thus: For the creation was subjected to vanity, not of its own will, that is, they were unwilling to labour and serve to no purpose; but, he goes on to say, by reason of him who subjected it in hope. 146 In what hope? Because, as is quite evident, after the transgression the angels, when they saw that God was not carrying into effect the sentence upon man, but treating him with loving care and providing him with clothing, came to entertain better hopes of man, so that they did not despair of him but ministered in his behalf. Then 154 |82 afterwards he says: And the creature itself shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the glory of the liberty of the sons of God;147 that is, the angels themselves shall be delivered and with them the whole creation, when men shall be delivered from corruption and be glorified, and be made immortal, and the sons of God at the world's final consummation, when the form of this world shall pass away, and the resurrection of the dead shall take place, and the existing prder of things shall be changed. For when it shall come to pass in accordance with divine scripture that the stars shall fall, and the course of night and day cease, and the angels who move them be liberated through the exemption of men from corruption, who shall thus not at all need them, what then can these new law-givers say who think that the heaven is spherical, and assert that the stars are moved and yet move of themselves? For what useful purpose, let them tell us, if at least they define themselves to be Christians, will the heaven then perform revolutions? But away with these inept, these unstable men, for the Apostle yet again exclaims that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth together in pain until now,148 thereby again showing that the whole creation, and especially the angels themselves, are burdened in this state of existence from being subservient to corruption and mutation. For since they are themselves mutable they are constantly absorbed in reflections about mutation, thinking over and hoping for liberty and longing to obtain it; and obtain it they shall, as has been stated, when men rise from the dead. For unless they had themselves received a law prescribing what they should and should not do, they could not have fallen into sin, for some of them could not have transgressed (as they did) unless they had received this law from God. Those consequently who transgressed were cast |83 down from on high to the earth, for I saw----it is the Lord who speaks----Satan like lightning fall from heaven.149 But without law it is impossible there should be transgression, as saith the Apostle: For where there is no law there is no transgression,150 and Without the law sin is dead.151 So that the angels themselves in every way want to obtain freedom from the law and from mutation. Now, of this liberty, the cause has been and will be the advent of our Lord Jesus Christ. For all things, the Apostle saith, both those which are in heaven and those which are on the earth are summed up in Christ; and, If any one is in Christ he is a new creature; old things are passed away, behold all things are become new.152
Note.
On the first day, that is the Lord's day, the foundation of the world and the beginning of the creation took place. God having begun in the evening to create those things which comprise the whole world, that is to say, heaven and earth, creating along with them the darkness and the water and the air and the fire which has been commingled with the earth, and the angels----producing all these at one time. Wherefore on the same day and the same night a new creation of the whole world again took place, for the whole world has its circumscription in man,153 because man, as has been frequently stated, is the bond which holds all the world together. When man, therefore, rose again on the same night of the Lord's day, incorruptible and immortal and unchangeable, he gave a pledge to the whole creation visible and invisible that it would obtain like benefits. Wherefore the Apostle saith: To sum up all things in the Christ, both the things that are in heaven and that are in the earth;154 and: If any one be in Christ he is a new creature. Old things are passed away, behold all things have become new.152 He says all things, because; in man are contemplated things visible and invisible. He then who denies |84 to the Lord Christ the possession of perfect manhood 155 is deceived by failing to understand the great dispensation which God has planned, as well as to conceive aright the Christian doctrine. In like manner again he who denies his perfect godhead 156 is chargeable with guilt and is utterly misled. Since then this hope is placed before Christians, that the angels and the whole creation shall be renovated into a better and a blessed state of existence, who is so malignant and so impious as to abandon this hope and lean for support on the new and beguiling folly of the pagans? For he shall hear in that day from the Judge these words: Verify I say unto you I know you not; depart from me, all ye that work iniquity.157 For it is in sooth a great iniquity to reject the declarations of God, and in opposition to them to ascribe a spherical form to the heaven. For such men are incapable of receiving the blessed hope and manifestation of the glory of the great God, our Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave himself for us; nor do they wish along with the faithful to hear the Lord Christ exclaiming from on high: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world,158 but always erring in their opinions they are whirled round in ceaseless revolution along with their sphere, without any hope that there will ever be a pause.
Text.
Since the heavenly bodies then, according to divine scripture, are moved in their orbits by invisible powers, and run their course through the north, and pass below the elevated part of the earth, it is possible, with such a configuration, for eclipses of the moon and the sun to be |85 produced. For the angelic powers, by moving the figures on rational principles and in regular order, and with greater speed than lies in us to apprehend, produce these phenomena, plying their labours by night and by day without ever pausing. For as on the one hand the pagans assert that underneath the earth these bodies revolve far out of sight, thus, as was before shown, advancing views not only out of harmony with the nature of things, but opposed to the divine testimony, so we on the other hand following divine scripture, conceive that the revolution and the course of the heavenly bodies have some slight obliquity, and affirm that they are accomplished in this manner. For this being so, eclipses of necessity follow, and we are thus opposed neither to the Deity nor to the nature of things. For God must be believed in preference to all the notions and all the teaching of men. And with reference again to the four elements, we say that God having first established the earth as being dry, made it the foundation of the universe because of its heaviness. Water again, which is the moist element, he set above the earth on account of its fluidity; and the two as being opposite in their qualities he thought good to place together on account of their good temperature.159 Next he placed above these the air, which is the cold element, and above the air again fire, which is the warm element, because these are both lighter than the other elements. They are, however, mutually opposed, and therefore the two elements which are placed together in the middle----water which is moist and air which is cold----having many mutual affinities, the one being of a fluid and the other of a porous nature, while both are soft to the touch, and |86 readily receiving into themselves the qualities of each other and of their opposites, impart them in return to each other and blend the whole together; these two elements, I say, he thought good to place in the middle between the other two, the dry and the warm, that all nature might not be destroyed and reduced to a cinder. For from the readiness with which these two middle elements pervade each other, the pagans have fallen into error, and turning things the opposite way call air moist and water cold; consequent upon this they bestow two qualities upon a single element, and frequently even four.
God again provided rains for the good of the earth through the angelic powers, who with the utmost exertion bring them up from the sea into the clouds, and in obedience to the divine command discharge them where-over the divine command directs, for saith scripture by the prophet Amos: He that calleth forth the water of the sea, and poureth it out over the face of the earth (Amos ix, 6; see also Zech. x, I; I Kings xviii, 41). With regard to earthquakes we affirm that they are not produced by wind, for we do not, like our opponents, have recourse to fables, but simply say that they occur by divine appointment, for saith scripture through David: He looketh upon the earth 157 and maketh it tremble (Psalm civ, 32; see also Acts ii, 2; Amos ix, 5; Haggai ii, 20; Isaiah, in sundry passages).
With regard again to the Antipodes, divine scripture does not suffer me either to say or hear anything about these fables: For he made, saith the Apostle, of one the whole race of men to dwell upon the whole face of the earth. He does not mean upon every face of the earth, but upon its face.160 The dead, again, that are buried in the earth, |87 he calls the subterraneans, as in the passage: That in the name of Jesus every knee shall bow, of beings celestial and terrestrial and subterranean161; where by beings celestial are meant the angels, by the terrestrial men, and by the subterranean those that are buried in the earth. For the Apostle says that this is to take place at the resurrection, when all, alike angels that are in heaven, men that are upon the earth, and the dead that are buried in the earth, shall all rise and bow the knee in the name of Jesus the Son of God. For we are said to tread upon the earth, in the sense of the expression as used in the passage: I have given you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions.162 To tread therefore implies treading above some one, but if we tread above any one he who treads in the opposite direction must be below him who treads above him; but according to those wiseacres, a spherical body has neither an above nor a below, and hence we neither tread nor are trodden on in return, nor do we at all walk on the earth. Consequently, all their theories are but inventions and fables.
With regard again to angels and demons and souls, divine scripture represents them as completely circumscribed, and as living in this world, as when the Apostle says: We are made a spectacle unto the world and to angels and to men,163 as if they all lived in one and the same world. In Daniel also it speaks thus on the same point: And the prince of the Kingdom of Persia withstood me one and twenty days, but lo! Michael one of the chief princes came to help me, and I left him there with the King of the Persians. Now I am come to make thee understand what shall befall thy people in the latter days.164 The expression he withstood me, and that other, he came and went away and I left him there, and others of like import, refer to beings whose |88 natures are circumscribed. It is, moreover, to be observed that archangels are entrusted with the administration and guardianship of particular nations and kingdoms: Yea, even that an angel attends each man as his guardian; as when the church says concerning Peter in Acts: It is his angel.165 The Lord likewise in the Gospels exclaims: For 158 their angels always behold the face of my Father who is in heaven;166 thus plainly showing that each one of us has his angel, evidently as his guide and his guardian. For Deity alone is uncircumscribed, existing everywhere, and as the same and in the same manner. For if I ascend, saith David, into heaven, thou art there; if I descend into Hades thou art present there; if I should take to myself wings at morning----that is, in the east----and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea----that is, in the west----even there shall thy hand lead me:167 evidently indicating here the uncircumscribed nature of the Deity. But this cannot be supposed to hold good of the angels, who in the passage above cited are said to have been left in a certain place. With respect to souls, divine scripture declares them to be circumscribed, and indicates them to be circumscribed by the body itself, as in the passage: Bless the Lord, O my soul, and all that is within me;168 thus speaking of the soul as being within. And again: My heart and my flesh.169 Here it uses the heart instead of soul, as if the soul had its seat in the heart, and was within the body, as when it again says: In my heart have I hid thy words that I might not sin against thee;170 that is, I have hid them in my soul. And again: Create in me a clean heart, O God!171 meaning a clean soul. The Lord too speaks thus: Not that which goeth into a man defileth him, for it goes into the belly and is cast out into the draught, |89 but the things which proceed out of the heart----that is, the soul----these defile the man: such as evil thoughts 172 and other things peculiar to the soul which he enumerates. Elsewhere again he says what is more adapted to put the Jews to shame: The Kingdom of God is within you, 173 instead of saying: Ye ought always to have the Kingdom of God within the soul. And again, to the thief who believed in him he gave this promise: Verily I say unto you, to-day shall thou be with me in Paradise. 174 Here as evidently as possible he speaks of the soul as in a place. And that he speaks with reference to the soul and not to the body, is evident from the fact that the body of the Lord was buried by Joseph of Arimathea in Jerusalem, and that of the thief was buried there also. Most manifestly therefore he speaks of the soul when saying: To-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. Besides, most of the evangelists when speaking of the death of the Lord say: He gave up the spirit----that is, the spirit within----namely, the soul, which went out of the body. Another of the evangelists says: Having bowed his head, he gave up the spirit. 175
We have advanced the foregoing conclusions as expressive of the true Christian theory, having been moved to accept them by divine scripture, for they arc not inventions or conjectures of our own, but we have strictly followed what God has spoken to us through the prophets and the 159 Apostles and his own Son. Now, as all those who undertake to deal with such topics in dependence on their own reasonings and conjectures fall into endless perplexities and errors, and can say nothing with certainty, it behoves every true Christian to take refuge in God, the Maker of all, who knows the how and the why of everything, in order that we may not wander and be blown about by |90 every wind of the doctrine of men, according to what the Apostle says: In craftiness of speech and after the wiles of error,176 and thus even ourselves be condemned along with the world. Moses also in the Old Testament, in the Book of Numbers, gives expression to the same thoughts: And the Lord said unto Moses, Speak unto the children of Israel and bid them that they make them fringes in the borders of their garments throughout their generations, and that they put upon the fringe of each border a cord of blue: and it shall be unto you for a fringe, that ye may look upon it and remember all the commandments of the Lord and do them: and that ye go not about after your own follies and after your own eyes, after which ye used to go a whoring, that ye may remember and do all my commandments and be holy unto your God. I am the Lord your God who brought you out of the Land of Egypt to be your God: I am the Lord your God (Num. xv, 38). God himself in that passage teaches more clearly what the Apostle also has taught us, that we should not follow our own imaginations, but rather the divine precepts. God grant, O honoured Head, that we may abstain from these things, and cling instead to those that are divine, through the prayers of your Holiness,177 O most Christian Father, so that we may find mercy and grace before the throne of grace for evermore, Amen!
[Footnotes have been moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 A play upon the name of Pamphilus, which means beloved by all.
2. 2 Gr. th~j e cwqen e0gkukli/ou paidei/aj. 'Egku&klion paidei/a, the circle of the arts and sciences taught in Greek schools.
3. 1 Gr. tu&poj kai\ u(pografh_.
4. 2 Gr. w(j ta&cin 'Abramiai/an plhrw~n. Abram, or Abraham, of Cascar, who flourished about the beginning of the sixth century of our aera, retired into the desert of Scete and dwelt in a cave on Mount Izla, near Nisibis. He founded a monastic order among the Nestorians. The w(j plhrw~n of the text is translated both by Montfaucon and De la Croze: quum implevisset, but erroneously. The use of the present participle indicates that Patricius set out to teach in fulfilment of the vows of his order.
5. 3 According to the Latin version of Montfaucon, it was Patricius who died at Byzantium, and Thomas who became Primate of Persia. This rendering, however, conflicts with the rules of Greek syntax, and states, besides, what is historically untrue. For from the Catalogue of the Nestorian Patriarchs it has been clearly proved that Patricius, who was a Magian and was called by the Syrians Abas or Mar-Abas, became Bishop Catholic of the whole of Persia. This passage has received much notice from writers on early ecclesiastical history, and has been used to show that Cosmas was himself a Nestorian.
The real founder of Nestorianism was Theodorus of Mopsuestia. "In the Persian School of Edessa", says Gibbon, "the rising generations of the faithful imbibed their theological idiom; they studied in the Syriac version the ten thousand volumes of Theodore of Mopsuestia, and they revered the Apostolic faith and holy martyrdom of his disciple Nestorius, whose person and language were equally unknown to the nations beyond the Tigris"; vol. viii, c. 47. Nestorius, a presbyter of Antioch, was appointed Patriarch of Constantinople in 428, but having been deposed by the Council of Ephesus, was banished first to Antioch and afterwards to the Greater Oasis in Upper Egypt, where he died before the year 450. The Nestorians, or Chaldaean Christians as they call themselves, are still numerous in the East, and retain their tendency to distinguish carefully between the human and divine natures of Christ, and their objection to call the Virgin Mary the Mother of God.
6. 1 II Cor. v, 1.
7. 1 Gen. i, 1.
8. 2 Exod. xx, 11.
9. 3 Gen. ii, i.
10. 4 Ibid., 4.
11. 5 Gen. xiv, 19.
12. 6 Gen. xxiv, 2.
13. 1 The passages are quoted in full both in the Latin and the Greek text.
14. 2 Heb. i, 3.
15. 1 Here some passage or passages must have fallen out, as there is no connection between the opening and the conclusion of the sentence. Cosmas, besides, does not here tackle, as he must have done in accordance with what he says, the assumption that there was a place outside heaven and earth. I have indicated by marks, which, however, are found neither in the Greek text nor Latin version, that here there must be a hiatus.
16. 1 Gr. keko&llhka de\ au)to_n w#sper li/qon ku&bon. Cosmas, in quoting the Old Testament, always uses the Septuagint. The reading in the Vatican copy of the Septuagint is li\qw| ku&bon. The English Revised Version reads: When the dust runneth into a mass, and the clouds cleave fast together.----Job, xxxviii, 38.
17. 2 Cosmas's idea of the figure of heaven and earth will be readily understood from his delineation of it, as shown in Fig. 7 at the end of this work.
18. 1 Gen. i, 8.
19. 2 Psalm cii, 3.
20. 1 Isai. xl, 42.
21. 2 Psalm viii, 1.
22. 3 Psalm cxlvii, 4.
23. 4 Psalm cxii, 16.
24. 1 Philip, iii, 20.
25. 2 Psal. cxlvii, 1.
26. 3 Ibid., 14.
27. 4 Psal. cxxxiv, 5.
28. 5 Montfaucon, in a note upon this passage, says: "The idea of Cosmas is that this earth which we inhabit is surrounded by the ocean, but that beyond the ocean there is another earth which on every side encompasses the ocean, and which had been formerly the seat of Paradise. It was this earth whose extremities were fastened together with the extremities of heaven."
29. 1 By Asia here is meant the Roman province of Asia Minor. Shem, thus extending from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean, intersected the portions of Japhet and Ham.
30. 2 Now Cadiz----the Gades of the Romans. The name is Phoenician, as we learn from Dionysius Periêgêtes and his copyist Avienus, who says:
Gadir prima fretum solida supereminet arce,
Attollitque caput geminis inserta columnis.
Haec Cotinusa prius fuerat sub nomine prisco,
Tartessumque dehinc Tyrii dixere coloni,
Barbara quinetiam Gades hanc lingua frequentat:
Poenus quippe locum Gadir vocat undique septum
Aggere praeducto. ---- Descriptio Orbis Terrae, ll. 610-616.
Dionysius to the same effect says:
Kai\ th_n me\n naeth~rej, e0pi\ prote/rwn a&nqrw&pwn
Klh|zome/nhn Kotinou~san, e0fhmi/canto Ga&deira. Perieg. ll. 455-6.
31. 3 Barbaria extended from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb to the Aromatic Cape, now called Cape Guardafui. Ptolemy, however, in his Geography (Books I, c. 17, and iv, vii, 28) applies it as a general designation to the coast regions of East Africa from the Aromatic Cape southward as far as Zanzibar, beyond which his knowledge did not extend. The author of the Periplus again says that Barbaria, h( Barbarikh_ xw&ra, extended southward from Berenice, a great seaport in the south of Egypt, not far from the Tropic.
32. 1 Gomer is taken by Josephus to denote the Galatians of Northern Phrygia, by others the Gimmeri, or Cimmerii, who inhabited the Crimea and eastern shores of the Euxine; others, again, the Cappadocians.
33. 2 Magog is supposed by some to have been the ancestor of the Scythians and Tartars, and by others of the Persians.
34. 3 Gen. x, 2.
35. 4 Gr. Iouau~n. This is the reading of the Laurentian codex, while the Vatican has 9Iuwoua~n. Javan was the ancestor of the Ionians and of the Greeks generally. The form of the name in the cuneiform inscriptions is Yavnan or Yunan, and this designates Cyprus, where the Assyrians first came into contact with the Greeks. Elisa is the Elishah of Ezekiel, xxvii, 7: "Blue and purple from the isles of Elishah". Josephus identified Elishah with Aeolis; but it is generally taken for Elis in the Peloponnesus, or for the Peloponnesus itself. The Tyrians found along the shores of Greece and her islands the shellfish which yielded their famous purple dye.
36. 5 Gr. 9Elladikou_j. #Ellhnej often means Pagans or Gentiles.
37. 6 Tubal, supposed to be the ancestor of the Tibarêni, who were settled along the coast of Pontus. They are mentioned by Herodotus, and are thought to have been a Scythic people.
38. 7 Meshech, a remote nation, and one of the rudest in the world. "Woe is me", saith one of the Psalms of Ascents, "Woe is me, that I sojourn in Meshech!"
39. 1 By the islands of the Gentiles are meant the sea-coasts and islands of the Mediterranean. The Thracians, I take it, were called Thêres, i.e, wild beasts, on account of the barbarity and ferocity for which they were proverbial.
40. 2 The Tarshish of scripture and Tartessus of Greek writers, who designated thereby the district of Spain which lay beyond the pillars of Hercules, and also a city in the region, probably Gadeira.
41. 3 The Kêteioi are mentioned by Homer, Odys., xi, 521, and also by Strabo in several passages (B. xiii, i, 69, and iii, 2; B. xiv, v, 23 and 28). He makes them, however, a continental people, and places them between the Cilicians and the Pelasgi. They are the Kittim of 7. Chronicles I, v. 7, as the Rhodians are the Rodanim of the same passage. For Khti/ouj the Florentine MS. has Skuqi/ouj.
42. 4 The word Ham means adust, and has reference to the dark sunburnt complexions of the Ethiopians and Egyptians, of whom Ham was the progenitor. Mizraim was the name of Egypt in Hebrew and Mesr in Arabic. The Cushite settlements have proved a fertile theme of discussion among critics. Cush, as a country, is African in all passages of the Bible except Genesis, ii, 13, where the Revised Version has Cush instead of Ethiopia, as in the Authorised. It was supposed by the Greeks, after the conquests of Alexander had made them acquainted with India, that the Egyptians, Ethiopians or Nubians, and Indians, were derived from the same stock (Arrian, Anab., vi, 9); while Dioclorus Siculus held that the Egyptians and their civilisation were derived from Meroë. It has again been supposed that the early Babylonians came from Ethiopia; but though in support of this view some striking evidence was advanced, it is now rejected along with that of Diodorus. It has been thought that there took place a later emigration of Cushites from the Nile to Western India, through Arabia, Babylon, and Persia.
43. 5 Phut is Libya. In the Atlas Antiquus, however, of Justus Perthes, Phut is placed along the south-western shores of the Red Sea, to the south of the Troglodytes. The tribes descended from Canaan are enumerated in Genesis, x, 15-19. They occupied Palestine and Phoenicia, and spread as far north as the valley of the Orontes.
44. 1 Saba denotes here that part of Arabia which is known as Yemen, or Arabia Felix, and which of old was thought to have been situated at the very ends of the earth. It was civilised in very early times. The climate was salubrious, the soil fertile, and its products varied and valuable. The inhabitants at the same time were noted for their great stature (Isaiah, xlv, 14), their commercial enterprise, and their opulence and luxury. The Homerites are the Himyari of Oriental history. Their alphabet is one of the oldest, and is thought to have been the source of the Indian. Saba denoted also the kingdom of Meroe, or at least that part of it which extended along the western shores of the Red Sea, from the Adulitic Gulf southward to the Aualitic. Elêsâ probably denotes the Elisari (the El-Asyr tribe of Burchardt), who are mentioned in Ptolemy's Geography as situated between the Cassaniti and the Homerites at the Straits of the Red Sea. Cosmas may have called at Muza (one of their ports) on his way to India, and have there heard of this people.
45. 2 Elam is the name in scripture of Susiana, one of the provinces of which was Elymais.
46. 3 The Huns are again mentioned in Book xi, where see note regarding them (Montf. p. 338). Baktria is now the province of Balkh.
47. 1 The Baltic is, however, omitted.
48. 2 Gr. (Ko&lpoj) o( kata_ th_n Rwmani/an. Montfaucon has the following note upon this. "Romania hic intelligitur terra illa omnis, quae ad Romanam ditionem pertinebat. Quo item usu Athanasius, p. 361, et Epiphanius, p. 728, Rwmani/an memorant." The numbers refer to the pages in his own editions of these two authors.
49. 3 The Erythraean, in its wider sense, includes both the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, beside the ocean between Africa and India.
50. 4 On Zingium Montfaucon has the following note: "Cosmas after the custom of his age designates by Zingium not only the strait of the Arabian Gulf (Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb), but also the sea-coast beyond the Straits, and likewise the adjacent sea; which name still subsists, since the Zanguebaric coast, from the strait of the Arabian Gulf almost to the very Cape of Good Hope, which is constantly visited by European ships, is by the inhabitants called Zangui, for Zanguebar signifies the sea of Zangui." Ptolemy in his Geography, iv. vii, 11, has a cape called Zingis or Zengisa on the coast of the Barbaric Gulf, which seems to be Ras Hafun in Lat. 10°25' N. Ethiopia designated vaguely those parts of Africa which extended from the southern limits of Egypt and Libya southward to the Equator. It designated also the frankincense country of southern Arabia----as shown by the famous bilingual inscription of Axum. Dr. Glaser derives the name Ethiopia from atyôb (the plural of taib, frankincense), so that it thus denotes generally the frankincense countries. In its restricted application Ethiopia designated the Kingdom or Island of Meroë. This realm, which lay between the Abyssinian highlands on the east and the Libyan desert on the west, and which was watered by the Nile and some of its affluents, was wondrously opulent, and the scat of a civilization introduced in early times from Yemen, as shown by its place-names, many of which are Sabasan.
51. 5 Cosmas is here in agreement with the author of the Periplus, who makes the Aromatic Cape (Guardafui) the end of Barbaria: teleutoi=on th~j barbarikh~j h)pei/rou. Ptolemy, however, makes it begin here, and extends it to Rhaptum in the Gulf of Zanguebar.
52. 1 Cosmas shared the error prevalent in ancient times, that the Caspian was not a land-locked sea but was a gulf of the great ocean. Herodotus, however, is not chargeable with having been under this delusion.
53. 2 Gr. e0pi\ th_n e0swte/ran 'Indi/an. Literally "Inner India". This generally means that part of India which lies on the further side of Cape Comorin or of the Straits between Ceylon and the mainland. But as the name of India was sometimes applied to Southern Arabia, and even to Eastern Africa, India as lying beyond these countries may be here meant. John Malela, or Malala, the Byzantine historian, who wrote not long after the time of Cosmas, calls both of them India: "At this time it happened that the Indians warred against each other, those called Auxumites with those called Homerites.... The Roman traders go through the Homerites into Auxume, and to the interior Kingdoms of the Indians, for there are seven Kingdoms of the Indians and Ethiopians." Friar Jornandes calls Eastern Africa India Tertia.
54. 1 The size of these birds, and the fact afterwards mentioned that they kept flying aloft, might indicate them to be albatrosses.
55. 2 Virgil (Georg., I, 11. 233 seq.) gives poetical expression to the same idea: "High as the globe rises towards Scythia and the pinnacles of Rhipaean hills, so deep is its downward slope to Libya and its southern clime. The one pole ever stands towering above our heads; the other is thrust down beneath the feet of murky Styx and her abyssmal spectres."----Conington's Transl.
56. 1 Gr. a nw pou tre/xwn. Cosmas here annihilates his own objection to the doctrine of Antipodes. Rain could as easily fall up to them as the Nile could run up to the sea.
57. 2 Gr. a)po_ e0rh&mwn o)re/wn. Psalm LXXV. v. 6. The Revised Version translates the verse thus: "For neither from the east, nor from the west, nor yet from the south, cometh lifting up;" giving in the margin: "from the wilderness of mountains cometh judgement."
58. 1 Montfaucon has here this note: "Cosmas thought that in the northern parts of the earth there existed a very lofty mountain of a conical shape which the sun always went round; and that night was produced in this earth by the shadow of the mountain, while the sun was traversing that part of his orbit which is turned away from us." See, in the Appendix, the figure of the mountain as sketched by Cosmas.
59. 2 Eccl. i, 5, 6.
60. 3 The Revised Version, however, attributes the making of a circuit to the wind as well as to the sun.
61. 1 Cosmas extends the name of tropics to the points at which the sun turns northward from the Equator on the 21st of March, and southward from it on the 21st of September.
62. 2 Gr. Kuma&tion strepto_n ku&klw|.
63. 1 Gen. v, 29.
64. 2 Gen. iii, 17.
65. 1 Gen. ix, 3.
66. 2 Gen. iv, 3.
67. 1 Deut, xxx, 12.
68. 1 Baruch, iii, 29.
69. 2 Gr. meta&cion ----sometimes written mata&cion----a foreign word, and only found in later Greek. In classical Greek the name for silk is bo&mbuc, and also shriko_n, from which our word silk is derived by the change, which is not uncommon, of r into l. The Seres from whom it was procured inhabited Northern China, whence it was conveyed by various land routes to the nations of the west. Southern China, again, which Cosmas calls Tzinitza, was inhabited by the Sinae, who sent their products by sea to Ceylon and India, and other countries farther west. Full details as to the commodities which China in ancient times exported and imported, as well as to the trade routes by which they were conveyed, will be found in the late Dr. De Lacouperie's great work, The Western Origin of Chinese Civilization. It was in the days of Cosmas that the silk-worm was for the first time introduced into Europe. Gibbon, in the fortieth chapter of The Decline and Fall, presents us with an admirable account of the silk trade up till the time of the Emperor Justinian, and of the far-reaching effects upon commerce which eventually resulted from the receipt by that emperor of eggs of the silk-worm which had been surreptitiously conveyed to him from China.
70. 1 Montfaucon has the following note here: "Selediba is written afterwards Sielediba. It is the island Ceylan, the name being so far changed. For diba, or diva, means 'island'; hence Maldive, just as Sielediva, signifies the island Siele. Tzinitza, immediately below, in the Vatican copy is read Tzknê (Tzinê?) Tsina, or Sina, namely; the country of the Sinae, which, as Cosmas himself attests, is bounded by the ocean on the east." In Book xi Cosmas gives at some length an account of this island, and in one of the notes to that book the etymology of these names is examined.
71. 2 "A valuable merchandise of small bulk is capable of defraying the expense of land carriage; and the caravans traversed the whole latitude of Asia in two hundred and forty-three days, from the Chinese Ocean to the sea-coast of Syria. Silk was immediately delivered to the Romans by the Persian caravans, who frequented the fairs of Armenia and Nisibis.....To escape the Tartar robbers and the tyrants of Persia, the silk caravans explored a more southern road; they traversed the mountains of Thibet, descended the streams of the Ganges or the Indus, and patiently expected, in the ports of Guzerat and Malabar, the annual fleets of the West."----Gibbons, Decline and Fall, c. xl.
72. 1 The Persian Gulf has a length of 650 English miles, while the distance from Ceylon to the Malacca peninsula only is nearly twice that distance.
73. 2 Not very far short of 2,000 miles.
74. 3 Gr. w(j a)po_ sparti/ou o)rqw~j... tij metrw~n. Eratosthenes estimated the breadth of the habitable world from the parallel of Thule (which he took to coincide with the Arctic Circle) to Sennaar, at 38,000 stadia, and its length, from the westernmost point of Gaul to furthest India, at 77,800, thus making its length about double its breadth.
75. 4 monai/, mansions or halting-places.
76. 5 Gr. Iouui/a. So the Florentine copy, while the Vatican has ou)nni/a in a second hand. This would mean the country of the Huns, concerning whom sec note to Book XI.
77. 6 Nisibis, the capital of Mygdonia, was, after the time of Lucullus, considered the chief bulwark of the Roman power in the East. It was an ancient, large, and populous city, and was for long the great northern emporium of the commerce of the East and West. It was situated about two days' journey from the head waters of the Tigris in the midst of a pleasant and fertile plain at the foot of Mount Masius. The Seleucia here referred to was situated on the Tigris about 40 miles to the north-east of Babylon, from the ruins of which it was mainly constructed: just as, afterwards, its own ruins served to build Ctesiphon. Next to Alexandria, it was the greatest emporium of commerce in the East.
78. 1 Gr. monai\ l/. Here the numeral l/ = 30 must be an error for k /= 20, because the distance from Alexandria to Syene, in the neighbourhood of the Great Cataract, is about 600 Roman miles; and because, moreover, in the summing-up of the figures as in the text there is an excess of ten over the given total. Montfaucon has not noticed this discrepancy.
79. 2 Axômis (Auxumê in Ptolemy) is the modern Axum, the capital of Tigré. In the early centuries of our era it was a powerful State, possessing nearly the whole of Abyssinia, a portion of the south-west Red Sea coast and north-western Arabia. It was distant from its seaport, Adulê, which was situated near Annesley Bay, about 120 miles, or an eight days' caravan journey. It was the chief centre of the trade with the interior of Africa. The Greek language was understood and spoken, both by the court and the numerous foreigners who had either settled in it or who resorted to it for trading purposes. In this connection I may quote the following remarks from the pen of M. Vivien de Saint-Martin: "Plusieurs faits bien connus prouvent d'ailleurs l'action direct de l'hellénisme égyptien sur le developpement de la civilisation Axoumite. Ainsi l'auteur du Périple rapporte que le roi d'Axoum qu'il nomine Zoskalès, était familiarisé avec les lettres Grecques; et ce qui montre que cette influence eut un longue durée c'est que deux siècles et demi plus tard on voit la langue Grecque employée a Axoum dans les inscriptions concurremment avec la langue éthiopienne. Ce qui existe encore de l'ancienne Axoum, particulierement ses obélisques, est d'un style grec, bien qu'on y sente une reminiscence égyptienne. Enfin, la religion des Grecs d'Egypte avail penétré dans le royaume d'Axoum, en même temps que leur langue et leurs artistes, car dans les inscriptions le roi éthiopien se dit 'fils d' l'invincible Arès'" (Journal Asiatique, sixth series, vol. ii, pp. 333-4). Christianity was introduced into Axum in the fourth century by Oedisius and Frumentius, the latter of whom was afterwards appointed its first bishop. Sasu, which is next mentioned, is near the coast, and only 5° to the north of the equator.
80. 1 Ex. xxxvii, 10.
81. 2 The sweet calamus mentioned in Exodus, xxx, 23.
82. 1 The Agau people is the native race spread over the Abyssinian plateau both to east and west of Lake Tana. Montfaucon has the following note: "There is at this day in those parts, namely in the kingdom of the Abyssinian Ethiopians, a region called Auge, where those celebrated fountains of the Nile are, as is related farther on. But what Cosmas here tells us about that singular method of trading practised by the Ethiopians and the Barbarians who speak a different language.... is still in vogue in many parts of Africa, as one may see in books of travel in Africa, and the descriptions given in them of the country." This "dumb commerce", as it was carried on along the Atlantic coast of Africa, is described by Herodotus in his Fourth Book, C. 196. It was practised elsewhere than in Africa, as, for instance, in China (see Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, chap. lxv).
83. 1 Gr. Qe/rmia. Dimin. form of Qe/rmoj, a lupine.
84. 2 From July to September.
85. 1 In the Periplus (c. 6), which is perhaps the earliest work in which the name of Adulê occurs, a list is given of its imports and exports. Pliny says it was the greatest emporium of the Troglodytes----or, as we must now write their name---- Trogodytes. It is represented by the modern Thulla or Zula, of which the latitude is 15 13' north. With regard to the Elanitic Gulf, Ela, the Vatican copy has 'Ela_, the Laurentian, i.e., the Florentine, 'Ahla&. It is the Elath of scripture, the Ailanê of Josephus, and the Elána of Ptolemy.
86. 2 Cosmas was mistaken in thinking that the inscription on this celebrated chair was a continuation of the inscription on the basanite tablet afterwards mentioned, in which Ptolemy Euergetes recorded a series of conquests which he had made in Asia in the earlier years of his reign. Mr. Salt showed that the two inscriptions had nothing in common except their juxtaposition, and that the one on the chair related to conquests made in Ethiopia and Arabia by an Axômite king who lived several centuries after King Ptolemy. Attempts have been made to discover these precious monuments of antiquity, but hitherto without success.
87. 3 Proconnesus is the island now called Marmora, a name which it has given to the sea in which it lies, and for which it is indebted to the celebrity of its rich marble quarries. The marble, which is of a white colour with streaks of black, was used in building the palace of Mausolus, and in paving the floor of the famous church of St. Sophia, erected in Constantinople by the Emperor Justinian.
88. 1 Gr. kaqe/dra. A drawing to show the shape of the chair is given in the Appendix.
89. 2 Justinus I, or the Elder, was Emperor of the East from the year 518 to 527 A.D. He was succeeded by the great Justinian, whom he had adopted, and who reigned till 565.
90. 3 John Malala, whom we cited in a previous note, gives an account of an embassy sent by Justinian to the Emperor of the Axômites, whom he calls Elesbóas: thus fortunately, says Salt in his work descriptive of his Voyage to Abyssinia (p. 468), identifying Anda, Ameda and Elesbóas, as titles of the same sovereign. This author points out that what gave occasion to the expedition of Elesbóas was the murder of St. Aretas by the Homerites. He fixes the death of Aretas in the year 522, which was the fifth year of the Emperor Justinus; the visit of Cosmas to Adulê to about 525, and the expedition against the Homerites to about 530. Montfaucon has here the following note: "In the Vatican copy in the first hand the reading is Ellatzoba&a. This Elesbaan, King of the Axômites, in that expedition which Cosmas mentions, destroyed the kingdom of the Homerites, having defeated Dunaanus, a king of the Jewish religion, who inflicted horrible tortures on the Christians. This Elesbaan was known by another name, Caleb, and was celebrated alike by Greeks and Arabians and Ethiopians, and was enrolled in the number of the saints. He is mentioned by Nonnosus in Photius, by Metaphrastus, by Callistus, and by Abulpharagitis. All this you will find recorded at great length in Job Ludolph, a most accurate expounder and investigator of Ethiopian affairs."
91. 1 Gr. ei0ko&ni. The word ei0kw&n denotes both an image or a figure, and also a picture. In the Greek church the word has only the latter signification.
92. 2 Rhaitô was a place on the Red Sea near Mount Sinai. It is now called Tor. Cosmas, in Book V., says that it was formerly Elim, where the Israelites found twelve springs of water which still existed in his time.
93. 1 He here refers to his drawing of the chair and the tablet, the latter of which is surmounted by the figure of Ptolemy armed with buckler, helmet and spear, and standing in a very warlike attitude. The inscription on the tablet is of great historical value, as it is the only record now extant of the expedition which was made into Asia by Ptolemy Euergetes soon after his succession to the throne in 247 B.C.
94. 2 Ptolemy I., surnamed Soter, was reputed to be the son of Lagus by Arsinoe, while Berenice was the daughter of the same Lagus by Antigone, the niece of Antipater. Ptolemy Soter was regarded by the Macedonians as the son of Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, since his mother had been Philip's concubine, and was pregnant with Ptolemy when she married Lagus. This story seems, however, to have been invented to flatter Ptolemy when he had become a great King. The second Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, married Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, the King of Thrace, and his wife Nicaea, and by her became the father of Euergetes. He banished her, however, and afterwards, to the great scandal of the Grecian world, married his own sister Arsinoe, who had been the wife of the same Thracian King. By her he had no children.
95. 1 Conf. Periplus, c. 3. "To the south of the Moschophagi, near the sea, lies a small emporium about 4,000 stadia distant from Berenice, and called Ptolemais Theron, from which, in the days of the Ptolemies, the hunters whom they employed used to go up into the interior to catch elephants. This place was very suitable for the purpose, as it lay on the skirts of the great Nubian forest in which elephants abounded. Before it was made a depot for the elephant trade, the Egyptian Kings had to import these animals from Asia; but as the supply was precarious and the cost of their importation very great, Philadelphia made most tempting offers to the Ethiopian elephant hunters to induce them to abstain from eating the animal, or at least to reserve a portion of them for the royal stables. They rejected, however, all his offers, declaring that even for all Egypt they would not forego their favourite luxury."
96. 2 Probably among them some of the 500 which Seleucus Nicator had received from Sandrocottus, the King of Palibothra (now Patna).
97. 3 Ptolemy Euergetes added greatly to his popularity with his Egyptian subjects by restoring to them the statues of their gods, which had been carried away to Persia by Cambyses and some of his successors. For this and other benefits, a synod of priests which assembled at Canopus in the ninth year of his reign passed a decree which conferred upon him and his queen the title of Benefactors. This queen was Berenice, the daughter of Magas, King of Cyrene. She vowed to sacrifice her hair to the gods if her husband returned safe from the expedition recorded in the inscription. The hair was stolen, but according to the great astronomer Conon, the winds wafted it to heaven, and there it forms the constellation Coma Berenices. The inscription was not written by Euergetes himself, but that it is a truthful record is confirmed by a passage in St. Jerome's commentary on Daniel (xi, 8): "in tantum ut Syriam caperet et Ciliciam, superioresque partes trans Euphratem, et propemodum universam Asiam." See Mahaffy's Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 200.
98. 1 Gr. duna&meij a)pesteile dia_ tw~n o)ruxqe/ntwn potamw~n. Dr. Vincent was of opinion that the canals mentioned here were those near Susa, in which Cambyscs had deposited the gods and the other spoils which he had carried away from Egypt. He remarks that Susiana was, like Babylonia, intersected with numerous canals. Bigot, however, to judge from his translation of the clause, supposed that the canals were dug by order of Ptolemy: Et faisant des canaux où il était nécessaire pour rendre à ses troupes le passage plus aisé. Boeckh, again, believed that the words were badly transcribed, and referred to a new expedition, and therefore to Nile canals.
99. 2 In note 2, p. 54, it has been pointed out that the inscription on the chair had no connection with that on the tablet.
100. 3 "If we had the precise date of this inscription," says V. de Saint-Martin, "the chronological question of the origin of the kingdom of Axum would be resolved, for it enables us to accompany, in a sort of way, step by step the formation and development of the Axumite empire. The first and only one of the kings of my race I have brought all these peoples under subjection, says the Prince; and the identification which we are able still to make of one part at least of the districts and tribes mentioned in the inscription shows us his first conquests in the neighbourhood itself of Axum, and at a little distance from that city, which was evidently the seat of his native principality. Then we see his arms carried successively into one after another of the surrounding countries----to the west, between the Takazzé and the great lake Tzana (Tana); to the north, into the low plains watered by the Atbara and the Mareb, and thence still farther into the deserts of Nubia, where the caravans will henceforth have an assured communication from Axum to Egypt; to the south into the hot region which we designate by the very improper name of the kingdom of Adel, into the country of Harrar and of the Somalis, which produces aromatics, and on to the coast region which is washed by the sea of Aden, and which terminates at Cape Guardafui. Finally, crossing over the narrow basin of the Arabian Gulf, the Ethiopian conqueror sends a naval expedition to the opposite coast, and makes his authority to be recognised, if not over Yemen or the country of the Sabaeans (this the text leaves doubtful), at least over a great part of the coast of Hedjaz, in his progress northward to the latitude of Berenice of Egypt, that is to say, over an extent of coast of 6 degrees at least, even towards the 25th parallel." From a memoir read to the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, and published in the Journal Asiatique, 1863, th series, vol. ii, pp. 347-8. For the identifications which follow I am chiefly indebted to this memoir. Dr. Glaser has quite recently been able to determine approximately the date of this inscription, as towards the end of the third century of our a era.
101. 1 Salt sees in this word the town of Adé-Gada in the north of Tigré, but Saint-Martin believes that it has a much wider signification. "It is certain", he says, "that Agazi or Agoazi has been at another time the name of the portion of the Abyssinian plateau, the declivity of which commands the Red Sea above Massawa. The name appears to have now fallen into disuse, but the passages which Ludolf (in his Hist. Aeth., I, i, iv, and Commentar., p. 56) has collected prove that even till the seventeenth century it was employed, at least by the learned, as a synonym of Abyssinia. The word remains in use for a different purpose----to designate the ancient language of northern Abyssinia (the ghîz or ghez, at present the learned language)." ----pp. 349, 350. Pliny (vi, 29) mentions a place called Gaza, which lay farther south than the Abalitic Gulf and the Island of Diodorus.
102. 2 Agamê still designates an important province of the plateau of Tigré, directly to the east of the position of Axum. Salt describes it as a rich and fertile territory, owing to its great elevation in a torrid climate.
103. 3 Saint-Martin thinks that the name Sigye is connected with Tzigam, the name of a large Agau tribe now seated to the west of Lake Tzana, but which its own traditions connect with the Agaus of the Takazzé. The Agaou people, which is the aboriginal race of the Abyssinian plateau, has been in conflict at all the epochs of history with the lords of the country of Axum, now Tigré. ---- pp. 350-1.
104. 1 The position of Aua is fixed by the itinerary of Nonnosus, the envoy of Justinian to the King of Axum in 531, only eleven or twelve years after the time when Cosmas visited those shores. In this itinerary Aue is a district situated half-way between Adulê and Axum. The name still exists in that of the city of Adoua (Ad'Oua = city of Oua) the present capital of Tigré (p. 351). Nonnosus on his return from Axum wrote a history of his embassy, which has perished, but of which we have an abridgement by Photius, reprinted in the Bonn Collection of the Byzantine writers. Bent thinks Aua is perhaps in Yeha.
105. 2 Montfaucon here notes that Tiamô is read Tiama in the Vatican copy, and that Tziamô was called also Tziama. He says that Tzama is the name by which a certain prefecture of the kingdom of Tigré, immediately adjacent to Agamê, is to this day designated. Both Salt and Saint-Martin confirm this identification, and the latter recognises Gambela in the valley of Iambela in the province of Enderta. The name of Tiamô, he adds, recurs elsewhere several times in Abyssinian geographical inscriptions.
106. 3 The words within brackets appear, says Montfaucon, to have formed a marginal note which has crept into the text of Cosmas. By the Nile here is not meant the Nile proper, but its great eastern tributary the Takazze, which, however, before joining the Nile unites with the Atbara (the Astaboras of the ancients) in Nubia.
107. 4 Zingabene, Angabe, and Tiama cannot now be identified, but Athagaus and Kalaa seem to correspond respectively to Addago and Kalawe, two districts which lie to the left of the Takazze below the mountains of Semen. Dillmann conjectures that Zingabene was written for Zingarene, and so identical with Zangaren in Hamasen. Dr. Glaser suggests that Kalaa may be the Koloe of the Periplus, which describes it as a town three days' journey inland from Adulê, and a five days' journey from Axum. With regard to the Athagaus, Dillmann agrees with Montfaucon in taking them to be a part of the very ancient Agau people, perhaps those in Lasta.
108. 1 For Semenai the Vatican copy reads Samine. The inscription gives this name in exact accordance with its present orthography. Samen, or Semen, with its lofty mountains which rise to the height of 15,000 ft. above the sea-level, is the most remarkable region in all Abyssinia.
109. 2 A little below, Cosmas tells us that in his time these three provinces still bore the same names as in the inscription, from which it would appear that these were well-known districts. Their names have now disappeared, or are too much changed to be recognisable. Saint-Martin, however, conjectures that Lazine may be the land of Basena on the northern frontier of Tigré, at the foot of the last declivities of the plateau. Basena, he adds, is in the direction of the Taka, the great oasis of eastern Nubia, whereto the inscription proceeds to lead us.
110. 3 "Bega refers to the ancient race of the Bedjas or Bodjas (which the Arab authors call also Boga), who, under the actual name of Bicharieh cover with their nomadic tribes a great part of the sandy regions of Nubia between the Nile and the Red Sea"(l. c. p. 354). In a note it is pointed out that Bicharieh and Bedja are but two forms of the same name. Dr. D. H. Müller, of Vienna, identifies the Bega with the Bougaitai of the Greek inscription of Axum.
111. 4 "The Tangaites, at the time to which the inscription takes us back, were the most powerful of the Bedja tribes; this tribe has given its name to the country of Taka, which is watered and fertilised by the united waters of the Takazze and Atbara. Tangaites, for Tanga or Taka, is a form purely Greek" (l. c. p. 354).
112. 5 The fact that these two tribes lived in a mountainous region showed that their position was eastward toward the coast of the Red Sea.
113. 1 "The rest of the inscription is concerned with expeditions all different. Here the Axumite conqueror conducts us towards the country of Barbara, where incense grows, that is to say, into the cinnamon-bearing country of the Greeks and Romans. He then subdues the peoples of Sesea, the Rhausi, and the Solate, and obliges the last to watch over the security of the coast. With the exception of the Solate, of whom the identification is uncertain, the other names mentioned in this part of the inscription are recognisable without difficulty. Barbara, or Berbera, has been at all times the appellation of a part of this country stretching towards the Indian Ocean. It is on this side the last extension of a name of aboriginal race and of primordial origin of which we find the traces disseminated through a great portion of the valley of the Nile, and through all the north of Africa, and we know that Berbera remains the name of the principal part of the coast of Somal, right opposite Aden. Sesea ought to designate a part at least of the Somali people, of which one of the principal tribes bears still the name of Issa, which even appears to have been the patronymic appellation of the race. Cosmas, who beyond question employs the name as it was pronounced by the Greek sailors in these seas, departs still further from the proper Ethnic name in writing Sasu. It was, he says, the last country of Ethiopia towards the Erythraean Sea, and he informs us that in his time the kings of Axum sent thither annual caravans which brought back much gold. Lastly, the name of the Rhausi (who very probably are no others than the Rhapsii of Ptolemy, iv, viii) exists with but little alteration in that of the Arousi, a large tribe in the interior to the south of Abyssinia, one of those which carry on a regular traffic with the coast" (l. c. pp. 354-5). Sasu, as Dr. Glaser tells us, lay in the south-east part of the Somali peninsula, not far from the Italian colony Hobia (Oppia, Obbia), and consequently quite in the eastern portion of the conquests made by the king who was the author of the inscription. This decision as to the position of Sasu was indubitably correct, but was utterly inconsistent with the statement in the inscription that Ethiopia and Sasu formed the western boundary of his dominions. Here was indeed a Gordian knot to untie, and Dr. Glaser's peace of mind was quite taken away until he found a solution, namely, that not Sasu at all, but Kasu is to be read. Kasu, he explains, was shown by Dillmann to be a far westward territory, since in the Axumite inscription in which it occurs, it admits of being located only in or near Meroe. "Now", he exclaims, "did all at a stroke become clear. The king penetrated westward to Ethiopia and Kasu, that is, into the region of Khartum."
114. 1 The name of this people is found in Ptolemy, and written exactly as here. Saint-Martin takes them to have been a branch of the great tribe of Kinda, to which the tribe of Kelb united itself. They occupied Hedjaz, which is now the Holy Land of Arabia, containing as it does the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina.
115. 2 Towards the northern frontier of the Cinaedocolpitae was situated the port and trading mart of Leucê Comê, from which at one time the costly wares received from India and Arabia were transmitted to Petra of the Nabathaeans. It has been identified with the port called Hauara [lat. 24° 59' N., long. 37° 16' E.]. Cosmas in a note says, that in the country of the Blemmyes there is a village (Kw&mh) called Leucoge, which he erroneously takes to be Leucê Comê, since the Blemmyes lived not in Arabia but Nubia, on the other side of the Red Sea.
116. 1 Saint-Martin, commenting on the geography of this passage, says: "This shows, first, that the Axumites properly called (that is to say, the inhabitants of our actual Tigré", which is the north-east part of the Abyssinian plateau) had not yet adopted for themselves the Greek appellation of Ethiopians, as they have since done. The name of Saso, which appears there for the first time, carries us to the unknown countries of the West; it is then by a manifest confusion that Cosmas, deceived by an apparent relation, has confounded it with the maritime country of Sesea. Mr. Harris, who was sent to the Ras du Choa in 1842 by the East India Company, with a view to form commercial relations with this powerful chief of southern Abyssinia, among the items of information that he collected during his stay about the countries of the Nile basin still more southern, heard mention of a great kingdom of Sousa, the most powerful, he was told, of the native states towards the south and south-west of the Choa."----(l. c. pp. 357-8). Saint-Martin takes this country, of which Mr. Harris had heard, to be Kafa, which he thinks is the name given to it by the Galla, while Sousa is its ancient and indigenous name. Dr. Glaser's solution of the difficulty regarding Sasu, given in note 1, p. 63, is, however, preferable. Saint-Martin follows up his examination of the geography of the inscription with an attempt to ascertain its date, and this he is led to assign either to the earlier or to the later half of the second century of our aera. Professor Dillmann, on the other hand, assigned to the inscription a much earlier date, being of opinion that the king whose conquests it records reigned in Axum before Zoskales (called Zahakale in the list of Axumite kings), who filled the throne at the time when the author of the Periplus, from whom we learn the fact, was making trading voyages in the Erythraean Sea. As these voyages appear to have been made between A.D. 56 and A.D. 71, the inscription would thus date as far back as about the beginning of the Christian aera. Professor D. H. Müller, of Vienna, again, thinks that the author of the inscription was no other than this Zoskales himself, who is described in the Periplus as an ambitious man, and well versed in Greek literature (
tou plei/onoj e0cexo&menoj... kai\ gramma&twn 9Ellhnikw~n e mpeiroj ). Dr. Glaser, however, who is one of the greatest living authorities on questions of Arabian history, which he has assiduously studied, by the light of numerous inscriptions found in various parts of Arabia, refers the inscription in question to the closing years of the third Christian century. Some of the conquests of the Axumite king lay in Arabia, and Dr. Glaser finds that the date he has fixed is that which is most compatible with ascertained facts, both of Arabian and Axumite history. To this conclusion he has also been guided by statements advanced in the Periplus, and the famous bilingual Axumite inscription.
117. 1 The Vatican copy has Salmene.
118. 1 Antigonus, Perdiccas, Seleucus Nicator, and Ptolemy.
119. 1 Philometor was the sixth of the Ptolemies, and Dionysus, the brother of the celebrated Cleopatra, was the twelfth.
120. 1 Gr. a)pografh_ ----the term used in Luke ii, 2.
121. 2 Luke i, 32.
122. 3 Gr. basi/leioi ---- Montfaucon here translates this word by imperium (and in the next sentence by regnum) leaving basilei/a, which almost immediately follows, unrendered. It is evident, however, that in each sentence basi/leion means the reigning dynasty,
ge/noj being understood.
123. 1 The monarch of Persia when Cosmas wrote was the great Khosru, or Chosroes I, as he is called by the Greeks. His reign extended from A.D. 531 till A.D. 579. He belonged to the dynasty of the Sassanidae, which was founded by Ardishir, the Artaxerxes of the Greeks and Romans, in A.D. 226. The family to which he belonged was Persian, and professed the faith of Zoroaster and his priests the Magi.
124. 2 Arsaces, the founder of the Parthian power, revolted from the Syrian yoke in the reign of Antiochus II, in the year B.C. 250. One of his successors, Mithridates I, who reigned from B.C. 174 to B.C. 136, made extensive conquests, and exalted the Parthian name to great glory. Before the Christian aera his successors had extended their rule along the east coast of Arabia, and also along the southern, so that they possessed the frankincense country.
125. 3 In the year B.C. 40, under Pacorus, the son of the Parthian King Orodes I.
126. 4 Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, informs us that Thomas, one of the twelve Apostles, sent Thaddeus, who was reckoned among the seventy disciples of Christ, to Edessa, as a preacher and evangelist of the doctrine of Christ.---- Book I, c. 13. Edessa, which was a town of great importance, situated in the northern extremity of Mesopotamia, in the province of Osrhoene, played a very prominent part in the early history of the Christian Church.
127. 5 I Pet. v, 13.
128. 1 See below (Book XI, text and notes).
129. 2 This expression seems to mean here the relative position of the our great divisions of the inhabited world.
130. 3 Ephorus was a native of the Aeolian city of Cyme, in Asia Minor, and flourished in the fourth century B.C. Like the historian Theopompus, he studied oratory under Isocrates, who advised him to devote his powers to the study and composition of history. The most celebrated of his works was a history consisting of thirty books, which began with the Return of the Heracleidae, and brought down the narrative of events to the siege of Perinthus by Philip of Macedon, in 431 B.C. The work treated not only of the history of the Greeks but also of the barbarians, and was thus the first attempt made in Greece to write a universal history. The work is unfortunately lost, with the exception of some detached fragments. Ephorus attempted to give a faithful record of events, but was deficient in critical acumen.
131. 1 The date of this navigator cannot be fixed with certainty, but he probably lived in the time of Alexander the Great, or somewhat later. Besides the work Concerning the Ocean, which Cosmas here mentions, he wrote another called a Periplus, in which he described a voyage from Cadiz to the Tanais, or Don, a name which he probably applied in error to the river Elbe. He is frequently cited by the ancient writers, who inclined, however, to disparage his authority----Strabo especially, who denounces him again and again as a charlatan and a liar; although even he is constrained to admit that, as far as astronomy and the mathematics are concerned, he reasoned correctly. Pytheas is better appreciated by modern writers. For Masaliw&thj the Vatican codex has Metalew&thj.
132. 1 Xenophanes flourished between 540 and 500 B.C. He was a poet, and the founder also of the Eleatic school of philosophy. With him the Eleatic doctrine of the oneness of the universe is supposed to have originated.
133. 2 Strabo informs us that Alexander the Great, upon seeing crocodiles in the Hydaspes (Jhilam), and Egyptian beans in the Acesines (Chenab), thought that he had discovered the source of the Nile.----Book xv, i, 25. Diodorus Siculus has a passage similar to this of Cosmas. He says (Book I, c. 34): "The lotus grows in great plenty here, of which the Egyptians make bread for the nourishment of their bodies. Here is likewise produced in plenty Ciborium, called the Egyptian bean." Kibw&rion, the name under which Cosmas mentions this bean, designates the seed-vessels of the kolokasi/a in which it is contained. Cosmas appears to be the only writer in whom the word Neilagathia occurs.
134. 1 Ephes. ii, 2.
135. 1 Heb. i, 15.
136. 2 Rom. viii, 19.
137. 1 Gen. iii, 1.
138. 2 Gen. iii, 19.
139. 1 Luke ii, 14.
140. 1 John xvi, 33.
141. 2 Luke x, 19.
142. 3 Gr. thrh&sei.Gen. iii, 15.
143. 4 Gr. qla~sai.
144. 5 Gr. pro&cenoj. This name was given to a citizen of a state who undertook or was appointed to protect and act hospitably towards visitors to that state who belonged to a friendly state. His functions resembled those of our modern consuls.
145. 1 Luke xxviii, 43.
146. 2 Rom. viii, 20.
147. 1 Rom. viii, 21.
148. 2 Rom. viii, 22.
149. 1 Luke x, 18.
150. 2 Rom. iv, 15.
151. 3 Rom. vii, 8.
152. 4 I Cor. v, 17.
153. 5 Gr. o( pa~j ga_r ko&smoj e0n tw~| a)nqrw&pw| perigra&fetai.
154. 6 Ephes. i, 10.
155. 1 Cosmas, who was most probably a Nestorian, here hits at the Docetae and Gnostics, who held that the human nature of Jesus Christ was a semblance and not a reality; and hits also at the Monophysites, who maintained that Jesus Christ had but one nature, or that the human and divine were so intimately united as to form one nature only.
156. 2 Cosmas refers here to the Arian heretics, who held that the Son was not co-equal or co-eternal with the Father, but was created by an act of the divine will. The Nestorians have always maintained that Christ was perfect God and perfect man, and that these natures were distinct.
157. 3 Matt, vii, 23.
158. 4 Matt, xxv, 34.
159. 1 Montfaucon, following the punctuation, construes the words dia_ th_n eu)krasi/an with the clause which follows, but they seem to belong to that which precedes.
160. 1 Acts xvii, 26. Cosmas argues that as scripture speaks only of two classes of men, the terrestrial and the subterranean, and by the latter means those buried in the earth, there can be none under the earth.
161. 1 Philipp. ii, 10.
162. 2 Luke x, 19.
163. 3 I Cor. iv, 9.
164. 4 Dan. x, 13 seqq.
165. 1 Acts vi, 13.
166. 2 Matt, xviii, 10.
167. 3 Psalm cxxxix, 8.
168. 4 Psalm ciii, i.
169. 5 Psalm lxxxiv, 2.
170. 6 Psalm cxix, 11.
171. 7 Psalm li, 10.
172. 1 Matt, xv, 17.
173. 2 Luke xvii, 21.
174. 3 Luke xxiii, 43
175. 4 Matt, xxvii, 50
176. 1 Ephes. iv, 14.
177. 2 Gr. 9Agiosu&nhj.
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 91-128. Book 3
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 91-128. Book 3
BOOK III.
That the divine scripture is firm, sure and trustworthy, both in the Old and the New Testament, and in accordance with itself in the details which it gives, while it also shows the utility of the figures representing the whole world.
HEN men at first after the Deluge were high up in the air, building the tower in their warfare with God, they suspected from their constantly observing the heavenly bodies, but erroneously, that the heaven was spherical; for since the city where they were building the tower belonged to the Babylonians, an invention such as this must have originated with the Chaldaeans; whence also the descendants of Abraham who were Chaldaeans elaborated a barbaric sphere, and when they went down to Egypt communicated this notion to the Egyptians. The Egyptians in turn having grasped it as a basis for much active investigation developed it still further, until the Greek philosophers who visited Egypt----Pythagoras, Plato and Eudoxus the Cnidian----became acquainted with it, and basing their study of it on what they had learned 160 from preceding enquirers elaborated it still further.
Note.
After the Deluge, when men had multiplied in the interior parts of the East, where, as has been recorded, the Ark rested, they removed a little way from their first seats and found a plain in |92 the land of Sennaar (Shinar). Now, as they were all of one speech, they talked together with one accord, saying: The men who were before us God has destroyed with a deluge; if he shall again think fit to be wroth with us and seek to destroy us even with a deluge, we shall all perish to a man. But come, let us prepare bricks and burn them with fire, that they may withstand the waters, and building them together with asphalt, let us make a high tower the top of which shall reach to heaven, in order that being delivered from the deluge we may find safety in the tower. And we shall readily be able to array ourselves against him in battle, being very near him, as long as we are all of us together, before being scattered in different directions, for this is shown by their saying: And let us make unto ourselves a name before we are dispersed over the face of the earth.1 When they had therefore begun to build, and in their rebellious mood2 wanted to mount up into heaven, God, who is full of kindness and compassion, knowing and foreknowing man whom he had created with freedom both of will and action----knowing, I say, the strength of reason which he possessed, but at the same time the weakness of his flesh, was moved with compassion rather than with anger towards him, and made again a grand dispensation, and suffered them not to labour nncl toil in vain. For, besides being crushed with hard labour, they were dashed to pieces, if when high up in the tower they were hurled down from the top by the violence of the winds, or tumbled down if scorched by heat through their nearness to the sun, and blinded by terror at the dizzy height. He therefore confounded their language and divided it into many kinds, and put an end to their impious madness. He scattered them besides, and settled them over the whole earth. This was the cause of the dispersion of the nations, and of every country becoming inhabited. In the last days therefore God being well pleased with men, according to what is written: Good pleasure towards men,3 of his own counsel and goodness resolved to lead them up into heaven, and after forty clays from his resurrection led (Christ) our first-fruits up into heaven. And further, in order that |93 he might indicate beforehand the ascension of the rest of mankind, he on the day of Pentecost, having through the Holy Spirit joined together the tongues which he had formerly divided, gave them from heaven to the Apostles, and they spake with tongues the mighty works of God. as the Spirit gave them utterance, so that all who stood around gathered together from all the nations heard, each of them in his own speech, the mighty works of God, and knew the good-will he was pleased to show to men, because when of old men had rebelliously sought to go 161 up into heaven, their design proved abortive; whereas now by the good pleasure of God, the faithful are carried up into heaven. Glory to the wise and compassionate God who has granted these favours to men. Amen!
Further Note.
When the first men were there at a great height engaged in building the tower, and frequently turned their eyes upward to the heavenly bodies and saw some of the stars ascending and others descending, they suspected that the heaven was somehow made to revolve on some kind of mechanical contrivance, so that it was spherical. For they were ignorant of the figure of the earth and were not aware that the heavenly bodies are moved in the air by angels. Under the influence of this suspicion they made those gates which gave passage through the tower in all directions, contriving that the tower might not be of course thrown down by the waters of the deluge. In like manner also they built it with bricks that it might withstand the waters; for it was thus the tower was constructed. They say, moreover, that its foundations occupy a breadth in every direction of three miles, and also affirm that the steps by which it is ascended are arranged circle-wise in the exterior walls, in order that they may receive light through the windows made in them.
Text.
While the Israelites were still sojourning in Egypt Moses was born, and being reared in the palace of the Egyptian king was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. Having also from his own observations accepted the sphere |94 and made himself acquainted with astronomy, or even with magic and hieroglyphic letters----or as I should rather say, the symbols of letters, for as yet letters were unknown; and, to speak briefly, having become a participant of all this wisdom, as the divine scripture informs us, when he reached manhood he preferred to side warmly with his own ancestral race, and he slew the Egyptian; and being afraid fled into the land of Midian, where he married and became the father of two sons. And when he was feeding the flocks of his father-in-law and led them up to Mount Sinaï, he saw that wonderful vision of the bush----the bush which burned with fire and yet was not consumed. Then, when he was making haste to see the great marvel, the angel of God called to him in the name of God, and commanded him to go to King Pharoah in Egypt for the purpose of leading the children of Israel out of their bondage to the Egyptians. And when he begged to be let off on account of the impossibility of the thing (for he saw that as he was a mere man he could not fight against such a mighty king), God through the angel filled him with confidence, reminding him of his forefathers: how that through a barren woman and aged parents he had raised 162 up a great and numerous people. At the same time he prepared him beforehand for working wonders by means of the rod which Moses held in his hand. By these wonders Moses was quite astounded, and was persuaded to go away into Egypt. When he had gone thither, and had several times conversed with Pharoah, since he was going to show him how God had produced the whole creation----what creatures first and what second, and so on in proper order4... And these things were incredible to men, even as they are also now to those very clever men----yea, they |95 were even incredible to Moses himself, for he had not as yet acquired experience of these matters; but in agreement with the Egyptians, he also conjectured that the heaven was of a spherical figure.
God therefore prepared him to work wonders, and in the name of God to change the elements, and to show to all the Egyptians and to the Israelites, and through them to the whole of mankind, that he was faithful to God in all that he said and did, disposing them and preparing them beforehand to accept him with readiness. The enchanters also by whom he had been educated combined to contend with him, and in the divine power he enters the lists against them, instructed to hold such opponents in contempt, so that they cry off and say: This is the finger of God.5 When he had changed accordingly the constitution of the waters into blood and killed the fish, and changed the blood back into water living and productive, and had divided the Red Sea and made it stand as a wall on this side and that side in presence of the Israelites and the Egyptians, he was fully believed by them when he afterwards said:----God said let there be a firmament in the middle of the water, and it shall divide in the middle water from water, and it was so.6 In like manner again, when he had made darkness for three days successively among the Egyptians, while the Israelites had light, he was again fully believed when he said:----And there was darkness over the abyss, and God said let there be light, and God divided the light from the darkness; and he assumed that the first and second and third day had passed without the sun, moon and stars running their course, saying:----God divided the light from the darkness.7 Then again he brought frogs out of the river and fleas out of the earth, and therefore he was trusted when saying:----God said let the waters bring |96 forth living creatures, and it was so; and again he said:----Let the earth bring forth this and that, and it was so; and other things in like manner marvellous. Last of all, when he had slain all the first-born he was entitled to belief when saying last of all:----God made man.8 And, as we have said above, he so prepared him beforehand that the Israelites could readily believe what he said and did, since they saw with their own eyes what he performed.
When again he had led them out of Egypt and had 163 brought them through the Red Sea on dry land, and conducted the people to Mount Sinaï, in which he had seen the divine vision, God still working wonders before the people filled the mountain with flames of fire and with smoke, while there were heard the notes of trumpets resounding from heaven and waxing louder and louder; and when with gloom and darkness and tempest he had made them tremble with exceeding great fear, he began to speak to Moses in sight of the people out of the cloud. Then, having taken him up into the mountain to remain for forty days without food, he hid him in a cloud and in a manner abstracted him from all earthly things, and made him oblivious of all, including even what he had learned from the Egyptians, giving him birth anew as if he were a child in the womb. But at the end of the forty days he gave him a new form and a new soul, and revealed to him all that he had done in the making of the world in six days, and showing him in other six days by means of visions the making of the world, performing in his presence the work of each day, namely, on the first day the first heaven, and the earth a most spacious house, and within it water, air, fire commingled with the earth, darkness and angels, having produced everything singly and collectively from nothing whatever; employing, |97 moreover, his voice alone for the instruction of the angels, he created the light for the house itself, thus giving light to everything as by a lamp. Then on the second day he constructed out of the water the firmament, which in the middle of the height of heaven binds all firmly together, dividing the waters above from the waters below, as it is placed in the middle between them. There are therefore two places----an upper and a lower story, so to speak; the lower he made fit to be a dwelling-place for this mortal and changeful life; the upper he has made ready beforehand for the coming deathless and unchanging life.
Note.
The great Moses, after relating that on the second day God had created the firmament, and by dividing it had made one place into two, explained nothing further about the future state----that is, the upper place----but turned his discourse entirely upon this state-----that is, upon the lower place----relating that God gathered together the waters, and brought forth out of the earth the green herbs and the trees, and in like manner adorned the heaven with stars, and again from the waters produced the winged fowl and aquatic animals, and in like manner again made from the earth brute animals and man. Then again, when he had been commanded to make the Tabernacle in imitation of the form of the world, he divided the one tabernacle by means of the veil, and made it into two----an inner and an outer----within the outer of which the priests continually discharged their sacred offices as being in this world, while into the inner the high priest alone once a year entered, as if into the upper place, that is, into heaven. 164 On this account the inner Tabernacle was entirely inaccessible to them, being a type of the things in heaven. He was, moreover, believed when with the same authority he suitably prescribed the laws, and burdens, and punishments, and the correction of transgressors, having prepared himself for prescribing what was conducive to discipline and the working of wonders, as when he involved the Egyptians in plagues and chastisements of various kinds, and likewise made the Israelites suffer so sorely in the wilderness for their repeated sins and transgressions, that he |98 destroyed all the men of that generation except two only that were left alive, while even he himself came to his end with that generation.
But when the Lord Christ for the salvation of the whole world had appeared among us to bring to a close the present state and proclaim the one to come, and announced expressly that the kingdom of heaven was at hand, he also, appropriately to his proclamation, wrought wonders for the benefit of men, and not in a single instance for the punishment of any man. He freed those that were possessed with devils, healed the sick, strengthened the weak, made the lame walk erect, restored sight to the eyes of the blind, opened the ears of the deaf, loosened the tongues of the dumb, cleansed lepers, restored the withered to a well-tempered life, cured withered hands, stanched by his power issues of blood, reanimated the dead even when corrupt and stinking, prepared the living for finishing their course, brought good tidings to the poor of treasures of which they could not be robbed, stilled by his rebuke the rage of the winds and the fury of the sea, and did all things else which are in harmony with the proclamation of the Gospel and with the future state; for in that state no devil gives trouble, no debility exists, all sickness has been banished, with disease of limbs and distempers, and penury, and issues of blood and commotions of the elements, and the last enemy----death----is destroyed. When the Jews considered all this----when they saw that he had not wrought a single miracle for the punishment of men, except only two, and these not inflicted on man, but upon the swine and the fig tree, upon brutes and an inanimate object, in order to show that these also were subject to his power ----they attempted to bring a charge against him, saying to him in turn: We wish to see a sign from thee, that is, a sign such as that of Moses, which was for the punishment of men. But the Lord, knowing the thoughts of their hearts answered, saying: An evil and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign, and no sign shall be given it except the sign of the prophet Jonas.9 For as Jonas remained shut up in the belly of the whale for three days, and afterwards came out therefrom alive and uncorrupted, so I also being dead, after remaining 165 in the earth three days shall rise up from the dead living and incorruptible. At another time, again, when he had made a |99 scourge of small cords and cast out all from the temple, they said to him: What sign shewest thou that thou dost these things?10 and this although many signs had been given by him. But he in turn said to them: Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up again11----thus giving the same answer both times and speaking of the resurrection of his body as if he should say: When ye see me risen from the dead and see miracles wrought in my name, then shall ye know our power and our proclamation of good tidings; that my coming is not for the punishment of men, but for conferring upon them the resurrection, and immortality, and incorruption, and immutability, and blessedness. Accordingly, in consistency with his teaching, he wrought also his miracles. And this very thing Matthew also shows when speaking thus: And Jesus went about their cities and villages teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom, and healing all manner of disease and all manner of sickness,12 thus implying that he wrought miracles of a nature consistent with what he preached. But John the Evangelist thus speaks: Many of his disciples went back, and walked no more with him. Jesus said, therefore, unto the twelve: Would ye also go away? But Peter immediately answering on behalf of all said: Lord, to whom shall we go away? Thou hast the words of eternal life, and we have believed that thou art the Holy One of God;13 meaning this: What thou teachest us we see even by the works which are done by thee, for thou promisest us life and a heavenly kingdom, and we see all things that are done by thee to have regard to the life of men. How then can we leave thee and attach ourselves to another? Our portion is therefore with thee, Lord Jesus Christ. Amen!
But some one may raise a difficulty and ask: Since he had given not even one sign with a view to the punishment of men, how then did he, taking, as has been said, a scourge, beat those that were selling in the temple and cast them out of the temple? Answer: What is alleged is false, for it was not at all to the human being he applied the scourge, but he adopted an admirable and becoming and appropriate course, for he scourged the brute beasts only, as it is written: And having made a scourge of small cords he drove all out of the temple, both the sheep and the oxen,14 as |100 much as to say: He scourged animals, but only the irrational, driving also out of the temple even those that were brought for sacrifice according to the law, showing by this means that the Judaic dispensation was coming to an end. Things, again, that had neither life nor sensation he pushed away and overthrew, as it is written: And he poured out the money-changers' money and overthrew their tables. The rational beings, however, he neither scourged nor drove away, but he chastised the irrational, as it is written: And to those that sold doves he said: Take these 166 things hence, and make not my Father's house a house of merchandise15----showing by all these words and acts that the things offered for sacrifice in the first tabernacle according to the law were to cease, and that another dispensation would be introduced in its place, harmonising with the inner tabernacle, which was a type of the things in heaven----that is, of the future dispensation. But the Jews having perceived how he was shadowing forth to them the cessation of the Jewish dispensation, questioned him, saying: What sign showest thou that thou dost these things?16 But taking appropriate advantage of the question, he promised them that he would do something darkly to foreshadow the answer. I refer to the destruction of the temple and to its renovation, because the destruction of the temple----that is, of his body----is the destruction of this world, while the renovation and change made upon the temple----that is, upon his body----is a manifestation of the future state. My argument, accordingly, good reader, holds sure that he never wrought for the punishment of man but for his benefit, and he himself elsewhere exclaims: For the Father hath not sent the Son to condemn the world, but that the world through him might be saved.17
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Then he collected the water into one mass and exposed to view the dry land, which he called earth and which was before hidden by the waters; and he made the seas, that is, the ocean, as it is called, which encircles this earth, and is itself encircled by the earth beyond it, and also made |101 the four gulfs which run up into this earth of ours----in order that he might render the air of the ocean which is interposed between the earth here and the earth beyond salubrious to those at any time inhabiting either the one or the other. He also so prepared the gulfs that they could be navigated and afford a means of transit to different parts of the world, thus always uniting the dispersed nations in the bonds of amity through the facility with which commodities might be transported from nation to nation. And he commanded all kinds of fruits and trees and green herbs to spring up out of the earth. And again on the fourth day he divided the light, and with its purer portion made the sun, and with the remainder the moon and the stars, embellishing these heavenly bodies with the harmonious beauty which adorns all nature, giving order and harmony to the universe, while assigning to the invisible powers as their function and their law to administer, rule, and adjust these bodies to the service of God, that is, of man, and of all that exists on his account; thereby accustoming and training even these exalted powers to be under law, and calling into play the good or evil qualities of their rational powers, whence some of them having transgressed were hurled down from heaven and deprived of their dignity. For, I saw, saith the Lord, Satan like lightning fall from heaven;18 for being puffed up because of the service entrusted to him by God for the good of men, and because it was his office to move the air for man and regulate its motion for his uses, and deeming that he had of himself advanced of his own will 167 to this height, he usurped to himself the worship due to God, and was forthwith hurled down. For the Apostle again when instructing Timothy not to be hasty in conferring office on a neophyte----one, that is, who has but |102 recently been converted to the faith, thus addressed him: Not a neophyte, lest being puffed up he fall into the condemnation of the devil 19; which, says the Apostle, the devil suffered through being puffed up, and has hereby clearly shown why he was hurled down, namely, by his being puffed up, deeming himself to be God, whence also he had the wish to communicate his own disease to man, saying: Ye shall be as Gods.
Note.
When God Almighty had along with the heaven and the earth produced all the angels, who had not hitherto existed, they stood all of them mute with surprise, being distinguished by the possession of reason from all around them, and were at once filled with amazement, and bent on considering who he was, the Creator who had called themselves and everything with them into existence. For they saw themselves existing in the midst of these things, and that they did not exist before them, and further reflected: The Creator of these and those things is surely one, or each must have had a different creator----or again: Were all things produced spontaneously of themselves, or who then is greater than the other? But when they were revolving such thoughts in their minds for the space of that night (for, as it is written, God called that darkness, night) God entering into their thoughts, all at once without being visible, said in clear tones: Let there be light; and the production of the light from nothing, following instantaneously with the word, struck them all with astonishment, and at the same time taught them that he who had produced this light out of nothing had produced also themselves and the things existing with them out of nothing. Then all bending down worshipped the invisible God, who had produced themselves and all things out of nothing. This, moreover, divine scripture declares in Job speaking in the. person of God: When I made the stars all my angels praised me with a loud voice and celebrated me with hymns,20 from one indicating all successively. It must, however, be observed that in the sight of the angels he called into existence out of non-existence two substances----the one first |103 of all and the other last of all----the one first created being the light, and the other our soul; the one visible, perceptible and devoid of reason, the other invisible, intelligent and rational. All other things, however, he produced from things that are; intending thereby to teach them in turn that he was the maker of all creatures, both rational and non-rational, both those discernible by sense and those by intelligence, both those visible and those invisible----having called them into existence from the state of non-existence. Nor is it unlikely that they on that day and night, since they possessed reason, considered with themselves whether he who had produced this light had also produced the heaven. Then by a further word of command, he made before their eyes 168 the second heaven, forming it from waters and like in its appearance to the first heaven. And by this they were once more taught that he is the maker both of this and of the first heaven----and so he brought to an end the work of the second day. Then when they were again engaged in thinking and looking to the things of the earth, he, in like manner [as when making the second heaven] gathered the water together, and having exposed the dry land itself to view named it the earth, for, being its lord, he gave it its name just as he also named the firmament heaven Then he produces from the earth seeds and plants and green herbs and trees, teaching them that he uses each of his creatures to effect his purposes, since they were created by him. Then, when on the third day he had produced plants and seeds, thereafter on the next----that is, on the fourth day, inasmuch as such productions had need of temperature and arrangement, he makes out of the light, which he had before produced, the great luminaries and the stars----and having placed in the firmament of heaven the host of the invisible powers he directed them to move these bodies in order, on rational principles, and to make them revolve for the supply of temperature to the plants and all that would use them, in order that after their setting the plants might be refreshed by the coolness and motion of the air, and be again warmed by the presence of the luminaries. Accordingly some of the invisible powers, having from the beginning remained till now wavering in their mind, and ungrateful to their maker, entered on the office with which he had entrusted them in forgetfulness of his goodness, and being inflated with pride in their natural acumen, and in the power and the reason bestowed on them, and |104 valuing nothing, but even despising the voice and the command which had come forth from God----yea, not so much as understanding that they had been, like the other creatures, produced along with the darkness, they were overcome by the delirium of their folly, and fancied they had of themselves by their own free act advanced to their high estate. I refer, of course, to the devil, who had been entrusted with the power of the air, and his associates, who had been entrusted some with this and others with that office, who having usurped for themselves the worship and glory due to God, and having been puffed up with pride and become insubordinate, were promptly----to prevent them misleading the others----hurled down from on high and from their dignities to go wandering about the earth. Whence also on the sixth day and after man had been formed, Satan, who was going about in the earth and envying the great care shown by God towards man, wished by affecting him with his own disease to drag down man along with him.
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On the fifth day again he ordered animals after their kind to issue forth from the waters----the monsters of the deep and the other sorts of fish, and along with them the winged fowl of every species that pass through the air. Then again on the sixth day he made out of the earth all cattle and wild beasts and creeping things after their kind. And after he had prepared the whole house and fully furnished and adorned it, then, just as a king, when he has founded a city and completed it, places there his 169 own image, tinting and embellishing it with various colours, so also the all-wise God, when he had as it were gathered together the manifold and diversified works of his hands----the rational and non-rational----the mortal and the immortal ----the corruptible and the incorruptible----the sensible and the intelligible----he completed and adorned one particular animal constituted with every natural quality, namely, Man, and in the house which had been prepared he installed him in the rank of his own image which makes |105 known that he who is the Creator of all is one. Hence those angels, who are well-affected towards God, admire his image, and hover as guardians around it, and minister thereunto. In like manner also the whole creation----the sun on high shining and making day for man, the moon and stars which impart some light amid the deepest gloom, accomplish their course by night for man; while all the months and seasons and tropics and years furnish signs to those who traverse the open seas or pursue their way through the desert; the air again serves the image for respiration, coolness and warmth; fire, for baking bread, heating water, giving light by night, cooking food and for other purposes; water, for drinking, washing, fermentation, irrigation and many other useful purposes; the earth, for habitation and the production of all kinds of fruit and for ministering to many other wants. Then the clean quadrupeds minister to his pleasure and supply him with clothing, the cattle labour for him and afford him leisure, the wild beasts contribute the delight and terror of the chase, and so also do the reptiles; while all things serve for the exercise of his rational powers and supplying what is useful for man, who is the bond uniting all the creation in friendship----who walks upon the earth, and yet flies on the wings of thought and surveys the universe, who is upright of stature and with ease confronts face to face the heavens as his dwelling-place, who is the king of all things on earth and reigns along with the Lord Christ in the heavens, and becomes a fellow-citizen of heavenly beings, and unto whom as the image of God all creation ministers while it is under subjection to God, and preserves its affection and gratitude towards its Creator.
Note.
When on the fifth day again animals were produced from the waters, the angels were taught that God is the Maker of this water, |106 which was produced simultaneously with themselves. In like manner again when on the sixth day animals were produced from the earth, they were still more effectively taught that God is the Maker both of animate and of inanimate creatures. Accordingly all the angels again looked around them, gazing at all the things made by God which had sprung into existence before their eyes in the six days, and concluded that all things were 170 varied, and wonderful, and fitted to excite astonishment, but among them they did not see anything like themselves----rational and invisible and intelligent. There was here ground for suspecting whether after all the Creator of the rational, invisible and intelligent beings is one person, and the Creator of the objects that are irrational, perceptible and visible, a different person. God, however, wishing to remove this supposition of theirs, produced last of all one living being constituted with all the natural qualities, namely, man----constituted with reason and sensation and intelligence, and with visibility and invisibility, and appoints him to serve as his image, which makes known that the Creator of the universe is one. Whence the angels being lost in wonder were taught by their own eyes through man the glory and the power and the greatness and the wisdom and the goodness of the one and only God, and that all the elements and what had been brought into existence after themselves had been prepared before on account of man. With alacrity therefore did they obediently serve and minister in moving everything that conduced to assist the image of God as being themselves members thereof, whence again they greatly rejoice over the welldoing and the righteousness of men, but are on the other hand greatly distressed by his evil-doing and by his sinning, as saith also the Lord himself: For there is great joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth.21
It must, however, be here observed that just as God produced first in the sight of the angels out of non-existence the sensible, visible and non-rational light, and afterwards that which is rational and intelligible22 and invisible, so also in the case of man he |107 made first, according to Moses, his body, and afterwards his soul. Hence it was possible for some to fancy that if there had been another day after the six days, God would have made some other things, but since there is not another day after the six, he would not have been able to produce more. But God to remove this supposition of theirs, makes also a seventh day over and above, and does no work therein, thus showing that the world is quite finished and without any defect left in its structure to be afterwards supplied, for if he had left such he would have completed on the seventh day what was defective. But since nothing had been left defective in it, he rested on the seventh day from all his works which he had undertaken to make. Perhaps again some one will ask: Why did he make the whole creation not in one, or two, or three, or four, or five, but in six days? Such an one will learn this to be the truth of the matter----that, inasmuch as the angels are rational and mutable, one day would not have sufficed for their instruction if the whole had been produced in one day, for they would certainly have thought that things had been confusedly brought into existence like so many phantasms and been produced in disorder. But God Almighty having set apart one day for each single work, in due order formed the universe in parts, that it might be discriminated and thus better understood by the angels. First of all on the first day after they had been produced along with the heaven and the earth and the elements, he made the light before their eyes. On the second day he made the firmament: on the third day he gathered together the waters and produced from the earth trees and green herbs. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the luminaries; on the fifth he produced fish and fowl from the waters; and on the sixth he made from the earth animals and man, and accomplished the whole of those works in the six days. On this account therefore he made the whole world by parts in the six days for the discrimination and instruction of the angels, who from their acute intelligence were able each day to discriminate each separate part of the work and the Maker thereof. Whoso wishes can hence learn that along with the heaven and the earth the angels were also produced, because as they were present at all his works, God uttered his voice in their presence for their instruction, saying: Let this and let that be; but when he created the heaven and the earth he did not utter his voice |108 nor say: Let heaven and earth and the things in them be; for there were none to hear and be instructed. But since in the case of all the other works, there were present those who could be instructed, the voice was opportunely uttered.
Since the angels therefore were produced along with the heaven and the earth, the historian Moses, inspired by the Holy Spirit began his narrative with them, as they contained the angels, saying: In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth.23 And further the Apostle, knowing well what pertains to man and how he is figured, in his Epistle to the Romans has placed man, as destined in the future for heaven, superior to all, for he says: And they changed the glory of the incorruptible God for the likeness of an image of corruptible man, and of birds, and of four-footed beasts and creeping things;24 mentioning man as superior to all, then the birds as inferior to him, then again the four-footed beasts as inferior to the birds, and as inferior to these again the creeping things which lurk underneath the earth, mentioning them according to their rank in the scale of being. But further, of all the quadruped brutes which walk upon all fours and turn their looks earthward, not one is capable of observing the heaven with ease. In like manner with regard to creeping things which with their whole body wriggle along the earth, not one of these is able to observe the heaven. All birds again, being bipeds, and in consonance with this having their legs in the middle of their body, direct their eyes towards the earth when they are high up 172 on the wing; but when they are standing they find it difficult to turn their eyes upwards unto the heaven. Man alone, of all the animals on the earth, being rational and destined for heaven, received from the Creator a figure in congruity with such a destiny. For he is a biped, being destined to fly away and walk in heaven. In figure he is erect, as if he were ready and destined to ascend on high.25 And it is easy for him to behold with his eyes both the earth and the heaven as if he were hastening to ascend from the earth into heaven, conscious that |109 earthly and heavenly things were bound together through him. Moreover, all the brute animals copulate without seeing each other face to face, and have commerce in a brutal and shameless manner. But man alone as rational proceeds to the act face to face, so that the pair seeing each other may embrace with reason, modesty, and reverence, and may thankfully sing the praises of their Maker for his goodness in giving to their nature help and mutual impulse for the propagation and multiplication of our race. God moreover made the woman from the man's side, because the two sides bind the whole body close together; for he neither made her from the front of man lest the woman should exalt herself above him, nor from his back parts that he might not exalt himself above the woman; but from his side, as being in her nature his equal, although the man, as the cause, is first in point of time, but not, however, in his nature itself. And still further----since the hand always protects and guards the side to which it belongs, so when he had made the female from the male, and the male from the earth, God pronounced the two to be one flesh, both from the constitution of the two sides, and from the fruit that springs from their connection. Wherefore the fornicator sins by estranging his own flesh and sowing illegitimate progeny; nay, he that commits adultery is ranked with the homicide, since he divides what is one flesh, and thus perpetrates murder.
Some one again may perhaps propose a question and say: Why was it that, while all the irrational animals were created by God, male and female at the same time, man alone was not created with the female, but remained quite solitary until the female was made later on? To this enquirer I shall reply that since all the animals were created by God without either the gift of reason, or the capacity of knowing anything, while all the angels, the instant they were created, were rational and knew the Maker of all things from those things which had been produced, one by one, that is, in the six days, it was necessary that man who had been created by God possessed of reason, and as the bond uniting all the creation, should himself be taught to know the Creator of all; but since, as he was not the first but the last of all to be produced, he could neither from the things made before him, nor from himself know God, it was God's pleasure to produce 173 the female not along with him, but afterwards out of him, that he might thereby know that he who had taken out from him a |110 being like himself was his Creator. Wherefore also he threw him into a trance26 and a deep sleep, in order that by taking his rib from him without trouble and pain as in sleep, he might by the grace of God gain a perception of what had occurred, and celebrate the praises of his Maker, confessing and saying: This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh----she shall be called woman, because she was taken out of man.27 As then the angels had been created rational, and from the works produced in the six days had been taught to know him who was the cause of them, so of necessity man also was taught through the female, and learned that God was the Maker both of himself and of the universe; but especially as he had beforehand heard God say: Let us make a helpmeet for him.28
Text.
Then again on the seventh day, after he had revealed to Moses how the whole world had been made, and had honoured him with such mystic visions, he then held converse with him, and having given him the law written with the finger of God on tables of stone, and instructed him in the knowledge of letters and made his countenance shine with glory, he let him descend from the mountain.
Note.
Here men, having first received the Law from God in writing, were taught letters and communicated them to all the nations.
Text.
He then afterwards directed him to construct the Tabernacle according to the pattern which he had seen in the mountain----being a pattern, so to say, of the whole world. He therefore made the Tabernacle, designing that as far as possible it should be a copy of the figure of the world, and thus he gave it a length of thirty cubits and a breadth of |111 ten. Then, by interposing inside a veil in the middle of the Tabernacle, he divided it into two compartments, of which the first was called the Holy Place, and the second behind the veil the Holy of Holies. Now the outer was a pattern of this visible world which, according to the divine Apostle, extends from the earth to the firmament, and in which at its northern side was a table, on which were twelve loaves, the table thus presenting a symbol of the earth which supplies all manner of fruits, twelve namely, one as it were for each month of the year. The table was all round wreathed with a waved moulding symbolic of the sea which is called the ocean, and all round this again was 174 a border of a palm's breadth emblematic of the earth beyond the ocean, where lies Paradise away in the East, and where also the extremities of the first heaven, which is like a vaulted chamber, are everywhere supported on the extremities of the earth. Then at the south side he placed the candlestick which shines upon the earth from the south to the north. In this candlestick, symbolic of the week of seven days, he set seven lamps, and these lamps are symbolic of all the luminaries. And the second Tabernacle which is behind the veil and called the Holy of Holies, as well as the Ark of Testimony, and the Mercy-seat, and above it the Cherubim of glory shadowing the Mercy-seat, are, according to the Apostle, a type of the things in heaven from the firmament to the upper heaven, just as the space from the veil to the wall of the inner Tabernacle constitutes the inner place.
Note.
That the first historian in the world was Moses, both Eusebius, the son of Pamphilus,29 and Josephus in their writings testify; for |112 they have clearly shown that of all writers Moses was the most ancient.
Text.
When Moses had accordingly been instructed in letters by God, having with his very eyes perceived the beginning of all things revealed to him, and when his countenance had been glorified so that he could not be beheld by his people without a veil, then as one who could claim belief and who had been glorified by God, he, the first among men, wrote the Book of Genesis in these words: In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,30 showing that when the world was created by God heaven and earth were produced at the very beginning, comprising as they did all existing things, while all the other creatures which he made either along with them or after them one by one, were contained within them. Then having ended his account how all things existing within heaven and earth had been successively created from the first day onwards to the sixth, and having then spoken of God as having rested on the seventh day and made nothing more, because the whole creation had been completed, and nothing been left defective in the harmony of the world to mar its supreme beauty, he again adds: This is the book of heaven and earth; thinking these words sufficient to indicate collectively all things within heaven and earth. And again in another place he says: For in six days he finished and rested from all his works which God had begun to make;31 always speaking to the same effect, namely, that all things are contained within heaven and earth, and that before these seven days 175 he had made nothing whatever, but began on the first day |113 and finished on the sixth, and rested on the seventh without making anything else, and that he made only two heavens, the first along with the earth, while placing the second in the middle and preparing two states----the present and the future----just as in the Tabernacle he had ordered two places to be formed in imitation of the world, for he says: According to the pattern shown to thee in the mount;32 for the Apostle in his Epistle to the Hebrews explains with regard to this Tabernacle that the outer was a pattern of this world, and the inner of the heavens.
When therefore a describer of the world so great and so divine as Moses had been attested and glorified, in the Old Testament by God and in the New by the Christ, while other divinely inspired prophets and apostles along with him bear witness about all things and about the figure of the whole creation as we have set forth in the preceding book, and they agree with him in every particular concerning the creation itself, who can be so obtuse, so foolish, and so far led astray, especially if he calls himself a Christian, as to disbelieve such truth as this, confirmed by such sacred testimony, and would not rather, bending lowly to earth, reverence the crowd of testimonies, the selection, the revelations, the wisdom, the glory, the predictions, the astonishing signs, the great wonders, the fulfilments of prophecies, the testimony of God himself, who spake with Moses face to face as a friend with a friend, while in the New Testament the Lord Christ frequently bears witness to him? In very truth, to express myself more warmly, I assert that, unless one fights against God, he shall not find it in his power to gainsay these things. For afterwards repenting he shall say: the finger of God is in it; and he will confess his defeat, just as the Egpytian enchanters and sorcerers Jannes and Jambres spoke concerning him. |114 Since therefore according to the great cosmographer Moses, and according to Paul, that most divine teacher of the Church, in whom the Lord Christ speaks, two heavens, and two only, were created by God, and not seven or eight, or nine, how is it possible to listen to the pagans advocating views based on conjecture, sophistries, and arrogant assumptions, and inventing fables, not from the old but chiefly from certain recent writers, who, to meet the difficulties of their own doctrines, have devised apologies more foolish even than the doctrines themselves. And how can those who listen to these pagans maintain and yet be in accordance with scripture, that there are waters above the heaven, or that the first, the second, and the third day passed without the sun, moon and stars running their course? Or how in the deluge of Noah did the waters cover the whole earth and again retire? Or how can they say that there will be a final consummation of the world----that the heavenly bodies falling will cease to run their courses, and no longer cause the succession of day and night; and that the present state will altogether end, and that another state will be exhibited quite strange and far superior to this; and that the righteous will enter into the upper heaven beyond this the visible heaven, where is the kingdom of the heavens----the second Tabernacle called the Holy of Holies, of which the inner place in the Tabernacle was a pattern, into which also the Lord Christ entered, having been taken up into the heaven above the firmament, having become the forerunner on our behalf, and having prepared for us a new and living way? Or how can they say that, after the consummation, the seven or eight or nine heavens, or the heaven again which is by them called the sphere, will revolve? For what useful purpose will this revolution be? let them tell us and not grudge us this information; or how can such persons believe the stupendous miracles of which we have often spoken, that were wrought in the |115 time of the great Moses? And likewise that miracle wrought in the time of Joshua, the son of Nun, when he made the sun and moon stand still, and added greatly to the length of the day, until he put the enemy to rout? And that other miracle performed in the time of Hezekiah, the going back of the sun ten degrees, which struck the Babylonian with consternation and induced him to send an embassy to Hezekiah?
Note.
Some have said that up to the present day a feast is celebrated by the Persians to Mithras, that is, the sun,33 in commemoration of the sign in the time of Hezekiah.
Text.
Why need I speak of the all-devouring fire in the time of Nebuchodonosor, which burnt the bonds of the three children, but did not consume so much as a hair of their head, or any of their garments? Or of the renowned Elijah, who in a chariot of fire sped his way through heaven, who raised the dead, and who by his word withheld rain for two and forty months? Or of his disciple Elisha, who threw the wood into the water and brought back iron, and whose dust raised up the dead? In like manner why should I speak of the miracles wrought under the Lord Christ: his marvellous birth from a virgin; the attestation of the Star that then appeared; the adoration of the Magi; the good tidings brought with joy to the shepherds by the angels; the doxology of the whole angelic host; the prayer of Simeon conjoined with the giving of thanks; the confession of Anna; the first miracle of Christ himself in Cana of Galilee, who at a marriage miraculously provided a liberal supply of wine for drinking; the giving of sight to the eyes of the man born blind, by clay wrought with spittle; 177 |116 the restoration to life of Lazarus after he had been four days dead and his intestines were stinking; the host of opposing demons trembling at his power and exclaiming: Thou hast come before the time to torment us34; the command and the bridle imposed on the raging sea; the walking upon the surface of the waves, when he invited Peter to walk with him upon them; and when Peter was seized with distrust and began to sink and cried out: Lord, save me! 35 his drawing him up from the deep, and his again going with him and placing him safe and sound in the boat; the eclipse of the sun at the time of the Passion which continued for three hours, and that too in the fourteenth day of the moon: an occurrence quite contrary to worldly philosophy, for according to the adepts therein an eclipse cannot result except at the time of new moon; the quaking of the earth, the rending of the rocks and of the veil of the temple? But passing over all the other miracles which cannot now conveniently be enumerated, I hasten to speak of the resurrection itself, which is the renovation of men and of all the world; the gift of incorruption, immortality and immutability bestowed by God upon the whole world; of the ascent again of men into heaven, into which the first who entered in flesh was the Lord Christ; of the shadows of the Apostles which gave strength to the weak; of the rapture of the Apostle Paul even into the third heaven,36 that is, to a third of the distance of the height of heaven from the earth----namely, as far as the firmament; then his rapture into Paradise where he was privileged to be the |117 hearer of the unspeakable words which it is not lawful for a man to utter. All which things are marvellous and transcend our nature or our state.
Another Note.
In the days of Joshua, the son of Nun, the sun stood still. In the days of Hezekiah, through the agency of Isaiah, it went back. At the Passion of the Christ, contrary to the law of the pagan philosophers, it was altogether eclipsed. The credentials of the prophets and Apostles and of Christ himself are great and amazing miracles, and the prophecies; while Plato and Aristotle, Ptolemy and the others, challenge our belief on the ground of their knowledge of eclipses of the sun and moon derived from calculations ---- if even thus they speak what is true.
Text.
The occurrence of these marvels prepared the men of those days to place belief in the prophecies also, while the fulfilments of the prophecies prepare ourselves to believe in the signs and in all things of which the prophets spake, as was the case also in the time of the Lord Christ, who in those days when he had come down from the Mount of Olives, and beheld Jerusalem and wept over it as it lay opposite, said: How often would I have gathered thy children even as a hen 178 gathereth her chickens under her wing, and ye would not. Behold, your house is left unto you desolate.37 Then when he had passed sentence on the temple, his disciples who were still under the influence of Judaic sentiment were sorrow-struck; and scripture afterwards says: When descending from the Mount they showed him the building of the temple,38 in order no doubt that they might move him to pity, and that he might recall what he had said with regard to the temple, for they knew and believed that everything spoken by him would come to pass. But he knowing [what would be] said to them: Do you see all these things? Verily, I |118 say unto you, there shall not be left here one stone, upon another that shall not be thrown down.39 Then were they possessed with fear, and remained silent, and said nothing further on this matter. Accordingly thereafter came the Romans, and levelled with the ground the temple and the city, and made it an utter desolation, executing as if by compact what had been commanded by the Lord. And up to this day we see with our very eyes that lo! for more than five hundred years it has lain so desolate that it cannot be renovated. Moreover he said to his disciples: Be of good cheer, I have overcome the world.40 And again: The gates of hell shall not prevail against the church;41 and again he declares that all the world shall be filled with his doctrine, even as the three measures of meal, in which the woman hid the leaven, were all leavened throughout and made one by that leaven. And again: The Gospel shall be preached throughout the whole world:42 and along with it shall the woman too be told of who did him a kindness----and we see that all these predictions have been fulfilled. For the Christians who were at one time persecuted by the Greeks and Jews have conquered, and drawn their persecutors over to their own side. In like manner we see that the Church has never been destroyed, but that its adherents have been greatly multiplied, and that similarly the whole earth has been filled with the doctrine of the Lord Christ, and is still being filled, and that the gospel is preached throughout all the world. This I avouch to be the veritable fact, from what I have seen and heard in the many places which I have visited.
Even in Taprobanê,43 an island in Further India, where the Indian sea is, there is a Church of Christians, with clergy |119 and a body of believers, but I know not whether there be any Christians in the parts beyond it. In the country called Malê,44 where the pepper grows, there is also a church, and at another place called Calliana45 there is moreover a bishop, who is appointed from Persia.46 In the island, again, called the Island of Dioscoridês,47 which is situated in the same Indian sea, and where the inhabitants speak Greek, having been originally colonists sent thither by the Ptolemies who succeeded Alexander the Macedonian, there 179 are clergy who receive their ordination in Persia, and are sent on to the island, and there is also a multitude of Christians. I sailed along the coast of this island, but did not land upon it. I met, however, with some of its Greek-speaking people who had come over into Ethiopia.48 And |120 so likewise among the Bactrians and Huns and Persians, and the rest of the Indians, Persarmenians, and Medes and Elamites, and throughout the whole land of Persia there is no limit to the number of churches with bishops and very large communities of Christian people, as well as many martyrs, and monks also living as hermits. So too in Ethiopia and Axôm, and in all the country about it; among the people of Happy Arabia----who are now called Homerites----through all Arabia and Palestine, Phoenicia, and all Syria and Antioch as far as Mesopotamia; among the Nubians and the Garamantes,49 in Egypt, Libya, Pentapolis,50 Africa51 and Mauretania, as far as southern Gadeira,52 there are everywhere churches of the Christians, and bishops, martyrs, monks and recluses, where the Gospel of Christ is proclaimed. So likewise again in Cilicia, Asia, Cappadocia, Lazica53 and Pontus, and in the northern |121 countries occupied by the Scythians, Hyrcanians, Heruli,54 Bulgarians, Greeks55 and Illyrians, Dalmatians, Goths, Spaniards, Romans, Franks, and other nations, as far as Gadeira on the ocean towards the northern parts, there are believers and preachers of the Gospel confessing the resurrection from the dead; and so we see the prophecies being fulfilled over the whole world.56
Among the famous philosophers who flourished among the pagans, which of them, Socrates, or Pythagoras, or Plato, or Aristotle, or any other, was held worthy to foretell or announce any thing of such advantage to the world as the resurrection of the dead, and the free gift to men of the Kingdom of Heaven, which cannot be shaken? For they can announce nothing except only that, by means of calculations and secular learning, they declare when eclipses of the sun and the moon will occur, whereby, even if they predict them truly----as in fact they do----no benefit will accrue to the world, but rather the evil of pride; while should they say nothing about them they will do no manner of harm. For what boy who learns arithmetic will be found ignorant of this knowledge? or what old woman or country-bred yokel has not an acquaintance with some of the works and ways of nature? or what nation or what barbarian knows not these things----astronomy I mean, and geometry and the various practical arts, medicine, carpentry, stone-cutting, weaving, smithwork, agriculture, and others of which the Greeks have no conception? or what nation |122 between east and west, between north and south, that believes in Christ, does not by various methodical calculations fix for many years beforehand when the Easter festivals are to be celebrated? In fact, they correctly determine the dates in advance, since they all with one consent, from one end of the earth to the other, on one and the same day, celebrate Easter according to their different calculations and methods of computing the time.
For since God has endowed man with wisdom and reason he has rendered him capable of finding out whatever mind can attain to, and whatever he can acquire from education; for such is the nature of that rational animal----man. For when the men of early times had invented an art, they made many mistakes; but afterwards either they or their successors rectified these mistakes under the teaching of experience, time and practice. In like manner those who received the art from them firmly retained what had been transmitted to them. On the other hand the divine teachings, be they doctrines or be they arts, are not in this manner brought to perfection by human intelligence; but being at first given by God, one receives them with full assurance, even as did those whom God inspired with wisdom for the preparation of the Tabernacle in the time of Moses, namely, Beseleêl himself the son of Urias, the son of Ôr, of the tribe of Judah, and Eliab, the son of Achisamach of the tribe of Dan, and all to whom he gave understanding, and filled with the Spirit of God and knowledge to devise all manner of workmanship, both of carpentry and of working in gold and silver and brass----and blue and purple and scarlet thread, and fine twined linen----and stonework and woodwork, according to all the works which the Lord commanded them to make for the Tabernacle of testimony, both the Ark of the Covenant and the Mercy-seat over it, and the furniture of the Tabernacle, its altar and its table and all its vessels, and the laver and |123 its base, and the official robes of Aaron and his sons when ministering as priests before God, and the anointing oil and the sacred incense composed of sweet aromatics, according to all things which God commanded him to make. And beyond question you will find that up to this very day the most of these arts are most zealously cultivated among the Jews.
Note.
When the first man had sinned and had come to a sense of his 181 transgression, and was fittingly convicted thereof by God and filled with confusion and shame, he began to consider next by what contrivance he could cover his nakedness, and being stimulated by God to exert his faculty of reason, he invented the art of sewing, and with the thorns of shrubs stitched together for himself leaves of the fig tree. And being at the same time instructed by God as to the preparation of tunics, he learned to make them from the bark of trees.57 It is attested by scripture that Cain discovered the art or science of agriculture, and Abel that of the keeping of sheep. Then again, when Cain after the murder of his brother had been cast out by God, as it is written: Cain went out from the presence of God and dwelt in the land of Naïn.58 as much as to say, that Cain was cast out by God and banished from his home to a wretched country, for they thought that Paradise was God's dwelling-place, as he was wont to go forth therefrom and ofttimes showed himself there. The sons therefore of Sêth who lived near Paradise, and were so to speak under God's care, and ofttimes conversed with him, were always called the sons of God, while the sons of Cain who were settled somewhere far away from Paradise, and were not constantly under the care of God, but lived in a wild and wretched country, and were under their own care rather than God's, were called the sons of men. Since Cain therefore and his offspring lived in fear, they invented other arts for their security, as, for instance, carpentry, |124 stone-cutting, metallurgy and music. Carpentry----for making tents and doors and roofs for the protection of themselves and their cattle; masonry----for building houses and cities by way of providing for their safety and defence; metallurgy----for the tilling of the soil, and breaking it up with the ploughshare, and reaping the crops with hooks, and for making flutes and many other articles; lastly----music to keep them awake by night with the flute and the lyre and the singing of songs, and to protect themselves and their cattle from the attacks of wild beasts. So then they lived on in fear, and in exile they devised all kinds of expedients to ensure their safety, for scripture thus speaks of them, saying of Cain: And he built a city and named it Enoch after the name of his son;59 then of Thobel (Tubal), the son of Lamech by Ada, it says: He was the father of such as dwell in the tents of shepherds;60 and of Jubal, the brother of Thobel, it says: It was he who taught the use of the psaltery and harp.61 Scripture speaks also of metallurgy when it says concerning Thobel whom Sella (Zillah) bare: He was the forger of cutting instruments of brass and iron.62
182 God having thus from the first given man ingenuity, fitted him to invent arts, and while the first men at the outset invented them, their successors, starting from where they left off, by dint of assiduous practice, brought them to greater perfection. It will be well therefore if we here take up an argument against those sophists who say that the world is eternal and without beginning, and remind them how far they are in error, understanding neither from the things themselves ----namely, from the arts, that it is not eternal and without beginning, but of recent production. For if the arts were discovered gradually, and all human society subsists through art and rational science, how is it possible for the world to subsist without art and rational science? For without the art of stone-cutting, how can houses, fortifications and cities be reared for the protection of men and civic communities? In like manner, without the art of weaving, whence could men obtain coverings sufficient to protect them from cold and from frost. In like manner, were there not an art of working in metals, how would |125 it be possible for men to till the soil, and break up the earth with ploughs, or reap the crops with sickles, in order to provide themselves with food? If again there was no art of medicine, how could the sufferings to which men are liable be cured and their illnesses be mitigated?
From all this it is quite manifest that the world is not eternal, but a recent production, just like the inventions and the arts and the sciences of men. For where will they find among astronomers one equal to or greater than Ptolemy; or among philosophers, than Plato and Aristotle; or what greater geometricians and arithmeticians will they find than Euclid and Archimedes, who alone discovered the quadrature of the circle?63 But if these learned men were more exact than their predecessors, is it not most manifest that the arts were gradually discovered through the ingenuity which was bestowed by God upon men? Wherefore also the scripture, referring everything to God, exclaims: All wisdom is from God.64 They are therefore either liars or consummate fools in supposing the world to be eternal, when they are convicted of being in error by actual facts. But sacred scripture speaks more truly when it says: In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth.65 I should like again to put to those wise men this question: since the hammer, the anvil and the forceps precede the entire art of metallurgy, who was it prepared these instruments? Let them tell us and not begrudge us a reply. They, however, not having the sense to take refuge in God, the maker of the universe, who endowed the race of mankind with wisdom, and gave them the faculty of invention, but wishing after the ways of their own heart to construct and to demolish theories, on finding themselves beset with difficulties and the most formidable perplexities of reasoning, presume next to declare that the world is eternal and had no beginning, for such assertions show to what straits they are reduced. How hard, for instance, are they pressed both with respect to man and bird, since the one is produced from seed and the others from eggs; and if this opinion of theirs is true, the question arises did men and birds ----the products respectively of seed and of eggs----exist at the same |126 183 time with God, or did they not? And if they did exist, the seed and the eggs will of necessity be found existing before God, and before men and birds; but if they did not exist they must submit to divine scripture, when it informs us through Moses: God said, Let us make man in our image, and through the Apostle at Athens on the Areopagus [tells us what we read in Acts xvii, 24-28]. So then, as has already been said, the sons of Seth, those namely who are called the sons of God, went in against the will of God but in obedience to their own self-will, to the daughters of men ----that is, to the women of the race of Cain----and joined themselves to them in marriage. Wherefore God, taking occasion from this, made a new dispensation and destroyed those who had sinned by means of the Deluge, but him that was righteous he preserved by the Ark, and transferred to this earth of ours, which was a better one and almost equal to Paradise.
Text.
But to continue,----the divine doctrines, the structure of the world, and the prophecies cannot possibly be explained unless one learn them from divine revelation, or receive them from men divinely inspired, the Prophets themselves, and the Apostles, and all divinely inspired scripture; for it is impossible to acquire such learning from conjectures or arrogant assumptions or human wisdom. But that the structure of the world coincides with the doctrine of the Christians, the whole of divine scripture, as has been said, proclaims, namely, Moses and the Prophets, the Lord Christ and the Apostles, as we have repeatedly explained. For God divided the one place which extends from the earth to the higher heaven by interposing in the middle the second heaven, and thus made two places; and to this mortal and mutable state he assigned the lower place, and to the immortal and immutable state the higher, which is called also the Kingdom of Heaven, and about which the Lord Christ speaks thus in the Gospel of Matthew: For in the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, |127 but are as the angels of God in heaven;66 and again: He shall to those on the right hand say----Come, ye blessed of my father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you before the 184 found-ation of the world,67 as if he should say prepared from that time; [see also] John xii, 32; Matt, xiv, 40; viii, 11, 12; Heb. iv, 11; Philipp iii, 20; Rom. viii, 17; Ephes. ii, 6; Philipp. iii, 14; Galat. iv, 26; Heb. iii, I; Ephes. ii, 19; Heb. xi, 9, 10; Ibid, v, 16; Ibid, xii, 22-24; Ibid, xiii, 14; Luke xxiv, 51; Acts i, 10, 11; Heb. ix, 24; Ibid.185 vii, 26; Ibid, vi, 18-20; Ibid, x, 19, 23.
Can any one then be so infatuated, so lost in misery as to disbelieve such promises and such true prophecies, which both from the two places created in the beginning and made ready so to speak by God from the foundation of the world, and from such preparations are shown to be true and in harmony with the doctrine of the Christians? And this with regard both to the principles and the ends, namely, that when God had set apart the present mortal and mutable state of existence for the exercise of the reasoning faculty, and had led it through its trial, he at last releases the world from its toil and discipline, and reveals the future state, graciously bestowing everlasting benefits, exemption from penury and the sway of the passions, immortality, incorruption, immutability, perfect knowledge, righteousness, sanctification, redemption and blessedness for evermore, Amen! For the present state will not remain for ever, as the pagans are foolish enough to assert, supposing that God delights in evil, or rather that he is deficient in power or gives grudgingly, so that he is unable to grant the world release from its struggles and from corruption; yea, that day after day he adds destruction and sufferings, and death and trials, and is not strong enough to give the prizes of contests, or to award crowns, |128 or to bring the toils with which men are exercised to an end. For as they suppose him to be merely the artificer who shapes the material which he has at his command, so even now they suppose that he is not able to make it better, disbelieving the resurrection of the body as a thing impossible, and disbelieving also the whole of divine scripture. Wherefore those miserable men admit the spherical form of the heaven to be true, disbelieving, yea, rather execrating, the whole of divine scripture, and turning away from the truth as from old wives' fables. Far however be it from us to boast except in the whole of divine scripture, through which the outside world is crucified to us and we to the outside world. Be it ours, O most 186 pious Father Pamphilus, along with a good life, to embrace the divine oracles, and to repudiate those of our adversaries, according to the will of Him that is mighty, and by the help of Christ the saviour of us all, with whom to the Father, together with his holy and adorable Spirit, be glory now and evermore, world without end.----Amen!
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Gen. xi, 4.
2. 2 Gr. turannikw~| tro&pw|. In later Greek the adjective was used in this sense. Montfaucon, however, translates: tyrannico more.
3. 3 Luke ii, 14.
4. 1 There is evidently here a hiatus. Montfaucon has passed without notice.
5. 1 Exod. viii, 19.
6. 2 Gen. i, 6.
7. 3Gen. i, 2.
8. 1 Gen. i, 20.
9. 1 Matt. xi, 38.
10. 1 John ii, 18.
11. 2 John ii, 19.
12. 3 Matt, i.x, 35.
13. 4 John vi, 67.
14. 5 John ii, 15.
15. 1 John ii, 16.
16. 2 John ii, 18.
17. 3 John iii, 17.
18. 1 Luke x, 18.
19. 1 I Tim. iii, 6.
20. 2 Job xxxviii, 7.
21. 1 Luke xv, 7.
22. 2 Gr. to_ nohto_n.----Montfaucon translates this by intelligentum, but what Cosmas means is that the soul is discerned by the intellect and not by the senses.
23. 1 Gen. i, i.
24. 2 Rom. i, 23.
25. 3 Compare Ovid, Metamorph., Book i, 11. 84-86:
Pronaque cum spectent animalia caetera terram,
Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque tueri
Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus.
26. 1 Gr. e kstasin.
27. 2 Gen. ii, 23.
28. 3 Gen. ii, 18.
29. 1 This is Eusebius, the father of ecclesiastical history, who succeeded Agapius as Bishop of Caesareia in 315. He was a native of Palestine, and took the surname Pamphili as a token of his great affection for the martyr Pamphilus, who had been the bishop of the same See, and of whom he wrote a life, now lost.
30. 1 Gen. i, 1.
31. 2 Gen. ii, 3.
32. 1 Exod. xxv, 40.
33. 1. See Strabo, xv, iii, 13
34. 1 Matt, viii, 29.
35. 2 Matt, xiv, 30.
36. 3 "The expression e wj tri/tou ou)ranou~ is founded on Jewish phraseology, by which heaven was considered as threefold, consisting of: 1. the aerial (or skyey); 2. the sidereal (or starry); and 3. heaven itself, the abode of God and the angels."----Bloomfield, Note on II Corinthians xii, 2. The interpretation put upon the expression by Cosmas is manifestly disingenuous.
37. 1 Matt, xxiii, 37, 38.
38. 2 Matt, xxiv, 1.
39. 1 Matt, xxiv, 2.
40. 2 John xvi, 33.
41. 3 Matt, xvi, 18.
42. 4 Matt, xxiv, 14.
43. 5 For a description of Taprobanê (Ceylon) see Book XI.
44. 1 Malabar, see below, Book xi.
45. 2 Ibid.
46. 3 Gr. a)po_ persi/doj xeirotonou&menoj. This is the verb used in the Acts of the Apostles, xiv, 23: ordained by the laying on of hands.
47. 4 Dioscoridês is the island now called Socotra. The name, though in appearance Greek, is in reality Sanscrit, from Dvîpa Sukhâdâra, that is, Island Abode of Bliss. A description is given of it in c. 30 of the Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea, which was writtten about the middle of the first century. It is described as "of great extent but désert, and very moist, and as having but a scanty population, which was settled on its north side, and consisted of an intermixture of foreigners----Arabs, Indians, and even Greeks----engaged in commerce." The people of the interior are still of distinct race, with curly hair, Indian complexion, and regular features, while the coast people are of mixed descent. Abulfeda says the people were Nestorian Christians and pirates, but the late Sir H. Yule says that "some indications point rather to a connection of the island's Christianity with the Jacobite or Abyssinian church. Thus they practised circumcision.... and De Barros calls them Jacobite Christians of the Abyssinian stock. Barbosa speaks of them.... as Christian only in name, having neither baptism nor Christian knowledge.... Now not a trace of former Christianity can be discovered, and the social state of the people could scarcely be lower." See his edition of The Book of Ser Marco Polo, vol. ii, pp. 401-2.
48. 5 Gr. a)ndra&sin tw~n e0kei=.... e/lqou~sin e/n th~| 'Aiqiwpi/a|.----Montfaucon translates: qui in Aethiopian proficiscebantur. Cosmas had probably met them at Adule or at Axum.
49. 1 The Garamantes were the inhabitants of the great oasis in the Libyan desert called Phazania, and now Fezzan, but the name was often used in a wider sense to denote the people of northern Africa who lived to the south of the Syrtis.
50. 2 Pentapolis, the name for any association of five cities, denotes here the five chief cities of the province of Cyrenaica in north Africa. These were Cyrênê, Berenice, Arsinoê, Ptolemais, and Apollonia, the port of Cyrênê.
51. 3 Africa, in its narrow sense, meant the regions between Mauretania and Cyrênê.
52. 4 Gr. Gadei/rwn, ta_ pro_j no&ton. Cosmas slips here in his grammar, using ta_ for tw~n. A little below he speaks of another Gades----Gadeira tou~ Wkeanou~, that is, Gades in Spain. Southern Gades, Yule thinks, may be Tingis, or Cape Spartel, called by Strabo Kôteis.
53. 5 "In the time of Pliny, Arrian, and Ptolemy", says Gibbon, "the Lazi were a particular tribe on the northern skirts of Colchos. When the Romans stationed on the Phasis were either withdrawn or expelled, the tribe of the Lazi, whose posterity speak a foreign dialect, and inhabit the sea-coast of Trebizond, imposed their name and dominion on the ancient kingdom of Colchos. Their independence was soon invaded by a formidable neighbour.... In the beginning of the sixth century their influence was restored by the introduction of Christianity, which the Mingrelians still profess with becoming zeal, without understanding the doctrines or observing the precepts of their religion."----Decline and Fall, Chap. xlii.
54. 1 The Heruli under Odoacer, who is styled their king, in A.D. 476 overthrew the western empire. Their seats lay to the north of the Euxine.
55. 2Gr. 9Elladikw~n.
56. 3 Towards the end of the seventeenth chapter of the Decline and Fall, Gibbon has summarised what Cosmas here says regarding the wide spread of Christianity.
57. 1 Gr. e0k derma&tw~n cu&lwn-----Montfaucon translates ex pellibus ovium, taking cu&lwn to be a mis-reading of the MS.
cu&lon, however, has sometimes, especially in Alexandrian Greek, the meaning of live-wood, or a tree.
58. 2 Gen. iv, 16.
59. 1 Gen. iv, 17.
60. 2 Gen. iv, 20.
61. 3 Gen. iv, 21.
62. 4 Gen. iv, 22.
63. 1 Cosmas refers here to the work of Archimedes, which is still extant, on the Quadrature of the Parabola.
64. 2 Eccl. i, 1.
65. 3 Gen. i, 1.
66. 1 Matt, xxxii, 30.
67. 2 Matt, xxv, 34.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 129-137. Book 4
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 129-137. Book 4
BOOK IV.
A summary recapitulation and description of the figures of the world; also the refutation of the sphere.
T is written: In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth.1 We therefore first depict along with the earth, the heaven which is vaulted and which has its extremities bound together with the extremities of the earth. To the best of our ability we have endeavoured to delineate it on its western side and its eastern; for these two sides are walls, extending from below to the vault above. There is also the firmament which, in the middle, is bound together with the first heaven, and which, on its upper side, has the waters according to divine scripture itself. The position and figure are such as here sketched.2 To the extremities on the four sides of the earth the heaven is fastened at its own four extremities, making the figure of a cube, that is to say, a quadrangular figure, while up above it curves round in the form of an oblong vault and becomes as it were a vast canopy. And in the middle the firmament is made fast to it, and thus two places are formed.
From the earth to the firmament is the first place, this world, namely, in which are the angels and men and all the |130 present state of existence. From the firmament again to the vault above is the second place----the Kingdom of Heaven, into which Christ, first of all, entered, after his ascension, having prepared for us a new and living way.
On the western side and the eastern the outline presented is short,3 as in the case of an oblong4 vault, but on its north and south sides it shows its length. Its figure is therefore something such as this.5
Note.
This is the first heaven, shaped like a vaulted chamber, which was created on the first day along with the earth, and of it Isaiah speaks thus: He that hath established the heaven as a vaulted chamber.5 But the heaven, which is bound to the first at the middle, is that which was created on the second day, to which 187 Isaiah refers when he says: And having stretched it out as a tent to dwell in.6 David also says concerning it: Stretching out the heaven as a curtain,7 and indicating it still more clearly he says: Who layeth the beams of his chambers in the waters.6 Now, when Scripture speaks of the extremities of heaven and earth, this cannot be understood as applicable to a sphere. Isaiah again says: Thus saith the Lord, he that made the heaven and pitched it;8 and the Apostle in like manner says: Of the true Tabernacle which the Lord pitched and not man.9 They both speak of the heaven as standing on and fixed on the earth, and not as revolving round it. Nay more, the extremities of the heaven are bound together with the extremities of the earth, and on both sides, and concerning this it is written in Job: And he inclined heaven to earth, and the earth is poured out as dust, and I have fastened it as a square block to a stone.10 And with regard to the earth it is again written in Job: He that hangeth the earth upon nothing;11 meaning, that it had nothing underneath it. And David in harmony with this, when he could discover nothing on |131 which it was founded, says: He that hath founded the earth upon its own stability,12 as if he said, it hath been founded by thee upon itself, and not upon anything else.
To the best of our ability we have endeavoured to depict heaven having the firmament within it and the mountain peaks in the middle of the earth which we now inhabit, and the ocean surrounding it, and the four navigable gulfs which run into it----the Roman, the Arabian, the Persian and the Caspian or Hyrcanian. The ocean again we have depicted as surrounded by the land on its farther side, where also Paradise lies in the east. Then again we depict the breadth of the earth and of the ocean, and of the gulfs, and of the earth beyond, and Paradise, leaving out for the present the peaks, in order that a comprehensive view may be more readily gained by those who examine the delineation. Now the figure of the whole earth, with respect to this surface and to the breadth, is such as has been indicated.
With that earth which is situated beyond the ocean, the first heaven, which is like a vaulted chamber, is bound together at its extremities on all sides, and at its west and at its east side a wall is found rising straight upward, but at the south and at the north side there is a wall equal at the base until it takes what has evidently the form of a vaulted chamber, while at the top it rolls itself into a very lofty arch, like the spacious roof over a bath, with an arena-like floor below,13 so that the wall itself forms a vaulted roof. Then, as we have just stated over and over again, the firmament which is spread out in the middle is at a certain height bound together with the heaven itself in order that two places may be formed----an upper place and a lower.14 Now one of these places, namely, the lower, comprising the earth and the water and the other elements and the heavenly bodies, is this world which extends from the earth to the firmament, having the earth for its floor, the walls reaching down from the first heaven for its sides, and the firmament for its roof. The |132 other place again which extends from the firmament to the vault of the first heaven is, to wit, the Kingdom of Heaven into which the Lord Christ, after he had risen from the dead, ascended, and into which the righteous shall also afterwards ascend, and has for its floor the firmament or second heaven, and the first heaven itself for its walls and its vaulted roof. We further again depict the altitude and figure of this earth which we men dwell in, and which is encircled by the ocean, and contains the four navigable gulfs. Its eastern and its southern parts are low and depressed, while its northern and western are of very great elevation, but slope so gradually that the inequality is not perceived. The earth has therefore in its northern and western parts an elevation equivalent to its breadth. We therefore thus depict its figure according to the best of our ability.15
Note.
The earth taken as a whole is quadrangular according to the delineation already given. We have also indicated the altitude of its most central part and the heights in its northern and western parts. Hence we have delineated it as placed in the centre surrounded by the ocean and also by the earth on the opposite side of the ocean, with the heavenly bodies circling round it, so that the conical mountain16 can project a shadow according even to the pagans, while in accordance with this figure eclipses can occur, as well as the vicissitudes of night and day. Divine scripture confirms the truth of this, saying: The sun riseth and the sun goeth down, and draweth to his own place. On his rising he goeth then to the south and wheeleth his circles, and turneth round the air upon his circles;17 meaning that in circling through the air he comes back again to his own place.
Text.
In this view the inhabited parts of the earth are thus represented. In accordance therewith the sun rising in the east, and running through the south in the course of |133 his revolutions, always, when giving light to the summit of the earth, or even to the earth itself, makes night to the ocean and the earth beyond it. Then again, when he is in the west and the north beyond the summit of the earth, he leaves us here in darkness, until in making his circuit he again appears in the east where the earth is depressed, and mounting the sky in the south again illumines all this side. The eclipses of the moon therefore, even according to this delineation, if at any rate what the pagans say is true, can occur when either the sun or the moon is hidden by the summit of the earth; for they say that a solar eclipse is not produced by the shadow of the earth, but because in a perpendicular line the moon is directly below the sun, so 189 that she is illuminated on that side which the sun sees, but not on that which he does not see----yea, rather, she prevents him from being visible by running under him, at the occurrence at all events of the lunar new month, when the moon is not enlightened on that side which is visible to us. The opinion therefore which we hold is in no wise adverse to such views, except only with respect to the motion and revolution of the heaven----a theory subversive alike of all divine scripture both of the Old and the New Testament, and of Christian doctrine. But to enquire further into these matters we have no leisure; for such knowledge is unprofitable to us who have access to a more profitable knowledge, which imparts to our soul a good and beneficent hope which God hath promised he will give to those who believe in him, while those who act unjustly he has doomed to perdition. But with God's help we shall delineate the figure of the earth on the reverse side in its northern portion, that we may be able again in turn to delineate the circuit of the heavenly bodies----and it is thus.18
When therefore the setting sun runs from here by the |134 ministration of the invisible powers, according to the views of divine scripture, he makes night in the other part----that namely which is inhabited; but when he runs hither he makes darkness there. But we shall now concisely, according to our ability, delineate the heaven and the earth, and we do so thus:----19
Note 1.
This part of the earth situated beyond the north, where the luminaries pursue their course from the west through the north towards the east is uninhabited, and this stands upright like a wall, and when the sun comes to it, he leaves in darkness the other part which is inhabited. The earth therefore is found to have in this part, from the ocean beneath up to its summit, an altitude according with the measure of the breadth of its inhabited parts. Hence as it intercepts midway the light of the heavenly bodies, the nights and all the rest follow.
Note 2.
It is necessary for those who wish to be considered Christians to enquire into which of these eight or nine heavens Christ has ascended, and into which they themselves hope to ascend, and what is the use of the other seven or eight heavens. For having already delineated the world in accordance with the scriptural view, we assert that two places were created, one adapted to the present state of existence, and the other to that which is to come, since we have such a hope, one that is better than the 190 life here. And you, if as Christians you hold such a hope, will of necessity be asked what is the use of the seven or eight other heavens. For the pagans who hold the theory of the sphere, if consistent with themselves, neither entertain such a hope, nor allow that there are waters above the heaven, nor are found to acknowledge that the heavenly bodies and the world will come to an end; but expect that the world in the state of corruption will continue for ever. If the sphere which has motion forces the others to revolve along with it from east to west, whence is |135 produced the motion, in the contrary direction, of the seven planets? Is it the spheres that have the contrary motion, or the stars themselves? If the spheres, how can they at one and the same time move both westward and eastward? And if the stars, how do the planets cut their way through the heavenly bodies? Is it not evident that a heavenly body cannot be cut asunder? For unless it were corruptible, it could not be cut through. How then do ye make such suppositions?
Since beyond this sphere neither place, nor body, nor element nor any of their parts anywhere exists, how do ye say it is moved? Tell us, begrudge us not an answer. For, except in some place or in space at large, it cannot possibly be moved. Show us therefore by what instrument----naming any one you please-----it can be moved without place or body, or element or space. And do not, because you are adepts in the science of nature, jauntily treat us to nothing but empty phrases. But since some insist that the sphere rotates like a lathe by the shaft,20 or like a waggon or a machine by the axle, let these show on what support the shaft and the axle rest, and then again on what this support rests, and so on to infinity. How then do you reason with respect to the natural world? and how does an axis not also pass through the earth, which is in the middle, and turn it round? And again tell me, ye who follow these men and yet wish to be Christians, into what place of the eight spheres, or of the ninth which is called by some the starless, hath Christ entered, or shall we ourselves enter? Or how can waters be contained on a rotating sphere? or how when the stars fall at the final consummation can such spheres as yours be preserved? or what can be the use of them? Is it not evident that you argue against the hope held out by the Christian doctrine? For these views cannot be consistently held except by Pagans, who have no hope of another and better state, and who consequently suppose that the world is eternal, in order that the rich abundance of the spheres in which the planets will accomplish their courses may be preserved for them----while in another sphere are the fixed stars----and their error has some show of reason in its favour. But ye advance arguments altogether incredible, and will have it that there is a multitude of spheres, and that there is no final consummation of the world since ye are |136 unable to tell what is the necessity of these things. And in like manner ye will have it that the waters above the spheres rotate----191 a most ridiculous idea and altogether idiotic, and ye advance arguments which are self-contradictory and opposed to the nature of things. And though ye allow that the universe was created in six days, yet ye find no mention of the making of a third heaven, and far less of the eight or nine which ye venture to affirm. How great is your knowledge! how great your wisdom! how great your intelligence! how great your inconsistency! No man can serve two masters,21 as has well been said by the Lord, but if one will serve God, let him serve him, or if Mammon, then Mammon. And again he says, through Paul: Ye cannot be partakers of the table of the Lord, and of the table of devils.22 And again: Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers; for what fellowship hath righteousness with lawlessness, and what communion hath light with darkness? and what concord hath Christ with Belial? or what part hath he that believeth with an infidel? and what agreement hath the temple of God with idols?23
And how again was it possible for the earth, which according to you is placed in the very middle of the universe, to have been submerged by the deluge in the time of Noah? or how can it be believed that on the first and the second day it was covered by the waters, and on the third, when the waters were gathered together, that it made its appearance, as is recorded in Genesis? But with even greater wisdom ye suppose that there are men walking all the earth over with their feet opposite the feet of other men. We therefore depict according to your view the earth and the Antipodes,24 and let each one of you who has sound vision and the power of reasoning justly turn the earth round whatever way he pleases, and let him say whether the Antipodes can be all standing upright in the same sense of the expression. But this they will not show even should they speak unrestrained by shame. Such then is our reply to your fictitious and false theories and to the conclusions of your reasonings which are capricious, self-contradictory, inconsistent, doomed to be utterly confounded, and |137 to be whirled round and round even more than that unstable and revolving mythical sphere of yours. Wherefore, O Christ-loving Father, since I have thus brought to an end the fourth book with a delineation of the Antipodes, I shall begin the fifth book, as I promised at thy pious desire, and it will contain a description of the Tabernacle prepared by Moses in the wilderness, if God will, who is the Saviour of us all.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Gen. i, 1.
2. 2 Gr. h( qe/sij kai\ to_ sxh~ma. For the sketch, see Plates 2 and 7 in the Appendix.
3. 1 The MS. has makro_n, which Montfaucon gives in his text, but in a note corrects into mikro&n.
4. 2 Gr. w(j e0pi\ qo&lou mega&lhj.
5. 3 See Pl. 7 in the Appendix.
6. 4 Isai. xl, 22.
7. 5 Psalm civ, 2, 3.
8. 6 Isai. xlii, 5.
9. 7 Heb. viii, 2.
10. 8 Job xxxviii, 38.
11. 9 Job xxv, 7.
12. 1 Psalm civ, 5.
13. 2 Gr. pe/xma, which Montfaucon translates by lacunar, a "ceiling", but no lexicon gives this as a meaning of the word. Sophocles gives "the area of a circus or of a theatre", as the meaning in Byzantine writers.
14. 3 Gr. a)na&gaion kai\ kata&gaion.
15. 1 See Pl. 4 in the Appendix.
16. 2 See Pl. 8 in the Appendix.
17. 3 Eccl. i, 6, 7.
18. 1 See Pl. 5 in the Appendix.
19. 1 See Pl. 6 in the Appendix.
20. 1 Gr. u(po_ klw&takoj.
21. 1 Matt, vi, 24.
22. 2 I Cor. x, 21.
23. 3 II Cor. vi, 14, 16.
24. 4 See Pl. 10 in Appendix.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_05_book .htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 138-243. Book 5
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 138-243. Book 5
BOOK V.
In which is contained a description of the Tabernacle, and in which the harmony is exhibited of the Prophets and Apostles. 192
F the Tabernacle which was prepared by Moses in the wilderness, it is now time to give a description, as we have received it from that most divine man and teacher. And having made divine scripture our 1 starting point and accepted its testimonies, we begin with the exodus from Egypt, when the first-born of the Egyptians died, suffering the last of the plagues brought upon them through Moses----when also the Israelites, after having sacrificed, ate the Passover standing, having their loins girt, and holding staffs in their hands, ready prepared for their departure, on the first day of the first month at evening on the fourteenth day of the moon, which things were a shadow and type of the things that would be under the Lord Christ, namely, the deliverance from tyrannical bondage, the renovation of the world, accomplished by the resurrection from the dead, and |139 the everlasting rest into which men shall enter. For at that very season of the year the world appears to have been created by God, and to have had its beginning. Likewise also in the time of Noah after the Deluge, there was again at that season a beginning of the world. It was the season again when there took place the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt; and it was then also that there occurred the conception by the Virgin of the Lord Christ according to the flesh----of him who is the second Adam, the Chief Captain of the second state. In it again also occurred the resurrection from the dead of our Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh, and it is said further that the general resurrection also shall then take place. The pagans moreover bear witness to the season, thieves that they are, deeming it to be an opinion of their own, and regarding Aries as the beginning of the Zodiac circle. In this sign there is, according to divine scripture, the first month of the year, and herein is a clear proof of their being plagiarists, especially as they assign a beginning to a circle----an idea scouted even by themselves as ridiculous. In fact they have nothing that is good but what they have purloined from divine scripture; but being puffed up with pride, and wishing to set themselves up as quite superior persons, they use as their own what is the property of other people.
But that the Law serves the purpose of foreshadowing some things that are future the Apostle testifies, exclaiming: For the Law having a shadow of good things to come, and not the very image of the things 2----speaking of a shadow as when one draws a rough sketch of a man without taking a full likeness of him, that is without representing his features and all his different members, so that it can be 193 known what sort of a man he is, whether old or young, |140 whether comely or uncomely, but merely sketches an outline of his bodily figure; so by what he calls an image he means the characteristic features, that is, the mysteries celebrated by us, namely the regeneration through baptism, and participation in the mysteries.3 But what he calls the real things themselves are the resurrection from the dead, the transformation of our bodies, the change from corruption to incorruption, the immutability of the soul instead of its mutability, perfect knowledge for that which is in part, an habitation, a rest, and an entrance into heaven, instead of earthly things heavenly, and instead of temporal things eternal. And all these boons have been secured for the human race through our Lord Jesus Christ. He therefore calls the Law the shadow of these things while the image and its characteristics are the mysteries celebrated by the Christians, as for instance, the lamb offered in sacrifice----a type of the Passion of Christ, in accordance with what the Apostle Paul says: For Christ our Passover was sacrificed;4 and John the Baptist thus speaks: Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world.5 Then after this, for the Israelites of that time there was their deliverance from the destroying angel and from the bondage to Pharaoh; for us, our deliverance from the devil and from our bondage to the very burdensome law. Then for them, their passage through the sea |141 and their sojourning in the wilderness, and the giving of the law and the setting up of the Tabernacle; for us, our passage through baptism and our sojourning in the Church, and the gift of the Holy Spirit. For them, a copious supply of water from the rock to sustain their life; for us, the life-giving mysteries; for them, the land of promise as a place of rest; for us, heaven not made with hands as our place of rest; for them, temporal life; for us, life eternal and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption and blessedness. The former things therefore serve the purpose of a rough sketch, but those that are ours are the images and characteristic features of the things themselves. And we are not yet within the things themselves, but it shall come to pass that we shall rise from the dead; for no one, save only the Lord Christ in the flesh, has been within the things, having been the first of all to rise from the dead.
When the Egyptians were accordingly hastening the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, these carried away on their shoulders the flour itself, which with their hands they had kneaded into cakes without any leaven, and without the dough being baked. So when they had taken their departure and were drawing nigh to the Red Sea, the Egyptian Pharaoh who had repented and collected an army, pursued after them and overtook them near the sea opposite the encampment in the midst of Migdol and right opposite Beelsephon. Then evening at length coming on, the pillar of cloud or of fire, which always went before them and guided them on their way, that night came behind them and prevented the Egyptians from attacking 194 the Israelites. Then afterwards when the day was about to dawn, and when the Israelites cried to God, God commanded Moses to smite the sea with his rod and to divide it. Moses, having therefore done as he was commanded, smote the water and divided it, so that it stood up as a |142 wall on this side and on that side, and the Israelites passed through. But when the Egyptians with their chariots were in the midst of the sea pursuing the Israelites, the waters, driven by the anger of God, were turned back upon them and they were all overwhelmed in the sea and perished. Now that very place is in Clysma,6 as they call it, on the right hand as you go to the mountain, where also the tracks of the wheels of their chariots are visible, and can be traced for a considerable distance as far as the sea, and are preserved even to the present day, as a sign to unbelievers and not to believers.
Note. Regarding the conception of the Lord.
When Zacharias on the tenth day of the seventh month had gone into the temple, according to the tradition of the law, and it had been announced to him that John would be born to him by Elisabeth, word also came to the Virgin in Elisabeth's sixth month that her own first month had begun. For as Zacharias had received word on the tenth day of the month, and Elisabeth had conceived in that very month, it is evident that six months of the year had elapsed, and that six months were still left with the exception of those ten days, with two or three or seven others added, until Zacharias returned to his house, so that there would remain 161 or 167 or 163 days. The beginning therefore of the conception of the Lord, that is, the beginning of the first month, was Elisabeth's sixth month according to what is handed down in the Gospels. For God has always observed this order and continues to observe it. This we can know for certain, since |143 we all celebrate the Nativity of Christ when the ninth month has been completed, reckoned from the beginning of the first month, that is Choiac 28. But the Christians of Jerusalem, as if on the authority of the blessed Luke, who says that Christ was baptised when he began to be thirty years of age,7 celebrate his nativity on Epiphany.8 And both the evangelist and they of Jerusalem say what is true, but their reckoning is not accurate, for on the day of his nativity fell also his baptism, as both Luke and the Christians of Jerusalem say. But from ancient times the Church, lest by observing the two festivals together one of them should be forgotten, ordained that twelve days, after the number of the Apostles, should be interposed, and that the Feast of Epiphany should then be celebrated; just as it also ordained that the fast of forty days, which the Lord endured before he entered on his contest with the devil, should be concluded by the resurrection of the Lord, in order that we also, taking example, should by fighting to the utmost of our power and imitating him, become recipients of the 195 Passion and the Resurrection of the Lord, although the fasting did not take place on the self-same days. In like manner the Church therefore ordained that the Epiphany of our Lord Jesus should be observed twelve days subsequent to his nativity. But the Christians of Jerusalem alone, guided by probable conjecture but inaccurate calculation, celebrate his birth at Epiphany. But on his birthday they celebrate the memory of David and the Apostle James----not because they both died on that very day, but all, as I think, celebrate their memory lest they should remain excluded from the feast dedicated to all who were kinsmen of Christ according to the flesh, while glorifying God in all things. Amen!
The passage of the Israelites into the Desert after their departure from Egypt.
When the Israelites passed over to the other side to the place called Phœnicôn 9 they began to traverse the desert of Sur (Shur), God expanding a cloud over them by day to protect them from |144 the scorching heat of the sun, and guiding them in it, while by night he appeared in a pillar of fire and led them on their way through all the wilderness, as it is written: He spread a cloud for a covering: and fire to give light in the night.10 And all this can be thus depicted.11
Then again setting out from Merrha (Marah) they came to Elim which we now call Raithu, where there were twelve springs of water which exist to the present day.12 But at that time the number of palm-trees was far greater than it is now. Up to this point they had the sea on their right hand, and on their left the wilderness, but thenceforth they advanced into the interior towards the mountain, leaving the sea behind them as they marched forward into the wilderness. When they were half way between Elim and the Mount Sinai, then the manna descended upon them, and there for the first time they observed the Sabbath, according to the commands which God gave to Moses at Marah, but not in writing. This also you can see thus depicted.13
When they had advanced to Elim from Marah, and had again journeyed into the wilderness in that place half way between Elim and Mount Sinai, the quails descended upon them at evening, and the manna in the morning. There again they began to keep the Sabbath, the manna not corrupting from the sixth day till the Sabbath, while on the other days it could not be kept, but it stank and was corrupted, and they were thereby taught to observe the Sabbath; for some wished to gather it even on the Sabbath but did not find it, according to what is recorded.
Then again they pitched in Raphidin (Rephidim), in what is now called Pharan (Paran). And when they thirsted, Moses according to the commandment of the Lord went with the elders 196 (and his rod was in his hand) to Mount Horeb, which is in Sin near Pharan, being only about six miles off. And when he had there struck the rock, abundance of water gushed out, and the |145 people drank, as David in the Psalms exclaims: He clave the rock in the wilderness and gave them drink as out of the great depths;14 and again: He opened the rock and the waters gushed out; they ran in the dry places like rivers;14 and again: He brought water out of the rock, and caused waters to run down like rivers.15 But the Apostle says: For they drank of that spiritual rock which followed them, and that rock was Christ;16 by which he meant that, just as the flood of water from the rock which followed them gave them without stint water to drink, so Christ supplies to us life-giving waters, through the mysteries of which the rock was a type. And in that place again, they routed Amalek in battle, and there also Iothôr (Jethro) met his son-in-law Moses, to whom he brought his two sons and his wife; for Moses had sent back to him his wife and his children.
This hiatus is followed by a citation of the Ten Commandments.
Text.
Then when he had come down from the Mountain he was ordered by God to make the Tabernacle, which was a representation of what he had seen in the Mountain, namely an impress 17 of the whole world. For see, said He, that thou make all things according to the pattern shown thee in the Mount.18 Now the blessed Apostle Paul in the Epistle to the Hebrews has declared that the first Tabernacle was a pattern of this world, for he says: For the first had also ordinances of divine service and a worldly sanctuary; for there was a tabernacle made; the first wherein was the candlestick, and the table and the shew-bread, which is called the Sanctuary.19 In calling it worldly 197 he indicated that it was, so to speak, a pattern of the world, wherein was also the candlestick, by this meaning the luminaries of heaven, and the table, that is, the earth, and the shew-bread, by this meaning the fruits which it |146 produces annually: which, he says, is called the Sanctuary, by this meaning the first Tabernacle. Afterwards he speaks of the second in these terms: We have such an high priest who is set on the right hand of the throne of the Majesty in the heavens; a minister of the sanctuary and of the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched and not man;20 and again: But Christ being come a high priest of good things to come, by a greater and more perfect tabernacle, not made with hands, that is to say, not of this building; neither by the blood of goats and calves, but by his own blood he entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us;21 and again: for Christ is not entered into the holy places made with hands, which are the figures of the true, but into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for us.22 In this last passage he says that heaven is the true tabernacle, while the things which were prepared by Moses are antitypes. He therefore calls the things of Moses things made by hands, but the real things not made with hands. Having then been commanded to make the Tabernacle he made it according to the pattern which had been shown to him, and also its appurtenances according to their pattern, the Ark of testimony, and the Mercy-seat above, and the two Cherubim stretching out their wings, and overshadowing the Mercy-seat above, and in like manner the veil and the table and the candlestick, and the hangings of the Tabernacle (namely the first coverings) and curtains made of goats' hair (that is stypta 23) and these again were the second coverings of the Tabernacle. In like manner also the third coverings made of skins dyed red and sky-blue, that is, of what is |147 called leather, and all things cunningly worked and wonderful. We have depicted the Tabernacle thus.24
Note.
We must here again observe that he (Paul) speaks of the Tabernacle which was pitched by God, namely heaven, as the true. Moreover he calls heaven that perfect Tabernacle not made with hands, as it was created by God. For he calls the Tabernacle which Moses prepared made with hands. And further in contrast with the Tabernacle prepared by Moses, he calls the other the true, because it abides for ever, while the former is dissolved. Then again he calls the curtains au)lai/a, and it is thus the pagans who use the Attic dialect call them, meaning by au)lai/a a large and variegated piece of tapestry. Hyperides the orator 25 in his speech against Patrocles speaks thus: But the nine Archons were feasting in the portico, having fenced off that part of it from being seen, by 198 means of an au)laia (or curtain). Menander also uses the word [in the line]: Stuptei=on, e0le/fanta, mu&ron, oi]non, au)lai/an.
The twenty pillars are twenty boards standing upright, one cubit and a half being the breadth of each of the boards, so that in the twenty pillars there are thirty cubits, and this is the length of the Tabernacle. But their sockets were double within and without, being placed on both sides of the board, and the sockets were of silver. The capitals again were simple but of gold, and in like manner the boards and the bars and the tenons. The tenons were two planks joined together and overlaid with gold and nailed to each board, turned to and falling against each other, in order that they might bind together all the boards. And the tenons and the bars, which passed through the rings called psalides, bound the whole Tabernacle securely together; but the fifth bar in the middle was not borne up by passing through the rings, but was made to pass through the boards for the greater safety of the Tabernacle. The height again of each board was eleven cubits, and the breadth of the Tabernacle was likewise |148 eleven cubits, and the wall opposite to this wall was similar to it. When the veil of the temple was rent in twain at the Passion of the Lord three things were indicated by this circumstance. First it proved the audacity of the Jews against the Lord, the divine temple, as it were, mourning and rending its garments; next, it showed the approaching dissolution and abolition of the Judaic ritual, by the taking away of the first Tabernacle; and it showed thirdly that the inner Tabernacle, which was invisible and inaccessible to all, and even to the priests, had become visible and accessible to men. Glory for all to Christ the King for ever and ever, Amen!
Text.
Here is a delineation of the Tabernacle without its pertinents. Its first coverings were woven of diverse colours, blue and purple and fine-twined linen, and scarlet, as was also the veil 26 which scripture calls hangings. And they were of similar length with the curtains.27 The length of a curtain was eight and twenty cubits, and its breadth four cubits. But he says that five curtains were coupled together one to another, and likewise other five curtains, and that the couplings of the five with the five from the middle at the edge of the one set were loops, and at the edge of the other, clasps. And they put the clasps into the loops, and fastened the ten curtains together just as what are called sigistropylai, the bags for holding slaves' bedding,28 or saddle-bags, are fastened.29 But when they marched carrying the Tabernacle with its furniture, the five curtains were detached from the other five and were carried separately. This they did also in the case of the coverings of the second Tabernacle, which were made of goat's hair woven, and were called 199 leather screens.30 They were eleven in number, each being thirty cubits long, and thirty also broad. Five of them |149 were coupled together, and likewise the other six. They were joined together by clasps and loops, and the whole of them again became one. The length of the Tabernacle was therefore thirty cubits. For there were twenty pillars, that is, boards; each of which was one cubit and a half in breadth, thus making altogether thirty cubits. Then also there were the six pillars, each of them one cubit and a half in breadth, making nine cubits. Then there were at the corners two pillars of one cubit and a half each, and thus there were eight pillars of ten [twelve] cubits collectively, and these were made secure with bars on all sides. The ten curtains accordingly, when conjoined, made a breadth of forty cubits, and covered all the length of the Tabernacle, and the wall at the back which was ten cubits in height, altogether forty cubits. But the curtains, which together were eight-and-twenty cubits long, covered the breadth of the Tabernacle which was ten cubits. The two side-walls were ten cubits in height, the others twenty cubits, making together thirty cubits. There were besides curtains of eight-and-twenty cubits, and with the exception of one cubit, these covered the one wall, and also the other wall with the exception again of one cubit; but the screens of leather covered the other two cubits; for they were each thirty cubits in length, while the one leather screen which remained over was let down for the door of the Tabernacle. We therefore delineate their appearance along with the three coverings of skins and they are as you see.31
Note.
Here Moses, after he had been privileged to witness the terrible scenes on the Mount, is commanded by God to make the Tabernacle according to the pattern which he had seen in the Mount, this being a pattern of the whole world. For see, saith He, that |150 thou make all things according to the pattern which was shown thee in the Mount.32 Since therefore it had been shown him how God made the heaven and the earth, and how on the second day he made the firmament in the middle between them, and thus made the one place into two places, so he, in like manner in accordance with the pattern which he had seen, made the Tabernacle and placed the veil in the middle, and by this division made the one Tabernacle into two, an inner and an outer. The Apostle therefore declared the outer to be a pattern of this world, saying thus: For the first Tabernacle had ordinances of divine service and a worldly sanctuary. For there was a Tabernacle prepared, the first, wherein were the candlestick and the table and the shew-bread 200 which is called the Holy place,33 as if he said, it exhibits a pattern of the world, in which are the earth, and the monthly fruits and the luminaries (of heaven). And then when explaining the second Tabernacle he speaks thus: But Christ having come a high priest of the good things to come, through the greater and more perfect Tabernacle, not made with hands, that is to say, not of this creation, nor yet through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood, entered in once for all into the Holy place having obtained eternal redemption;34 as if he said: Just as the high priest once a year enters into the inner Tabernacle through the blood of goats and calves, making propitiation for the people, so also Christ entered into the Tabernacle not made with hands, that is, into heaven, having once for all procured eternal redemption. And again: For Christ is not entered into the Holy place made with hands which is an image of the true, but into heaven itself; and again he says: For the law had a shadow of good things to come;35 for, as in an outline, by the inner Tabernacle he has signified the ascension of Christ after the flesh, and the entrance into it of just men. Wherefore he again admonishes us in these words: Having therefore, brethren, boldness to enter into the Holy place by the blood of Jesus, by the way which he dedicated for us, a new and living way through the veil, that is to say, his flesh; and having a great high-priest over the house of God, let us draw near with a true heart;36 and again in declaring that Christ is in heaven he says: Whom God set forth to be a propitiation by his blood;37 since the |151 Propitiatory (Mercy-seat) was placed within the second Tabernacle. And many other such references are contained in the Epistles of the Apostle, and throughout divine scripture.
But perhaps again some one will still ask: Why did Moses ordain that the entrance to the Tabernacle should be in the east, and that the inner Tabernacle, that is the Holy of Holies, should be in the west? Such an enquirer will be answered very concisely, that since he was commanded by God to make the whole Tabernacle as an image of the whole world, according to the pattern shown to him in the Mount, he so made it, and at the same time has recorded that God, when he had created man, introduced him into the world in the east, and so commanded him, when in course of time he had increased and multiplied, to extend himself and to fill the earth towards the west. For this reason the door of the Tabernacle was placed in the east. And further, since the Tabernacle was an image of the heavenly mansions, at the end of the times it was determined that, through the high priest and the universal King our Lord Jesus Christ, it should be declared that the last dispensation had come. And since the human race had its origin in the east, and in the course of its progress advanced westward as it multiplied, for this reason the [inner] Tabernacle, as being the second and placed last, looked 201 towards the west. From this circumstance also the Church has a tradition that Christians everywhere when worshipping God should turn towards the cast, as it was there that He was first manifested to men. For she remembered the days of old, and now renders thanks to Him who has multiplied and extended the human race from the east unto the west. But the Jews, whose notions of the Deity were too anthropomorphic, worshipped God towards Jerusalem, where the temple stood.38 On this point we can gain light from the story of Daniel, who, when he had opened the window of his chamber which looked towards Jerusalem, worshipped with his face turned towards the temple. One who finds himself in a place lying to the east of Jerusalem turns as a matter of course to the west when he worships; but if he be in the west, he turns to the cast, if in the north to the south, and |152 if in the south to the north, so that in a manner the four are shown as facing each other when worshipping. But the practice of the Christians is different, for in one and the same manner they offer to God, as being uncircumscribed, one spiritual worship with faces turned eastward, since it was from the east that in the beginning He was manifested to them, and that He multiplied them towards the west. To Him be glory for ever, Amen!
The seven lamps, tongs,39 and oil-vessels.
This candlestick which had seven lamps and stood in the south of the Tabernacle 40 was a type of the luminaries, for, according to the wise Solomon, the luminaries rising in the east and running to the south, shine upon the north of the earth, and again, they are seven after the number of days in a week, seeing that all time, beginning with weeks, completes both months and years. He ordered them, however, to be lighted on one side, since the table was placed towards the north, in order that their light might from the south shine on the north; for Solomon speaks thus with reference to the luminaries: The sun ariseth and goeth towards the south and moveth round to the north; the wind whirleth about continually and returneth again according to its circuits.41 Thus both Solomon and Moses have expressed themselves alike concerning the luminaries, in their general relations.
Note.
The table itself 42 is a type of the earth, and the loaves signify its fruits, and being twelve they are symbolic of the twelve months of the annual cycle. The four corners of the table signify the four tropics of the year, one occurring every three months; the waved border with which it is wreathed all round signifies the entire sea, or the ocean, as it is called by the pagans; and the crown which is round it indicates the earth that 202 lies beyond the ocean where Paradise is.
Text.
The veil again he ordered to be made of blue and purple and fine linen and scarlet, variegated like the four elements, |153 or perhaps in order to produce a beautiful effect. For they were made evidently to serve not only for symbols, but evidently also for decorative and liturgical purposes. And he placed the veil in the middle of the Tabernacle, which he thus divided into two places. In the inner place was set the Ark of the Propitiation, which was concealed behind the veil, and was not seen by any one. The Propitiatory was a type of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, as saith the Apostle: Whom God set forth to be a propitiation by his blood;43 and again the high priest was himself a type of the Lord Christ, according to the Apostle: For, saith he, just as the high priest once a year entereth into the inner Tabernacle, so Christ, having come a high priest of the good things to come through his own blood, entered in once for all into the Holy place, having obtained eternal redemption,44 as methinks I have frequently mentioned. Here is a delineation of the Ark of propitiation [or the Mercy-seat].45
Note.
Zacharias then and Abia were both of them priests who alternately year by year entered into the temple to effect the remission of sins. It fell accordingly to the lot of Zacharias at the time of the Lord's conception to be exercising the priest's office; and having entered, as Luke records: He saw a vision of an angel which also said unto him: Fear not, Zacharias, because thy supplication is heard, and thy wife Elizabeth shall bear thee a son;46 as if he had said, "Thou hast entered here to ask for the people remission of their sins, lo! I bring to you the good tidings that your prayer will be fulfilled, for there shall be born to thee a son by Elizabeth to be the forerunner of Him who of his grace will bestow upon the world a complete remission of their sins." John himself verily, pointing out with his finger the Lord Christ, exclaimed: Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world,47 as if he said: Him who takes away and abolishes |154 mortality and corruption and mutation, and makes us immortal and incorruptible and immutable and no longer capable of sinning.
Text.
The court of the Tabernacle had a length of one hundred cubits with twenty pillars, and a breadth of fifty cubits with twelve pillars. But to form the breadth of the Tabernacle on the east He ordered that there 203 should be three pillars on this side, and three on that side, and that the veils like vestures of fine linen, alone measuring fifteen cubits, should be stretched over the three pillars. He ordered further that the four other pillars should be made the gate of entrance into the court, and that the veils should be variegated with four colours. But all the veils of the court were to be made of fine linen and of that alone. They were five cubits in height and were furnished with loops and pegs and cords, on which were stretched the coverings of the Tabernacle and the veils of the court. And the whole structure of the Tabernacle was at once awe-inspiring and of highest excellence. I must therefore to the best of my ability delineate these also, representing them in the form of what are called pavilions.48
Concerning the garments of the priest.
The garments of the priest were the following: an embroidered tunic, and an ephod and a long robe and a turban and a girdle and a mitre and a plate, two shoulder-pieces 49 for the shoulders of the priest joined together the |155 one to the other and with the ends folded back from the left to the right and from the right to the left, and covering the bareness of his neck. These shoulder-pieces were interwoven with threads of gold and wrought and variegated with genuine purple, and with a blue dye and fine linen and scarlet. In the shoulder-pieces upon the two shoulders were set two stones of emerald 50 on which were engraved the names of the twelve tribes, six names on one stone and six on the other. But the oracular plate of judgment,51 which was woven, was a square piece of cloth of a palm's breadth, doubly wrought with gold thread, variegated in the weaving with the four colours already mentioned, and set with four rows of stones, three stones being in each row, so that they were twelve in all.52 The stones were enchased in gold, and were inserted in the oracular plate of judgment, and each of them had engraved upon it the name of one of the twelve tribes. He ordered also two small shield-shaped clasps of gold 53 to be placed |156 upon the two shoulders in the front, and fringes intertwined with gold and coloured tissues, to depend from these, and the oracular plate to hang suspended thereby upon the breast; as well as by means of two wreathen chains of gold drawn back from the two sides of the oracular plate underneath, and fastened together behind alternately at the two tips of the two shoulder-pieces at the back of the priest, so that the wreathen chains might be on the back of the priest, and serve to join diagonally the oracular plate to the shoulder-pieces before and behind. The undergarment was all of a blue colour, from the breast down to the ankles,54 where a border was woven with it. But the hem underneath, being widened by a fringe of various colours, had golden bells and golden pomegranates adorned with flowers suspended around it, and so disposed that a bell alternated with a pomegranate. He had also a turban of fine linen,55 and a girdle of various colours which at the top girt the under garment around under the breast. The 204 priest wore the mitre on his forehead, and above the mitre a blue lace, having on its border a gold plate, on which was the seal of Holiness to the Lord,56 namely, what is called a tetragram, and thus arrayed he entered into the Holy place. He wore also to cover his legs linen drawers 57 from his loins to his thighs for the sake of decency. The figure of the priest moreover can be thus delineated.58 |157
It is evident therefore that the different parts of the attire were types of certain things, and that they were intended both for ornament and to impress the mind with awe; for instance, the two stones of emerald which the priest wore on his shoulders, on which were the names of the twelve tribes, signify the twelve tribes which were descended from one ancestor Abraham, for this is shown by the fact that the emerald stone had been made into two, that there might be one for each shoulder. But he ordained that on the shoulders of the priest should be laid the burden of the twelve tribes, as it was he who wore the stones and went into God's presence on behalf of the tribes. But the oracular plate which was worn on the breast and was twofold, signifies the soul and the body. It was therefore twofold, and was placed upon the heart. The twelve stones were different from each other, because each man has his own peculiar mode of thinking, and because there were so many different tribes. Then, as there was one [common] ancestor, he commanded one stone, an emerald, to be set upon the shoulders, as one ancestor. But because the tribes and the ways of thinking are different, he commanded different stones to be placed upon the breast. And on the plate of the seal of Holiness to the Lord, which was on the forehead, he says that there were letters engraved. These letters formed the name of God, and what is called in Hebrew the tetragram. In fine, the other things were designed to please the eye by reason of their beauty. But the golden bells and the pomegranates were made to produce sound, a symbol by which the priest was instructed that he should not presume to enter into the Holy place until he had made the sound to be heard. For just as one who intends going into the presence of men of exalted rank, when he finds no one to announce him, begins to knock, not daring to enter without warning, so here the priest is enjoined to advance with the bells and |158 set them ringing.59 And such is our description of the Tabernacle and of the priest
A cloud by day rested over the Tabernacle and fire by night, in the sight of all Israel as often as they resumed their march----according to what is recorded in scripture----and when merchants, chiefly Ishmaelites and Midianites, came to them with their loads, all their wants were through divine providence abundantly supplied, as is written in 205 Deuteronomy ii, 7, and viii, 4; and also xxix, 5, where it is said: He hath led you forty years in the wilderness: your clothes were not waxen old upon you, and your shoes were not worn off upon your feet; for it is not the fact, as some marvelmongers, and especially they of the circumcision, have supposed, that their garments and shoes did really and truly not wear away, though Moses seems to say so, while, what he means is, that they lacked for nothing in the desert, since the merchants continually brought them necessary supplies; for how was it possible for the children born to them in the wilderness to wear the garments and shoes of their fathers, who were full-grown men while they were very small? And how could they have been ordered to make every day the twelve new loaves of shew-bread, unless the merchants had brought them corn? For ye know that with regard to this matter they murmured, saying: Is he able to give us bread also, or to prepare a table for his people? 60 Or how could they have procured the fine flour for making the cakes, or the skins for making the scarlet and blue leather curtains of the Tabernacle, unless they had purchased them from the merchants? And because, while the merchants, through the providence of God, supplied their wants, they still murmured both |159 against God and against Moses, even though they possessed the wealth of the Egyptians, he wrought wonders for them, ungrateful and unbelieving as they were, supplying them now with abundance of water from the rock, now with manna from heaven, now with quails from the sea for thirty days----and further, in teaching them to curb their lusts, he chastised them with plagues, at one time consuming a portion of their encampment with fire, at another visiting with death four and twenty thousand of them, at another sending serpents among them, while at yet another, under the wrath of heaven, the earth swallowed up the company of Dathan, Abiram and Korah, with all their families and their cattle, thus teaching them not to be distrustful and ungrateful to God, but to live soberly. And when they had received the law from God in writing, and had learned letters for the first time, God made use of the desert as a quiet school, and permitted them for forty years to carve out letters on stone. Wherefore, in that wilderness of Mount Sinai, one can see, at all their halting-places, all the stones, that have there been broken off from the mountains, inscribed with Hebrew letters, as I myself can testify, having travelled in these places. Certain Jews, too, who had read these inscriptions informed me of their purport, which was as follows: The departure of so and so of such and such a tribe, in stick and such a year, in such and suck a month, just as with ourselves there are travellers who scribble their names in the inns where they have lodged. And the Israelites, who had but newly acquired the art of writing, continually practised it, and filled a great multitude of stones with writing, so that, all those places are full of Hebrew inscriptions,61 which, as I think, |160 have been preserved to this day for the sake of unbelievers. 206 Any one who so wishes can go to these places and see for himself, or at least can enquire of others about the matter, when he will learn that it is the truth we have spoken. When the Hebrews therefore had been at the first instructed by God and had received a knowledge of letters through those tables of stone, and had learned them for forty years in the wilderness, they communicated them to their neighbours the Phoenicians, at that time first when Cadmus was King of the Tyrians, from whom the Greeks received them, and then in turn the other nations of the world.
The Israelites encamped in the desert, arranged in an order prescribed by God, as thus: the priests and the Levites encircled the Tabernacle and the twelve tribes were disposed around them----three on the east side of the Tabernacle, the tribe of Judah with Moses and Aaron being in the middle, as that tribe had the precedence of the others. Then there were three tribes on the south, three on the west, and three on the north side. And in this order they halted----and still observing it resumed their march, and went forward in the manner here represented.
In this manner then they encamped each day in the desert until at last when Moses and Aaron were dead, and Jesus the son of Nanê (Joshua the son of Nun) had obtained the leadership, and in a miraculous manner had |161 conducted them over the Jordan, he gave them for inheritance the land of promise in accordance with divine predictions and arrangements. Then the tribe of Judah obtained the Metropolitan city of Jerusalem, until from that tribe He should come forth who was expected and foretold by the law and the prophets----He through whom God wrought the great and eternal salvation and renovation for the world----I speak of the Lord Christ according to the flesh----according, that is, to the promises made by God to Abraham, and according to his purpose from the very beginning, as the Apostle also says in the Epistle to the Galatians, where, as if in answer to the question What then is the law? meaning, Why was the law given? he at once replies and says: It was added because of transgressions till the seed should come to whom the promise hath been made; and it was ordained through angels by the hand of a mediator;62 whereby he means, that the reason why the law was added was this, that by means of it and of the priesthood the people which had received the promise should be under safe guardianship----the people, namely, sprung from Abraham----and that there should be no intermixture of this people with any other; so that thereby he who had been foretold might be recognisable by all----he, by whom the world is being renovated, and by whom also the purpose and economy which God had from the first designed is being fulfilled. For it was the purpose of God from the very beginning to make others participants of existence, and to give them a share of his goodness----reason and knowledge and immortality and blessedness, and of every good thing as far as the capacity of the participant might admit. And since the Deity, being by intuition in possession of all true knowledge, cannot be 207 taught, while it is the proper nature of the brute creatures |162 to be moved by instinctive impulses without reason and true knowledge; and while again in like manner inanimate objects are altogether destitute of self-motion, of instinctive impulse, and of knowledge, God, having in his goodness been pleased to make, what was possible, an intermediate class of beings, endowed with reason and capable of acquiring knowledge by teaching and experience, subjected them to probation, and in accordance with his purpose from the beginning, made the future state, that is, the place on high. So when in the first place he had set apart this present state, employing it as a school suitable for our needs, he made it mortal and mutable, in order that we, possessing the power of judging and reasoning, might enjoy our share of its blessings, and avoid its evils. Wherefore also the present dispensation has its joys and its sorrows, that we, who are every day living in the midst of them, might shun the one, and adhere to the other. For the same reason laws have been ordained, accompanied by threats and chastisements, to curb our vicious appetites; and lastly, death itself, which seems a token of his anger, but which in reality brings to a close this troubled life and our term of discipline, just as God also in his providence brought it upon the first man, to make his sin hateful to him and to make righteousness the object of his desires, thus encouraging him and all through him, to enter into the life prepared for us beforehand, and into the eternal Kingdom, and into righteousness, sanctification, redemption and blessedness, which the purpose of God from the beginning contemplated. God accordingly, as if moved by anger, wisely, yea most wisely, inflicted death upon the first-made man on account of his sin, that he might render sin a thing hateful to him. Then again afterwards, in order that the man might not sink into despair under his misery, he took care of him as a father takes care of his child, and made raiment for him. Then he avenged the blood of |163 Abel, and translated Enoch, that the sentence of death might have no power over him; he saved Noah from the shipwreck of the world; he chose Abraham by whom and his seed he accomplished the renovation of the world, Isaac also and Jacob, the patriarchs, and the children of these, and the twelve tribes sprung from them, which with a high hand he redeemed from Egyptian bondage and guided miraculously through the wilderness, and presented with a written law; and when he had distributed the nation into ranks of war, he gave them the land of Palestine distributed into lots; and he raised up for them prophets, David their first king, and Samuel, the great Elijah, his disciple Elisha, the twelve prophets, and the four great prophets who foretold the coming of the Lord Christ, who was to arise from among them according to the flesh, in whom and through whom is, and is fulfilled, God's purpose from the beginning, and his great scheme of salvation. For just as he ordained to introduce death on account of 208 the sin of the first man, so also, through the obedience of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, he ordained the resurrection and the renovation and the gathering together of the whole creation. For, as Paul says, as by man came death, so by man the resurrection from the dead 63 has been brought into the world. This is the great salvation, and dispensation and wisdom of God, who has produced all things and has again restored them. Wherefore also he made the two states from the beginning, and the whole scope of divine scripture has regard to the future life which succeeds this present life, as have also the Christian preaching and the hope of the Christians. For this reason in baptism the rite is not administered to any one unless he first confess his belief in the Holy Trinity and the resurrection of our flesh. Without doing this, he is neither |164 accounted a Christian, nor pronounced to be one of the faithful. This is the scope of the whole of the divinely inspired scriptures both of the Old and of the New Testament, pointing out that, according to the pattern of the Tabernacle prepared by Moses in the wilderness, God made the whole world into two places, this world, namely, in which he thought fit that we, mortal and mutable creatures, should first spend our days as at school, and have experience of pain and of pleasure, for without education it is not possible there can be learning. For no chastening, saith scripture, seemeth for the present to be joyous but grievous:64 On those accordingly, who have been rationally tested, he" has decreed to bestow afterwards in the future state his good things that are everlasting, and to fulfil what has been his primary purpose from the beginning----having taken, as God, a providential care of what concerns us, as became him, and as was for our advantage. We sketch the encampment 65 of the Israelites in the wilderness, and their passage of the Jordan with Joshua the son of Nun after the death of Moses, and their rest in the land of promise, and Jerusalem, and how they got the land by lot and how they held it in possession.
While they dwelt in this land God at times raised up prophets to announce the advent of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, through whom the future state was to be revealed, while they also called to the remembrance of the people the promises which God gave to Abraham Let us therefore sketch each of the men of old and each of the prophets, to show how each of them was thought |165 worthy to predict something about the coming of the Lord Christ, whether recording it by means of his words or by means of his deeds ---- if only he be deemed worthy to speak or do anything with reference to him, for this is in consonance with the argument of our work, wherein we would show from first to last what is the purpose which all divine scripture ever keeps in view.
Adam.
This is Adam,66 the first-made man, who was held worthy 209 to make a prediction concerning himself and his wife, who with the divine benediction were both through copulation united into one flesh, to which the Lord bears witness in the Gospels, saying that God had spoken this by the mouth of Adam, unto whom he had himself brought his bride; and the Apostle Paul has used this as an illustration, explaining it in a mystical manner, concerning the Lord Christ and the Church, saying: This mystery is great, but I speak of Christ and of the Church.67 For just as Adam is the head of all men in this world, as being the cause of their existence, and their father, so also the Lord Christ according to the flesh is the head of the Church, and the father of the future age. Adam also was the first who had the honour to be, and to be called, the image of God, but with respect to the Lord Christ, this is in a still higher degree the case, as the Apostle says: Who is the image of the invisible God.68 Adam again was the first and only one of men who from his side, through God, produced the female without seed, and the Lord Christ according to the flesh was, as a male, produced from the female without seed, thus preserving the equality of privilege and satisfying the debt of nature.69 Adam was the first of men who |166 sinned, having been beguiled by the devil. The Lord Christ on his account paid the debt, having opportunely annulled the bond and trampled the. enemy under his feet.
Note.
In the first epistle to the Romans the Apostle has declared Adam to be a type of Christ, saying: Who is a figure of him that was to come;70 and in like manner he has called Adam the first man, and Christ the second. Since God threatened the first man with death that very day should he transgress the commandment, and yet when he did transgress did not immediately visit him with death in accordance with the threatening, but was long-suffering towards him, and having disciplined him by means of the law, and cast him out of Paradise, and permitted him to live to a good old age before he died, God showed great forbearance and kindness towards man, particularly in having provided him with clothing, and in that he did not in wrath inflict death upon human nature, but instructed man in prudence and wisdom, and made sin hateful to him, and righteousness the object of his desires. Then, through the guarding of the tree of life, he taught men to love and hope for immortality. Glory to him who from the beginning to the end has bestowed his provident care upon man.
Note.
210 Any one who so wishes can learn that, in dispensing his lot to the man, God was not actuated by anger, but rather by benevolence and wisdom, and that after his transgression he not only treated him with forbearance, and provided for his wants, but even endowed him with the power of prophecy. For he said concerning his wife: And he called her name Zôè (Life), because she was the mother of all living.71 For he could not possibly have foreseen that he would make the world of men from his wife, had he not been inspired with divine power and grace. And again when Cain had murdered Abel who had not yet begotten |167 offspring, but was still in immature youth, Adam, foreseeing that Cain who survived and his seed would be destroyed by a deluge, named the third son that he begat, Sêth, as if calling him the foundation of the human race----for such is the interpretation of the name Seth. In one and the same prophecy he uttered two, both that the seed of Cain is to perish, and that he who had been begotten is, so to speak, a beginning and a new foundation of the human race. And not only Adam but his wife also herself speaking of her son, gave him his name, for it is of her that it is said: And when she had conceived, she bare a son and called his name Sêth, for, said she, God hath raised me up another seed instead of Abel whom Cain slew;72 implying by this that Abel has died childless, and the seed of Cain is to perish; this hath God given me as a new foundation for the human race. So far Eve.
After the sacred historian had related the birth of Sêth and of his son Enoch he took up again the account of Adam and says: This is the book of the generation of mankind. In the day that God created Adam, in the likeness of God made he him; male and female created he them. And he blessed them and called his name Adam in the day when he created them. And Adam lived 230 years and begat a son in his likeness and after his image, and called his name Sêth.73 In this place likewise he called his name Sêth, as being the foundation of the human race, and as bearing his own characteristics and the proper dignities. And here it must be observed that the historian says that it was God who gave the first man his name, and the man who gave the woman hers, and that they both gave the name to their son. By the merciful dispensation under which man was placed even the unseen powers, endowed as they are with reason, are instructed in the things which pertain to God. For since man is the bond which unites the whole creation, and is also the image of God, the dispensation under which he lives is a school for his own instruction, and for that of all rational beings. For when he had sinned and had received the sentence of death, these other beings began to lament, deeming all hope to be lost both for themselves 211 and for the universe; but when again they saw that God cared for him, they were led to conceive a good hope both for him and |168 for themselves. This, moreover, the Lord declares in the Gospels when he says: There is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth,74 as on the other hand it is clear there is sorrow when any one sins. Nay, the Apostle even says that the angels were subjected to be under bondage to vanity on account of man, from a hope that God would also give them deliverance when men should receive the hope laid up for them when installed as the sons of God in glory.. And again the Apostle testifies that the angels are taught the things that pertain to God by the dispensation under which man has been placed, for he says: To the intent that now unto the principalities and the powers in the heavenly places might be made known, through the Church, the manifold wisdom of God:75 thus clearly showing that they are taught through the Church the wisdom of God.
Abel.
This is Abel the righteous, who, having been unrighteously put to death, was the first of all men who showed that the foundations of death were unsound. Wherefore also he being now dead yet speaketh, announcing the resurrection of the dead, which the Lord Christ the first of all, showed in his own person, and overthrew the supposed power of death. This is that Abel who is figuratively a representative of the Passion of Christ, seeing that, through the ill-will excited by his good works, he was unrighteously put to death by his brother. Of him the Apostle Paul also thus speaks in his Epistle to the Hebrews: But ye have come into the Mount Zion and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to innumerable hosts of angels, to the general assembly and Church of the first-born who are enrolled in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the mediator of a new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling that speaketh better than Abel.76 |169
Note.
Here it is shown more clearly, when the righteous Abel came to his end that death was not brought upon man in anger, since he, who did not sin, died before him who did sin. Wherefore also an inquiry was made by God about the life of Abel, and vengeance was inflicted for his death. And since after his death he speaks, it is from this evident that he will come back again to life. And again, since death was not permitted to come first upon him who had sinned, but upon him who had not sinned, it is shown that death will be destroyed, inasmuch as he made his first assault not righteously but unrighteously----for he laid his 212 foundations upon a righteous man and not upon a sinner, whence we can learn that death laid foundations that were unsound. Wherefore he was very quickly to be destroyed, and this came to pass under the Lord Christ, by whom his seeming power was destroyed. Glory be to him who from the beginning to the end has made the good of man his special care! And again, that death is not sent in anger is shown by this fact, that those who are acknowledged to be righteous come untimely to their end, while those who are acknowledged to be sinners, after fulfilling the number of their days, come to their end in a good old age. For It is appointed by God unto all men once to die,77 as saith the Apostle, speaking of them in general; for neither do all die, nor did Lazarus and others whom the Lord raised die only once, but he refers to all men that are in this state of existence, and are mortal as God created them. Hereafter another and a better state will be introduced in which the righteous shall be discriminated from the unrighteous, the godly from the ungodly----a state wherein death no longer prevails. Some have further said that when the first man had sinned and received the sentence of death without being as yet invested with immortality, his lot was changed to mortality. And by way forsooth of explaining this they say: When God said: In what day thou eatest of the tree, thou shalt surely die,78 he pronounced him to have become mortal, for we sec that he did not die immediately according to the threat, so that it is evident the words hinted this: Immortal though thou art, thou shalt become |170 mortal, and, say they,79 in order that the sentence pronounced by God may be proved true. Wherefore also his offspring, having fallen under the condemnation of their father, are born mortal. Well then, if all this be true, why was Abel, who, according to them, had fallen under this condemnation and was born mortal, but was declared to be righteous and virgin, why was he not only involved in this condemnation, but, as if it had not been sufficient, subjected also to a further punishment, that, namely, of an untimely death? Why was this punishment superadded to him, a righteous man and virgin, and more especially since, though he was born, as it is said, under the condemnation of his father, that is, was born mortal, mortals that are righteous can be exempted from death, as we see exemplified in Enoch, who also, as ye say, had fallen under the condemnation of his father, and had a wife and children, and yet did not taste of death, while Abel did so who had neither wife nor children. And why, when Cain petitioned for death through horror at his fratricide, did God not give it, but rather delivered him over to a still heavier punishment, namely, to remain on the earth lamenting and trembling----an evil from which he said death would be a deliverance? God therefore said: Whosoever slayeth Cain, vengeance shall be taken on him sevenfold,80 thereby signifying that whosoever should slay him would take away from him many penalties, and would 213 himself suffer his punishment. From this also we can see that, since God permitted a man who was righteous and virgin to be slain, death was not brought upon man in anger, as those marvel-mongers represent, but rather in benevolence and wisdom on the part of the merciful God for our discipline, as we have just said. And further, how came it, we ask, that when the first man had sinned by eating the fruit of a single tree, God according to them condemned him with all his posterity to mortality, while, when he had condemned the first murderer to lamentation and trembling, he did not condemn succeeding murderers to the same, but to a different punishment, which the first of such criminals asked to be inflicted on him, but without obtaining what he asked? |171
Enoch.
This is Enoch on whom the sentence of death did not take effect, for he was translated by God that he should not see death, as is recorded in divine scripture, in order that thereby it might be declared to us that death shall not have power over man, but that his power over him shall be dissolved, as was exhibited in the case of the Lord Christ, when his power was entirely broken. This is Enoch who was translated to life, as a proof of the power of God to after generations, a power capable of warding off death from mortals, yea even of permitting them while living to undergo the change to a better state. This is he who along with Elias will in the last days withstand the Antichrist, and refute his error, according to the ecclesiastical tradition. This is he who through faith escaped the way of death.
Note.
In this case also it is shown still more distinctly that death has not been brought on man in wrath, nor even the sentence of death; but in order that, as we have said, God might make sin hateful to him, and righteousness the object of his desire. Wherefore neither the sentence of death, nor death itself has had power over him, nor will have power, for By faith, saith the Apostle, Enoch was translated that he should not see death;81 clearly showing that he did not see death, yea even that while living he underwent the change to a better state, as shall also all those that are left alive at the coming of the Lord, and do not die before the resurrection and the future state. Then further, let those marvel-mongers who say that death is sent to us by the anger of God, and not by his providence and wisdom, tell us how conies it that, while all men ought once to die under the sentence passed upon their father, this man did not incur this penalty?
[Here there is a gap in the text.]
Now the length of the ark was 300 cubits, and its 214 |172 breadth below, as has been said, 50 cubits, and at the top one cubit, for in summing up he saith: Thou shalt make it, and in a cubit shalt thou finish it.1 The height then was 50 cubits. Those 50 cubits he therefore divided into three stories, each of which was 10 cubits in height----for saith he: Of two stories and of three stories shalt thou make it; 82 as if he said, make within two chambers, and above make the third chamber that there may be three stories. And in the lowermost story he placed the wild beasts, and the venomous reptiles, because they were always wont to lurk in dens and holes under the earth. Then next he placed in the second story four-footed animals and those that bounded over the hills, because they lived on the surface of the earth and on the mountains. But the winged creatures and man he placed in the third story, because the former were denizens of the air, and the latter would become celestial. This is Noah who was a perfect man and righteous in his generation, who unwittingly made himself drunk, and when in that state had mysteries revealed to him. For the scripture saith: And Noah awoke from his wine and knew what his younger son had done unto him.83 And after this statement, by way of cursing him, he tells the things to come, and to his other sons, by way of blessing them, he predicts the future and says: Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem; and again: Let God enlarge Japhet and let him dwell in the homes of Shem;84 for in a manner he did not curse the first, and bless those others, but uttered a prediction of the mysteries to be fulfilled through the Lord Christ. For the sons of Canaan did not serve their brethren, but rather it was the latter who served the former in Egypt. Nor did even the Gideonites, as some have supposed, serve them, but it was God whom they served. For the Israelites |173 appointed the Gibeonites to be bondsmen and carriers of water to the temple of God, and not to themselves. What else then is it but just a prediction that they themselves also shall serve Christ, who according to the flesh was descended from Shem? But the exclamation: Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem; is it only his God that is blessed? No, for Noah further says: Let God enlarge Japhet and let Him----that is God----dwell in the tents of Shem;85 here making a transposition of the clauses, so that what he says is this: Blessed be the Lord, the God of Shem, and let Him dwell in the tents of Shem, and then: Let God enlarge Japhet, for he did enlarge both Japhet and Canaan, and again both of them serve Christ who sprang from Shem. For God made his dwellings among men partly in the prophets, but has now made them wholly and uninterruptedly and universally in the Lord Christ, who according to the flesh was descended from Shem, in the same way as it is written concerning the Lord Christ according to the flesh: In whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead 215 bodily.86 By these visions therefore Noah was privileged to predict what was fulfilled in the dispensation of the Lord Christ.
Note.
And in the case of this man it is shown still more clearly that it was not in anger that death was brought upon man. For, though on a cursory view all men seemed to have perished in the deluge by the anger of God, yet in truth they so perished that, by their premature death, the burden of the sins which they had to commit might be lightened, and while this man like a jewel of great price was so carefully guarded and in this way provided for, the truth is, as we have said, that death has not been brought upon man in wrath, but for the benefit and discipline and cessation of this miserable life. For Noah himself, whom God so carefully protected and provided for, did not escape the way of |174 death. And those who perished by the death which, as mortals, they would have had to suffer not long afterwards, suffered it as if, through its being premature, it had been sent in anger, whereas it rather benefited them, and relieved them of the burden of the many sins which, if living, they would have added to the account. But to Noah God renewed, and that in even greater measure, the same honour and blessing and promise which he had bestowed on the first man, saying: And the Lord blessed Noah and his sons and said to them: Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth; and the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea; into your hands are they delivered. Every moving thing that liveth shall be food for you; as the green herb have I given you all; but flesh with the blood thereof shall ye not eat.87 And a little afterwards: Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for in the image of God have I made man.88 Hence it is manifest that God, both before the transgression and long after its occurrence, gave to man the same honour and power and dominion. Nay, he now gave even more, because before the transgression in the garden he commanded the man to eat of every tree except one, and after his expulsion from the garden, he no longer commanded him to eat of the tree but of the seeds (fruits) of the earth. God accordingly, having disciplined those ten generations in the earth beyond (the ocean) which was overrun with thorns, and where he subjected them to an altogether austere and miserable existence, conveyed such of them as survived into this earth by means of Noah, and commanded them to dwell there as in a better country, and one that 216 was nearly equal to Paradise, permitting them to eat of everything----of the fruits of trees and plants and still farther to eat even flesh.
Who is there that, on considering this wonderful providence and care on the part of the wise and compassionate God, would not find great difficulty in asserting that death has been inflicted on man by the anger of God, but would not rather wisely and with thankfulness reflect, that, since God wished to discipline the human race, he wisely brought death upon the first man for his |175 sin, in order that he might make sin hateful to him, and having expelled him from the garden where the tree of life was guarded, again brought him by discipline to entertain a longing after immortality? For when God said: Lest he should put forth his hand and take of the tree of life and eat, and live for ever,89 he inspired man with a longing desire, and a love, and a good hope of immortality, and through him similarly inspired the invisible powers. For he did not exclude man from any of the promises given before the transgression, nor deprive him of them; nay, after having chastised him, he even gave him more, and through Noah augmented the dignity of his title as the image of God, for he said: Because in the image of God made I man.90 For this, therefore, has God made man, that in the present life he should pass his days mortal and mutable, and after his course of discipline here should be rendered immortal. And this again you can more clearly see, because, from the beginning to the end, God gradually has led and is leading man to a better condition by discipline and instruction, while he also imparted to the first men the gift of prophecy. And Noah has some similitude to the Lord Christ according to the flesh. For just as, from out the mass of the first men, he was preserved and transferred to a better earth, in order that men might not suspect that the Lord God, as if repenting and reprobating his own handiwork, had destroyed men with the deluge, so also the Lord Christ according to the flesh was taken out of the mass of men for the salvation of the whole world, and was translated to a better and a heavenly kingdom. ---- Glory to God, Amen!
Melchisedek.
This is Melchisedek ---- that so great priest of God most high, who received tithes from the priests under the Mosaic law. This is the King of peace and righteousness, and at the same time a priest of God most high, who was made like to the Son of God ---- who neither received the priesthood in succession to other priests, nor transmitted it to other priests. This is he who did not perform the rites |176 of divine worship according to the law of Moses, but exercised his priestly office with other and more excellent symbols. This is he who blessed the patriarch Abraham, he who was without father and without mother and did 217 not trace his descent from them; the only person who was priest and king, who was made like to the Son of God, and was held worthy to be the revealer of so many good things.
Note.
After the deluge, when men had again multiplied, he, alone of them all, was by special choice appointed the priest of God most high and king of Jerusalem, after the likeness of the Son of God; and to God he presented sacred offerings, the choicest of all created things by which the human race is always sustained and gladdened, as scripture says. This is the king who habitually instructed the people under his rule to lead a religious life in the enjoyment of these things, whilst officiating himself in the order of his priesthood and making propitiation for his people. Though he was no doubt a Canaanite and king of the Canaanites and not of the race of the patriarchs, yet was he known to the patriarchs of the Abrahamic stock, and being such was declared to be a righteous man, a king, and a priest. He was the first who, when as a priest he had blessed Abraham and had given thanks to God, received tithes of all that Abraham possessed. Now I think, and perhaps shall be saying what is true, that Rebecca when she had gone, as is written, to inquire of the Lord concerning the twins then in her womb, heard through him the response: The elder shall serve the younger 91----for to him as the priest of God was she wont to go, according to the custom of that time, to inquire of the Lord. The Apostle has declared him to be without father, without mother, and without pedigree, and to have neither beginning of days nor end of life, since he was not one of those men who were lineally descended from Abraham. In this respect, however, he had a likeness to the Lord Christ, who was without a father with respect to the flesh, and without a mother with respect to his divine nature, in virtue of which |177 again he had no end of life, while in like manner in his human nature, he became immortal and immutable. God is therefore always reminding men, whether by words or by symbols, that after the life here there is a second state laid up in store for men.
Abraham.
This is the patriarch Abraham, the first of men who left his country, his kindred and his people and put his trust in God, and who for this, and for the promises which God made unto him, was declared righteous. This is he who from a body as good as dead and a womb also dead, produced myriads of men----who, as its root, produced for the world the blessed fruit by which the world is blessed and renovated; who by his works and the promises made to him revealed to the world the resurrection of the dead---- 218 by promises and works [such as are mentioned in the following passages]: Gen. xxviii, 14; Gal. iii, 16; John viii, 56; Heb. xi, 17-19; Rom. iv, 17-25. Now the journey which Abraham made for three days until he reached the place which God showed him as that where he should offer up his son as a sacrifice on one of the mountains, as is written, and his showing the father a ram which he might offer instead of his son who was born to him in wedlock and in the course of nature----these were all symbols and types of the mystery of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ, for all scripture keeps this object in view.
Note.
Henceforth God begins with Abraham first to reveal both by words and by signs the future state of existence, for the great Abraham at the bidding of God meditated offering up his beloved son, in the belief that God was able to raise him up from the dead, and to bestow such boons upon him as are intimated in scripture. Wherefore also in the Gospels the Lord mentions the typical bearing of the sacrifice of Abraham, when he called it a type of his own day. And through the promises he showed it to 219 Abraham himself, saying: In thee and in thy seed shall all the |178 nations be blessed;92 a promise which showed to him the dispensation according to Christ. Moreover, since God foresaw and from Abraham knew that He would come forth through whom the resurrection and the renovation of the universe are effected, He chose the faithful Abraham whom He had proved by every test, so that he was not chosen prematurely; and having found him the most faithful among the Chaldaeans, a people versed in astronomy and astrology, he transferred him to the enchanters called Karênoi,93 and having there shown himself faithful, he was commanded to inhabit the land of the idolatrous [Canaanites]. And since, while he dwelt there he was found to be superior to its inhabitants, and did not incline to any of the three ways that have been mentioned,94 but rather submitted himself to the worship and to the commandments of God, he was thought worthy to receive the great promises and gifts of God, and to hear it said that from his seed should He come forth, who should first show to the world the blessing and the promise through him; He through whom also the creator and renewer of the world graciously bestows upon the world the resurrection and the promise. And they say that Abraham made the sacrifice of Isaac on that very mountain, where also the Lord Christ was offered up as a sacrifice for the whole world, and where he endured the saving cross.
Isaac.
This is Isaac the co-heir of the promises and the blessings of God given to Abraham his father----who was a type of the sacrifice of the Lord Christ, since for three days he travelled on to death, and afterwards returned alive----who on his own shoulders carried the wood for his own sacrifice, as also the Lord Christ carried his own cross on his shoulder----who died in intention and was given his life by God; he in exchange for whom a ram was slain, and whose father heard these words from God: |179
Because thou hast not spared the son whom thou lovest,95 so in like manner it has been said with reference to Christ the son of God: Who spared not his own son but has given him up for us all;96 although the flesh alone is that which has been given for the life of the world, since it is impossible for deity to die; but since the flesh has thus been given, scripture saith that his own son hath been given, because the flesh is a substitute for and a counterpart97 of the son, after the example of the blessed Isaac. For thus saith the Lord: Abraham rejoiced to see my day, and he saw it, and was glad.98 This is Isaac who involuntarily transmitted to Jacob the blessing promised by God 220 to himself and his father, saying: Let peoples serve thee, and let their princes bow down to thee, and be thou Lord over thy brethren, and let thy father s sons bow down to thee; cursed be every one that curseth thee, and blessed be every one that blesseth thee.99 But we see not all these things accomplished upon Jacob, but see rather that Jacob, having prostrated himself seven times upon the ground, made obeisance to Esau. And thirty kings, sprung from Esau, reigned before ever a king reigned in Israel; so that these blessings await Him who was expected to descend from them, namely, the Lord Christ, whom the whole scope of divine scripture has in view.
And this man who was co-heir of the gifts and promises of Christ, and a type of the Lord Christ himself, was he who transmitted the blessing, which he himself had received from his father, not to the son whom he wished to inherit it, but to him to whom God ordained it should be given. Glory to our God who in supreme wisdom administers the affairs of men, Amen! |180
Jacob.
This is Jacob, himself also a co-heir of the promises of God, and one who looked for the city which hath the foundations, whose builder and maker is God----that is, the heavenly Jerusalem, into which, as our forerunner, Christ has entered----and to which state of existence the whole scheme of Christian worship looks, which new and living way the Lord Christ first of all instituted for us, which also the great Jacob predicts in transmitting it to Judah his own son, when he was blessing him; by whom also Jesus Christ is announced as the Lord of the promises in these words which he spake: Judah, thee shall thy brethren praise: Thy hand shall be on the neck of thine enemies; thy father's sons shall bow down before thee; Judah is a lion's whelp; from the branch,100 my son, hast thou ascended, he stooped down, he couched as a lion, and as a lions whelp; who shall rouse him up? A ruler shall not fail from Judah nor a leader from his thighs until what is laid up in store for him shall come, and he the expectation of the nations. Binding his foal unto the vines, and to the tendril of the vine his ass's colt. He shall wash his garment in wine, and his vesture in the blood of the grape. Wine shall make his eyes sparkle with joy, and his teeth shall be whiter than milk.101 But the sons of his father did not bow down before him, nay, on the contrary he made obeisance to Joseph, even after the death of his father. It is evident therefore that the whole of this prophecy had its fulfilment in the Lord Christ who descended from him according to the flesh, and that it sets before the mind his kingly power, and his Passion, and his blessed Resurrection after his Passion. |181
Note.
And this Jacob, who is the third patriarch, being reckoned 221 with the other two, married a wife whom he did not from the first himself wish to marry, namely Leah; and on the fourth son whom he begat by her, that is, on Judah, he conferred the blessings and the promises; so that from this it is manifest, that the blessing did not accrue to any chance person but to those from whom the Lord Christ according to the flesh, the Prince of the second life, was to spring. And from Judah himself we can learn, that it was not from his own wife, but from his daughter-in-law Thamar that the line of descent of his posterity, from which sprang the Lord of the promises, was reckoned. Most clearly still, when the patriarchs had received such great promises from God, namely, that in them and in their seed all the nations should be blessed, and this promise in like manner: Unto you I will give this land, and unto your seed,102 and when they had received not so much of it as they could set their foot on, but dwelt in tents, they, being full of faith, showed themselves to be expecting and hoping for another dispensation in which they would receive the promises. Wherefore also each one of them in his dying moments transmitted the blessing to him whom God had ordained to receive it. Wherefore also again scripture, laying up, as it were, the fathers in a treasure-house, says with reference to each of them: And he was gathered unto his fathers, meaning that all of them together being treasured up for the future state, will receive possession thereof.
Moses.
This is that great Moses by whom marvellous signs and wonders were wrought, and by whom the history of the Creation was written; he, who was honoured to receive the shadows 103 of our true shepherd Christ; who by words and deeds announced beforehand the nature of the dispensation of the Lord Christ; by deeds, as, for instance, by redeeming Israel from the bondage of the Egyptians---- |182 by instituting the Passover and the shedding of blood----by making the passage through the sea, as in baptism----by foretelling through the cloud the setting of the law 104----by pre-figuring under his sojourning 105 in the wilderness, our abiding in the Holy Spirit and in the Church; by his predicting the Passion of the Lord Christ on the cross, by lifting up on high the brazen serpent; by his describing beforehand the habitation in the heavens, when he procured an entrance into the land of promise by Joshua. O wondrous office of Mediator! by manifold miracles announced! And what need is there to speak of the Tabernacle which was an image of the whole world, in which was placed the mercy-seat, holding the office of the Lord Christ? But that we may not lengthen out the 223 discourse, having before repeatedly said these things, let us come to the prophecy itself which was expressed by words----so then, he speaks thus: A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you----him ye shall hear. And that man 106 who shall not hear what ever that prophet shall speak in my name, that soul shall be cut off from his people. 107 And again he records what was spoken by Balaam: A star shall arise out of Jacob, there shall be raised up a man out of Israel----and he shall smite the princes of Moab----and destroy all the sons of Seth.108 By the sons of Sêth he means the whole world. And this is not applicable to anyone except |183 the Lord Christ, for Sêth is by interpretation a foundation Since therefore Cain and his seed perished utterly in the deluge, while Abel the younger died childless, Sêth was posterior to these, from whom both Noah and all the world are descended, and who is thus a foundation as it were of mankind. Moreover for this reason Adam, inspired by the deity, addressed him by the name of Sêth, that is, foundation; and therefore he said: And he will subdue all the sons of Seth, that is, the whole world. Now this is applicable to Christ, and to Him alone, whom all scripture ever keeps in view.109
Note.
This Moses, who was a comely man bom for God,110 was brought up in the royal court of Egypt and instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians; and in after days, having been taken up to Mount Sinai, he was taught also the wisdom of God, and was sent back to Egypt in the character of a type of him who redeems the world from bondage, and graciously bestows freedom and adoption into sonship. For he redeemed the Israelites from their bondage to the Egyptians, having prescribed beforehand the shedding of blood and the Passover. Having led the people through the Red Sea, he thus prefigured baptism. By the giving of the law he foreshowed the descent of the Holy Spirit. By the sojourn in the wilderness, he signified beforehand the discipline of the Church. By the entrance into the land of promise, effected by his successor, he foretold the dwelling-place of heaven. By the glory wherewith God made his face to shine, he foreshadowed in part the future glories.111 It was. however, not only by types that he prophesied concerning the mystery as to Christ, but he did so also by words: and again he was the first who communicated to mankind and to the world the |184 knowledge of letters and the practice of writing. Having seen the creation of the whole world, and the delineation of it revealed to him in mysteries, he committed what he had seen to writing, and showed the types of the first and of the second state of existence. Glory be to him who, through those whom he has reared up, has wisely provided for the interests of mankind.
Text.
223 After Moses and his successor Joshua the son of Nun, and after those who became Judges in Israel, and after Saul had been invested with the sovereignty and been rejected as unworthy, God raised up to them a King virtuous, righteous, and a prophet, who composed the book of 150 psalms, when moved by the Holy Spirit. These psalms were written metrically in accordance with the metre proper to the Hebrew language, and he chanted them with melody and rhythm, accompanied with the music of different instruments, and with dances and melodies. For he himself handled the harp, and he had under him a number of choirs of the minor prophets, for so they called those who attached themselves to the prophets, and who were also frequently designated the sons of the prophets. The instruments upon which they played were various: one part of the choir had cymbals, another flutes, another drums, another trumpets, another a psaltery and harp, while another played on what are called shepherd's pipes.112 Each of the choirs had its leader;113 one was called Asaph, another Idithum, others the sons of Core, another Aetham an Israelite, another Moses, a man of God.114 When David therefore was moved by the Spirit, he would then predict something as to the captivity |185 of the people, or as to their return therefrom----or he would inculcate lessons of morality, or take Providence for his theme, or the Lord Christ Each psalm he composed in metre----and it turned upon a single subject----on which account some psalms are short and others long. On composing a psalm he would hand it over to one of the choirs which he had proved, or to the one which it fitted best, and that choir sang it first. And if again in the middle of a psalm he considered that he should make over the rest of the psalm to another choir, then that succession of the measure was called a diapsalma;115 because those singers received in succession the rest of the psalm to be sung by them. But any one who so wishes can learn about this from what is written in the Chronicles of the Kings, namely: And he sung this song by the hand of Asaph the prophet.116 But when the psalm had first been handed over in the manner stated, then each choir afterwards, both by itself and in conjunction with all the other choirs in responsive, joyous, and measured strains, some with these instruments and others with those, sang the psalm, along with dancing to the glory of God. But again we can learn with regard to this matter that David himself, when he had received the Ark from aliens, danced before it, and when reproached for so doing by his wife Melchol (Michal), said: I will play and laugh for gladness before the 224 Lord.117 For not only did he not cease doing so, but promised that he would long persist in the practice. But some, neither understanding this ordinance and the real truth of the matter, nor wishing to be instructed by those who know, have betaken themselves to allegorical interpretations, and have maintained that all the psalms are not David's, but allege that they are manifestly the |186 compositions of those who received them from David to be sung. But never did either the Apostle or the Lord himself mention them as being the psalms of any other than David.
David.
This is that great David, the King and prophet----the man after the Lord's own heart, to whom, as to Abraham, God again correspondently gave the promises that his seed should remain for ever, and that the throne of his kingdom should likewise be perpetual. For when Abraham, having left his country and his kindred, trusted God, God correspondently promised that he would make him the father of nations, and that he would bless all the nations through him and through his seed, that is, through Christ. And to David also, since he was a king, and one with whom He was well pleased, He promised that both his seed and the throne of his kingdom should remain in perpetuity----and here again Christ is meant. This David was privileged to prophesy under inspiration of the Spirit concerning the Lord Christ, having composed four psalms which refer entirely to him, namely, psalms ii, viii, xlv and cx.118 I say so because both the Lord Christ and the Apostles appear to have taken testimonies concerning him from these four psalms; as for instance, it is related in the Acts of the Apostles that, when the whole company of the Apostles were praying to God, they said: For of a truth against Jesus whom thou hast anointed both Herod and Pontius Pilate have been gathered together in this city;119 accepting the second psalm as having reference to Christ. In like manner in the Acts themselves, Paul when he was discoursing in the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia spoke thus: And we bring you good tidings of the promise made unto the fathers, |187 how that God hath fulfilled the same unto us their children in that he raised up Jesus, as it is also written in the second psalm, Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee.120 Paul here, by Christ's having been begotten, understands his resurrection, and he too has decided that the second psalm has been spoken concerning him, as all the Apostles also have affirmed. And these things have been said about his humanity, for it is about his deity that in this very psalm it has been said: Thou shalt rule them with a rod of iron; as a potters vessel shalt thou dash them in pieces;121 as if at the same time making known the force and might of his divinity, and indicating the renovation or regeneration of the human race----for the potter's vessel, though dashed to pieces, provided it has not as yet been subjected to the furnace, admits of being refashioned.
In like manner also David composed the eighth psalm 225 with reference to Christ, speaking of his divine nature in the first verses of it, as the Lord Christ himself also testifies of it in the Gospel, when they strewed his way with branches and praised him with shouts of welcome, saying: Hosanna to the son of David! Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord!122 And when the Jews, finding themselves powerless to rebuke the multitudes and the children, (for it was a marvellous spectacle----to see boys, babes and sucklings, and the disciples and the multitudes joining in shouts of applause, and with loud voices praising him in song), took in hand to throw questions at him, and said to him: Hearest thou not what these are saying?123 But another evangelist says: Some from among the crowd said to him: Rebuke thy disciples;124 as if they would say----Why dost thou blaspheme, accepting a hymn which can be suitably applied to God alone? each of the parties who |188 addressed him having the same purpose in view. Unto them the Lord said----to the one party: Yea, have ye never read; Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast ordained praise?125 clearly indicating that the eighth psalm had reference to him; and at the same time obscurely hinting that he did not take by robbery the things which belonged to God, since he was God; as the Apostle also declares: He counted it no robbery to be on an equality with God, but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant;126 to the other party he said: Why do ye wonder at the children and the disciples? If these should hold their peace the stones will cry out.127 But these men, knowing it had so been written, and seeing in very deed babes and sucklings in an astonishing manner with loud voices chanting the hymn, they reflected that if he could make babes beyond their natural capacity sing the hymn with loud voices, he could also make inanimate things cry out ----and thus reflecting, they for very shame put a bridle on their tongues. O how amazing the power of the Lord Christ! O how amazing his loving-kindness! O how amazing his merciful condescension! How by his teaching regarding the form of a servant which he took upon him, did he deign to show mildly glimpses of his divinity, to receive accusations preferred against him by his own creatures, and to answer them, not with anger but with mildness and forbearance? O the excess of his long-suffering! as David was privileged still further to make such prophecies, for he speaks also concerning his human nature in the same psalm from the passage: What is man that thou art mindful of him?128 on to the end, unto which the divine Apostle Paul bears witness in 226 the following passages: Heb. ii, 9; ii, 5; ii, 6-8; Acts xvii, 30, 31; as does also Peter in Acts x, 42. |189
In like manner David again spake of him in the forty-second psalm (our 43rd) in which we again find him speaking both of his divine and his human nature. To whom again the blessed Paul in his Epistle to the Hebrews bears witness in these words: And of the Son he saith, thy throne, O God! is for ever and ever; the sceptre of uprightness is the sceptre of thy kingdom.129 Having said this concerning his divinity, he forthwith speaks of his humanity and says: Thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity, wherefore God, even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows.130 For it is not his divinity which is anointed on account of his loving righteousness and hating iniquity, nor is it in any case anointed, nor has it another God [for fellow], for God exists by himself. But it is his humanity which is anointed with the oil of gladness (by which is meant, with the Holy Spirit) above its fellows----that is, above all the anointed. For his divinity has no other fellow, for God is one, the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, but the humanity of Christ has for its fellows all men, especially those who have been anointed. For by reason that the humanity of Christ was anointed above all others, since it was anointed with the Holy Spirit and with power, a distinction accorded to none of the others who were anointed, he used the words: Above all thy fellows. The whole psalm, moreover, he wrote with reference to Christ and the Church, speaking of the one as a royal bridegroom and of the other as a royal bride.
And in like manner also he uttered the 109th psalm (our 110th) with reference "to him, as the Lord himself testified when he addressed the Jews in these words: How then does David in the spirit call him Lord, saying: The Lord |190 said unto my Lord, sit thou on my right hand till I put thy enemies underneath thy feet; if David then calleth him Lord, how is he his son?131 The expression, his Lord, clearly indicates that he was God, and that other, sit thou at my right hand, is clearly suited to his humanity. For, the word sit he said to him who was not sitting. But Deity is established in its own blessedness, and honour and glory, and is neither conceded by one who is greater to one who 227 is less, nor is one who is less invited to assume it. But the humanity of Christ is, by the Deity which is inseparably united, invited132 in the words: Sit thou at my right hand, that is, in my dignity----for God being uncircum-scribed has neither right hand nor left. But he says this to his humanity, sit in my dignity----that is, in my person, as the image of God, shown to all the world. For thus also Daniel speaks: And there was given to him a kingdom and dominion,133 et cetera; and the Lord himself says: There hath been given to me power in heaven and on earth.134 Farther down again in the same psalm he saith with reference to his deity: Out of the womb before morning have I begotten thee, as if the Father were saying to the Son, with reference to his deity, Thee before all creation have I brought forth from the womb (thus showing him to be con-substantial) and not afterwards, but having thee in myself without beginning and without limit, as if from the womb, from my own substance have I begotten thee, being with me and co-existing with me. Then immediately again with reference to his humanity he says: The Lord hath sworn and will not repent, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec;135 for deity does not exercise the priestly office or render worship, but is rather itself |191 worshipped and the recipient of sacred services. The Apostle also mentions this passage, saying in the Epistle to the Hebrews: Even as Aaron, so Christ also glorified not himself to be made a high priest, but he that spake unto him, Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee; as he saith also in another place, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec;136 thus extracting all that referred to the humanity of Christ.
Thus then the blessed David spoke these four psalms with reference to the Lord Christ and to him alone, for he did not confound the things of the Lord Christ with those of servants, but he spake of the things which properly belong to the Lord as the Lord's, and of the things of servants as those of servants. But whatever other passages the Apostles quoted from the psalms, they did not extract them because they were specially spoken of him, but because they suited their argument. For example: They parted my garments among them,137 and again: They gave me gall for my meat,138 and: I have set the Lord always before me,139 and: Thou hast ascended on high leading captivity captive;140 and other such like passages they extracted, when they suited the argument they had in hand. The blessed Paul in like manner did this, transferring the passage of Moses in Deuteronomy to his own argument which it suited: Say not in thy heart, Who shall ascend into heaven? (that is, to bring Christ down) or, Who shall descend into the abyss? (that is, to bring Christ up from the dead),141 thus accommodating the passage to suit the requirements of his argument. For the remaining parts of the psalms from which they 228 quoted are not applicable to the Lord Christ. For instance, the passage: They parted my garments among them, occurs |192 in the 21st (our 22nd) psalm. Is that psalm then speaking of him where it says: Far from my safety, the words of my transgressions? 142 No----that is out of harmony and at variance with divine scripture, and to cite such a passage as referring to Christ would be clear madness. As regards however those four psalms which speak concerning the Lord Christ, each of them is entirely throughout applicable to Him. For, as we have just observed, the blessed David discriminated what was said with reference to the Lord Christ from what was said with reference to any one else. For even the Saviour himself manifestly did this when the Jews accused him, saying: Why workest thou on the Sabbath day? and he replied to them saying: My Father worketh even until now.143 And when they accused his disciples, he said: Know ye not what David did when he was an-hungered and they that were with him, how he entered into the house of God and did eat the shew-bread, which it ivas not lawful for him to eat nor for those who were with him, but for the priests alone?144 thus expressly contradistinguishing145 himself from the Father, as a son relatively to his father, and his disciples from the prophets, or, at any rate, the priests, as servants relatively to servants. When the Lord was transfigured on the mountain before Peter and James and John in great glory, and Moses and Elias talked with Him, the disciples, witnessing the exceeding glory, were thrown into amazement and rapturous delight, and desire and ardent longing |193 for that wondrous beauty. But Peter, after a manner identifying himself with the others in their common astonishment at the spectacle, answered and said to Jesus: Lord, it is good for us to be here,146 as if he said, Lo! beautiful is the sight, and the place, the splendour and the transcendent glory. Wherefore should we go down hence, putting ourselves again into the hands of those who wish to plot against us and to oppress us, while we have to remove from place to place, and are persecuted? If thou wishest therefore, let us make here three tabernacles, one for thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elias.146 And because Peter considered Moses and Elias to be equal in honour to the Lord, seeing that with reference to their equality he reckoned the number of the tabernacles, assigning one to each, the evangelist Luke notes this and in these terms: Not knowing what he said,147 that is, Peter not knowing what he said with reference to the Lord. Straightway moreover a cloud overshadowed them, and separated Moses and Elias from them and hid them from the disciples, and as for Jesus, who was left alone in the midst, the Father pointed out and showed him to the disciples saying: This is my son in whom I am well pleased, hear ye Him.148 Ye are mistaken, he says, in putting Him on an equality with the others, for He is my Son. They, like yourselves, are servants. Him therefore as Lord and as my Son, hear 229 ye in all things.
Thus then the prophet David also, being moved by the Holy Ghost, did not indiscriminately confound what had an underlying reference to the Lord with what had an underlying reference to servants, but those four psalms which had a special reference to the Lord he was privileged to compose with prophetic foresight; while all the other psalms he gave out to the whole world for useful |194 instruction with regard to other persons or things or histories, in order that they might be held fast and well remembered by all as calculated to delight. And this is abundantly clear that, in all the churches of the world, we shall find that the Psalms of David are sung, and that they are on the lips of nearly all men, whether small or great, and are more studied and remembered than the other prophets and scriptures. But bringing this subject also to an end, let us pass on to the great Elias and supply a worthy delineation of him also. Here then you see him thus delineated.
Elijah.
This is Elijah the first of men who showed to men the path to heaven----the first of men who showed to angels and to men the one way----who though his lot was to be an inhabitant of earth, all at once penetrated into heaven----who though a mortal yet vies even with the immortals----who walked upon the earth, and yet, as a spirit, treads with the angels the paths of heaven; who with his mantle of sheep-skin imparted to his disciple Elisha a double share of his own gifts----a man who has lived for ages and is from old age exempt----who is reserved to be leader against Antichrist, standing up against him and convicting him of deception and overweening pride----who from the error into which he has seduced them, leads back all men to God at the consummation of the age. This is he who is deemed worthy to be the fore-runner of the second and glorious advent of the Lord Christ. O the wondrous measure of his services, in which he competes with the angels! Glory to God who graciously bestows these gifts upon men. Amen! |195
Note.
This is the great Elijah, who having been taken up as into heaven shows to men and angels how highly human nature has been honoured, and by means of him God has again laid the foundations of a good hope, that it is possible for men, if God will, to ascend into heaven. For it is a great and wondrous thing to see this man, bridle in hand, riding his fiery chariot as he sweeps the fields of air. Oh! what wondrous kindness on his 230 part who has bestowed the honour. Let those be ashamed of themselves who do not extol the mighty dispensation of God----who do not praise and admire how wisely and how dispassionately God, on the one hand, awards to men their punishments, and on the other, preserves the honour of man who was made in his image. Glory and nraise to him for ever and ever, Amen!
The Prophet Hosea.
This is Hosea, the first of the twelve prophets who was privileged to speak concerning the Lord Christ in these terms: When they are afflicted, let them rise early to seek me saying, Come and let us return unto the Lord our God, for he hath smitten us and he will heal us; he that hath struck us will bind us up. After two days will he heal us. On the third day we shall be raised up again and we shall live! 149 With reference to this passage the Apostle Paul says to the Corinthians: For I delivered unto you first of all that which also I received, how that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures.150 For that he was buried, and that he was raised up on the third day according to the scriptures, is not to be found anywhere else. The prophet still further says what is applicable to Christ: My flesh is of them; and again he says: Ephraim compasseth me about with falsehood, and the house of Israel and Judah with ungodliness. Now God knoweth them, and there shall be called a holy people of God, from the tribe,151 |196 through him who appeared out of it, namely, the Lord Christ according to the flesh----the prophet calling Judah the holy people of God. Yet again the same prophet says: From the power of the grave will I ransom them. Where is thy victory, O death! Where is thy sting, O grave!152----a passage which the Apostle has used concerning the resurrection.
Note.
This prophet also clearly predicted the resurrection on the third day, saying: On the third day we shall rise up. In like manner also he foretold the destruction of death and the vengeance upon the sting of the grave. How should we not be lost in astonishment at the ineffable benevolence of God, which is at all times making provision for the human race. Glory to him for his unspeakable gift!
The Prophet Joel.
This is Joel the second in order who was privileged to prophesy concerning the mystery of the Lord Christ, for he speaks thus (chap. ii, 28-32): And it shall come to pass afterward that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions; 231 and also upon the servants and upon the handmaids in those days will I pour out my spirit. A nd I will show wonders in the heavens and in the earth, blood and fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of the Lord come. And it shall come to pass that whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be delivered-----a passage which the blessed Peter mentions in the Acts of the Apostles as having been fulfilled when the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles occurred on the day of Pentecost. |197
Note.
This prophet also foretold the wonderful things that took place in the time of the Lord Christ through the Holy Ghost, such as prophesyings, dreams and visions under his influence; likewise the day of the great, terrible, and glorious advent of the Lord Christ. For examples we may point to the revelations made, in different ways, to Joseph and to the Wise Men in sleep, as the Gospels relate; and to the revelation made by the Holy Ghost through visions to Symeon (Simeon) who took up the Lord Christ in his arms. Anna again the daughter of Phanuel gave thanks to the Lord because of him. There were also those who prophesied, such as Agabus and the daughters of Philip. Arid the women who were at the Passion of the Lord saw visions of angels, as did also the disciples. And why need I speak of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles; yea, even upon Cornelius and upon all the faithful of whom the Apostle writes (I Cor. xii, 8-14): For to one is given the word of wisdom; to another faith in the same spirit; to another gifts of healings in the same spirit; to another workings of miracles; to another prophecy, and to another discernings of spirits, and to another divers kinds of tongues, and to another interpretation of tongues; but all these worketh the one and the same spirit, dividing to each one severally even as he will! Glory to God who through all the prophets foretold these things, glory for ever and ever, Amen.
The Prophet Amos.
This is Amos the third in order, who also was privileged to tell of the coming of the Lord Christ and in these words: Lo! I am he that confirms the thunder and that creates the wind and that announces to men his Anointed.153 And again he says (ix, 11, 12): In that day will I raise up the tabernacle of David that is fallen and close up the breaches thereof; and I will raise up his ruins, and I will build it as in the days of old, that the rest of men and all the nations may enquire who have been called by my name, saith the Lord |198 who doeth these things. A passage of which James the Apostle makes mention in the Acts of the Apostles.
Note.
232 This Prophet, in agreement with the first, announces Christ, through whom the salvation of the whole world is effected. And through him God promises that he will raise up again the Tabernacle of David which had fallen, and will extend help to all the nations. And these are the same tidings which all the prophets proclaim.
The Prophet Obadiah.
This is Obadiah (Abdiou) the fourth in order, who also was privileged to prophesy concerning the mystery regarding Christ, and who speaks thus: Because the day of the Lord is near upon all the nations.154 This taken in its obvious meaning is spoken of the Scythians, that is, of Gog and Magog, but it is most properly applicable to the Lord Christ, for the prophet shortly afterwards says: But on Mount Zion there shall be salvation.155
Note.
This prophet also again clearly proclaims that the day of Salvation in Zion is near at hand and upon all the nations. Glory to God evermore. Amen!
The Prophet Jonah.
This is Jonah the fifth in order, who not by words, but by what he did and by what he typified, predicted the resurrection of Christ. For the Lord says: as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of the whale, so shall the Son of Man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth.156 For as the whale vomited out Jonah uncorrupted, so also did the sepulchre vomit out the Lord to a better life. |199
Note.
This prophet prefigured through his actions the sepulchre and the miraculous resurrection and incorruption of Christ, through whom is dispensed the renovation of man and his summing up in him. Glory to God who doeth these things. Amen!
The Prophet Isaiah.
This is the great Isaiah the son of Amos, who in a figure foresaw the things concerning the mystery of Christ, when he saw the Lord sitting on a throne high and lifted up, while the Seraphim stood in a circle around him, the one having six wings, and the other six wings, with which they did cover themselves, and the one cried out to the other and said: Holy, holy, holy Lord of Sabaoth! the whole earth is full of his glory.157 Thereupon one of the Seraphim 233 was sent to him who with the tongs took [a live coal] from the altar, and touched his lips saying: This will take away thy sins.158 Isaiah by the vision which was shown to him, and by the hymn of praise, and by the figure was instructed to prophesy the mystery concerning Christ, and further again in words he thus speaks: He was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and as a lamb before the shearer, so was he dumb.159 The Ethiopian eunuch on reading this passage asked Philip to interpret it to him, and he at once explained that it was spoken by the Prophet with reference to the Lord Christ. And again he says: A man who is under chastisement and knows what it is to bear sickness;160 and so in other passages----Isaiah liii. 9-11; xxviii. 16; lxi. 10; and in lxi., 1; The spirit of'the Lord is upon me----a passage which the Lord having read in the synagogue on the Sabbath said: Verily I say unto you, to-day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears.161 |200
Note 1.
Isaiah, that prophet of sublimest strain,162 by his words and visions proclaimed beforehand to men the confession even of the Holy Trinity, that is, of the one God, and the resurrection of human nature which the Church of God also now proclaims. Glory to God who wisely dispenses all things for the good of the human race!
Note 2.
But he too did not prophesy things strange and unusual, but like the other prophets predicted the things that would be through Christ, and among them again that great day of the Lord on which he would send the Prophet Elijah still surviving. Glory to God who created all things and again created them anew!
The Prophet Micah.
This is Micah the seventh in order, who also was privileged to prophesy concerning the coming of the Lord Christ, and he says: And thou Bethlehem, the house of Ephratha, art the least to be among the thousands of Judah. From thee, there shall come forth to me one who shall be for a ruler over Israel, whose goings forth have been of 234 old from everlasting.163 The chief priests and scribes of the Jews, taking this passage, when Herod asked them where the Christ should be born, replied, In Bethlehem of Judaea, upon which he sent the Wise Men away to Bethlehem. This prophet further says: He will turn again and have compassion upon us; he will tread our iniquities under foot, and all our sins shall be cast into the depths of the sea. He will perform the truth to Jacob and the mercy to Abraham, as he hath sworn unto our fathers from the days of old.164
Note.
This prophet also in harmony with the others, predicts that he who was raised up from of old to be a ruler over Israel should |201 come out of Bethlehem and Judah, he through whom absolution is given to the world, the taking away of our sins and conducting us into the better state. Glory to God who all things dispenses wisely and foretells the things which concern man!
The Prophet Nahum.
This is Nahum the eighth in order who was also privileged to prophesy concerning the resurrection of the Lord Christ, and he says: Feast, O Judah, keep thy feasts, perform thy vows, for they shall add to pass through thee no more.165 It has been consummated, it has been taken away. He went up breathing upon thy face, delivering thee from affliction.166
Note.
See how this prophet also exhorts us to rejoice over the resurrection of Christ and over our own, showing beforehand that we shall never grow old, proclaiming, that is, our incorruption and our immortality. Glory to God, Amen!
The Prophet Habakkuk.
This is Habakkuk the ninth in order, who was also privileged to speak concerning the resurrection of Christ in these terms: Behold, ye despisers, and regard, and wonder marvellously, and vanish for ever, because I work a work in your days which ye will not believe though it be told you.167 This passage Paul cited at Antioch of Pisidia as having reference to the resurrection of the Lord Christ.
Note.
In like manner also this prophet is commanded to predict marvellous and incredible things to men, and especially to despisers, things namely concerning the resurrection. Glory to God, Amen! |202
The Prophet Jeremiah.
235 This is Jeremiah the tenth in order, who was also privileged to prophesy concerning the mystery respecting Christ, saying thus: And they took the thirty pieces of silver, the price of him that was priced, whom certain of the sons of Israel did price, and they gave them for the potter s field as the Lord appointed me.168 The evangelist Matthew mentions this passage as having been fulfilled at the time of the passion. The same prophet again says: Lo! the days are coming, saith the Lord, and I shall make a new covenant with the house of Israel and with the house of Judah.169 etc. This passage is cited by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Romans.
Note
This prophet in like manner predicts things which have reference to the Lord Christ who is the Prince of the second dispensation----for he describes in the clearest manner the first and second dispensation, the second whereof had its beginning in the Lord Christ. Glory to Cod for ever, Amen!
The Prophet Saphonias (Zephaniah).
This is Zephaniah the eleventh in order who was also privileged to prophesy concerning the Lord Christ, and he speaks thus: The Lord will come suddenly upon them, and will utterly destroy all the gods of the nations of the earth, and men shall worship him, every one from his place, even all the isles of the nations!170 From beyond the rivers of Ethiopia shall they bring offering to me;171 and again: Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Sion; shout, O daughter of Jerusalem; be glad and rejoice with all the heart, O daughter of Jerusalem; the Lord hath taken away thine |203 iniquities. The King of Israel, even the Lord, is in the midst of thee; thou shalt not see evil any more.172 All things are more especially applicable to the Lord Christ.
Note.
This prophet most plainly points to the manifestation of the 236 Lord, to the destruction of idols, and the conversion of the nations to God through the Lord Christ. Glory be to God for ever, Amen!
The Prophet Ezekiel.
This is Ezekiel who prophesied in Babylon, and who was also privileged to predict concerning the dispensation of Christ, and he says: I will redeem them from all their transgression, wherewith they have sinned, and I will purify them, and they shall be to me a people, and I the Lord will be their God. And my servant David shall be ruler in the midst of them, he alone shall be the shepherd of them all, because they shall walk in my precepts;173 and again: And he said unto me, This water, issuing forth into Galilee which lies towards the East, was going down into Arabia and came even to the sea, to the water at the outlet,174 and it shall heal the waters. And it shall come to pass that every living creature which swarmeth in every place whither the river comes shall live.175
Note.
This prophet, like the others, under a figure foreshows the great founder and ruler of our second state, and foreshows also its constitution. Glory to God for the wisdom of all his dispensations, Amen! |204
The Prophet Daniel.
This is Daniel who prophesied in Babylon and who was also privileged to utter predictions concerning the Lord Christ, and he speaks thus: And thou shalt know and discern that from the going forth of the commandment to the response and the building of Jerusalem, until the anointed one a prince, shall be seven weeks and three score and two weeks,176 and so forth. And again: A stone was cut without hands, and it brake in pieces the clay, the iron, the brass, the silver and the gold, and it filled the whole earth;177 and again: Behold one like unto the Son of Man coming with the clouds of heaven, and he came even unto to the Ancient of days, and he was brought near before him. And there was given unto him dominion and glory and a kingdom, and all the peoples and nations and languages shall serve him. His dominion,178 and so forth.
Note.
And this prophet spoke out more clearly concerning the conning of Christ, intimating both his time and the power belonging to him, and his birth from a virgin and the propagation of his gospel throughout all the earth, which things have all come to pass with God's help and will still come to pass. Glory to God who through all the prophets has revealed these things beforehand, Amen!
The Prophet Haggai.
This Haggai was also privileged to utter predictions concerning the Lord Christ, as, under the person of Zerubabel, he says things which are applicable to the Lord Christ: And I will make thee as a signet, because I have chosen thee, saith the Lord God.179 |205
The Prophet Zechariah.
This Zechariah was also privileged to prophesy concerning the coming of the Christ, saying thus: Rejoice greatly O daughter of Sion, shout O daughter of Jerusalem; behold thy King cometh unto thee; he is just and having salvation; lowly and riding upon an ass----even a young colt.180 This passage he uttered with reference to Zerubabel, in a strain of hyperbole as regards him, for it had properly its accomplishment in the Lord Christ, whom Zerubabel as it were, personified. He further says: And I will say unto him, What are these wounds between thine hands? And he shall say, wounds which I received in the house beloved by me.181 And shortly afterwards again he says: I will smite the shepherd and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered.182 Of this passage also the Lord made mention at the time of his Passion, applying it to himself when he was on the point of being betrayed.
Note.
This prophet, while he said nothing alien to the utterances of the other prophets, indicated the sovereignty of the Lord Christ in the future state.
The Prophet Malachi.
This is Malachi, who also was privileged to prophesy concerning the things relating to the dispensation of the Lord Christ. And it is thus he speaks: For, from the rising of the sun even unto the going down of the same, my name is great among the nations; and in every place incense is offered unto my name and a pure offering, for my name is great among the nations, saith the Lord Almighty;183 and again he says: Behold I will send my messenger, and he |206 shall prepare, the way before thy presence.184 This passage the Lord applied to himself and to John the Baptist. The same prophet further says: But unto you that fear my name shall the sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings, and ye shall go forth and gambol as calves released from the stall. A nd ye shall tread down winds; for they shall be ashes under the soles of your feet, in the day that 238 I do make, saith the Lord Almighty. And behold, I will send you Elijah the Tishbite before the great and notable day of the Lord.185 As the Lord said to the Jews, and if ye are willing, receive it of John the Baptist: This is Elijah who was to come.186 And now at last having finished with God's help the twelve prophets we shall proceed to the four great prophets.187
Note.
Now this prophet did not utter predictions respecting what would be done by Christ different from the other prophets, but predictions of a similar nature; and he again prophesied the great and notable day of the Lord, in which he says that he will send before him the Tishbite Elijah, who is still surviving. Glory to God who created all things and who again creates them anew. Amen!
Text.
All the prophets predicted, and reminded the Jews of the promises of God which he had made to their fathers; how he promised to bless all the nations in the seed of Abraham through the dispensation of the Lord Christ. They reminded them how God in former times had |207 redeemed them with a high hand from bondage to the Egyptians and given them the land of promise, and predicted how they would be led away captives to Babylon by Nabuchodonosor and would return again with glory; and again, how they would suffer great miseries at the hands of Antiochus and the nations around them, and how by the divine power they would overcome them; and then He, who was expected from the seed of Abraham, would come for the salvation of the whole world according to the promises earlier given. This was the work of the prophets. Some of them accordingly wrote their own books. David, for instance, composed the Book of Psalms, and Daniel at the time of the Captivity was commanded to write what was revealed to him through visions, and there were others besides. But the rest did not write their prophecies with their own hands, but in the temple there were scribes who wrote the words of each prophet as in a diary.188 And when a prophet was sent by God to proclaim anything, either concerning Jerusalem, that it would be led away into captivity, or concerning Samaria, or other places, or concerning the return from captivity, or concerning Antiochus, or the surrounding nations, or concerning the Lord Christ himself, on the day in which they prophesied, the scribes wrote, in the book of that prophet, what he announced, that is, concerning a single subject; and again after some time had elapsed, if he wished to announce anything about another matter, the scribe again committed it to writing, recording it in its order among 239 the sayings of the same prophet, and inserting what he announced as the beginning of a new chapter; and so in this manner they compiled the whole of his book. Hence we may find in their books a chapter relating to the Captivity at Babylon, or to the Return, and |208 immediately thereafter another chapter which has reference to Christ, and then once more a chapter speaking again of the Captivity and the Return. And to speak briefly, unless one reads with close observation, he will find very much apparent confusion. And not only the books of the prophets, but the books of the kings were in this manner written in the temple, part by part. Thus the events under Saul were recorded for Saul in his time, part by part, until the end of his reign. The events in the time of David were thus also recorded to the end of his reign, and similarly the events under each king were committed to writing during his period. In like manner they wrote also in the records189 of the Kings what we call Paralipomena.190 It was Moses who wrote the Pentateuch----which is a history of things past, present and future. Joshua again wrote the book which bears his name. The book of Judges was written in the temple, or it may be, in the Tabernacle, and the same may be said of the book of Ruth. Solomon again wrote his own works, Proverbs, the Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes. For though he had received the gift of wisdom from God, and counselled every man to conduct himself wisely in this life, he did not receive the gift of prophecy. As many, therefore, as we have found to have been privileged to prophesy concerning the dispensation of the Lord Christ, we have arranged in their order. And we further write concerning the four other prophets whatever things they were commissioned to predict----whereunto the whole scope of divine scripture has respect. We bring forward therefore first the sublimely eloquent Isaiah,191 who both by figure and |209 by word was privileged to see and prophesy concerning the mystery of Christ.
John the Forerunner.
This is the greatest of all men----John the Baptist, who was filled with the Holy Ghost while he was yet in the womb, and leaped in joy and eagerness to be the forerunner of his Lord----a man great in the sight of God, the forerunner of Christ, preparing for him a people put in readiness to receive him----a man superior to the prophets, born into the world before the Apostles, intermediate between the Old and the New Testament, the last under the law, the receiver of the new dispensation----the man who showed to all the Lord Christ as present among them, who surpassed all men in the austerity of his manner of life, and outdid all men in service rendered----who went before in the spirit and power of Elias, and surpassed Elias, in that he baptized the Lord----a lamp that was lighted before the sun of righteousness. He 240 proclaimed the presence of the Lord, saying: Behold the lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world,192 calling him a lamb as being a sacrificial victim, and taking away the sin of the world----as delivering the world from sin, rendering men incorrupt, and immortal and immutable through the resurrection. This great John was privileged to be the herald of such a ministry and of such great things.
Note.
This is John the greatest of all men, who had both his father and his mother as fellow-prophets, who not only shows the Lord Christ to be present as the Prince of the second state, but proclaims him to be the Judge of all, saying: Whose fan is in his hand, and he will thoroughly cleanse his threshing-floor, and will gather the wheat into his garner; but the chaff he will burn with |210 unquenchable fire.193 He again proclaims beforehand the kingdom of heaven, and prepares the way for Him who comes after him, and who shows in himself in very deed the kingdom of heaven, which is the second state. Glory to God who has produced all things out of nothing, and again creates them anew in Christ. Amen!
The Prophet Zachariah.
This Zachariah the priest, who was himself thought worthy of the power of prophecy, spoke both concerning his own son and the Lord Christ together, in these words: And thou, child, shalt be called the Prophet of the Highest; for thou shalt go before the face of the Lord to prepare his ways.194
The Prophetess Elisabeth.
This is the prophetess Elisabeth, who by the Holy Spirit was privileged to prophesy both concerning the Lord Christ and the Holy Virgin, speaking thus: And whence is this to me that the mother of my Lord should come to me?195 Thus both the father and the mother of the forerunner were privileged to announce beforehand the Lord Christ. To him be glory with the Father and the Holy Spirit for ever. Amen!
The Virgin Mary.
This is the holy virgin, Mary, who brought forth her blessed offspring to the world without seed by the Holy Spirit, who even before his birth announced with great joy the dignity of her son, and said: For behold, from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed;196 and again: He hath holpen Israel his servant, that lie might remember 241 mercy, as he spake to our fathers, to Abraham and his seed for ever.197 To him be glory for ever and ever. Amen! |211
The Prophetess Anna, the daughter of Phanuel.
This is Anna the daughter of Phanuel, who gave thanks to God concerning Him in the temple, when His parents brought Him up into the temple in the days of their purification, to present Him to the Lord, as it is written.198
Simeon.
This is the righteous Simeon who, when he had taken up the Lord Christ in his arms, prayed to God to let him depart this life, as it had been revealed to him by the spirit, saying thus: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart, in peace, according to thy word, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of all people----a light for revelation to the gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel.199
The Lord Christ.
This is the Lord of all, Christ, concerning whom all prophecy made its predictions to men, unto whom all creation turns its eye, and to whom every tongue shall confess, bending the knee to the glory of God----Christ, in whom all prophecy terminates, the judge of the quick and the dead, the light from the light, the Son of the living God----unto whom the whole creation is subjected both of things in heaven, and things on earth and things under the earth, who also spoke through His own lips: The law and the prophets until John predicted Christ.200 To Him be glory with the Father and with the Holy Ghost for ever. Amen.
Introduction concerning the Apostles.
We have now fulfilled our promise in accordance with the obligations it imposed upon us, namely to show that |212 the men of primitive times and all the prophets uttered predictions concerning the mystery of Christ, and that they all, from the first-created man, Adam, until John the Baptist, had the future state full in their view; which also the Lord Christ and his disciples and Apostles afterwards explicitly proclaimed, setting forth that there is a future state far better than the present state, which the Lord Christ first showed in himself to us when he rose from the dead and ascended into heaven, which also the men of old with some purpose in view201 [obscurely?] announced, and which those who came afterwards clearly set forth. We have also shown that not one of them whether of the later or the earlier ever proclaimed or imagined that 242 besides those two states there was any other state at all either before or after them; but that when God began to make the whole creation, he made these two states and these only, ordaining that this present state, in which we live as citizens, should be first, and then the future state, whereunto the whole purpose of God and of his prophets has respect. Let the Pagans then take shame to themselves, who suppose the world to be co-eternal with God, while they both advocate the doctrine of a previous life, and deny the resurrection of the body. And let those too take shame to themselves who are their followers, and who, while they regard themselves as Christians, nevertheless think as do the Pagans who assert that the heaven is spherical. For their views differ not at all from those which the Pagans proclaim; as for instance, that the bodies of which the world is made are always in corruption, and that there is no resurrection of the body, nor any other state than the present Let the Manichaeans |213 and the Marcionists202 take shame to themselves, who reject the flesh, and maintain that it is the production of the evil principle. Let all be ashamed who contemn our souls with their intelligence, Eutychês to wit, Arius, and Appolinarius203 and all their followers. Let all the heretics take shame to themselves who acknowledge not one God the Maker of heaven and earth, known and worshipped in three persons, and who acknowledge neither the resurrection of our flesh, nor the existence of angel or spirit. Let the unbelieving Jews take shame to themselves who have not received Him who was expected, and confess not the Christian resurrection, but only such a condition of life as our present, in which there is marrying and being given in marriage. But well-done! well-done! ye who are truly Christians, to you be joy and exultation, to you who believe all divine scripture, both the Old and the New Testament, who have been led by the law and have believed in Christ and all that he has proclaimed, especially when saying: The law and the prophets prophesied until John;204 and: From the days of John the Baptist the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by force;205 meaning that as many as do violence to themselves, and live righteously, and are not guided by their own notions, but have faith in God, all obtain that kingdom. |214 And to be sure, when the mother of John and James asked the Lord that one of them should sit on His right hand and the other on His left hand in His Kingdom, He answered her saying: It is not mine to give, but it is for those for whom it has been prepared by my Father;206 that is, the gift of God is extended to all, the rising again from the dead, and becoming incorruptible, and immortal and immutable----but to be preferred in honour to another, this is not a gift, but what is prepared by God for those who believe and act aright. For the Lord again saith: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you;207 and when it was prepared he tells us by adding: from the foundation of the world.
243 Since Moses then, who describes the world, and all the other prophets, and the men of old have spoken of these two states and of these only, without making mention of any others, but proclaiming only these and committing them to writing----and since not these only but also the Lord when he came among us, and his disciples, Evangelists and Apostles have proclaimed nothing else than only these two states and these alone, what is there further wanting to confute the belief that these things are not true? Who will not pay regard to the multitude of predictions----to the fulfilment of prophecies----to the multitude of signs and astonishing miracles----to the very walk and conversation of all the saints and of the Lord Christ and his Apostles----to the harmony of the Old and the New Testament? Which of these dissented from the others, and maintained that the heaven was spherical, or proclaimed the pre-existence of this world, or represented that the world was eternal, or denied the resurrection of the body, or the dispensation of Christ, under which righteous men go up to heaven? But all of them, |215 as being guided by one divine Spirit, predicted the same things by words and by acts and by figures, and all of them direct their view to the future state. And the Lord Christ himself shows in the Gospels in what place perfect righteous men, intermediate men, and impious men shall have their abode. And concerning the perfect righteous, he shows their place when he calls them to himself saying: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom, prepared for you from the foundation of the world;208 and concerning the impious he shows theirs, when he says to those on his left hand: Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels,209 as if he said, to the righteous, come above to the inner heaven beyond this visible firmament, and to the impious, go down to the place about the earth,210 into which the devil also was hurled down. We are left under the necessity of seeking the place of the intermediate men. Christ says then in the parable of the ten virgins, that the five who were wise went in with the bridegroom into the bride-chamber, that is, into heaven, because, since they were wise, they chose virginity and alms-giving----but the foolish virgins who had, chosen the one of these but despised the other, remained outside of the bride-chamber, having found the door shut, and heard these words: Depart from me, I know you not;211 being neither permitted to enter, nor condemned along with the impious, but remaining outside of the bride-chamber.
Thus then each one who has right and unfeigned faith and a worthy life enters with confidence into the Kingdom, but such, on the other hand, as have not even one of them, neither right faith nor an honest life, are condemned ta spend their time along with the devil about the earth. But |216 those who have one and hot the other, are the intermediate 244 men, condemned to remain outside the bride-chamber, that is, the firmament. The particular nature, however, either of the good things or of the punishments, it is impossible for us to know, except by our actual experience of them; but by what was merely an example taken from the punishments and the good things of life here, He indicated what would be hereafter. For, since it was not possible for us before we had as yet acquired experience, to hear new things otherwise than in so far as they were figuratively stated, He said: The Kingdom of heaven is likened unto a certain King who made a marriage feast for his son,212 having selected the highest of the good things of this life, and likened them to the good things of the future life. In like manner also to the worst things----fire, the undying worm, Tartarus, the gnashing of teeth, darkness and things similar to these, because they are the most frightful forms of earthly punishments, to these he likened the punishments of the hereafter. But it is possible to estimate neither the good things of the future life, nor its terrible things, nor the things that are intermediate. But that other state is far better than the present, and is altogether very far superior, just as this present life is far better than that when we were within our mother's womb. For we must consider what was our condition within the womb, where we existed in a confusion of darkness, blood, bad humours, bile and all kinds of impurity, while we were in ignorance of everything. But having emerged into this life we see things quite different, of which we had gained no previous experience----an extension of freedom, inspiration of the air, the enjoyment of the beautiful light, the framework of nature, the workmanship of an all-wise artificer, and this too while we are filled with the knowledge of God; |217 not one of which things it was possible for us either to know, or to conceive, or to hear, or to enjoy, while we were still in the womb. In like manner also it is impossible for us, while we are still in this life, to understand or to conceive or to picture to our minds the future state which is altogether better than this, unless we are in the midst of the things themselves, for, saith He: Things which eye saw not, and ear heard not, and which entered not into the heart of man, whatsoever things God prepared for them that love him.213 Just as God then has in this life freely bestowed a common gift upon all, making the sun rise upon just and unjust, and sending his rain upon good and bad, so also in the future state he bestows a common gift upon all, immortality and incorruption and life and immutability, but each one, according to his former deeds, procures for himself either the Kingdom, or the punishment due to him, or ascent into heaven, or remaining about the earth, or in the intermediate condition. All these things, moreover, are eternal and infinite, both the good things and the very worst. And altogether that state differs much, yea as much as can be, from the state here. In contrast to the good things which have been prepared for the righteous are set the things of the impious, punishment of the utmost 245 severity, and judgment without mercy; for the judgment and punishment of this present state have their analogy in the future state. Let us then now come to the Evangelists and Apostles and show that they also speak in harmony with the ancients, declaring that these two states and these alone have been made by God: the first, being this in which we now exist, and the future, that unto which all we Christians direct our gaze. Let us therefore delineate Matthew the first of the evangelists who speaks concerning such things. |218
Matthew the Evangelist.
This is the first of the evangelists who wrote a Gospel. A Gospel ('Euagge/lion) is so called because it is an announcement (a)ggeli/a) of good things. When upon the outbreak in Jerusalem of the persecution in which Stephen was stoned to death, he was on the point of quitting the city, and certain of the faithful requested him to leave them his teaching in writing; he, who knew by personal experience the manner of life of the Lord incarnate upon earth, wrote for them an account thereof, for the purpose of setting before them an image of virtuous social intercourse, of a heavenly life, and of a divine walk and conversation. In carrying out this design he begins the narrative which he composed in these words: The book of the generation of Jesus Christ the son of David, the son of Abraham,214 as if he said, addressing to you, O most faithful, my discourse of the miraculous generation, of our highest duty to others, of the heavenly life, and of the new state, I lay my book before you. And, seeing that God made promises to David and to Abraham that all the nations of the world should be blessed through their seed, and that their seed should reign for ever, I set forth the genealogy of Him who sprang from their seed, of Him, through whom God blesses the world and creates it anew, and on whom He bestows an everlasting Kingdom, and I show that He is the Prince of the future state, conceived and born in a new and becoming way, and that He directed His life in all righteousness and holiness and without sin. For just as the first-made man Adam was produced by divine power from earth which had not been sown nor tilled by man, so also the Prince of the second state was |219 produced from human kind, that is to say, He was produced from the virgin earth without seed, without man, by the power of the Holy Ghost And just again as formerly the female was produced from the male, so too in this case the male was produced from the female; and just as the former, having been worsted by the devil, brought death upon the human race, so too the latter, having proved victorious, destroyed the power of death over the race, and procured for it, besides, immortality and life without end. The blessed Matthew, having in view to tell these and such like things, gave forth the work which he had written, wherein he showed how Christ had been conceived without seed by the Holy Ghost, and how, as He advanced in 246 years, He lived without sin among His fellow men, and fulfilled the requirements of the law and gospel, and all other righteousness; and how, when He was delivered over to the tempter, He came off victorious, having remained invincible, and having hurled out of the arena215 the adversary of human nature; and how when the Jews plotted against Him and delivered Him over unjustly to death, He submitted willingly even to this, for the sake of our race----in order that having, as reason required, torn up the old bond, He might nail it to the cross, and might, as a reasonable sacrifice, pay the penalty of death that was due for all, by offering Himself to God spotless. Then afterwards, having after three days risen from the dead, He showed to all the destruction of death, and exhorted all to rejoice because He had taken away henceforth the power of death. Matthew also mentions the ascent into heaven, if not at the end of his book, yet in the course of his narrative, when he speaks concerning John the Baptist thus: And in those days came John the Baptist |220 preaching in the wilderness of Judaea and saying, Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand;216 as if he said, the mansion in the heavens is now ready to be revealed, as the Christ is now near. But even in the Beatitudes and everywhere in his book, he mentions the kingdom of heaven, but more especially when the Lord in arguing with the Pharisees and Sadducees concerning the resurrection he speaks thus: For in the resurrection thcy neither marry nor are given in marriage, but arc as the angels of God in heaven.217 This is the design which the blessed Matthew the Evangelist had in view when composing his narrative.
Mark the Evangelist.
This is Mark, the second who composed a Gospel, a work which Peter in Rome enjoined him to undertake. He described, as the beginning of the Gospel or the Gospel dispensation, the baptism which was a type of the resurrection from the dead, through which we are born again into an immortal and unchangeable life. Then, after he had given an account of the temptations and the victory, and likewise of the plotting against Him, and the death, and the resurrection, he brought his composition to a close. He too mentions John the Baptist as proclaiming that the kingdom of heaven was at hand----and all that he announced was in harmony with the blessed Matthew.
Note.
And he also, being a preacher of the New Testament, wrote for us the same things as his predecessor, beginning with the account of the baptism, which is a type of the resurrection from the dead----that is, of the new and heavenly dispensation. He showed how Christ was baptized, and what was His manner of life, and how He was put to death, and rose again and ascended |221 into heaven, where there is the seat and the polity of the second state. Glory to God who from the beginning has prepared it, 247 and announced it beforehand and has fulfilled it, and is fulfilling it. Amen!
Luke the Evangelist.
This is Luke the third of the Evangelists, who, having seen that many had taken in hand to write Gospels, and invented many things out of their own head, at once wrote to his own disciple Theophilus, warning him not to be carried away with their fictions, and not to be turned away from what he had learned at first: That thou, he says, mightest know accurately the certainty of those things wherein thou wast instructed.218 He relates therefore to him what he had already delivered to him, beginning from the birth of John, announcing this, that the birth of the Forerunner also was miraculous. He then related the birth of the Lord Christ according to the flesh which was also miraculous, and, following the design of Matthew, who had preceded him, he enumerated his ancestors retrogressively, showing that he was descended from David and Abraham, and going still farther back he derived him from Adam. As he found no remoter ancestor he then at length fell back upon God, saying: who was the son of God, that is, of Him who, according to the sacred historian Moses, originated the creation, and made the first man Adam. Then again after having narrated things similar to the other evangelists, concerning the baptism and the temptations, and still further concerning His death and resurrection, he relates after these, both in the Gospel itself and in the Acts, His ascension into heaven, and states that He will in like manner come back again. And so he also closes his work directing his eyes to the object of |222 desire which all expect, and instructing in this also his disciple the God-beloved Theophilus.
Note 1.
This preacher of the New Testament also said the same things with the others, beginning from the generation of the Forerunner, and coming to the birth of Jesus, and showing what was the manner of His life. In like manner he also discoursed of the evangelical life----I mean baptism, death, resurrection, and finally of the ascent into heaven, which is the place of our habitation in the second state. Glory to God who from the beginning prepared these things and announced them beforehand, and who has now fulfilled and is fulfilling them. Amen!
Note 2.
It was he again who noted down the doxology of the multitude of the host of the angels, who were rejoicing and exulting at the birth of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, and saying: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good pleasure among men,219 now putting away from themselves the old dejection brought upon them through the first-made man, and rejoicing at the birth of the second Adam.
John the Theologian.
This is the Theologian John, the Chief of the Evangelists, who was the most loved of all by Christ, who leaned upon the breast of the Lord, and who from thence as from an ever-flowing fountain drew forth the mysteries, to whom, when resident in Ephesus, there were delivered by the faithful the books composed by the other three evangelists, having received which he expressed his approbation of them. Some things, however, he said, had been omitted by them which it was necessary should be narrated. And having been requested by the faithful, he also gave to the world his book, which in a manner supplied what had been |223 omitted; as for instance, the account of the marriage in Cana, the account of Nicodemus, of the Samaritan woman, of the nobleman, of the man who was blind from his birth, of Lazarus, of the indignation of Judas at the anointing of the Lord with myrrh, of the Greeks that came to him, of the washing of feet, and of further doctrines concerning the Comforter stated in the course of the narrative; but in particular he made clear proclamation also concerning the divinity of Christ, which he set forth in the outset of his work as its foundation----all which subjects had been omitted by the other Evangelists. Having begun therefore with the divinity of Christ he forthwith passed to his humanity also, stating such things as had been recorded before by the others, the baptism, temptations, death and resurrection. Then again he added such things as Christ had done after the resurrection, how He entered when the doors were shut, how He showed His hands and His feet and His side to His disciples, how He ate and drank with them, how He journeyed with them, how He held their eyes that they should not see Him, how, as often as He wished, He at once vanished from them, how by way of instructing her He said to Mary: Touch me not,220 teaching her by these words that intercourse between immortals and mortals is not fitting, but rather intercourse with immortals must be in heaven. Wherefore also He directed her to go away and tell the disciples: I ascend into heaven into which ye also are to ascend. So when he also had written all these things, he brought to an end the book which he had written, having the same object in view as the other Evangelists, namely, to teach us that we ought to look away from this state to that which is to come, unto which all inspired scripture both of the Old and of the New Testament has reference. |224
Note.
This illustrious preacher of the New Testament, having committed to writing the omissions of the other Evangelists, and filled up what they left defective, discoursed in like manner with the others221 of baptism, manner of life, death, resurrection and ascent into heaven, which is the abode of immortal and righteous 249 men and of angels, that is, it is the seat of the second state. Glory to Him who has prepared these things, and announced them beforehand and is still fulfilling them. Amen!
Peter the Apostle.
This is Peter the Chief of the Apostles, who was entrusted with the keys of heaven, who has the Church founded on his own confession, who thrice denied, and thrice confessed, who nobly prayed that he might sustain crucifixion with his head downward ---- and he, keeping in view the same object as the other evangelists, thus spoke in the Acts (see Acts ii, 22-24 and 32-36). Here I would have it to be observed, that within the compass of merely a few lines, he has described the whole of the argument of the Evangelists, making mention, when speaking concerning Him (Christ), of Nazareth where He was brought up, and saying that He was a man from God, as being the second Adam, and that through Him God wrought wonderful works; also that with His own consent He was put to death by lawless men, and that God raised Him up immortal and immutable (for so he said) having loosed the pangs of death, and that, having been exalted by divine power, He ascended into heaven, and sent down from thence the Holy Spirit. For no one else, not even David himself, ascended into heaven, but the Lord himself, concerning whom David said: The |225 Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand until I make thine enemies the footstool of thy feet.222
He says again when he addresses Cornelius----[For the 250 words see Acts x, 38-43]. In like manner when he healed the lame man, he said (what is recorded in Acts iii, 19-21). He mentions also the passage in Moses: A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you.223 In several passages the blessed Peter bears his testimony in like manner as the Evangelists, arid declares that all the Prophets had announced all these things beforehand----that God had made, and is making, a second new state, which also he announced beforehand by the mouth of all the Prophets, but neither said that before this state there existed another, nor did he declare that after the future state there would be another, but along with all the Prophets and Apostles he asserted that there were only two states----the present and the future.
Note.
At the time of the building of the Tower, when the men who fought against God wished to ascend into heaven, God, by dividing their tongues, frustrated their designs. But when, at the end of the times He had come for the salvation of men, and led up our nature into heaven, then on the day of Pentecost, by way of announcing beforehand the ascent of the rest of mankind, He brought the tongues together again, through the Holy Spirit from heaven, and gave them to the Apostles. And Peter, who was appointed to be the great preacher of the New Testament, when he was discoursing to the multitude, and carrying the keys of the heavens, which had been entrusted to him by Christ, proclaimed confidently the things which the Evangelists also had taught in their writings----baptism, holiness of life, death, resurrection, immortality, grace and incorruption. For this is the import of the saying: Having loosed the pangs of death;224 and in like manner he calls the future state the ascent into heaven and |226 251 the times of refreshing, and this he calls the blessing which had been promised beforehand to Abraham, and says that it had been preached to all the nations by all the Prophets, and that the Prince of it was the Lord Christ, through whom all. the nations will be blessed and honoured by God. Glory to Him who has prepared these things!
Stephen.
This is Stephen the first martyr of the New Testament and the first Deacon, who had for his slayer the great Paul while he was as yet zealous for the law----who alone by himself contended against the whole synagogue and made the Judge of the contest 225 rise from his seat to witness the spectacle. This is he who saw the heavens opened and the Son of Man standing on the right hand of God. For while the whole of divine scripture speaks of Him as sitting, this man saw Him standing; for the vehemence of the contest made the Judge rise up for the view.226 Wherefore also on being invited to ascend to that glory, he prayed for those who were stoning him, saying: Lord, lay not this sin to their charge, but do thou thyself receive my spirit.227 Lo! he also saw and preached the same things with the others, namely that Christ, the Prince of the second state, is in heaven, and of Him he entreated that He would receive him into that place.
Note.
And this man, who was a preacher and a zealous champion of the New Testament, with his very eyes saw within the firmament Jesus spiritually, whom also he entreated to receive his spirit. While addressing at great length an assembly of the Jews, he accused them of having been the murderers of Jesus. Wherefore he also has exhibited to us as trustworthy what those who |227 had preceded him had taught----death, resurrection and ascension into heaven. Glory to Him who prepared these things and announced them beforehand, and has now fulfilled and is fulfilling these things. Amen!
Paul the Apostle.
This is the great Paul the Apostle, the leader of the heavenly phalanx, who has Christ speaking within him, who carries about the marks of Christ in his body----the great teacher of the Church, who endured daily ten thousands of deaths for the Church, who gloried in the Lord and in his own infirmities, who had the grace of Christ flowing in him, who spoke to all nations in their tongues, who was once a persecutor, but is now persecuted, who was once a sinner, but has now obtained mercy, who was caught up into the third heaven, and again into Paradise, who was the hearer of unspeakable words, the occult judge of spiritual gifts----Paul who prescribed the regulations of divine service, and surpassed the other teachers of 252 the Church; whose salutation in all his epistles, to serve as a token, is the grace of the Lord. In all his epistles generally, as if he were already in the second state, he continues always rejoicing and full of assurance, saying: He hath raised us up with Him and made us sit with Him in the heavenly places;228 and: By hope have we been saved,229 and countless other expressions he uses which we cannot now conveniently cite. Some however we will mention that we may not too far prolong our discourse, I Cor. xv, 19; Heb. vi, 17-20; Heb. x, 34; xii. 28; xiii, 14; I Cor. vii, 31; I Tim. iv, 8; Philip, iii, 13-15; and 20, 21; Tit. ii, 13; 253 Coloss. iii, 1, 2; I Thess. iv, 14-17; Heb. xi, 14, 15, 10; viii, 2; Acts xxvi, 7, 8, and 21-23. And if we cared to collect all the utterances of the Apostle on this subject, |228 we shall find references thereto in nearly all his fourteen epistles, namely, that we are hastening to run from this present state towards that which is to come, whence also he exhorts us in these words: Let us be eager to enter into that rest;230 speaking of that rest as if there is no other after it, but a kingdom that cannot be shaken, meaning one that has no successor.
Note 1.
What need is there to speak of this chosen vessel----a new and mighty trumpet, sounding among the Gentiles, gathering together Jew and Gentile into one Church; since the choice of him at first was made by Jesus calling to him from heaven, and when he was instructed, he was not disobedient to the heavenly vision? He again when still sojourning in this present state was caught up into the third heaven, and saw the ranks of the angels, and beheld the worship observed by the invisible Virtues, the Principalities, the Powers and the Dominions----and having entered in and viewed, as in a glass, the ministrations of all the Virtues that have been named, he exclaimed: Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to do service for the sake of them that shall inherit salvation?231 So also he spoke of the rank which the adversary once held, how he had the power of the air, and he announced his fall from heaven in consequence of his pride. He again exclaimed: Know ye not that we shall judge angels? 232 254 And again; The saints shall judge the world.232 This is he who in all his Epistles exhorts us to think of heavenly things and to seek heavenly things and to make haste to run to heaven, and to press forward in order to obtain the things above. This is he, who, when he had declared that heaven was the city and habitation of the righteous, angels and men, and in a word of the whole Church, declared besides that the Lord Christ after the flesh was the supreme Head of the whole body. For he said that He was above all Principalities and Powers and Virtues and Dominions----and above every name that is named, not only in this world but in that which is to come. |229 And, to speak briefly, this Apostle is the great teacher and interpreter of the heavenly hosts, and of the Church, and he makes mention of the present and the future state only, and of immortality and immutability and ot all the good things in the world above----the power of which we are not able to reckon. To God who has prepared these things beforehand, and announced them beforehand and who has now fulfilled and is still fulfilling them, be glory for ever, Amen!
Note 2.
Paul at the very outset (of the Epistle) commends the faith of the Romans which was proclaimed throughout the whole world, and calls them his fellow-believers. But the Corinthians he reproves, because, as being recently philosophers of this world, after already believing in the resurrection of the Lord Christ, they make this as of no use to them, seeing that they do not believe our own resurrection. The Athenians therefore were right in calling him a picker-up of sown seeds,233 since he tore up by the root the tares of their superstition. The Galatians he calls senseless both because they readily changed their opinions like insensate things, and because after baptism they had been deceived, and submitted to circumcision. To the Ephesians he reveals the whole counsel of God, and declares that in their city he had fought as it were with wild beasts, prophesying and saying to them that afterwards there would come some to them as wolves, and would tear them asunder; and therewith he said that from themselves would arise some who would, like wolves, ravage the Church. The Philippians he regards with the utmost admiration, praising them as those who alone displayed their great care and love for him in his bonds, and in his defence, and who often sent him supplies for his wants. The Colossians again he praises for their faith; if they continue in the same, having love to all the saints. The Thessalonians he calls lovers of the brethren, and speaks of them as being persecuted, and as suffering on account of their godliness. He calls them, in like manner as the |230 Hebrews, faithful, and confirms them, in like manner as the Corinthians, in the belief of the resurrection of the dead, along with the belief of the second coming of the Lord. As a Hebrew and as a member of the Hebrew community, regarding its 255 interests as his own, he designates them holy brethren, and called, and partakers of heavenly things, and speaks of them as persecuted and suffering for that godliness, only however, he adds, if we hold fast the beginning firm unto the end;234 and he cautions them not to become faint-hearted from the fear of persecution, and not to run back again to the unbelievers. To Timothy again, who was then in Ephesus, he sends a message in writing, warning him against the teachers of a different doctrine, and against his giving heed to their fables, while he confirms him in the doctrines and delivers to him ecclesiastical canons, That thou mayest know, he says, how men ought to behave themselves in the house of God.235 He says also that some heresies would show themselves at the last, and would subvert the truth. And he predicts that they would not make progress to what is better, but that they would become manifest, and that their foolishness would be evident to all. To Titus again, who was in Crete, he delivers ecclesiastical canons and confirms him in the doctrines, and administers rebukes to the Cretans, as being liars, and frivolous, and crafty, and led astray by those of the circumcision. Writing to Philemon, he bears witness to his abundant faith, to his piety, and to the love which he has for the saints, whose slave, Onesimus, when unprofitable, he had changed for the better, and made a pious man; and the great Apostle exhorts the master of this slave to receive him no longer as a slave but as a brother. In all his Epistles moreover he urges it upon all men to enter into the habitation in the heavens, through right faith and a good life, and not to miss the good things kept in store for the righteous----along with whom, unworthy as we are, deign, O Lord God, Maker of the Universe, in thy compassionate goodness, to number us. Amen! I must observe further that Paul being a Hebrew wrote to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language, but his Epistle was translated into the Greek tongue, as they say, by Luke, or by Clement, in like manner as the Gospel according to Matthew. |231
Text.
It behoves us, O most beloved of God, to observe the harmony that exists between Moses, the historian of the world, and all the Prophets and the Evangelists and Apostles, how they all harmoniously assert that God made the whole world divided into two states. For to this end, when God began the work of creation, he made on the second day the firmament, and bound it together with the first heaven, having placed it midway between the earth below and the heaven above, thus dividing the one place into two places, and the lower of the two places he ordained to be this world, but the higher he prepared from the beginning to be the future world, according to his previous design. For it is not in this transitory life that our hope lies, but in that future life which hath no end, wherein is our adoption as sons, and redemption and immutability, and righteousness, and sanctification, and blessedness, and perfect knowledge and glory, and 256 whatever other blessings are laid up for us to be received from God, after we have had here experience of things both good and bad, in order that as far as possible we may know the full strength of the good things reserved for us, who in a certain sense become the sons of God, and are exalted to glory and joy unspeakable. On this account, even here, we the faithful, after baptism, become partakers of the mysteries of the body of the Lord Christ,236 in order that after the resurrection, by devoting ourselves to the Lord Christ, we may become partakers of His glory, attracting to ourselves glory from the glory that is His. Wherefore also the term partaking 237 is used according to what is written by the Apostle when he says: |232 But we all with unveiled face beholding reflected as in a mirror 238 the glory of the Lord, are transformed into the same image from glory to glory even as from the spirit of the Lord;239 as if he said, when the Lord is nigh, all we the faithful, in the most manifest manner, without any veil, behold the glory of the Lord as in a mirror----and are transformed into the same image as the Lord has, partaking of his glory for our own glory. For the partaking of the mysteries indicates also our partaking of his glorified body, just as we behold him reflected as in a mirror and partake his glory. For out of his fulness do we all receive,240 nor does he, in giving liberally, suffer any diminution of his fulness. But the expression as from the spirit of the Lord is intended to show us, that just as Moses received [glory] from the Lord, so do we receive [glory] through the Holy Spirit.
Note.
Just as we who are born in this world are nourished by the milk of our parents----that is, are organised for living from their flesh and their blood, so we are commanded to take our nourishment mystically from the body and blood of the Lord Christ; since in the future state, according to the view of scripture, He is our Father, from whom and through whom we receive glory, and are, so to speak, reborn into life eternal. In this state takes place the initial birth and the nourishment of milk in the mysteries, organising, suitably for living, him that has been generated----a type of the regeneration through water and the spirit, and the mystical nourishment of the body and blood of Christ inviting and strongly drawing to life eternal him that believes and partakes. In the future state again is the resurrection from the dead, whereby we rise up from our graves as from the womb, and are born anew and refashioned; and especially |233 there is the participation of the glorified, immortal and incorruptible and immutable body and soul of Christ. Glory to God the Creator and Renovator of the universe for ever. Amen!
Text.
Divine scripture is wont to speak of the creation as 257 being from the Father, and the incarnation as being from the Son, and the regeneration from the dead as being from the Holy Spirit. Not that the Father does this alone, or the Son that, or the Holy Spirit something else, but the Holy Trinity conjointly effects the creation, and the incarnation and the resurrection. For, as has been said, divine scripture with a view to show that there is one God in three persons 241 is wont thus to distinguish them, namely----by ascribing to the Father as Cause, the causing the world to exist, by ascribing to the Son as begotten, the cause of the incarnation, as possessing a worthy adoption and being the fountain of knowledge, and by ascribing to the Holy Spirit as proceeding from the Father, in virtue of His life-giving and sanctifying power, the regeneration and redemption and sanctification of the future state. For just as the sun has in himself the power of giving light and heat, and without these cannot be perceived, so likewise the Father has two powers proceeding from himself, apart from which He cannot be seen, the Son, namely, and the Holy Ghost. And just as the sun is a fiery body and has as one of his powers to give light, and as another to |234 give heat; and neither the heat-giving is the light-giving power, nor the light-giving the heat-giving power, while the sun and his powers are inseparable the one from the other; so in the Father and Son and Holy Ghost there is one God----the Father with his two powers existing inseparably the one in the other, and these are seen by the mind in their proper Persons. For in this case, God is properly incorporeal, but the similitude, so far forth as it is such, is obscure. But we may take a further similitude from our own soul. For just as the soul has inherent in itself word (or discourse) and understanding (lo&gon kai\ nou~n) and the discursive faculty (to_ logiko_n) is one thing and the understanding faculty (to_ noero_n) a different thing, and the word goes forth from the soul inseparably----not dissevered from it, [while the same is true of the understanding], nay, they are in the soul and from it and with it, so we must think of God.
Wherefore also John the Evangelist employing this illustration called the Son the Word as proceeding from the Father and being with Him, and being of the same substance; and the Apostle Paul taking an illustration from the material world called him the effulgence. But the Old Testament says: Let us make man in our image and after our likeness.242 Here in both the words poih&swmen and h(mete/ran it expresses plurality, but the phrases in our image and after our likeness do not mean the same thing, but the former of them means one thing, and the other a 258 different thing. The expression in our image has this sense, that man and man alone, as having all things in himself----things visible and things invisible, things perceived by the intellect and things perceived by the senses, things corruptible and things incorruptible, indicates that there is one Creator of all things that are, even God, |235 and man is in this respect the image of God, through his knowing that there is one Creator of the universe, as the Apostle exclaims: For a man ought not to cover his head, being the image and glory of God;243 thus expressly declaring that man was made for the glory of God, and, in accordance with this, calling him His image, as man alone is capable of knowing that there is one Creator of the universe, even God, who formed man as the only living creature in whose composition are found all the natural qualities. But the other expression after our likeness has this sense, that Adam was a father and not a son, and, from his own substance by procession produced Eve, who is called neither a son nor a sister, and by generation produced his own son Sêth, who again was of his own substance, producing him by generation, and her by procession, thus producing the one, one way, and the other, another way, out of his own substance. But inasmuch as Adam had a beginning, those also who spring from him have a beginning, but as God and the Father has no beginning, those who are of Him proceed from Him without beginning, and are eternally with Him, just as the effulgence and heat are with the sun, and just as the word and the intelligence are with our soul, according to the similitudes of divine scripture. And some of the Fathers have employed similitudes regarding the Holy Trinity drawn from the material world, some of them speaking of two rivers as flowing forth out of an ever-flowing fountain, and others of branch and fruit produced from a tree as the root. But all, whether Apostles or Fathers, as being but men, have spoken under the inspiration of the Spirit, in similitudes drawn from the natural world, which however fall altogether short of exhibiting the divine substance. But in the |236 future state again, when we shall rise up spiritual beings, we shall know more exactly concerning God.
In this manner therefore divine scripture in these passages, having in view to set before us the Persons in the Trinity, frequently employs this phraseology, declaring the Creation to be, so to speak, from the Father, and the Incarnation to be of the Son, and the Resurrection to be of the Holy Ghost. But yet it is the Holy Trinity which does all things. The blessed Moses however, as if God were speaking, said: Let us make man;244 here the word (poih&swmen) though in the plural number can be understood to refer to two only. Since therefore it seemed good to God not to deliver to us at the first an acknowledgment of the Holy Trinity, lest we should think the Persons of whom it consists to have material bodies, and we should thus suspect that there are three Gods, when He came to the creation of man, He then expressed Himself ambiguously in the plural number, yet in such a way that it could be understood 259 that He was speaking only of two. But after some time had elapsed, He is again found using an expression more distinctly plural when He says: Come, let us go down and confound their language 245-----an expression which can no longer be thought applicable to two only, but to three or more. Then again after an interval of a great many years, not to introduce a host of instances, God again used an expression ambiguously respecting the Trinity, repeating thrice through Isaiah the word Holy which he made applicable to one God, saying: The Lord of hosts, the whole earth is full of His glory;246 showing both the number of the three Persons and the unity of the Godhead. But in the days of the Lord Christ according to the flesh, He taught this clearly, saying: Go ye, and make disciples of all |237 the nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost,247 speaking indeed of one name, but distinguishing them into three Persons. And since he was going to proclaim these things clearly, giving intimation of them beforehand, through the form of the bond-servant, on his first making the announcement at the creation of man, He used the plural number: Let us make man. When therefore the Lord shall come from heaven, He takes with Himself into the kingdom of heaven the faithful, the righteous, the worthy, both angels and men; but as for the rest, some of them He permits to be outside of the firmament, and others He consigns to the nether parts around the earth, according to what He says in the Gospel in the account of the consummation of things: Then there shall be two men in the field, one is taken, and one is left; two women shall be grinding at the mill, one is taken, and one, is left;248 as if He said those in the field, namely, all those that are in the world whether rich or poor or middle-class, that is to say whatever be their rank in life, whosoever is found worthy is taken into heaven; but if he be not worthy, he is left upon the earth. Then when He speaks of those grinding at the millstone, He means those that are bond-servants, and such of those bond-servants as are found worthy are taken into heaven, while those that are unworthy are left upon the earth. By His using the masculine form in the first instance, and then the feminine form249 afterwards, He has indicated the difference of sex, whether they be males or females, whether they be righteous or sinners.
The Apostle Paul also, in his second Epistle to the Thessalonians, expresses himself to the same effect, saying: |238 At the revelation of the Lord Jesus, from heaven, with the angels of his power, in flaming fire, rendering vengeance to them that know not God, and to them that obey not the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, who shall suffer punishment, even eternal destruction from the face of the Lord and from, the glory of his might, when he shall come to be glorified in his saints, and to be marvelled at in all them that believed;250 he also showing that for the faithful saints, great and unspeakable glory is treasured up, but to the unbelieving, a doom of destruction,251 that is, a punishment in congruity with that state. For in destruction, and sorest 260 punishment and deep repentance, is every one found who does not enjoy the holy delights and glories, and the blessedness treasured up for the righteous. It is the duty then of every Christian in this life to bring himself into bondage, and thereby to make himself obedient unto God, and to believe the whole body of divine scripture both the Old and the New Testament, and to be a strict guardian of the doctrines, and to lead a life consistent with the faith; and, in accordance with what we professed and vowed when going forward to baptism, to thrust away from us and renounce all Satanic and Pagan error, and unbelief and folly and groundless hope. For by remaining in them they will incur the most grievous harm, while calculating and predicting eclipses as a divine science, without possessing any hope beyond this, and while leading others into the errors into which they have themselves been led. Now if any one resorts to these men, as to prophets, when he has lost a mantle or anything else, he hears from them of it, or recovers it through them, who deceive him as to the truth, but if not, then not even this. Such are the hopes of those weak-minded men who ascribe to the |239 heaven a spherical form; nor are they able to hope for anything further, neither a resurrection, nor a kingdom of heaven, nor a better state, since they both lose the sphere, and ruin the hope itself which they have. May it be ours, O honoured head, at the revelation of our Lord Jesus Christ, through the prayers of our Lady the Mother of God,252 and through those of all the holy patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs, confessors and teachers, to be numbered along with those on the right hand, and to hear with them that surpassing and blessed utterance: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.253 To Him be glory for ever. Amen!
Note.
The whole scope of this work and of the delineations is to set forth that from the beginning, God, through all the men of old, and also through Moses the Cosmographer, and all the Prophets and Apostles, has shown that there are two states ---- the present state and the future; and we have exhibited also the figure of the whole world, and have shown, that Christians prefer to follow their own principles, and that their ends are in conformity with their principles; and herein we have proclaimed the goodness of |240 God, in the exercise of which He has set an end to this state of discipline, and to wresthngs, and to corruption and death. And we have set forth that in the Lord Christ immortality, incor-ruption, immutability, blessedness, sanctification and righteousness everlasting were prepared for all men, as he had prepared from 261 the foundation of the world the second place, which is in heaven, and the second state, as again he showed it to us beforehand typically, by means of the Tabernacle. We have shown besides that the opinion of the Pagans is one which holds out no hope, for they neither expect a second state, nor believe that there will be a resurrection of our bodies, but they lead others into error and are themselves in error, their minds whirling round and round along with that sphere of theirs; and they think it to be impossible for God to raise the bodies of all men, although, as being wise, they ought to know that, if God is judge of the thoughts and hearts of all men, and can discern the thoughts of each man since the beginning of time, He should be able all the more to discriminate the bodies of men. For if he is able to discriminate the things of the spirit, much more is He able to discriminate bodies. For He shakes from its foundations the whole frame of nature, heaven and earth, together with the other elements at the final consummation, and each of these renders back whatever human body it possesses, God, by His power, making the discrimination. And just as one who sifts with a sieve will find the object which he seeks, so, when the whole creation is shaken, those who are sought for will be found amidst it; for saith He through the prophet: For yet once more I shall shake not the earth alone but also heaven.254 But the word, yet once more, signifies, as the Apostle shows, the removing of those things that are shaken, as of things that have been made, that those things which are not shaken may remain. Wherefore, receiving a kingdom that cannot be shaken, let us show255 thankfulness whereby, we may offer service well-pleasing to God, with reverence and piety and supplication.256
And the Lord referring to the final consummation says: [The texts here quoted are Matt. xxiv, 29 seqq.; I Thess., 15-17; |241 I Cor., xv, 52, 53.] These are the good tidings of the Christians 262 ----these the great and wondrous hopes of the faithful----the resurrection of the dead, and the kingdom of heaven prepared from the foundation of the world for men, who, as soon as they have obtained immortality and incorruption and immutability, together with Christ shall inherit the kingdom of heaven, treading on high the paths of air, and shall reign as kings with Christ----shall with Christ possess heaven as their dwelling-place----being permitted to tread with Christ the entrance into the Tabernacle not made with hands, being called, along with Christ and the holy angels, citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem; rejoicing with Christ, exulting with Christ, exalted with Christ, wearing crowns along with Christ, glorified with Christ, enjoying with Christ the throne of grace, enjoying with Christ righteousness and sanctification and redemption and blessedness, and every eternal and unspeakable good. What nation, or what sect, can by believing possess such hopes except Christians alone?
The Pagans do not believe and are without hope, being in love with the wisdom of this world, which has not the power of itself to take hold of even one of the things, unless a divine illumination should follow. In like manner also the Jews, not believing in Christ, when He appeared and openly proclaimed these things, and confirmed them both by Himself and by His Apostles, have incurred the loss of all these things. The Samaritans 257 again, and the Montanists,258 being more stiff-necked than the Jews, when they could not be taught by Moses and the figures of the world, and did not believe even the prophets, confessing neither angel, nor spirit, nor the immortality of the rational soul, but denying the same doctrines as the Pagans, even the resurrection of the body, suffer the loss of all these things. |242 In like manner again the Manichaeans, who hate the body and do not confess its resurrection, but suppose it to be the workmanship of an evil deity,259 and expect that it will be destroyed, these also are deprived of all good things, being condemned as impious, along with that deity whom they elected for themselves upon earth. In like manner also all the heretics, whosoever deny the assumption of our flesh and of our soul at the time of the Incarnation, and whosoever, by denial, take away the divinity of the Son, and seek to lessen the divinity of the Holy Ghost, are also deprived of all these good things. For those alone who acknowledge one God in three Persons, without beginning, eternal, uncircumscribed, invisible, intangible, incorruptible, immortal, imperturbable, incorporeal, unlimited, incomprehensible, uncompounded, indivisible, the Maker of heaven and earth and of all things visible and invisible, known and adored in Father, Son and Holy Ghost; who, in the last of the days, at the time of the 263 Incarnation, desiring to renovate the world which He had created, and having taken again from the holy Virgin Mary our substance, God the Word, with the Father and Holy Ghost, without seed, with a view to renovate the microcosm which is the bond of the whole creation, namely, Man, by His own mere inclination, became united to him, in a union wondrous and indissoluble, in such a way that the assumption was not understood to precede the union, but the formation and assumption and union were simultaneous, and He consented to suffer and to be put to death; and when He had made man perfect through the resurrection, He led him up into heaven, and honoured him with a seat at His right hand, and appointed Him to be judge of all. Those also who, in like manner with Him, live uprightly, enter into the bride-chamber along with the bridegroom, those, to wit, who take away neither His divinity nor His humanity; these with Christ sing together for joy, and reign with Him in heaven, hearing from Him at the final consummation these words: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. 260
But of the day of the consummation no one knows except |243 God alone. They say however that, until men become equal in number to the angels, the consummation of the world will not take place. For Moses says: He set the boundaries of the nations according to the number of the angels of God;261 as if he said: He set the bounds in this, in their becoming equal in number to the angels. The Apostle in point of fact also says: But when the fulness of the Gentiles has come in, then all Israel shall thus be saved,262 here clearly speaking of the final consummation. Nay, even the Lord manifestly hints obscurely at this when He says: At the resurrection they are equal to the angels.263 Ye then, as many as are Christians, and take hold of this hope, and have the Lord Christ as your example and model, when reading this book of mine, pray for me a sinner, that the Lord of all will not disdain me, but will in His mercy make me to be numbered along with you, in company with those on His right hand, while He overlooks our transgressions; and that I may not fail to obtain that blessedness unspeakable, through your prayers and supplications, and by the compassion and kindness and grace of Christ the Saviour of us all, to whom with the Father and with the Holy Ghost be glory both now and evermore world without end, Amen!
A Christian's Christian Topography embracing the whole world.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 According to the reading of the Greek text (poihsame/nou, a)rcame/nou), which Montfaucon follows in his Latin version, his should be substituted for our; but as Cosmas can neither have meant that Moses made divine scripture, which did not yet exist, his starting-point (ta_j a)forma_j), nor that the narrative of Moses began with the destruction of the firstborn of the Egyptians, I have taken as the proper readings poihsa&menoj and a)rca&menoj.
2. 1Heb. x, 1.
3. 1 Gr. meta&lhyin musthri/wn. Metalepsis is still in the Greek Church the term in use for the Holy Communion. By the Mysteries are meant the symbolic rites of the Christian faith, chiefly baptism and the eucharist. The mysteries recognised by St. Theodorus, abbot of the monastery of Studium, in Constantinople, who flourished towards the end of the eighth century, were baptism, eucharist, unction, orders, monastic tonsure, and the mystery of death or funeral ceremonies. The Greek Church now recognises seven mysteries: baptism, chrism or unction immediately after baptism, eucharist, priesthood, penance (meta&noia), marriage and unction (eu)xe/laion), administered by seven priests.
4. 2 II Cor. v, 7.
5. 3 John i, 29.
6. 1 The Heroopolitan, or Western Gulf at the northern extremity of the Red Sea, is called by Eusebius Clysma. As it was said to have been so designated from a town at the northern extremity of the gulf, Clysma was probably situated at, or somewhere near, Suez. Orosius mentions the wheel-tracks here spoken of by Cosmas, as does also Philostorgius in the abstract of his Ecclesiastical History made by Photius (Book in, c. 6). Athanasius, however, and others, thought Clysma was in Arabia, near the mountain to which Philo, an Egyptian bishop, was banished by Constantius.
7. 1 Luke ii, 22.
8. 2 The Manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles, with special reference to the day on which he was worshipped by the Wise Men of the East.
9. 3 This word means a palm grove. See Strabo's Geog., xvi, ii, 41.
10. 1 Psalm cv, 38.
11. 2 Note by Montfaucon: "This, with the figures that follow, we have purposely omitted, because they were either omitted by the copyists, or clumsily drawn and otherwise useless."
12. 3 See note 2, p. 56.
13. 4 The picture is not given in Montfaucon.
14. 1 Psalm, lxxviii, 16.
15. 2 Psalm, cv, 41.
16. 3 I Cor. x, 4.
17. 4 Gr. e0kmagei=on.
18. 5 Exod. xv, 30.
19. 6 Heb. ix, i, 2.
20. 1 Heb. viii, i, 2.
21. 2 Heb. ix, 11, 12.
22. 3 Heb. ix, 24.
23. 4 This word (from stu&fw, I contract) is to be found neither in Liddell and Scott's Dictionary nor in that of Sophocles. It is rendered by ex tela in Montfaucon's Latin version.
24. 1 See the Tabernacle as Cosmas has depicted it in Pl. 12 in the Appendix.
25. 2 One of the Ten Attic Orators. He was the friend and political ally of Demosthenes. His orations are lost.
26. 1 Gr. Katape/tasma, the inner veil, the outer being Ka&lumma.
27. 2 Gr. Korti/nai, a Latin word.
28. 3 Gr. strwmatode/smwn.
29. 4 dissaki/wn.
30. 5de/r0r9eij.
31. 1 See Pls. 14 and 17 in the Appendix.
32. 1 Exod. xv, 30.
33. 2 Heb. ix, 12.
34. 3 Heb. ix, 11, 12.
35. 4 Heb. x, 1.
36. 5 Heb. 19, 21.
37. 6 Rom. iii, 25.
38. 1 Irenaeus (76) and Epiphanius (Haer., 30, 13) inform us that the Ebionites (Jewish Christians) maintained the Jewish custom of turning in prayer towards Jerusalem as to the Holy City.
39. 1 The Greek text has la&brej, which Montfaucon has corrected into labi/dej.
40. 2 See Pl. 15 in the Appendix.
41. 3 Eccl. i, 6.
42. 4 See Pl. 19 in the Appendix.
43. 1 Rom. iii, 25.
44. 2 Heb. ix, ii, 12.
45. 3 See Pl. 16 in the Appendix.
46. 4 Luke i, 13.
47. 5 John i, 29.
48. 1 Gr. papulew&nwn, incorrect for papilew&nwn or papiliw&nwn. This is a Latin word (pavilio, a butterfly, a tent), and hence Cosmas may be excused for tripping in its spelling. See Pl. 18 in the Appendix.
49. 2 Gr. Xitw_n kosu&mbrwtoj, kai\ e0pwmi\j, kai\ podh~rej (should be podh&rhj, xitw&n being understood), kai\ ki/darij, kai\ zw&nh, kai\ mi/tra, kai\ pe/talon. The word e0pwmi/j, as used by Greek writers, denotes the point of the shoulder where it joins the collar-bone, and also the part of the women's tunic which was fastened on the shoulder by brooches. The ephod, or vestment worn by the Jewish high priest over the blue tunic, consisted of two shoulder-pieces, one covering the back, the other the breast, and was therefore not unlike the Greek epomis.
50. 1 Gr. smara&gdou. The stones, however, were onyx-stones. See Exod., xxviii, 9.
51. 2 Gr. to_ logei=on th~j kri/sewj. Logeion denoted the place on the Attic stage from which the players spoke; pulpitum in Latin. Here it is used in the sense of lo&gion, an oracle. Kri/sij denotes the judicial sentence by which one is justified or condemned; and the wearing of the plate was meant to signify God's acceptance of Israel, grounded on the sacrificial functions of the high priest.
52. 3 Some think that in the breastplate there were inserted two images which personified Lights and Perfections, the mysterious Urim and Thummim. Others again take Urim and Thummim to be the breastplate itself, with its rows of precious stones. After the taking of Jerusalem it was carried to Rome, and with other spoils deposited in the Temple of Peace.
53. 4 Gr. a)spidi/skaj, lit. small shields; the ouches of our bible.
54. 1 Hence its name, podh&rhj.
55. 2 Gr. ki/darin bussinh_n. Cidarim Persae regium capitis vocabant insigne; hoc caerulea fascia albo distincta circumibat.----Q. Curtius, iii, 3.
56. 3 Gr. sfragi\j a(gia&smatoj Kuri/ou. See Exod. xxviii, 36: " And thou shall make a plate of pure gold, and grave upon it, like the engravings of a signet, Holy to the Lord." The plate was worn in the mitre, or upper turban.
57. 4 Gr. bombwna&ria. A very rare word. It is used by the Byzantine historian Malala.
58. 5 See Pls. 20 and 21 in the Appendix.
59. 1 According to Josephus, the bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning, or were meant to give notice to the people outside when the priest entered or came forth from the Holy place.
60. 2 Psalm lxxviii, 20.
61. 1 Numerous inscriptions, partly Egyptian and partly Nabataean, are still to be found on the rocks of Sinai. The Egyptian are of great antiquity, even long prior to Moses, as they contain the names of Egyptian kings from Senefu and Cheops down to Ramses II.
The discovery, moreover, of the cuneiform tablets at Tel-el-Amarna shows us that in the century before the exodus people were writing and corresponding with each other in the east from the Euphrates to the Nile. The Nabataean inscriptions, again, belong to the early inscriptions of the Christian aera, and the characters used are the Western Aramaic or Syriac. Cosmas, with easy credulity, took them to be as old as the time of Moses. Along with Eusebius and Jerome, he identified Mount Serbal with Mount Sinai. The famous monastery of St. Catharine was founded by Justinian in the time of Cosmas.
62. 1 Galat. iii, 19.
63. 1 I Cor. xv, 21.
64. 1 Heb. xii, 11.
65. 2 Gr. Diagra&fomen... th_n stratopedarxi/an. The proper meaning of stratopedarchia is the office of a military commander. Cosmas seems to use it here instead of stratopedeuma---- a camp. Neither these sketches, nor those of the men of old and the Prophets mentioned below, are given.
66. 1 See note 2, p. 164.
67. 2 Ephes. v, 32.
68. 3 Coloss. i, 15.
69. 4 Gr. th_n i0sotimi/an kai\ to_ xre/oj th~j fu&sewj a)naplhrw&saj. The debt was that which was due by the woman to Adam, and which she acquitted by bearing Christ without seed. There seems to be reference also to the debt which Adam incurred by his sin, and which Christ paid by His death.
70. 1 Rom. v, 14.
71. 2 Gen. iii, 20.
72. 1 Gen. iv, 25.
73. 2Gen. v, 1-3.
74. 1 Luke xv, 7.
75. 2 Ephes. iii, 10
76. 3 Heb. xii, 22-24.
77. 1 Heb. ix, 27.
78. 2 Gen. ii, 17.
79. 1 Gr. fhsi/n, saith he, that is, the Apostle, which I think should be fasi\n -- say they.
80. 2 Gen. iv, 15.
81. 1 Heb. xi, 5.
82. 1 Gen. vi, 16.
83. 2 Gen. ix, 24.
84. 3 Gen. ix, 26, 27.
85. 1 Gen. ix, 27.
86. 2 Coloss. ii, 9.
87. 1 Gen. ix. 1-4.
88. 2 Gen. ix, 6.
89. 1 Gen. iii, 22.
90. 2 Gen. i, 27.
91. 1 Gen. xxv, 23.
92. 1 Gen. xxii, 19.
93. 2 Montfaucon has here this note: "He (Cosmas) calls them Careni, from Charan or Carrhae, whither Abraham withdrew on leaving Chaldaea."
94. 3 Astronomy, Astrology, and Incantation.
95. 1 Gen. xxii, 10.
96. 2 Rom. viii, 32.
97. 3 Gr. a)nta&llagma kai\ a)nti/deicin. The latter is not a classical word. The Dictionary of Sophocles gives demonstration as its meaning.
98. 4 John viii, 56.
99. 5 Gen. xxvii, 29.
100. 1 Gr. e0k blastou~----the reading of the Septuagint.
101. 2 Gen. xlix, 8-12.
102. 1 Gen. xxviii., 15.
103. 2 I.e., to receive the things which foreshadowed Christ.
104. 1 Gr. dia_ th~j vefe/lhj promhnu&wn th_n du&sin tou~ no&mou. The cloud here referred to is the thick cloud which rested upon Sinai at the giving of the law. Such expressions as: We are not under law but under grace, We have been discharged from the law, and others similar, used by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans, warrant Cosmas in speaking of the setting of the law under the Christian dispensation.
105. 2 Gr. diagwgh_n. The Latin version has commemorationem by a printer's error for commorationem.
106. 3 "We thus," says Montfaucon in a foot-note "restore the mutilated text, for in the Codex it is unlike the Greek Septuagint."
107. 4 Deut. xviii, 15, 18.
108. 5 Num. xxiv, 17.
109. 1 The Latin version has collimat, a printer's error for collinet.
110. 2 Gr. a)stei=oj, tw~| Qew~| gennhqei\j. The Latin version has vir urbanus, Deo natus. In Exod. ii, 2, where Moses is described as a goodly child, the Septuagint has, as the corresponding epithet, a)stei/on.
111. 3 ta_j meta_ tau~ta do&caj merikw~j prodiegra&feto. The Latin version has: gloriam postea distributam per partes praenuntius adumbrabat.
112. 1 Gr. tou~ de\ w)|dou_j touj legome/nouj, boukoli/ouj. lit., "another, the songs called pastoral." boukoli/ouj is not a classical form.
113. 2 Gr. e carxon. Cf. 'Aoidoi\ qrh&nwn e carxoi. Homer, Il. xxiv, 271.
114. 3 Cosmas takes this to be a different man from the real author, the great Moses.
115. 1 The word used in the Septuagint for the Hebrew Selah.
116. 2 I Chron. xxv, 6.
117. 3 II Sam. vi, 21.
118. 1 The last two Psalms are numbered in the Greek text 44 and 109, as in the Septuagint.
119. 2 Acts iv, 27.
120. 1 Acts xiii, 32, 33.
121. 2 Psalm ii, 9.
122. 3 Matt. xxi, 9.
123. 4 Matt. xxi, 16.
124. 5 Luke xix, 39
125. 1 Matt, xxi, 16.
126. 2 Philip, ii, 6.
127. 3 Luke xix, 40.
128. 4 Psalm viii, 5.
129. 1 Heb.i, 8.
130. 2Heb. i, 9.
131. 1 Matt, xxii, 43, 44.
132. 2 The text has e0pitre/petai, but this must be a mistake for protre/petai and I have translated accordingly.
133. 3 Dan. vii, 14.
134. 4 Matt. xxvii, 18.
135. 5 Psalm cx, 4.
136. 1 Heb. v, 4, 5.
137. 2 Psalm xxii, 18.
138. 3 Psalm lxix, 21.
139. 4 Psalm xvi, 8.
140. 5 Psalm lxviii, 18.
141. 6 Deut. xxx, 12.
142. 1 Psalm xxii, 1.
143. 2 John v, 16, 17.
144. 3Matt. xii, 3, 4.
145. 4 Gr. a)ntidiaste/llwn. Montfaucon translates this by comparat, which not only reverses the meaning of the word, but makes the argument unintelligible. Cosmas means that the disciples having done, like David and his men, what was unlawful must, like them, be contradistinguished from the priests, though they were servants like themselves. In the last of the examples, Peter is rebuked for not having made a proper discrimination between Christ and the two prophets.
146. 1 Matt. xvii, 4.
147. 2 Luke ix, 33.
148. 3 Matt. xvii, 5.
149. 1 Hos. vi, 1-3.
150. 2 I Cor. xv, 3.
151. 3 Hos. xi, 12.
152. 1 Hos. xiii, 14.
153. 1 Amos iv, 13.
154. 1 Obad. i, 15.
155. 2 Obad. i, 17.
156. 3 Matt. xii, 40.
157. 1 Isai. vi, 1-3.
158. 2 Isai. vi, 7.
159. 3 Isai. liii, 7.
160. 4 Isai. liii, 3.
161. 5 Luke iv, 18.
162. 1 Gr. megalofwno&tatoj. In the Greek Anthology this epithet is applied to Pindar.
163. 2 Mic. v, 2.
164. 3 Mic. vii, 19.
165. 1 Gr. dio&ti ou) mh_ prosqh&swsin e)ti tou~ dielqei=n dia_ sou~ ei0j palai/wsin.
166. 2 Nah. i, 15.
167. 3 Habak. i, 5.
168. 1 This is a quotation from Zachar. xi, 12; see Matt, xxvii, 9-10.
169. 2 Jerem. xxxi, 31-34.
170. 3 Zeph. ii, 11.
171. 4 Zeph. iii, 10.
172. 1 Zeph. iii, 14, 15.
173. 2 Ezek. xxxiv, 23-25.
174. 3 Gr. e0pi\to_ u#dwr th~j diekbolh~j. The Revised Version translates this passage thus: These waters issue forth towards the eastern region, and shall go down into the Arabah: and they shall go toward the sea; into the sea shall the waters go which were made to issue forth.
175. 4 Ezek. xlvii, 8, 9.
176. 1 Dan. ix, 26.
177. 2 Dan. ii, 45.
178. 3 Dan. vii, 13 seqq.
179. 4 Hag. ii, 24.
180. 1 Zach. ix, 9.
181. 2 Zach. xiii, 6.
182. 3 Zach. xiii, 7.
183. 4 Mai. i, 11.
184. 1 Mal. iii, 5.
185. 2 Mal. iv, 2-5.
186. 3 Matt. xi, 14.
187. 4 Montfaucon has here the following note: Cosmas at first had placed the four great Prophets after the twelve minor; but afterwards either Cosmas himself or someone else mixed up the great with the minor as in the present text.
188. 1 Gr. w(j e0pi\ h(merologi/ou.
189. 1 Gr. e0n toi=j skrhni/oij. This is an erroneous transcription of the Latin word scrinium, a chest for keeping documents.
190. 2 Gr. Paraleipome/naj sc. bi/blouj. The two Books of Chronicles.
191. 3 See note 1, p. 200.
192. 1 John i, 29.
193. 1 Luke iii, 17.
194. 2 Luke i, 76.
195. 3 Luke i, 43.
196. 4 Luke i, 48.
197. 5 Luke i, 51.
198. 1 Luke ii, 22.
199. 2 Luke ii, 28-32.
200. 3 Luke xvi, 16.
201. 1 Gr. skopw~| tini. Montfaucon translates: aliqua ratione et scopo; but Cosmas no doubt wrote sko&tw|, with some obscurity.
202. 1 Marcion flourished about the middle of the second century; Manichaeus, after the middle of the third.
203. 2 Eutychês, who belonged to the fifth century, was a Presbyter and Abbot at Constantinople, where he headed the party opposed to the Nestorian doctrines. He asserted that in Christ there is but one nature----that of the Incarnate Word. Arius denied that the Son was co-equal or co-eternal with the Father. He flourished in the earlier part of the fourth century. Apollinarius, called Apollinaris by Latin writers, was Bishop of Laodicca in 362. He was condemned as a heretic by the Council of Constantinople in 381, on the ground that his doctrine denied the true human nature of Christ.
204. 3 Luke xvi, 16.
205. 4 Matt, ii, 12.
206. 1 Matt. xx, 24.
207. 2Matt, xxv, 34.
208. 1 Matt. xxv, 34.
209. 2 Matt. xxv, 41.
210. 3 Gr. ka&tw peri\ th_n gh~n.
211. 4 Matt. xxv, 12.
212. 1 Matt, xxii, 2.
213. 1 I Cor. ii, 9.
214. 1 Matt, i, 8.
215. 1 Gr. e cw tou~ ska&mmatoj u(perakonti/saj. Scamina. is a place dug out and sanded for wrestling, leaping, &c.
216. 1 Matt. iii, 1, 2.
217. 2 Matt. xxii, 30.
218. 1Luke i, 4.
219. 1 Luke ii, 14.
220. 1 Luke xx, 47.
221. 1 The Greek text reads: kai\ a)naplhrw&saj ta_ loipa_ toi=j a!lloij. I have, however, translated in accordance with what must be the proper punctuation: kai\ anaplhrw&saj: ta_ loipa_ toi=j a!lloij o(moi/wj e0cei/pe.
222. 1 Psalm cx, 1.
223. 2 Deut. xviii, 15.
224. 3 Acts ii, 24.
225. 1 Gr. a)gwnoqe/thn.
226. 2 This idea Cosmas borrowed from St. Chrysostom.
227. 3 Acts vii, 59.
228. 1 Ephes. ii, 6.
229. 2 Rom. viii, 24.
230. 1 Heb. iv, ii.
231. 2Heb. i, 14.
232. 3I Cor. vi, 2, 3.
233. 1 Gr. spermolo&gon. This word means figuratively one who picks up and retails scraps of knowledge, and is translated by babbler in Acts xvii, 18. See note on this word in Book vii.
234. 1 Heb. iii, 6.
235. 2 I Tim. iii, 15
236. 1 I.e., of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
237. 2 Gr. meta&lhyij. See note 1, p. 140.
238. 1 Gr. katoptrizo&menoi. I follow Beet's translation of this word----beholding re flected as in a mirror. 'The Revised Version has: reflecting as a mirror.
239. 2 II Cor. iii, 18.
240. 3 John i, 16.
241. 1 Gr. u(posta&sesin. Hypostasis denotes the real nature of a thing, as underlying its outward form and properties. It is thus equivalent to ou)si/a, and to its own Latin etymological representative substantia. The Latin Christians, however, since they used substantia to translate ousia, found it necessary to use a different term to translate hypostasis, and adopted persona (pro&swpon). Hypostasis thus came to differ from ousia as species differs from genus, so that it denoted the specific nature (i0diw&mata) of a person or thing, in contra-distinction to the generic nature.
242. 1 Gen. i, 26.
243. 1 I Cor. xi, 7.
244. 1 Gen. i, 26.
245. 2Gen. xi, 7.
246. 3 Isai. vi, 3.
247. 1 Matt, xxviii, 19.
248. 2 Matt, xxiv, 40.
249. 3 Referring to the text quoted above: o( ei[j paralamba&netai and mia paralamba&netai.
250. 1 II Thess. i, 7-9.
251. 2 Gr. di/kh o)le/qrioj. The Latin version gives here poena aeterna.
252. 1 Gr. th~j despoi/nhj h(mw~n Qeoto&kou. Latin: Dominae nostrae deiparae. Nestorius, the Primate of the Eastern Church, vehemently condemned the application of the term Qeoto&koj to the Virgin Mary. "The Blessed Virgin", says Gibbon, "he revered as the Mother of Christ, but his ears were offended with the rash and recent title of Mother of God, which had been insensibly adopted since the origin of the Arian controversy. From the pulpit of Constantinople.... he repeatedly preached against the use, or the abuse, of a word unknown to the Apostles and unauthorised by the Church." He thus kindled a controversy which raged so furiously that it threatened the disruption of the Church, led to the convocation of the Council of Ephesus (431 A.D), and resulted in his deposition from his episcopal office. It seems singular that Cosmas, who was most probably a Nestorian, should use a term so much reprobated by his master.
253. 2 Matt, xxv, 34.
254. 1 Hagg. i, 7.
255. 2 Gr. e xomen. A printer's error for e xwmen.
256. 3 Heb. xii, 28.
257. 1 Members of this sect still exist at Nablus, as they have existed in that district from the time of Christ. In their creed and form of worship they closely agree with the Rabbinical Jews, but they reject the "Traditions". They retain, however, the sacrifice of a lamb at the Passover.
258. 2 This was a Phrygian sect founded about 171 A.D. The Montanists practised fasting, held the doctrine of the Millennium, and were noted for their austere manners and the severity of their discipline. Jerome wrote against them.
259. 1 Manichaeus, called also Manes, being a Persian, maintained the doctrine of two co-eternal principles, the one good and the other evil.
260. 2 Matt. xxv, 34.
261. 1 Deut. xxxii, 8. This is the reading of the Septuagint. In our version the reading is: according to the number of the Children of Israel.
262. 2 Rom. xi, 25, 26.
263. 3 Luke xx, 36.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 244-262. Book 6
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 244-262. Book 6
BOOK VI. SUPERADDED.
Regarding the Size of the Sun.204
FTER my work had been finished, some questioned us about the figure of the world, saying: "How can the sun possibly be hidden, as you hold, by the northern parts of the earth, which according to you are very high, while he is many times larger than the earth? For in the case of the sphere which we advocate, however much greater the sun may be than the earth, he will always, when giving light to one part of her surface, leave the other in shadow." To those so questioning us we have made a very brief reply, that such a thing is false and a pure fiction, having shown first from the climates 1 which they themselves, recognise, that the sun projects shadows between which there is no difference, and next from what we ourselves saw with our own eyes in the parts of Axômis in |245 Ethiopia. For, at the beginning of the summer solstice on the twenty-fifth day of the month Payni at the sixth hour of the day when the sun is now at the meridian, we plainly saw that a man's shadow inclined to the south.2 And when I was resident here in Alexandria, at the same time of the year on the twenty-fifth, that is of Payni, and until the thirtieth of Thôth at the sixth hour of the day when we were standing under the sun, I pointed out that the shadow inclined to northward only a single foot. And, according to them, Alexandria is the third climate. Now in this city there happened to be living that extremely pious and admirable man, Abbot Stephanus, the Presbyter of Antioch, a most Christian man and verily to be |246 numbered among the perfect, and as he was accurately versed in lunar calculations, and moreover able, in accordance with the scheme of the world which we have laid down from divine scripture, to predict readily both solar and lunar eclipses, he willingly turned his attention to this subject. Accordingly when in the month Thôth of the current tenth indiction 3 he was asked by the erudite Anastasius, a man of science and learning, and superior to many in point of experience, to predict when an eclipse of the sun would take place, he stated that there would be one in that very indiction on the twelfth day of the month Mechir; and it did so occur. He predicted also a lunar eclipse for the twenty-fourth of Mesori in the same indiction. Anastasius was much surprised, and asked him next to tell what past eclipses there had been, and when he had declared them correctly great again was his surprise. There were present too some other scientific men, friends of ours, at this conversation. Now this God-beloved man, who has a curiosity to investigate such 265 matters, and who lived in Antioch and, for many years also, at Constantinople, told us himself that he had measured the shadows in both these cities, and assured us that at Antioch the shadow projected a foot and a half at the time already mentioned,4 while at Byzantium it projected two feet. Now Antioch is in the same climate as Rhodes, namely, in the fourth, but Byzantium is a little |247 beyond the fifth. For it is in the following way they distinguish the climates. The first is, they say, the climate of Meroê; the second of Syênê; the third of Alexandria, the fourth of Rhodes, the fifth of Hellespont, the sixth of the middle of Pontus, the seventh of the river Borysthenes and the Maeotic lake, and the last of the Ocean. If therefore, as we have seen with our own eyes here, in the climate which, according to their own laying down, is the third, the shadow falls only one foot towards the north, and in the fourth one foot and a half, and in the fifth two feet, is it not manifest that the shadow is either lengthened or shortened by half a foot for each climate? And if this be true, as assuredly it is, the sun will be found to have the size of two climates and no more. For if, in the third climate, he throws a shadow of one foot, in the second he will beyond all question throw one of half a foot, while in the first he will throw none at all.5 |248 But as we said by anticipation in the second book, there He between Meroê and the Ocean in the south many of the |249 stages into which the earth is partitioned. For, from the Cataracts to the ocean we remember having stated that the number of halting-places in that distance was seventy more or less. But the number of climates which they suppose to exist they reckon at somewhere about twenty only.6 So then quite clearly the shadow in the climate of Axômê, a city of the Ethiopians, is found projecting more than a foot to the south, so that everything goes to show that, if the sun in his passage through the summer tropic be between Syênê and Axômis, he has the size of two climates.7 Is it not then false and fabulous what they say about the sun, that he is greater than the earth? And how too comes it, if, as they say, the earth is spherical, the shadow does not vary on the convex surface of the earth? For since they place the torrid zone in the centre, it follows of necessity that the parts on each side of that zone must be depressed. And they assert that none can inhabit the torrid zone----yea, even that the northern part of the world which is inhabited by us is many stages distant from the torrid zone. And I wonder again if, in those convex parts of the earth which they suppose to exist, the shadows are able to observe such a proportion that they increase or diminish by half a foot for each climate, as with God's help we have demonstrated and with our very eyes have witnessed to be the case, and have shown to the men with whom we have conversed----men by no means novices but adepts in science, |250 and earnestly maintaining this opinion. But further again 266 they affirmed most positively that when the illuminating body is large and the body which is illuminated small, and each of them spherical, the shadow produced is beyond question conical----for the rays of the larger sphere, passing beyond the smaller on this and on that side, necessarily make a very acute cone; and they endeavoured by means of geometrical demonstrations to circumvent us; but on this point we very concisely by optical experiments again showed the falsehood of what they alleged; for, fetching a small wooden globe, we drove a nail into it by which we held it in our hands, and on stretching it out to the sun, we saw that the shadow was round and not conical. And we said to them, look you now how small the sphere is which we hold out, and how great, according to you at any rate, the sun is, and yet he does not make a conical but a round shadow.8 And we made the experiment both at a short and at a long distance----and they found nothing to show the truth of what they say, but with their specious sophistries they delude the multitude. We, again, fetching a cone-shaped vessel, then showed them that a conical body produces a shadow conical like itself. And, it is the truth I speak, O most God-beloved Father, through the power of Christ they went away dumbfounded and sadly crestfallen, having been put to shame by our exposure of their fictions. And now behold, we also, in accordance with an art of theirs, having drawn lines and imprinted one for each climate as they are wont to do, are able, if first |251 strengthened by the divine power, to show that the sun is not greater than two climates, in order that they may learn in this manner not to arch their neck proudly, but to bow submissively to divine scripture.
267 The straight (horizontal) line is the earth----the nine lines drawn perpendicular to it are so many bodies standing each of them for one of the climates. The lines drawn from the sun to these bodies are the rays of the sun which, falling simultaneously upon the bodies on this and that side, produce the shadows as we have depicted them in ink. That particular line which descends straight down, since it falls upon the top of the body perpendicularly, produces no shadow for it is greater than the body and shines all round it.
The Lord also bears me witness in the Gospels, when He calls the country of the Homerites, which is not more |252 than a two days' sail by sea distant from Barbaria, the ends of the earth. It is evident again that I am right from the climates which they acknowledge, and from the places of which Ptolemy speaks, he who made war against Ethiopia, and of whom we made mention in the second book. And from the shadows themselves which are produced in each climate, it is proved that the sun does not exceed in size two climates, nay, even that the earth is flat, as the delineation shows, and not spherical.9
268 A dissertation by which it is proved more clearly and comprehensively that, throughout the whole of divine scripture, we are taught that God has made two states----the present state and the future.
First of all, it is proved from the account of the creation that God divided the one place which extends from the |253 earth to the first heaven, by placing in the middle the firmament, that is, the second heaven, thus making the one place into two places.
Secondly, it is proved from the very structure of man, inasmuch as he consists of two, namely, of mortal and immortal, evidently subjecting him through their contrariety to a life of conflict, in order that he may afterwards be honoured with gifts.
Thirdly, through the two trees which grew in the midst of Paradise, scripture shows that there are two states, one mortal and mutable, and one immortal and immutable. For the tree of the knowledge of good and evil is a type of this world as a school of discipline----and the tree of life is a type of the future state, in which neither death nor change has any power.
Fourthly, because the expulsion of the man from the Garden, by God, and his warning him and saying: Lest he should stretch forth his hand and touch the tree of life and eat and live for ever;10 these are the words of one who imparts knowledge, and obscurely hints that some gift of life eternal is reserved for men after the life of conflict here.
Fifthly, again, we are taught through Lamech the father of Noah, who prophesied and said that his son would deliver us from toils and the curse, and would conduct us to the enjoyment of a better condition.
Sixthly, again, through this Noah we learn that from that first earth, all miserable and thorny, we were transferred to this earth, which we men now inhabit: an earth that is better, and almost equal to Paradise, whereby we are taught the difference between the first and the second state.
Seventhly, we learn that God chose Abraham out of the |254 land of the Chaldaeans and transferred him to Palestine, and promised to give him great gifts and possession of the land, without giving him, however, so much of it as to set his foot on, according to divine scripture, and trained him to have faith, so that he knew to expect with confidence gifts to be bestowed afterwards. And in like manner He showed through Ishmael and Isaac the worth of the two covenants----namely, that one was servile, and the other free.
Eighthly, a second time through Isaac and Rebecca, when twins were born, it was said: The elder shall serve the younger,11 thereby again showing there are two states, one of bondage and the other of freedom.
269 Ninthly, in the case again of Jacob and of Joseph, who could not bear to be buried in Egypt, but only in the Land of Promise, it was shown how each of them longed to obtain from God the hope which had been promised them----namely, of the second state.
Tenthly, the exodus itself in the time of Moses and the deliverance from the bondage of the Egyptians, and the freedom [thus obtained] and the entrance into the Land of Promise, accomplished through Joshua the son of Nun, clearly signified beforehand the two states.
Eleventhly, in like manner the construction of the Tabernacle and of the Temple, which, by means of the veil placed in the middle, was made from one into two----an inner and an outer----prefigured this state and the future state.
But what need is there that I should speak of the dispensations that existed through good men, for instance, the confidence Abel displayed after death, who yet speaketh, crying from the earth in bringing to birth the return of life.
If any reflects about the translation of Enoch, who |255 because he pleased God, was translated that he should not see death, knows with the utmost certainty that there will be a better state, from an occurrence of this nature. Any one who is filled with astonishment, as he thinks of the ascension of Elijah and his passage in a chariot of fire, must see how much the nature of humankind has been honoured, as, it is thereby taught and has the hope, that it can pursue its way to heaven.
Any one who heard the multitudinous host of the heavenly ranks singing in chorus and rejoicing and exulting at the birth of our Lord Christ according to the flesh, and saying: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace and good-will to men,12 would be astonished beyond measure as he reflected that the inhabitants of heaven and of earth had joined in making one confession, and that God was well pleased with men.
Any one who had seen the power of the resurrection from the death of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ would, with all his soul stirred up, celebrate without ceasing God the Saviour of all, who made the conflict of body and soul to cease, and brought into concord these two antagonistic parts of our nature, making them in things spiritual mutually conformable.
Any one who takes into view the ascension into Heaven of our Lord Christ, and the angels clothed in white raiment announcing to the Apostles his second coming, would never cease magnifying Jesus who showed and opened up to men the ascent into the future heavenly state, which He had prepared from the foundation of the world;
Any one who looks at the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles, and the speech of the great Peter in the midst of all the people, would in praying extol God 270 |256 the giver of all with loud praises, who gave such an earnest and pledge of the future state to men.
Any one who contemplates the calling of the great Paul made from heaven, and his being caught up into the third heaven, and again into Paradise, will lift up his voice to God and say: Glory be unto Thee who through all and unto all graciously givest gifts to men!
Any one who reads the writings of the company of the prophets and priests and righteous men, and also of the Apostles and Evangelists, and thinks of the miracles recorded by them, and of the prophecies and their exact fulfilment, will find that they make mention only of a first and a second state, and have not enumerated any others, as coming either before the first or after the second. Glory to God who spake and prophesied through them all, for ever and ever. Amen!
Any one who preserves deep in his heart remembrance of the second illustrious and glorious coming of our Lord and Saviour Christ, and who takes into mental account His blessed resurrection from the dead, and the change for the better which the world has undergone, and the unspeakable joy and hope laid up for men, will many a time beyond measure admire and extol in songs of praise the Cause of all, the Creator and Restorer of the universe. Yea, rather he will not be able in adequate terms to address Him, who is above all praise and glory and tribute of song, and who, in his supreme goodness from the beginning suitably for us, founded the two states, educating us in the first, and by instruction and reason teaching us to act prudently, and leading the human race and through it the whole creation into the second state. Glory to Thee, glory to Thee, glory to Thee, O thrice Holy, Creator, Maker of all and Restorer of the universe, for ever and ever. Amen!
By all these considerations the opinion of the Christians |257 is shown to be the best of all, and in accordance and harmony with the constitution of the world, and to be most true. It is in accordance with what those who are real and not pretended Christians acknowledge, that from the beginning God not unsuitably, but for apposite and useful ends, divided the one place into two places, preparing and making ready beforehand this place for this present state, and that other place for the future state. The Pagans accordingly, who suppose the world to be eternal, and deny the resurrection of our bodies and their ascension into heaven, looking upon this as foolishness, are properly, in view of their theory, deprived of future honours and of the ascension into heaven. The Jews, who read Moses and the prophets and understood not the great and wise dispensation of God, which through the prophets shows that from the beginning God made two states for the benefit of men, and who did not receive the Prince of the second state----nay, He proved even a stumbling-block 271 to them; nor, even until now do they believe that there will be an ascension of men into heaven, but they expect, forsooth, one to come whom they call the Anointed, and who, they hope, will reign over their country, and subject to Himself all the nations, and make no account at all of things heavenly. They thus reject the counsel of God and think that the habitation in the heavens has been prepared without occasion, which Moses, however, shows to have been made not without occasion, saying that it was made on the second day, and that the firmament was placed in the middle, and that two places came to exist; and they themselves also are excluded from this habitation. The Samaritans in like manner, being ignorant of the same things as the Jews, and not believing, and entertaining doubts besides, about the resurrection of the body and the immortality of the soul, are also like the Jews banished |258 from the habitation in the heavens. The Manichaeans,13 holding the same opinions as the Pagans, and supposing also the heaven to be spherical, and expecting the utter destruction of the body, these, along with their evil deity whom they elected for themselves about the earth, are condemned and driven away from the City above, which they denied. In like manner, every heresy which denies the perfect humanity of Christ, namely, a rational soul endowed with intellect, and a body, and which does not acknowledge all the distinctive qualities of the soul and of the body, but wavers in doubt; and the heresy which denies the divinity of Christ and impairs it, and which says that either He or the Holy Spirit is inferior to the Father,14 all these fail to attain the heavenly mansions.
Blessed then are all those who, through the divine scriptures of the Old and New Testament, recognize the Maker of all things as one God in three Persons, namely Father and Son and Holy Spirit, a holy Trinity, consubstantial, equal in power, in strength, in glory and in honour, and without beginning, and who also recognize the great and wise and omnipotent dispensation of Him who is the Cause of all things; how wisely and harmoniously He established the two states from the beginning----the present state and the future----and through the perfect humanity of Christ who is like to us in all things both in body and soul, sin only excepted, and who sojourned among men in the last times when He declared and showed the future state, and gave assurance unto all by raising up that humanity from the dead. All the perfect therefore |259 who walk by this rule, peace be upon them and mercy, and at the judgment of God these shall of right hear Christ the Lord in the future state saying unto them from heaven: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.15 To Him be glory for ever and ever. Amen!
The whole scope accordingly of the divine economy is this----for we must briefly recapitulate what that scope 272 is----God of His goodness willed to let others participate in existence, and power, and reason, and knowledge, but, because those who participate in these cannot possibly know and possess all things in combination (for this belongs to God alone, to know all these things without learning and experience, being of Himself both power and reason and knowledge, while created beings participate in all these things from their Maker), He made those two states together, the first mortal and mutable, for the trial and discipline of rational beings, in order that, being exercised by the variety of the universe and the juxtaposition of contraries, we might have experience of pleasures and pains; then the second state, an immortal and immutable enjoyment of His gracious goodness, to the end that, from our acquired power of discernment, we may receive possession of the pleasures. To Him be glory for ever and ever. Amen!
No religion therefore, neither the Judaic, nor the Samaritan, nor the Pagan, nor the Manichaean, believes or hopes that there is a resurrection or an ascension into heaven for men; but such of these religions as think that heaven is a sphere, namely the Pagan and the Manichaean, are consistent with themselves in holding their unbelief. For, where are they able to find a place in the sphere for the kingdom of heaven? They are both of them |260 therefore justified in denying the resurrection of the body, and in saying that souls only are glorified or punished after the life here----or in saying, as some of them do, that souls are whirled round along with the sphere and see all things, or are condemned to be cast into Tartarus. Some of them even hold that souls are transmigrated into other bodies, while others deny the soul's immortality, and not one of them possesses any hope of the body after the present life. But those religions which do not believe in a sphere, namely the Jews and Samaritans, but think that the firmament, which is in the middle of the one place and thus makes two places, was made without occasion, these also, it necessarily follows, have fallen under the sway of unbelief; for the Samaritans acknowledge neither a resurrection nor an ascension into heaven, nor admit that the soul is immortal, but think that our race will continue for ever, while the Jews acknowledge a resurrection for men, but say that we shall live upon the earth and eat and drink and marry and be given in marriage, as, in the Gospels, the Sadducees proposed a question to the Lord, saying: In the resurrection of which of the seven shall she be the wife? 16 These the Lord very summarily convicted of error and of not knowing divine scripture, in which there is the power of God, saying to them: For, in the resurrection, they neither marry, nor are given in marriage, but are as the 273 angels of God in heaven.17 It is therefore proved against these, both from what is written and from the figure of the world prepared from its foundation, that the upper place was not made without occasion----but that there is a second heavenly state prepared from the foundation of the world. And, in like manner, every heresy among the Christians can be refuted; those also among the Pagans, the Manichaeans for instance, which suppose the |261 heaven to be a sphere, or those which embrace the theory of an antecedent life, or those which deny that in Christ there was aught of our nature, either body or soul or intellect, do greatly err, neither knowing the scriptures nor the power of God. For those only are perfect Christians who without error follow divine scripture, and who know, both from what is written and from the figure of the first and second state, the places and the figures which divine scripture mentions, for as this world consists of men and angels: We, saith the Apostle, are made a spectacle to the world, to angels and to men,18 so also the higher place again has been prepared beforehand for angels and men. Glory for all to God the King of the Ages. Amen!
The heaven is bound together with the earth, and is divided into parts, for as it forms the two vaulted chambers and the two walls on each side, and after the manner of vaulted chambers has one of these walls curving round till it joins the other, and completes the entire figure (to_ sxh~ma) of the world. And this figure, that is, the |262 magnitude of the sun and of the earth, we here delineate 19 in accordance with the views of those pagans, in order that any one who sees the two delineations may be able to compare the one with the other, how that in the delineation, which represents our view 20 in accordance with the reality, the rays of the sun falling upon bodies produce shadows for each climate agreeably to our previous description, these shadows showing a difference of half a foot for each climate----and how also that in the delineation here which represents their views, the rays do not fall upon the bodies, so that those climates which they speak of, bodies namely, cannot be illumined by the sun; and hence we see that they turn away from the truth and make a great boast in vain about their fables.
[Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1 Before it was known that the earth was a globe, it was supposed that its surface sloped from south to north, and this slope was called kli/ma. But as science advanced, this term was employed to designate different belts or zones of the earth's surface, as determined by the different lengths of the longest days on their southern and northern limits. Hipparchus (about 160 B.C.), first used this division. The term kli/ma came afterwards to denote the average temperature of each of the zones, and hence the present use of the word.
2. 1 Mr. Ernest A. Floyer, in a letter sent from Egypt, which appeared in The Academy of th Oct., 1895, makes some interesting remarks about primitive sun-dials in Upper Egypt. He found that there the hours of work for a waterwheel were fixed by such sun-dials. "Two kinds were used. At Edfu a horizontal dhurra stalk lay north and south on two forked uprights. East and west were pegs in the ground, dividing evenly the space of earth between the sunrise and sunset shadows of the horizontal gnomon. Further south the gnomon was a vertical stick." Afterwards he says: "It is generally admitted that the Egyptians ascertained the length of the year to within a few hours. This approximation must have been obtained by measuring the shadow of a gnomon at the summer solstice, which coincided with their principal natural phenomenon, the rising of the Nile. It could hardly be otherwise. Given a constant and never-clouded sun, and a need to divide up the day, the upright stick is brought into use at once. But little time could have elapsed before it was noticed that the noon shadow was longer or shorter one day than the preceding day.... Thus the period from one summer solstice to another could not have remained long unknown". After tracing further the progress of discovery, the writer concludes with two remarks: "First, the effect of the use of a gnomon's shadow leaves its trace to this day on Arabic astronomy. Angles are called shadows. Secondly, measuring the exact length of a shadow on a somewhat rough plane was not easy. Perhaps better results were obtained by examining the faces of an obelisk. If the north face of an obelisk at Luxor sloped at an angle equal to the difference of latitude between Luxor and Syene, then at the summer solstice only all four faces would be equally illuminated."
3. 1 Regarding indictions, see last note to Book X.
4. 2 The height of a man who would cast a shadow of 1½ foot in the latitude of Antioch, when the sun was on the meridian "at the beginning of the summer solstice", would be about 6¾ feet. This, however, can only be considered approximate, as there is some uncertainty about the length of the foot used, and of the exact declination of the sun at a time now so long past. In computing the height of the man, a plus correction of 12' has been applied to the sun's declination at the present day, and this may be taken as approximately correct.
5. 1 The sun is so far distant from the earth that its mean parallax is only about 8", and therefore the rays of light falling on to the earth may be considered as parallel lines; and from the diagram below it will be at once seen that if the earth were flat, as Cosmas supposes,
the shadow of the gnomon would be the same length all the world over, at the same instant of time. Thus what is advanced by Cosmas in support of his theory of a flat earth proves the very opposite; for the fact of the shadows being of different lengths, as he had observed them to be, at the same season in different latitudes, is owing entirely to the curvature of the earth's surface. This, I think, is very clearly shown on diagram 2. If the sun were a small object and near to the
earth, of course the length of the shadows would be different for different latitudes, supposing the earth to be flat. This is shown in diagram 3. It is on the assumption of a near sun that the fallacy of
the whole argument lies. Cosmas builds his whole theory on this false basis.
6. 1 Ptolemy reckoned nineteen climates. See Ukert. Geog., vol. i, Pt. II, pp. 182 ff.; or Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, p. 297.
7. 2 The fallacy of this so-called proof lies also (as shown in note on pp. 247, 248) in the fact that Cosmas founds it on the supposition that the sun is near the earth. It falls through at once when we consider that the sun's rays are practically parallel lines, and the fact that the shadows vary in length, and in one place fall to the north and in another to the south, is owing to the spherical form of the earth.
8. 1 Cosmas evidently misunderstood the phrase used: a cone casts a conical shadow when the rays are perpendicular (or nearly so) to its axis, and fall on a parallel surface, and the great distance of the sun prevents the cone of shadow from a sphere being observed, unless it be so small that it can be held more than 110 times its diameter from the surface on which the shadow falls. As the distance is increased, the circular shadow diminishes to a point, and then vanishes.
9. 1 Cosmas is more plausible than lucid in his reasoning; his figure shows three climates from Syene to Axomis, but possibly he meant to say between Syene and Ethiopia. Taking the breadth of the two between Alexandria and Byzantium as about 635 geographical miles, this is his "size" of the sun. In order to appear with a diameter of about 33' of arc, its distance from the earth would be about 66,260 miles. But this is inconsistent with his argument from the length of the shadows. A gnomon 7 feet in height would cast a shadow of 11 inches at the summer solstice at Alexandria; of 1 foot 6 4/5 inches at Antioch; and of 2 feet 1 inch at the Hellespont, or 2 feet 2 inches at Byzantium; his measurements are, therefore, only approximate. But assuming them----that his gnomon was one of 7 feet, and that the earth were a plane, the sun's distance is easily deduced as about 4,400 miles, and his diameter as about 42 miles; a flat earth and a sun at a much greater distance than this would bring the shadows more near to the same length.
Cosmas was not the last to hold the theory of the earth being a plane. From 1848 to about 1865, Mr. S. Goulden, in various papers, propounded the doctrine that the earth is not a globe; he called his system Zetetic Astronomy. About 1865 was issued the prospectus of a book on the subject, in the contents of which was given "Distance of the Sun from London 4028 miles----How measured."----See De Morgan's Budget of Paradoxes, pp. 807-8.
10. 1 Gen. iii, 22.
11. 1 Gen. xxv, 23.
12. 1 Luke ii, 14.
13. 1 Manes, or Manichaeus, their founder, appeared about the year 270 A.D. The sect spread chiefly in Persia, Arabia, Egypt, and other parts of the East. St. Augustine at the age of twenty became a Manichaean, and continued to be one for nine years. See note 1, p. 242.
14. 2 The Arians.
15. 1 Matt, xxv, 34.
16. 1 Matt, xxii, 28.
17. 2 Ibid., 30.
18. 1 I Cor. iv, 9.
19. 1 See preceding page. [Note to online text: diagram in body of text]
20. 2 See above, p. 251.
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 263-303. Book 7
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 263-303. Book 7
BOOK VII.
Concerning the Duration of the Heavens.1 274
WILL not refuse, O most studious Athanasius, to comply with your request, that I should compose a discourse on heaven; but, for the sake of clearness, I shall first enquire whether divine scripture pronounces it to be indissoluble or dissoluble, for you have informed me that one of those who glory in being Christians, when wishing to speak against the Pagans, unconsciously agreed with them in their opinion, that heaven is a sphere which is always revolving; and yet that in the same work he proclaimed it to be dissoluble. I know not what induced him to make this assertion, and I could not but wonder that the wisdom of a man of so great learning should be blinded by his craving for distinction. For if, as a Christian, he had in view to refute the view of the Pagans, he ought first to have overthrown from the foundation their principles relating to the sphere and its revolution, just as we ourselves, by the will of God, have done in the other work, which as requested we composed. But if he admits their foundation and their principles, from which their demonstrations of eternal duration proceed, why does that wise man indulge to no |264 purpose in idle talk, basing his nonsense not on a rock, but upon the sand? For no man of common sense would assert that what is in perpetual motion is corruptible and dissoluble, or that what is corruptible and dissoluble is in perpetual motion, but would admit that what is in perpetual motion is, in virtue of such motion, incorruptible, but that what is not in motion and dissoluble, is beyond question corruptible, because, by ceasing to move, it is not in perpetual motion. How then does that man who is so very learned, while admitting that the heaven is in perpetual motion, though divine scripture judges otherwise, determine it to be dissoluble? For among the philosophers whether of old or late times who are the most celebrated among the pagans, and have been of opinion that the heaven is a sphere, has he found one affirming that it is dissoluble? It is the fact rather that all of them, proceeding on the illative method, have declared it to be indissoluble. This man, observe, invents new absurdities, and neither following the teaching of those outside the Church, nor submissively accepting the spiritual tradition of those within her pale, but ignorant both of the diversity of the doctrines of the Pagans, and of the pure and simple learning of those within the Church, has taken in hand to teach new doctrines without previous examination, and without taking into account that his own statements are in mutual conflict, and 275 without thinking of the questions to which they give rise; just as an inexperienced traveller, who has strayed from the highway, is cruelly pierced2 and torn by thorns and briars and the points of jagged rocks, on whichsoever side he turns; so this admirable man, being wounded when taking his way into the enemy's country, is easily overthrown. |265
Wherefore, O Christ-loving! I deemed it sufficient that you, on reading our little treatise (for we must speak humbly of what we have done), namely, the Christian Topography of the whole world, should see how that in the first book we used arguments drawn from the natural world, against those, who, while seeming to be Christians, nevertheless supposed heaven to be a sphere----that in the second, we have exhibited the Christian theories concerning the figure and position of the whole world from divine scripture; that in the third we have shown how firm and sure, and how worthy of belief is divine scripture, and of what utility figures of the whole world are; that in the fourth we have given a summary recapitulation together with a drawing of the Tabernacle prepared by Moses, and shown also the harmony of the Prophets and Apostles; and that in the sixth we have treated of the size of the sun, and have thus brought our little work to its completion. Nevertheless I again, at the earnest desire and request of your Reverence, which, as has been said, I cannot disregard, will endeavour, agreeably to your command and to the best of my ability, to confute briefly from divine scripture those who hold that the heavens will perish, and, with the help of divine grace and your prayers, to prove their permanency. We shall state first, what forms of speech divine scripture employs when treating of heaven, and then shall show that it everywhere decides that the heavens are indissoluble.
Since the Old Testament was written for the Hebrews, it follows of necessity that it was written in the Hebrew tongue and in Hebrew characters. The Hebrew tongue then uses similarly the expressions, the heaven and the heavens, so that there is no difference between them, but the singular form is employed for the plural, and the plural for the singular, as when it says: Praise him, ye heavens of the heavens----instead of saying heaven of heaven----and |266 adds: And the water which is above the heavens3 ---- that is: this visible heaven ---- namely, the firmament ---- for the waters are above the firmament only, according to the sacred historian Moses. In like manner it says: The heavens declare, the glory of God, and the firmament showeth forth the work of his hands4 ---- here beginning with the plural number and ending with the singular ---- in order that by each form of expression it may indicate the same thing, that the very sight of the heaven, that is, of the firmament which we see, proclaims both the glory and the handiwork of God, through the order and magnificence which they display. In like manner again: The heaven of heaven to the Lord, but the earth hath he given to the sons of men,5 276 here calling the first and higher heaven which is the heaven to this visible heaven, and which is placed above it ---- the heaven of heaven. In like manner again the great Moses says: Behold the heaven of the Lord thy God, and the heaven of heaven; as if he said: this heaven visible to us, and its heaven, that is, the heaven above it. Paul also uses this form of expression, exclaiming: But our citizenship is in the heavens, from which also we look for a Saviour,6 here beginning with the plural number but ending with the singular, for instead of saying from which in the plural, he says from which in the singular.7 For as two heavens were made by God, as the blessed Moses relates, and the two were bound together, sacred scripture speaks of them sometimes in the plural number and sometimes in the singular, in accordance, as has been said, with the idiom of the language, or even because the heavens at some of their parts are mutually conjoined and so become as one, as has been said.
Lest therefore you should be led into error when you |267 hear that the blessed Paul had been caught up into the third heaven, I must point out that there are not three or more heavens, and that he neither means to say this, nor contradicts Moses----but he means to say that he was caught up from the earth all the distance to the height of heaven except a third of it----as if he said: I was caught up from the earth so very far that there was left to me but a third of the distance to the height of heaven.8 Such being the case it is now time for us to remark that divine scripture all throughout proclaims that heaven or the heavens are indissoluble. The Apostle Paul, then, speaks to this effect: For we know that if the earthly house of our Tabernacle be dissolved, we have a building from God, a house not made with hands, in the heavens,9 in order that he may show that the earthly state here shall be dissolved, but that the future state, which is also a heavenly, is indissoluble and eternal. And again he says: We have snch a high priest, who sat down on the right hand of the throne of the Majesty in the heavens, a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true Tabernacle which the Lord pitched and not man 10----as if he said: the Lord Christ had been taken up into the heavens, into the true Tabernacle, that is, one which is permanent and indissoluble. For the expression true indicates that it is indissoluble, since that which was prepared by Moses was dissolved; this one as being indissoluble, by way of distinction and in contrast with the other, he calls the true----as being permanent and firm and indissoluble. And again he says: But Christ having come a high priest of the good things to come, through the greater and more perfect Tabernacle, not made with hands, that is to say, not of this creation, nor yet through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own body, entered in once, for all into the holy place, having obtained |268 eternal redemption.11 What he means is something like this: Since God commanded Moses to make the Tabernacle in imitation of the whole world, and he made it, dividing it by the veil in the middle, thus converting the 277 one Tabernacle into two, an outer and an inner, thereby hinting, as it were, at this place, and at that which is above it----And into the first Tabernacle the priests always enter, accomplishing the services, but into the second, the high priest alone, and but once a year enters, not without blood, which he offers for himself and for the people.12
Wherefore the Apostle Paul says that Christ having come as high priest of the heavens, entered into the higher place with his own blood, just as the earthly high priest entered into the inner tabernacle with the blood of others; and just as the Tabernacle here is small and made with hands, and, as being but a type, is imperfect and dissoluble, so the heavenly is great, and not made with hands, and is steadfast and true and eternal and indissoluble, and in it is the eternal redemption. For the high priest being eternal, of necessity the salvation also and the Tabernacle are eternal, in accordance again with what is written: And they indeed are many priests, because that by death they are hindered from continuing: but he, because he abideth for ever, hath his priesthood unchangeable. Wherefore also, he is able to save to the uttermost them that draw near unto God through him, seeing that he always liveth to make intercession for them. For such a high priest became us, holy, guileless, undefiled, separated from sinners, and made higher than the heavens.13 The expression higher than the heavens means, according to the idiom of the language, heaven; and, more clearly still, the expressions a)para&baton (unchangeable), and to_ me/nein ei0j to_n ai0w~na (the abiding for ever), and pa&ntote (always) indicate a state of things that |269 is indissoluble. For if the priest is unchangeable, the Tabernacle also, wherein he exercises his office, must of necessity be unchangeable, that is, exempt from succession. And elsewhere again he says: Wherefore we, receiving a kingdom which cannot be shaken,14 as if he said, one that is abiding and immovable and indissoluble and not liable to succession. And again he says: Let us give diligence to enter into that rest;15 calling it a rest as not admitting of succession, and because when we are there, we shall not be transferred thence, but shall for ever rest in heaven itself. And again he says: Having therefore a great high priest who hath passed througli the heavens, Jesus the Son of God, let us hold fast our confession 16----the expression who hath passed through the heavens, that is heaven, according to the idiom of the language, means that He is within the two heavens, as in a Tabernacle not made with hands. And again he says: Having therefore boldness to enter into the holy place by the blood of Jesus, by the way which he dedicated for us, a new and living way;17 the entrance into the Holies made by the blood of Jesus, he calls His entrance into the heavens, which He made after his Passion and Resurrection, when He was taken up into heaven; which also he calls a new and living way, dedicated for us, because He himself first of all in a new and fresh manner trod that living and holy way, leaving us an example for us to follow. And 278 again he says: And every priest indeed standeth day by day ministering and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices, the which can never take away sins; but this man, when he had offered one sacrifice for sins, for ever set down on the right hand of God, from henceforth expecting till his enemies be made the footstool of his feet. For by one offering he hath perfected them that are sanctified.18 If, as He says, he sits for ever at |270 the right hand of God after His Passion and Sacrifice, and for ever sanctifies those coming unto Him, how is it possible that heaven can be dissolved when He sits there for ever, and those coming unto Him are sanctified. And again he says: For it is evident that our Lord sprang out of Judah, as to which tribe Moses spake nothing concerning priesthood;19 and again: For it is testified of him, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec.20 Behold how in the clearest terms he speaks of Christ as a perpetual priest in virtue of His power and indissoluble life. How then is it possible for the Priest to be indissoluble whilst the Tabernacle, of which He is the minister, is subject to be dissolved? For he says: A minister of the sanctuary and of the true Tabernacle which the Lord pitched and not man,21 thus here, as also in Heb. vi, 16, 17, and 20, and x, 34, expressly declaring it to be true and indissoluble.
See again, admirable Sir, how he speaks of that entrance into what is within the veil, that is, the firmament, into which Jesus entered, and into which we shall enter, that he declares it to be immovable and strong, and secure and steadfast, and abiding and eternal, and like an anchor holding us fast; and again he says: For we have here no abiding city, but we seek that which is to come,22 meaning: We seek that ever-abiding and eternal heavenly Jerusalem, which is free and the mother of all the faithful, for, the one which is here is, he says, in dissolution, according to that which hath been said [in I Cor. vii, 31, and Coloss. iii, 1]. I have told you, Paul there says, the things that are above where Christ is now seated; seek therefore the things that are there, not the things here. But that he calls the city prepared already, you may learn again from Paul [Heb. xi, 16] and 279 from Christ himself [Matt, xxv, 34]. And when |271 was the kingdom of which he there speaks prepared? From the foundation of the world, he tells us, as if he said, from the time at the beginning of the creation, along with the making of the heaven and the earth and the things produced along with them, the place of the kingdom of heaven was prepared, God having provided something better for us. For He says again further in the Gospel according to John: In my Father s house are many mansions; if it were not so I would have told you. I go to prepare a place for you.23 He calls the habitation which is in the heavens, His Father's house. In this then, He says, is your habitation, which has been prepared for you by rny Father. Then again He says: And if I go and prepare a place for you, I will come again and take you unto myself that where I am there ye may be also. And whither I go ye know, and the way ye know.24 And again to the mother of James and John, who asked that the one of them should sit at His right hand and the other on the left in His kingdom, He answered, saying: It is not mine to give, but for whom it has been prepared by my Father.25 Those that are worthy, therefore, shall obtain these things before I bestow them whether on your sons or on others that are worthy. But the expression that where I am there ye may be also, shows very remarkably that that place is indissoluble, and has been aforetime prepared, and not that another place is substituted (as those wise men imagine), in which we are to dwell after the resurrection, when this place of the heavens shall have been dissolved. And to speak briefly, the passages in divine scripture are almost innumerable which show that the heaven, into which Christ has entered and into which we also shall enter, is indissoluble.
And these things the Lord proclaimed to his disciples; but the Apostle Paul wrote to such of the Hebrews |272 as believed in Christ, pointing out, as was suitable for them, the proper distinctions between all the things relating to the Tabernacle, both to the outer which has reference to this place, and to the inner which has reference to the upper and heavenly place. But to those from among the Pagans who believed, the Corinthians, I mean, men who cultivated learning and philosophy, and who already believed in the resurrection of Christ, but were in doubt concerning the resurrection of men in general, to them again he used the same arguments, and says: Now, if Christ is preached that he hath been raised from the dead, how say some among you that there is no resurrection of the dead, neither hath Christ been raised? and if Christ hath not been raised, then is our preaching vain and your faith also is vain;26 as if he said: Your faith in Christ is of no use to you, unless our resurrection also is believed by 280 you. For if ye have believed of one that he was raised from the dead, how is it not to be believed that it is possible for all others besides to be raised? For he that can raise one can also raise all. Then he observes: Yea, and we are found false witnesses of God, because we have testified of God that he raised up Christ whom he raised not up, if so be the dead are not raised.27 But we, he says, who have testified unto you that God raised up Christ shall be found to be liars and impostors. And again he repeats this: For if the dead rise not, neither hath Christ risen, but if Christ hath not risen, your faith is vain-----ye are yet in your sins;28 from that which was confessed and believed in by them, he confutes them and says: for if He, concerning whom you have believed, when He was dead rose again, why do you doubt the resurrection of the other dead, so that you make it appear that you have believed in vain about the resurrection of but one. For he, who is able to |273 raise one of the dead, is able also to raise all the others that are dead. So that by not believing in the resurrection of the dead, you revert to your former superstition, and have fallen away, for this he means by saying: Ye are yet in your sins.29
Then a little after he states also the reason saying: For since by man came death, by man also came the resurrection.30 And by way of showing who the first man was by whom death was introduced, he adds; For as in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made alive.31 Then shortly afterwards he says: Else what shall they do which are baptized for the dead?32 If the dead are not raised at all, why then are they baptized for the dead? Why do we also stand in jeopardy every hour?33 As if he said: Since we are baptized mystically for our dead bodies, being submerged in the holy water and emerging therefrom, thus imitating death and resurrection, from the hope and promise of the resurrection from the dead, why, he says, do we perform these acts in vain by not walking in accordance with them? And why, besides, do we stand in jeopardy every hour, proclaiming these things to so great a multitude, and fighting against the prejudices which prevail in the world? And further he endeavours again shortly afterwards by an antithesis34 and an example taken from the natural world to persuade them on the point and says: But some one will say, How are the dead |274 raised? and with what body do they come? To that he has, be sure, an answer: Thou fool! he says, that which thou sowest is not quickened, unless it die, and that which thou sowest, thou sowest not the body that shall be, but a bare grain, it may chance of wheat or of some other kind; but God giveth it a body even as it hath pleased him, and to each seed a body of its own.35 What he says is this: Consider, O men, 281 that the bare grain when sown in the earth, in the first place undergoes dissolution, for if this, he says, first dies, it then grows up by the power and providence of God, and reappears richly endowed, artfully contrived and exceeding beautiful; instead of one grain, a great number, instead of being bare, enfolded in a sheath, instead of being easily plucked up and trodden underfoot, firmly rooted and aided by having ears to keep it safe from all that could do it harm. This very body then which has been corrupted and changed into earth, and again sprouts up from the earth multiplied and of an admirable beauty, is a work full of wisdom and art, and most fair to see----a product of the providence of God by whom all things were made.
Consider then that God gives it a body as it pleases Him, and gives to each of the seeds its own body, suitable for it; as if he said: When multiplying seeds God gives to each neither an alien nor a strange body, but a body similar and suitable to it. Then again, after having compared different kinds of flesh, and bodies earthly and heavenly, and shown that a great difference exists between them, he goes on to say: So also is the resurrection of the dead. It is sown in corruption, it is raised in incorruption; it is sown in dishonour, it is raised in glory; it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power,36 and so forth. Then again he says: But this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the Kingdom of God, neither doth corruption inherit incorruption.37 Having |275 here recourse to arguments from analogies in the natural world, he endeavours to convince of this those conversant with the wisdom of the world, and from the example about grain turns to the resurrection of the dead, saying: Just as corn is sown and is dissolved, so also the bodies of men, when planted as corpses in the earth, are dissolved; and just as the grain sprouts up with large increase, stability and beauty, so also the bodies of men are raised up with great honour and glory and power and beauty unspeakable, being discriminated by the omnipotent wisdom and ineffable might of God, who made and who renovates all things. For whatever be the element by which the human body may be found to have been absorbed and digested, He will at the last day restore to their proper souls their own particles, shaken after a thorough search out of countless other bodies. And just as in a sieve that which is sought for is found in the sieve's centre, so also with respect to the bodies of men, after the elements have been tossed and shaken, their particles that are sought for are brought together to the centre. Nor is this a wonderful thing for God to do; for as He is judge of the hearts and thoughts and intents of men, and discerns, from the beginning of time till the final consummation, the thoughts and intents of every man at each particular time, so He is able to do what is easier, namely, to discriminate one body from another: For, saith He, yet once more I shake not the earth only, but 282 also the heaven.38 And this word "once more" signifieth the. removing of those things that are shaken as of things that have been made, that those things that are not shaken may remain;39 as if He said: In the consummation I will shake yet once more all things, and throw them into commotion, in order that all things may be changed back into their proper state. For as these things have been made from |276 the beginning, and have undergone corruption or change, I shall easily remodel everything into its proper nature, that they may thereafter remain in a better state and be no longer subjected to commotion and shaking.
But again some one will ask, how are our bodies raised the same, after having been already absorbed and changed into myriads of other bodies? To this we shall reply that just as when we are children we eat many kinds of flesh, of oxen and swine, for instance, and various others, also of fowl and fish, and these, when digested add to the size of our body without its being changed or transmuted from one thing into another, but still maintaining its identity, so also in the resurrection, when we are in the opposite state, and our bodies have been dissolved in the elements, you will see their forms by some kind of motion easily restored when separated by the divine power. For just as while we are living, our bodies, as God hath appointed, are not changed by their association with other bodies, so also when we die they are preserved from a transmutation into anything else, being readily kept distinct by His power. And again, admirable Sir, see how the Apostle speaks of heavenly and of earthly men: And as we have borne, he says, the image of the earthly, that is, the mortality and infirmity and corruption of Adam, we shall bear also the image of the heavenly,40 that is, of Him who hath already gone before and ascended into heaven after the resurrection from the dead. I speak of Christ according to the flesh, who has become powerful and incorruptible and immortal and glorified, and we in like manner have, with Him, become heavenly. And after having said we have borne, well does he say, as if speaking next of the future, we shall bear; wherefore he again with joy and exultation adds: But when this corruptible shall |277 have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality, then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swall owed up in Victory. Where, O Death, is thy sting?41 As if he said: Death being swallowed up shall disappear, life in us having become more than victorious. Wherefore let us exclaim: Where, O Death, is thy overweening pride? And where, O Hades, thy strength? Finally, he ascribes to God all things that have been procured and dispensed through Christ and says: Thanks be unto God who has given us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ; as if he said: This victory over death accomplished by Jesus Christ hath He given unto 283 us, He who is the God of all, to whom it becomes us to give glory and thanks for ever, Amen! And he wrote nothing to the Corinthians different from what he had written to the believers among the Jews: that we pass from this perishable state into that which is to come, that is, into the heavenly place, which he calls the kingdom of heaven, as if we had sovereign power over our passions 42 and corruption and death, and lived in a place most choice, eternal, and adapted to our nature, and where after being transformed from corruption to incorruption we have our heritage.
For the Apostle, as already quoted, has signified this in the example of the grain of wheat, wherein he uses the example of what is corruptible towards the illustration of incorruption, saying: Do not think that, in examples, the things compared are in all points similar, for, this I say unto you, that it is impossible for us being mortal and mutable (for it is this he means by blood and flesh), to inherit the kingdom of heaven, unless we first rise from the dead incorruptible and immortal and immutable. Yea, the |278 Lord also used the same example when some of the Greeks requested Philip to show them Jesus, and Philip told the Lord their request, who answered saying: Except a grain of wheat fall into the earth and die, it abideth by itself alone, but if it die, it beareth much fruit;43 as if he said: Why do they wish to see me now, when I am despicable in appearance and alone, like a grain of wheat; for except I die like a grain, and rise up like the wheat in ear and in the fulness of its bloom, having become incorruptible and immortal and immutable, and except mighty deeds and wonders shall be wrought in My name, they will not know My power and glory. In like manner also when John the Baptist was discoursing concerning the Lord, and was eager to show that in the future state He would be Judge of all, he also used the example about wheat and spake thus: Whose fan is in his hand and he will thoroughly cleanse his threshing-floor; and he will gather the wheat into his garner, but the chaff he will burn up with unquench-able fire.44 And when Paul was addressing the Greeks 284 themselves in Athens on the Areopagus [Acts xvii, 22-31], he said nothing to his hearers other than what he had said before to such of the Jews and the Pagans as believed, namely, that God, since He is uncircumscribed and omnipotent, will judge the world in righteousness by that man whom He raised from the dead, in order to give assurance unto all men, having appointed Him Judge of all.
The Apostle in like manner said concerning Him: And he made him sit at his right hand;45 and John the Baptist in like manner said: His fan is in his hand and he will sift the wheat from the chaff,2 giving over sinners to punishment when separated like chaff from the wheat. Accordingly some of them believed, as has been recorded, but some hearing of the resurrection of the dead mocked, and some |279 again said: What does this picker-up of seeds 46 mean to say? as if they said: he is digging up the seeds we sowed; while others said: We will hear thee again about this matter, and others again: He seemeth to be a setter forth of strange gods, because, says Luke, he preached Jesus and the resurrection; and others again: May we know what is this new doctrine which thou teachest? In short, most of them derided Paul when discoursing about the resurrection of the dead. But when Paul was further accused by the Jews before Festus the Governor, and Agrippa the King, and stood on the tribunal, Festus, by way of explaining the nature of what had already been done in the case, said to Agrippa: They have certain questions against each other of their own religion, and of one Jesus who was dead whom Paul affirmed 47 to be alive.48 Then Paul having received their permission to speak, in accents clear and loud, boldly entered on his defence [for which see Acts xxvi, 6-S and 21-23]. And in like terms again he 285 addressed the unbelieving Jews in Antioch of Pisidia, when he had been granted permission to speak [see Acts xiii, 16-41]. And having expounded things similar 286 to these from the prophets, he said to them nothing else than what he had spoken of before, death, resurrection and the kingdom of heaven, being eager to persuade all men, God assisting him with signs and wonders and mighty works, which both Paul and all the Apostles wrought in presence both of the Pagans and the Jews, whether they were believers or unbelievers. God further, |280 by prophecies and their fulfilment, confirmed them in all things which transcend this world. At the same time also He made them, as Paul writes, sufficient as ministers of a new covenant, not of the letter, but of the spirit: for the letter killeth but the spirit giveth life;49 as if he said: We have been made sufficient by God by means of signs and of the Holy Spirit, while teaching such things, to persuade those who hear us; for God hath appointed us ministers of the new and life-giving covenant, not of the old letter, that is, of the written law which threatens death, but of the life-giving power, that is, of the Holy Spirit. Wherefore, again he says: Now some are puffed up, as though I were not coming to you. But I will come to you shortly, if the Lord will; and I will know not the word of them which are puffed up, but the power. For the kingdom of God is not in word but in power;50 as if he said that the word of the kingdom of heaven surpasses all words, and that some are in vain puffed up while endeavouring to establish themselves by word. For that word only, which comes from the power of the Holy Spirit and from the signs which accompany it, merits belief.
And again he says: Seeing that ye seek a proof of Christ that speaketh in me; who to youward is not weak, but is powerful in you;51 as if he said: It is powerful from the signs that are wrought in you in His name----and so much on these points. Some, however, assert that the angels are not in the world, but that they are in the higher place above, against whom in turn we shall quote a few words from divine scripture, showing that the angels spend their time along with us in our place here, and that as yet not one of them has been privileged to obtain the things above. The Lord, then, first thus addresses Nicodemus: And no one hath ascended into heaven, but he that descended |281 out of heaven, even the Son of Man which is in heaven 52----thus very clearly showing that no one at all had ascended into the upper place except the Lord Christ Himself. Then the Apostle Paul says: We have been made a spectacle to the world, and to show whom he means by the world, he adds: to angels and men, as if he said: We are seen by all as in a theatre in this place, and by all I mean angels and men, as both these and those are in. one place. Then again he says: For the earnest expectation of the creation waiteth for the revealing of the sons of God;53 and, as if some one was uncertain as to his meaning and asked him: For the sake 287 of what or by doing what, does the creation await this? he proceeds and says: because the creation was subjected to vanity not willingly; as if he said: in this corruptible and mutable world. For this he calls vanity----when creatures by the command of God were ordered to serve even against their will. Whence we learn by the expression not willingly that he is speaking of rational beings, and this is the law laid down for them. Should some one, he then says, put the question, And how again shall they serve, they who now move all things? They do serve, he replies, but as far as concerns the sin of Adam through which he was condemned to death, they could not endure to serve longer and toil in vain on our behalf. But I say this, he adds, on account of him who hath subjected them in hope, this namely, that God has given them a hope that some good will result to men in the course of time, and for this reason they were subjected, and do render service in expectation of their freedom, when men also are freed from death and corruption and these vanities, and shall receive the hope of God, and the glory which is reserved for them. Accordingly he adds: Because the creation itself shall be delivered from bondage, into the liberty of the glory |282 of the sons of God 54----and again he says elsewhere: Are they not all ministering spirits sent forth to do service for the sake of them that shall inherit salvation? 55 saying here, that all of them together have been ordained for service to men, as living with them in this place. And again he says: To the intent that now unto the principalities and the powers in the heavenly places might be made known through the Church the manifold wisdom of God.56 Clearly has he again signified that they are not only here, but he also says that they had been taught by those things which had been dispensed to man. For by using the expression through the Church, he evidently signified through men.
Then again in the Old Testament, the Patriarch Jacob saw a ladder which reached from the earth up to heaven. And at the top of it he saw God standing, and the angels ascending and descending on it. He shows them at first ascending and then descending. Then again this same Patriarch saw a multitude of angels and called them an embattled host.57 In like manner Moses had recorded that only two heavens were made, namely, the first which in the beginning was made along with the earth, and the second which was made on the second day, and which he calls the firmament. He likewise frequently speaks of angels as in this place of ours, ministering among others to Hagar and to Abraham and to Lot and to Jacob himself. And in the great song58 he says: Rejoice, O ye heavens, with him, and let all the angels of God adore him; here, after the heavens, speaking of the angels as being in this place of ours; whence he added: Rejoice, ye nations with his people; here again referring to those who are in this place. In like manner also David, having the same object in view as |283 Moses, and having himself become a prophet after Moses, thus speaks, discriminating between the things that are in 288 heaven and the things that are on the earth: Praise ye the Lord from the heavens, praise him in the heights. Praise ye him, all his angels; praise ye him, all his host;59 here properly beginning with the firmament and the place on high, and then proceeding to the place below, he speaks next of the angels, calling them at the same time God's host. Lastly again he mentions the things that are with them: Praise ye him, sun and moon, praise him, all ye stars of light.60 From this he recurs to the upper place, and says: Praise him, ye heavens of heavens, instead of saying, heaven of heaven, calling the first heaven the heaven of heaven, since it is the heaven of the visible firmament. Then he says: and the water which is above the heavens; that is above the heaven. Having now spoken clearly of the things above, he evidently recognizes the first mentioned things as below.
Then when he had called upon all things that are in the heavens to praise God, he states the reason why they ought to praise him with hymns, and says: For he spake and they were made; he commanded and they were created. He hath also established them for ever and ever; he hath made a decree which shall not pass away.61 Then finally he passes on to all things on the earth, and mentions all things that live in the air and in the waters and upon the land, whereon also he places man, and again enjoins them thus: Let them praise the name of the Lord, and tells them for why: Because his name alone is exalted. At last he takes them all conjointly saying: The confession of him as above earth and heaven;62 thus at the same time showing that all things are within earth and heaven. In like manner also God Himself, |284 speaking through Moses, says: For in six days God made the heaven and the earth and all things that are therein; 63 thus still more clearly showing that all the angels are within heaven and earth and are circumscribed by them. Then again David elsewhere says: Who stretcheth out the heaven like a curtain, who layeth the beams of his chambers in the waters;64 here manifestly speaking of the firmament which has the waters on its surface, as serving us for a covering. For the coverings overhead of a tent are properly called screens (de/r0r9eij) whether they be made of canvas or of hair. Then in continuation he says: Who maketh the clouds his chariot, who walketh upon the wings of the winds, who maketh his angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of fire.65 Having here again mentioned things from the firmament above to the clouds and winds below, he adds as being among these, angels, whom he also calls ministers. So far David. And now let us pass on to Daniel that Prophet most nobly endowed. What saith he in the hymn which he puts into the mouth of the three children. Bless ye the Lord, all ye works of the Lord, praise him and exalt him on high for ever. Praise the Lord, O ye heavens.66 He also mentions the angels after the heavens, not leaving unnoticed the waters which are above the heaven; and----employing again the consecutive order, he resumes his theme, and proceeding from the lowest, he mentions next after them 289 the angels, whom he calls powers, and with whom he conjoins the sun, moon and stars, showers, dews and winds, fire and frost and heat, clouds and snows and lightnings, and all things that are in the air and the waters and the earth----and, following David and Moses, he at last mentions man, on whose account all the things before enumerated were created. For since man is a kind of bond and pledge of the union in |285 love of the whole world, man of necessity includes to a certain degree all the things already said. For it has well been said by the pagans: Man is a microcosm.
Accordingly all the inspired men----Prophets and Apostles, men who have been adorned by most holy lives, and have exposed themselves for their religion to countless sufferings and deaths, of whom, as it is written, the world was not worthy,67 and who wrought miracles without number and beyond the power of description, and performed a variety of mighty deeds, and were by God made fit to teach and persuade and visit all the earth under heaven,68 and to draw all the nations to religion and piety----these men have spoken concerning two such states without mention of any others. And all of them with one consent have spoken of this place as that of angels and men, and have declared that the place on high will, after the resurrection, be likewise the place of angels and men. What kind of a defence then have those pretended Christians for their disbelieving all these things, and saying that the heavens shall be dissolved, on which hangs our firm, immovable and indissoluble hope, which is laid up in store for us by God, and concerning which Paul exclaims: Which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man what things God hath prepared for them that love him;69 and again: The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed to usward.70 Again in like manner: For our light affliction which is for the moment worketh for us more and more exceedingly an eternal weight of glory, while we look, not at the things which are seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, |286 but the things which are not seen are eternal.71 By this he means that if you weigh in the balance against the afflictions of this world the good things of the future state, these will be found to surpass in glory and to outweigh beyond measure the lightness and insignificance of the afflictions of this world, which in comparison are of exceeding brief duration, and which at last utterly disappear. For, he says, the things which are seen, that is, the things of this world, are temporary, but the things which are not seen, that is, of the heavenly place or world on high, are eternal. Now we must turn to the Epistles General and adduce their testimony on this subject. And 290 there it is said: Into which things the angels desire to look;72 as if he said: They also have not yet obtained the good things laid up for us in heaven----yea, they have not so much as the privilege of seeing them. For this is similar to what the Apostle says: For the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now;73 as if he said, even the angels are heavily burdened by the change, and groan along with all creation, eagerly longing for liberty. How then is it possible to expect that the heavens will be dissolved, and other new heavens be produced? For, were it so, all that has been said before is shown to be false, namely, that they have been prepared and are indissoluble, and that we shall enter the place whereinto Christ hath entered. According, however, to the fables of the pretended Christians, all is imposture and deception that is written in divine scripture. But above all, if the heavens be dissolved, as they say, and others be put in their place, then Christ who is in them must of necessity be dissolved, and another new Christ must be introduced along with the other new heavens, provided of course that we are to be with the Christ. But away with this trifling! and let the |287 blasphemy recoil on their head. For saith the Apostle: Our citizenship is in heaven, from whence also we expect the Saviour the Lord Jesus;74 as if he said: I speak of those heavens from which we expect the Lord will come, who will transform us from corruption to incorruption, and take us up where He himself has entered before us. For this also he says elsewhere: The forerunner himself hath for us entered.75
Since, therefore, some corrupting the meaning of the divine scriptures have misinterpreted the saying of our Lord, namely: The heaven and the earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away,76 failing to recognize that the mode of expression is hyperbolical, we shall interpret what their meaning properly is; for he says: It is possible for them to be dissolved, but for my words, never. And again it was said by David: Thou, Lord, in the beginning didst lay the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the work of thy hands; they shall perish, but thou shalt remain.77 This they distort, not understanding that here also in contrast to the uncreated deity he speaks of created things as perishable, because these things, having been previously non-existent, afterwards came into being; and if he wished the annihilation of existence, then, just as he produced these things when non-existent, so now that they exist, he is able to destroy them. For that which has not been made by any one cannot be destroyed by any one; but that which has been made can also be destroyed, especially if its Maker should so wish. Something similar is asserted in the Epistles General: In which the heavens being on fire shall be dissolved, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.78 But in their ignorance they misinterpret the new heaven and the new earth as well |288 as His promises, through their not understanding what is said, but they actually assert that these heavens shall be 291 dissolved, and other new heavens be created----a view which is opposed to all divine scripture. For if these heavens, into which Christ after He had risen from the dead, and having become incorruptible in body and immutable in soul has now ascended, and into which we also shall enter when we have risen from the dead; and if divine scripture pronounces this hope and this life to be indissoluble, how is it possible that these heavens can be dissolved and other new heavens be produced? For if the place in the heavens is the habitation of those who are now incorruptible and immortal and immutable, how shall it not receive us when we have risen and become incorruptible and immortal and immutable? Away with such madness! For God does not repent of what He hath done, so that He should destroy these and produce others. He will, however, renew the whole creation to better its condition, as we have frequently said. For if man, who is the bond of the whole creation, shall be renewed, becoming incorruptible and immortal in body, and immutable in soul, is it not evident that all the elements of which the body of man is composed, and all rational beings, as being akin to the soul of man, shall be renewed and brought into a better state? For all things, saith the Apostle, are summed up in Christ, both the things that are in the heavens and the things that are on the earth. And again, he says: If any one be in Christ he is a new creature----old things are passed away, behold! all things are become new;79 here speaking of all things as new, or of the renovation of all existing things; for, when he speaks of the summing up and the new creation, he signifies by each the same thing, that each is effected in Christ. For just as Christ according to the flesh, when |289 risen from the dead was not a different Christ from the Christ who had died, but was the same who had suffered death, yet in like manner as He was victorious in His resurrection over sufferings and death, so also the whole creation, while not perishing but retaining its identity, is changed into a better condition. For, as the divine oracle says, He hath established them for ever and ever; He hath made a decree which shall not pass away.80 Wherefore God takes not hold of angels, but of the seed of Abraham, according to what is written. For had He taken hold of the angels, rational beings only, as being of a kindred nature, could have hoped to be renovated. But now having taken hold of the seed of Abraham, that is, of a body and a rational soul, and conducted it into the heavenly place, He laid the foundation beforehand of a hope for all creation. Whence the declaration in the Epistles General: In which the heavens, being on fire, shall be dissolved, and the elements shall melt in fervent heat but [we look for] new heavens and the new earth,81 has this as its purport, that with a great noise, as in the twinkling of an eye, all the elements, being on fire as in a furnace and being thus purified, undergo the change for the better. 292 And as regards the heavens and the earth----these shall be made new and the conditions of life in them shall be changed in accordance with the saying of Paul: The fashion of this world passeth away;82 as if he said: the present order of things shall be changed, the succession of day and night shall cease, the stars shall no longer accomplish their courses and the air shall no longer be in motion, and neither the water nor the earth shall any more produce their harvests, but a new state of things shall be introduced suitable for immortal and incorruptible men and angels. |290
But we say nothing of the fact that the Church from the first has held the Catholic Epistles to be doubtful. No one certainly of those who have commented on the divine scriptures has taken any account of these Epistles. Nay, even those, who have drawn up the list of the canonical books of divine scripture, have all of them placed them in the doubtful category. I refer to Irenaeus the Bishop of Lyons, a man of eminence and of illustrious life, and who flourished not long after the Apostolic age,83 and to Eusebius Pamphili,84 and to Athanasius the Bishop of Alexandria,85 and to Amphilochius who became Bishop of Iconium and was the friend of, and in communion with,86 the blessed Basil, and who in the iambic verses which he addressed to Seleucus declared the Epistles |291 to be doubtful.87 In like manner Severianus also, the Bishop of Gabala, proscribed them in his work Against the Jews.88 In fact most of the authorities deny that these Epistles were written by the Apostles, but assign them to some other authors----simple Presbyters. Hence Eusebius Pamphili in his Ecclesiastical History 89 informs us that there were two tombs in Ephesus----one of John the Evangelist, the other of John the Presbyter who wrote two of the Epistles General [of John]----the second and the third, of which the former is inscribed thus: The Elder to the Elect Lady, and the latter thus: The Elder to Gaius the beloved. For he, as well as Irenaeus, says, that with the exception of the first Epistle of Peter and the first of John, the Epistles General were not written by the Apostles, while others say that they were all written by Presbyters, and not by the Apostles. For the first and second and third of John are so written that it is evident that the three are the productions of a single person. But others receive also the Epistle of James along with these two (I John and I Peter) while others receive them all. |292 Among the Syrians, however, none are found except only the three already mentioned, namely, the Epistle of James and that of Peter and that of John----while the others do not even find a place among them. The perfect Christian ought not therefore to depend upon books that are doubtful, seeing that those which have been admitted into the Canon, and which are commonly acknowledged 90 suffice to declare everything concerning both the heavens and the earth and the elements and the whole scheme of Christian doctrine.
Those accordingly seem to me to be wanting in sense and to have no inner knowledge at all of the divine scriptures----those inventors of the new doctrines, who think that the heavens will be dissolved. For since God from the very beginning has knowledge and fore-knowledge, 293 and is always cognisant, and never receives any accession to His knowledge, and whereas He wished to give to others a share in existence, and to fill them with his own goodness and knowledge and wisdom, He made the whole world, comprising it within the compass of heaven and earth, but placing the firmament in the midst, and binding it to the first heaven; and when He had made the one place into two places, He allotted to the mortal and mutable state, this place, while He prepared beforehand the upper place for the future state, according as the delineation of its figure at the end of my work shows, as well as the structure of the Tabernacle, which was itself an image of the whole world. And it was His pleasure that we should for the present live in this state as in a useful school, where there are pains and pleasures, in order that we may be disciplined by the pains, and may be kept from fainting by the pleasures, being instructed in the knowledge of the |293 Maker and attracted to it by the diversity of the things created, and the all-wise harmony, and the difference between beings; while the Maker himself, who has at times been seen, has given us laws in aid of our weakness, inducing rational beings, as has been said, to seek the knowledge of His supreme loving-kindness and goodness, which is the chief end of all such beings. For since we are created beings, and have our being from another, we always need that other for the continuance of our existence and the acquisition of knowledge. For it could not be that, as soon as we were made, we could possess all knowledge, for this is an attribute which belongs only to God who is unoriginated.
Since then God in His goodness has, for mysterious reasons, made the lower animals devoid of knowledge, for the instruction and assistance of ourselves who are rational, He has made, as was possible, the rational to be intermediate between himself and the irrational, in order that by the variety in the universe, and by the laws imposed upon us and by the pursuit of knowledge, we may, through a longing produced by our experience of pains and pleasures, be induced to seek part by part a knowledge of the world. For the invisible things of him, saith the divine Apostle, are clearly seen, being perceived through the things that are made, even his everlasting power and godhead; so that they may be without excuse;91 as if he said: The invisible things of God, namely, His power and wisdom and providence and goodness and His eternal godhead, we apprehend and see from things existent and visible, and through all His works we, in our measure, perceive the Creator, so that we cannot offer any excuse of ignorance (for this is what without excuse signifies) since we have it in our own hands to know from all these things in |294 our measure the Creator of ourselves and of the universe. In like manner again he says: God, having of old time spoken unto the fathers in the prophets by divers portions and in divers manners, hath at the end of these days spoken unto us in His Son,92 thus distributing the word into portions and manners, into the prophets and His Son. By portions, 294 he means the difference of the places in which God appeared and spake to the men of old through the prophets, and by manners, the diversity of the visions themselves, which He, when seen at one time and another in cases of immediate necessity, exhibited either in person or through the Prophets, having a desire to signify this, that God in every way, both by real things and by visions, did not neglect to instruct rational beings in the knowledge of Himself, placing it before them at one time through the prophets, and now through His own Son; then for them, when they had at last been proved, He prepared the future state, in which, after having made us incorruptible and immortal, He would place us, filling us, as having acquired experience, with the perfect knowledge of Himself as far as we ought to know. For this reason He has made two states from the very beginning, since we could not, as has been said before, receive the whole knowledge of Him in one collective mass without a process of instruction. For the Deity only is self-taught, and is the foundation of knowledge, receiving no accession to it from any other, but able to impart it to others, while we are again taught when we are immortal and immutable, by the hardships we have undergone. Since the Apostle says: All discipline, seemeth for the present to be not joyous but grievous;93 for without discipline and suffering it is impossible there can be learning. For the purpose of discipline therefore, He made this |295 world mortal and mutable and diversified, in order that by the affliction of learning and the variety of the universe, we may, by this experience, ascend to the knowledge of God. For if He had made us from the beginning immortal and immutable, we would have differed nothing from the non-rational animals which have by nature something good and useful, though without their knowing what they possess----just as the bee which with wisdom constructs its honeycomb, and the spider which with great skill weaves its network, and the ant which in summer prepares its store of food, do not do these things with any rational knowledge, but are as unconscious of their art as gold and pearl are of the beauty which adorns them.
God therefore with wisdom----yea, with supreme wisdom ----made from the first two states, in order that having had experience here of pleasure and pain we may in the second state have perfect knowledge of the power of His goodness, through the unspeakable and everlasting good things bestowed upon us, and may recognize from what things into what things we have passed. These and similar things the whole of divine Scripture proclaims, and this is its whole scope. For those admirable men, who destroy the heavens and produce others for us that are new, are ignorant of the scope of the divine scriptures. For it is not to be imagined that God was at one time ignorant, but has now come to know better, how to make other heavens and a better state, according to the fable of these demented and pretended Christians; but He is always the same, existing after the same manner and principle, knowing how and when and how great, and where 295 and what like He would make the whole world. But nevertheless they propose to us, quite reasonably of course, the difficulty which emerges from this, asking us: Why then do embryons which have died in the womb advance to the knowledge of God without having had experience |296 of pleasures and pains, but have been taught at a distance from hence concerning God?----to whom we shall reply that the embryon which is rational, having been in close touch, so to speak, with the maternal womb, and the maternal womb being in a dim sort of way a symbol of this world in which are heat and cold and dryness and moisture, the embryon when gathering knowledge in the future state, has a remembrance, and an awakened consciousness of the maternal womb, in which it had some partial experience of this present world. It sees moreover even the elements themselves and the whole world standing as its teacher; and reflecting with itself in virtue of the perfect knowledge, it arrives straightway at a knowledge of its past life, and thereafter at the knowledge of God as the Maker of all things. But as concerns the judgment to be pronounced on them, we leave that to God himself, for it is not possible for us to know all things in this life. We say only, and this is all it behoves us to say, that they form an intermediate class, neither destined to receive crowns, nor to undergo punishments, for they are exempted from punishments, because they have not enjoyed the good things of this life, but they fail to obtain crowns, as they have not undergone toils in this life.
But if any one should say that God will judge them according to what he knows would have been their manner of life and conduct had they survived, we do not reject this notion, but leave it to those who know better than ourselves. For we have no perfect knowledge how God judges, deeming that whatever seems good to Him will be altogether fair and wise, acknowledging with the utmost pleasure that the matter is beyond us, and even pluming ourselves on94 our ignorance regarding it, in accordance with the great Apostle |297 Paul when he says: For we know in part and prophesy in part; but when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away;95 for we shall then know perfectly, as we ought to know, when we have all risen from the dead perfect, as the Apostle again says: Till we all attain unto the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a full-grown man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ.96 But they will yet again question us on this point: How does one who is diminutive in body rise perfect? And how can the maimed and the lame or he that is mutilated in one of his limbs rise up sound and quite perfect? Let them listen to us replying from scripture and from what is seen in Nature thus: Just as God took Adam's rib, a very small member of his body, and constructed out of it a perfect woman, mysteriously 296 supplying what was deficient; and just as a man and woman copulate, of whom one or the other is, as is often the case, blind or maimed, and their offspring is born sound and entire, so it is to be believed and understood with respect to the resurrection of the dead, in which we are born anew from the tomb into a better birth than from the womb. But I will delineate for thee, O most beloved, the figure of the heaven and the earth, and of the firmament in the middle----also the Tabernacle prepared by Moses which is a pattern of the universe, and also that famous sphere of the pagans,97 in order that you may know by the sight itself agreeably to the figure, what divine scripture and the Christian teaching alike declare, and how altogether different therefrom is the sphere of the pagans. |298
Notes from divine scripture in mutual harmony concerning the figure of heaven and earth.
In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth.98 He speaks of these as comprehending other things, and at the same time time signified the things that are within them and which were produced along with them. And again: The heaven and the earth were finished and all the host of them,99 as if again they comprehended other things, and the whole host of things were within them. And again: In six days God made the heaven and the earth and all that in them is,100 as if again all things exist within them, and they were comprehensive of them. And again: And God rested on the seventh day from all the work which he began to make;101 meaning that He began to create and ceased from creating; and again: This is the book of the generation of heaven and earth;102 meaning, this book records the coming into being of the whole world which is circumscribed by heaven and earth. And again about its figure Isaiah says: He that hath established the heaven as a vaulted chamber and stretched it out as a tent to dwell in;103 the expression as a vaulted chamber has reference to the first heaven, but the other expression stretched it out as a tent, to the second heaven, which he speaks of as a house where people live and make their abode. And again David says: Stretching out the heaven as a curtain,104 speaking here of the firmament and speaking of it as a curtain, that is, as the coverings which made the roof over the Tabernacle, whatever these coverings were, whether made of hair or of canvas for the coverings above which roofed the Tabernacle are properly called de/r0r9eij (leather curtains). He no doubt says: Who layeth the beams of his upper chambers in the waters:105 here more clearly speaking concerning the firmament itself as if it were a covering. But that there is nothing under the earth, is thus declared in Job: He hangeth the earth upon nothing,106 meaning that there is nothing underneath it. In like manner again in Job: Whereupon were the foundations thereof fastened?107 meaning that |299 there is nothing underneath on which it is fixed. And David says: He hath founded the earth upon its own stability;108 as if he said 297 that it has been founded upon itself and not upon anything. But with regard to the heaven being fastened to the earth he declares in Job: He hath inclined heaven to earth; dust is poured out as earth,109 but I have cemented it as if with stone a square block; 110 intimating that the heaven is inclined to the earth and at its lower part fastened to it like a cube, that is, at the four corners.
The Tabernacle, as a whole, is therefore a pattern of the whole world, as the divine Apostle explains to us----speaking in these terms of the outer Tabernacle: For the first Tabernacle had ordinances of divine service, and its sanctuary, a sanctuary of this world;111 calling it of this world as being a pattern of this world; but with regard to the inner tabernacle he speaks thus: For Christ entered not into a holy place made with hands like in pattern to the true, but into heaven itself;112 calling heaven the true holy place, and the inner tabernacle its antitype. Let the reader then consider the figure of the heaven and of the earth and their model ----i.e., the Tabernacle----how, to wit, that all are in harmony with the Christian doctrine----that there are two paths 113 of the whole world----this here and the upper, prepared from the foundation of the world. This here has been given in the present state to men and angels, and the upper is given, in the future state after the resurrection from the dead, to men and angels. For the famous sphere of the pagans does not harmonize at all with what Christian doctrine proclaims; but is adapted rather for those who hope neither for a resurrection of the dead nor for another state after it, but assert that the whole world is in an endless process of generation and corruption.
Another Note.
If those teachers of error say that the Lord Christ entered into the first sphere where the moon is, it is, in the first place, in beautiful agreement with their error, that they should admit that |300 He abides with their goddess. In the second place, since their sphere is solid, let them tell us whether, along with the moon, He cleaves His way, like a fish in the water, through the body of heaven, going in the opposite direction to that which it pursues, or whether, along with the universe, He is violently whirled round in its direction----which is all the most ridiculous nonsense. In the third place, it is in agreement with your error, that above Him are the other planets which are gods of yours, namely, Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the father of your gods----gods to whom ye have been seen offering sacrifice----then also those fixed houses of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and the six-and-thirty decani.114 And how shall the Apostle not lie, according to you, when he says that Christ is above these: Far above all rule, and authority, and power, and dominion, and every name that is named.115 But if they shall say that He is in the second 298 sphere, they will be confronted again with the same difficulties, and so will they be if they say that He who is above all is in the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth116 and what is said by the Apostle will be found false, that from the first tabernacle, that is, from this world, Christ entered into the second, that is, into the heavenly place, having obtained eternal redemption----the second, observe, and not the ninth. He therefore, who sincerely desires to be a Christian, follows divine scripture and puts no reliance on the fallacious theory of the pagans which teaches the plurality and the equality of gods, and brings destruction on the souls of men.
Text.
Since therefore all the spheres lie in a continuous series and are solid, how is it possible to conceive that in such a configuration there can be a resurrection of the dead, and that men can ascend into heaven, and reign in heaven, that is, in the second Tabernacle, whereinto Christ also, |301 saith scripture, hath already entered the first of all? to which add all that has been said before. For the pagans who think that there is a sphere, in consequence neither acknowledge a resurrection of the dead, nor say that the dead ascend into heaven, nor admit that there are waters above the heaven, nor admit that the fashion of this world, that is, the revolution of the heavenly bodies, will be changed and all things one after another, nor that any one at all has ever ascended into heaven with his body, or will go up thither. Some of them, however, say that their souls and these only move round with the sphere, and sec or know all things,117 while others maintain that souls migrate into other bodies, and others again believe in the pre-existence of the soul, and these consequently say that the sphere will be dissolved----that is, that every corporeal nature will be utterly destroyed, while the souls will revert to their original condition----an opinion held also by the admirable Origenes118 and his disciples. Others again maintain that the heavens had no beginning and will never have an end----and that the world is continually undergoing renovation and destruction; from which it is inferred that they speak of God as delighting in evil, or as powerless or jealous, nay, think that there is no god at all. For it is repugnant to the divine nature to permit the world to be constantly subject to renovation and destruction----and hosts of other difficulties besides, that their views involve, start up for all these. The Christians then alone are |302 perfect, being like wheat-plants of piety in the midst of tares and thorns----believing as they do in the whole of divine scripture, both in the Old and New Testament----and neither saying that there had been any state before this present state, nor asserting that after the future state there will be any other; but that there are only two states, which our delineation in conformity therewith shows, that we shall be transferred from this state to that which is 299 future and heavenly; and again, that we shall live with the Lord, as the whole of divine scripture argues----namely, that when God began to create and had made the two places, He rested from his work according to His purpose from the very first. Things very different from these, most excellent Sir, did that person write, whom you mentioned, a pretended Christian, who says that the heavens, which he also thinks to be spherical, shall be dissolved according to the theory of the pagans, and to be always revolving, thus committing to writing old wives' fables rather than Christian doctrines, and following in general no authority, unless in part the worthy Origenes, for his writings are completely at variance with Christian opinion.119
For it will be your part next to judge and compare each dogma and question, and to consider to which dogma and figure one, who is truly a Christian and wishes to live piously, ought to adhere. For I see much fallacy and guile on the part of the present writer of the fables, who bestows a spherical figure on the heavens and says that they shall again be destroyed. As for myself, dearest friend, I am of one mind with divine scripture, and I am confident that you also are such as I am-----a Christian following the divine scriptures, and the tradition of the |303 Holy Church when saying: I believe in one God, that is, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, the consubstantial Trinity, and in the Resurrection of the flesh, in one Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church----as also the Creed says: I believe that there will be a Resurrection of the dead and that there will be a life to come; and as the priests in like manner pray, using these words with reference to those presenting offerings: The thank-offering of thy servants receive on thy heavenly and estimable altar, on the amplitude of thy heavens, giving back to them for corruptible things incorruptible, for temporal things eternal, for earthly things heavenly----and for the dead these words: Give repose, O Lord, to his soul----collecting also together again his flesh on the day that thon hast appointed, according to thy true promises 120----with whom I also joining in prayer, add what is left over: Grant us of Thy grace to have before Thy presence a Christian and happy end-----for ever. Amen!
[Footnotes have been placed at the end and renumbered]
1. 1 "The Vatican Codex has Xristi/nou peri\ diamonh~j, where we should, I think, read Xristianw~."-- Montfaucon. This reading would mean "To the Christian concerning duration".
2. 1 Gr. o)du&nh| peripei/retai, which Montfaucon renders inadequately by anxius versatur.
3. 1 Psalm cxlviii, 4.
4. 2 Psalm xix, 1.
5. 3 Psalm cxv, 16.
6. 4 Philipp. iii, 20.
7. 5 Gr. e0n ou)ranoi=j, e0c ou[. Oi[ used for w[n.
8. 1 See note 3, p. 116.
9. 2 II Cor. v, 1.
10. 3 Heb. viii, 1.
11. 1 Heb. ix, 11, 12.
12. 2 Ibid., 6, 7.
13. 3 Heb. vii, 23-26.
14. 1 Heb. xii, 28.
15. 2 Heb. iv, 11.
16. 3 Heb. iv, 14.
17. 4 Heb. x, 19, 20.
18. 5 Ibid., 11-14.
19. 1 Heb. vii, 14.
20. 2 Ibid., 17.
21. 3 Heb. viii, 2.
22. 4 Heb. xiii, 14.
23. 1 John xiv, 2.
24. 2 Ibid., 3.
25. 3 Matt. xx, 23.
26. 1 I Cor. xv, 12, 13.
27. 2 Ibid., 15.
28. 3 Ibid., 16, 17.
29. 1 I Cor. xv, 17.
30. 2 Ibid., 21.
31. 3 Ibid., 22.
32. 4 Gr. oi9 baptizo&menoi u(pe\r tw~n nekrw~n. This expression is still generally taken in the sense in which Cosmas, as he shows below, understood it. It has, however, been supposed that Paul is referring to a practice in the early Church, according to which Christians underwent baptism on behalf of friends who had died in the faith, but before the rite had been administered to them. St. Chrysostom, in commenting on the passage, notices that this practice existed among the Marcionites.
33. 5 I Cor. xv. 29, 30.
34. 6 The antithesis between the grain and the plant.
35. 1 I Cor. xv, 35-38.
36. 2 Ibid., 42.
37. 3 Ibid., 50.
38. 1 Hagg. ii, 7.
39. 2 Heb. xii, 27.
40. 1 I Cor. xv, 49.
41. 1 I Cor. xv, 54, 55.
42. 2 Gr. tw~n paqw~n, "sufferings"? Montfaucon renders morbos animi.
43. 1 John xii, 24.
44. 2 Matt, iii, 12.
45. 3 Heb. viii, 1.
46. 1 Cosmas uses the word spermolo&goj here in its primitive sense. Montfaucon, however, translates it, according to its secondary meaning, by verbi sator, "a babbler", but the context shows this interpretation to be here inadmissible.
47. 2 Gr. e faske. By the use of this particular term the speaker implied that he had doubts as to whether Paul really believed that Jesus was alive. He might be pretending.
48. 3 Acts xxv, 19.
49. 1II Cor. iii, 6.
50. 2 I Cor. iv, 18, 19.
51. 3II Cor. xiii, 3.
52. 1 John iii, 13.
53. 2 Rom. viii, 19.
54. 1 Rom. viii, 21.
55. 2 Heb. i, 14.
56. 3 Ephes. iii, 10.
57. 4 Gr. parembolh_n. See Gen. xxxii, 2.
58. 5 The Song of Moses, given in Deuteronomy xxxii, 1-43.
59. 1 Psalm cxlviii, 1, 2.
60. 2 Ibid., 3.
61. 3Ibid., 5, 6.
62. 4Ibid., 12, 13.
63. 1 Exod. xx, ii.
64. 2 Psalm civ, 2, 3.
65. 3 Ibid., 4.
66. 4 Dan. iii, 57, 58 (Song of the Three Children).
67. 1 Heb. xi, 38.
68. 2 In the Greek text gh~n is, by a printer's mistake, omitted.
69. 3 I Cor. ii, 9.
70. 4 Rom. viii, 18.
71. 1 II Cor. iv, 18, 19.
72. 2 I Pet. i, 12.
73. 3Rom. viii, 22.
74. 1 Philipp. iii, 20.
75. 2 Heb. vi, 20.
76. 3 Matt, xxiv, 35.
77. 4 Psalm cii, 26, 27.
78. 5 II Pet. iii, 12.
79. 1 II Cor. v, 17.
80. 1 Psalm cxlix, 6.
81. 2I Peter iii, 12.
82. 3I Cor. vii, 31.
83. 1 Irenaeus, who was a native of Smyrna and a disciple of Polycarp, became Bishop of Lyons in Gaul, A.D. 177. Like his contemporaries, Clemens Alexandrinus and Tertullian, he accepted as canonical the four Gospels, Acts, the thirteen Pauline Epistles, the first Epistle of Peter and the first of John, and the Apocalypse.
84. 2 Eusebius, who took the surname of Pamphili, in token of his devoted friendship for Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea, was born in Palestine about 264 A.D., became Bishop of Caesarea in 315, and died about 340. He recognised three classes of New Testament Scriptures: 1. Homologoumena, those universally recognised which embraced those enumerated in note 1, above, with the exception of the Apocalypse; 2. Antilegomena, those not universally recognised, which included, among others, the Epistles of James and Jude, the second of Peter, and the second and third of John: 3. Notha, that is spurious, such as the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Epistle of Barnabas, and others (see his Hist. Eccles., Book iii, c. 25).
85. 3 Athanasius was born in A.D. 296 in Alexandria, of which he became the Archbishop in 326. In his Festal Letter written in 373, announcing to the churches (as he did annually) the date of Easter for that year, he gives a list of the sacred books which were known and recognised as authoritative, and in this list he places the seven Catholic Epistles and the Acts.
86. 4 Gr. fi/loj kai\ koinwniko_j.
87. 1 St. Amphilochius became Bishop of Iconium in A.D. 273-4. On his elevation to this ofifice he received from St. Basil a congratulatory letter which is still extant. At Constantinople, to which he had gone to attend the (Ecumenical Council in 381, he signed as a witness the will of St. Gregory of Nazianzus. The iambic poem here attributed to him consisted of 333 lines. The Seleucus to whom it was addressed was the nephew of St. Olympias, who had herself been brought up by the Bishop's sister. Other testimonies, besides that of Cosmas, have been adduced in support of the authority of the poem. Its object was to instruct Seleucus in a godly life, and to warn him against prevailing vices, but its principal value consists in the list of canonical scriptures with which it closes.
88. 2 Severianus, in the year 400 A.D., if not earlier, became Bishop of Gabala, a town in the northern part of the sea-coast of Syria. He united with Serapion, and Theophilus the Archbishop of Alexandria, in the conspiracy against St. Chrysostom, who had formerly been his friend.
89. 3 Book iii, 39.
90. 1 Gr. tw~n e0ndiaqe/twn kai\ koinw~j w(mologhme/nwn grafw~n. 'Endia&qhkoj like e0ndi\a&qetoj is used to signify canonical.
91. 1 Rom. i, 20.
92. 1 Heb. i, i, 2.
93. 2 Heb. xii, 11.
94. 1Gr. stefanoforou~ntej e0pi\.
95. 1 I Cor. xiii, 9.
96. 2 Ephes. iv, 13.
97. 3 See Pls. 2, 7, 9, and 10 in the Appendix.
98. 1 Gen. i, 1.
99. 2 Gen. ii, 1.
100. 3 Exod. xx, 11.
101. 4 Gen. ii, 2.
102. 5 Gen. v, 1.
103. 6 Isai. xl, 22.
104. 7 Psalm civ, 2.
105. 8 Psalm civ, 3.
106. 9 Job xxvi, 7.
107. 10 Job xxxviii, 6.
108. 1 Psalm civ, 5.
109. 2 The Greek text has gh~| in mistake for gh~.
110. 3 Job xxxviii, 58.
111. 4 Heb. ix, 1.
112. 5 Heb. ix, 24.
113. 6 Gr. to&poi. Cf. po&roi a(lo&j, paths of the sea, i.e., the sea itself (Odys. xii, 259).
114. 1 Decani is a Latin astrological term, having gradus in the plural understood. It is thus equivalent to the Greek dekamoiri/a, "ten degrees of the zodiac", or a thirty-sixth part of its whole circuit.
115. 2 Ephes. i, 21.
116. 3 These are the spheres of the seven planets.
117. 1 This high conception inspired Byron to compose the noble and impressive lyric beginning:
"When darkness wraps this suffering clay,
Ah! whither strays the immortal mind?
118. 2 Origen, the father of biblical criticism and exegesis, was born at Alexandria in 185 A.D., and died at Tyre in 254, from sufferings which he had undergone not long previously, during the Decian persecution.
119. 1 In 232 A.D., Origen was excommunicated, chiefly because of his denial of eternal punishment.
120. 1 "Prayer for the dead".----Note by Montfaucon.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 304-320. Book 8
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 304-320. Book 8
BOOK VIII.
On the Song of Hezekiah and the going back of the Sun.300
S I know well, my dear Peter, how hard it is to please the race of man, I hesitated long to comply with your request, for there be some men who cast reproach on those who choose to commit their thoughts to writing, on the ground that they immerse themselves in business, though it be in their option to abstain from all exertion and to enjoy a life of leisure and repose. Others again, since they set no value on writing, put out of sight what is laborious, and seek quiet in seclusion. Some too there be who begin to read books with unbounded eagerness, but afterwards, consigning them to utter neglect, play the part of the poor brutes that walk on all fours; while others, who are conversant with literature, do what is still worse, for in the case of new writers, aware though they be that these have reached the very pinnacle of fame, they will not condescend to peruse their works, even when they are compositions of most sterling merit. Persons again of the common sort, led by their ignorance, disparage even what is said to the purpose,1 and, to speak plainly, calumny is ever inventive, and has |305 no lack of material for sneering and indulging in censorious remarks, the grounds for which envy supplies without stint. When I turned over all this in my mind, I put off, notwithstanding you besought me with great importunity, to give a written interpretation of the Song of the blessed Hezekiah. But you have now, my admirable friend, I know not how, prevailed over me and done away with my reluctance, representing to me that there is no lack in this world of those who are willing to labour hard from their eagerness to read the works of all, and to approve those that are excellent,2 according to the injunction of the divine Apostle (Rom. ii, 18), and among such thou thyself rankest as one. For this is a worthy subject on which to bestow your pains, anxious as thou art to ascertain whether anything tending to profit is to be gained from the Song; for it would be quite in keeping with your good sense in such matters, were you to be convinced that what appears of least importance in divine scripture is capable of affording no little help; and certainly an eager desire to learn the use of everything is a point in your character, which stands not far remote from your devotion to work. So then, as I had with God's help all but completed my exposition of the Song of Songs, which our common and admirable friend, Theophilus, had invited me to take in hand, as you are yourself aware, I put off the matter until now; but as I have just quite completed that work, I shall at once proceed to fulfil your request,3 if the Holy Spirit will, without whom there can be |306 no good thing in us. I shall state first with what purpose in view he uttered the Song, and shall then proceed to its 301 detailed exposition, and shall at the same time point out what is useful in each passage, for in this way the point of what is said will become clearer.
The blessed Hezekiah then, who was King of the Jews, and a very pious and virtuous man and an object of God's especial care, entertained the idea that the blessed David had spoken of him prophetically in many of the Psalms, such as the nineteenth, the twentieth,4 and many others besides, and having moreover applied to himself the prophecy which had once been made in his father's time by Isaiah: Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son,5 he was uplifted in mind by the workings of human passion, and imagined himself to be the Christ who had been predicted. He was in consequence at first unwilling to take a part in the common offices of life, through the existence of another opinion among the Jews, that Christ when He comes, never dies, but abides for ever, as they also said in the Gospel: We have heard ont of the Law that Christ abideth for ever.6 So Hezekiah being of this opinion abstained from taking a wife and providing for the succession of his line by having children, being under the belief that he would live always. But when it came to pass that Senachêreim (Sennacherib) 7 the King of the Assyrians warred against Judaea and went up to Jerusalem to plunder it, Hezekiah on hearing what had been said by the impious Rapsacus (the Rab-shakeh) 8 as well |307 as what had been written by Senachêreim himself, rent his royal robes, and went into the temple clad in sackcloth, and besprinkled with ashes, and there supplicated God to deliver him from the Assyrians. But when his prayer was heard, and 185,000 men of the Assyrian army had been destroyed in one night by the angel, and when a victory so great and so marvellous had been wrought for him by God, he held more firmly than ever the estimate of himself which he had formerly entertained, claiming that he was beyond all doubt the Christ who had been predicted. Wherefore, as he was again uplifted in mind by this conception of himself, he did not go after his victory into the temple, as was his duty, to render thanks and give glory to God, but he was uplifted with pride, as it is recorded in the second Book of Chronicles (xxxii, 26): That he humbled himself for the pride of his heart, and, God left him, to try him, that he might know all that was in his heart (ibid., 31).
But God who, in mercy to man, always works for his salvation, desiring to dispossess Hezekiah of that notion which his erring human judgment had suggested to him, and remembering also his virtues, did not permit him to be deluded to the end, but sent him such a sickness as led him to despair of his life. Then Isaiah the prophet going in unto him said: Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die and not live;9 and thus at once took away the two opinions he had entertained. For some of the Jews said that the Christ never dies, while others held that he does really die, 302 but rises again from the dead. So by saying thou shalt die the prophet took away from him one opinion----that according to which he thought he would never die, but when he added thereto and said: thou shalt not live, he took away the other opinion, according to which others asserted that he rises from the dead. For, being under the |308 test of sickness, he was taught by both expressions that he was not Christ. But the Prophet with great wisdom suggested to him by the power of the Holy Spirit, that he was not the Christ, when he said to him: Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die and not live; as if he said, arrange thine affairs, setthng to whom thou wilt transmit thy kingdom, in order that the promise of God may be guarded against the possibility of failure, for thou art not the Christ proclaimed by the Prophets, who has a kingdom without successor, but thou shalt undoubtedly have a successor, and thou hast not done well in neglecting to beget children to succeed thee in thy kingdom. It must therefore be thy concern now to arrange thine affairs, and to declare whom thou wilt have to be thy successor in the kingdom. As he had fancied that he would have but himself for his successor, Hezekiah on coming to know otherwise wept bitterly, and having repented and turned himself on his bed to the wall----the quarter in which the Temple lay, in accordance with the practice obtaining among the Jews----he made his supplication with his thoughts, you may be sure, directed to the Temple.10
But when he had changed his estimate of himself, and corrected his false notion, inasmuch as his prayer had been heard and he had recovered from his sickness, and been deemed worthy of an addition to his life, of fifteen years, and had been assured of this by another very wonderful sign, namely, by the retrogression of the sun, of which I shall state the cause a little farther on, then he sang the song to the Lord, wherein he set forth each of the circumstances already mentioned, for he speaks thus [see Isaiah xxxviii, 10-20.] I said in the noontide of my |309 days I shall go,11 as if he said, I always cherished this thought in my heart, saying to myself, that I shall live always and never die. For by his saying: In the noontide of my days I shall go, he indicated that his days would never be shortened; and as if some one, while he was silent, had asked: while you were absorbed in these meditations what happened to you? he continues and says: At the gates of the grave I shall leave the residue of my years;11 meaning, while I was thus meditating, I was all at once seized with a dreadful sickness, and could no longer cling to my former notion, but thought 1 should spend the rest of my years in the grave. Then: I shall no longer behold the salvation of God upon the earth.12 The salvation of God here signifies Christ; for thus also Symeon, when he took up Christ in his arms, prayed God to be allowed to depart from this life, since his eyes had seen the salvation of God, namely Christ himself for it had been revealed to him by the Spirit that he should 303 not see death, until he had seen the Lord Christ.13 What Hezekiah then meant to show was this: I not only abandoned that idea and ceased to entertain those lofty imaginations concerning myself, but I do not even think I shall be privileged to see the Christ upon the earth, as I have only other fifteen years to live. I shall no longer see a man of my own kindred 14----this means, after the fifteen years which God has granted to me as an addition to my years, I shall, when dying, not only not be counted worthy to see Him, but not even to see any man, nay, not so much as one of my kindred. I am deprived of the residue of my life;15 this means, having thrown away therefore my former estimate of myself, and considering what was my duty for the future, I recognised that my life would come to an end. |310
After this he says: It has gone out and gone away from me, as one takes down the tent which he had pitched;16 meaning: And so completely has my former overweening arrogance departed from me, that I am like one, who, after having pitched a tent, forthwith takes it down again. The breath within me is as when a weaver is preparing to cut away the web from the loom;17 meaning: My very soul had all but left me, just as when the web of a woman who is weaving is ready to be cut. In that day I was delivered till morning as to a lion, he did so break all my bones----from day even to night was I delivered over;18 meaning: In the time then of my sickness, I was delivered over to the fever as to a terrible lion that was crushing all my bones, so that, as it raged, I was tortured incessantly from morning till evening and from evening till day-dawn. As a swallow so shall I chatter, and as a dove so shall I mourn;19 that is, In the time of my sickness I would utter cries like the sharp and quivering notes of the swallow, and in my pangs I would wail after the wont of doves. The words, I shall chatter, and I shall mourn are used instead of I chattered and I mourned, one tense being put for another----this being an idiom of frequent occurrence in divine scripture; as when Isaiah says: He was led as a lamb to the slaughter,20 instead of he will be led. Mine eyes failed me in looking at the height of heaven towards the Lord, who rescued me, and took away the anguish of my soul, O Lord; concerning it, it was told unto thee;20 meaning: And so much did I strain the eyes of my mind in looking up to the height of heaven, laying upon Thee, even upon God the Preserver of all, the anguish of my soul, which Thou didst remove from me, having changed my arrogance into humility and obedience to religion, on account of which, O Lord, I shall for |311 ever give thanks unto Thee. And thon hast resuscitated my breath, and having been comforted by thee I lived. For thou didst rescue my soul that it might not perish, and thou hast cast behind me all my sins;21 meaning: For by comforting me Thou didst resuscitate my breath and I lived; having 304 rallied my soul that was perishing, Thou hast cast my sins behind, and not suffered them to be spread out before me. For they that are in the grave cannot praise thee, nor can the dead celebrate thee; nor can they that are in the grave hope for thy mercy. The living shall praise thee, even as I also do;22 meaning: For if Thou hadst not granted me still to live, how could I have been converted, or have repented and been saved, or have hope of Thy mercy, since the dead who are in the grave can do nothing of this kind, but in Thy compassion Them hast graciously granted me this.
It is a light thing for the shadow to decline ten steps;23 nay, but let the shadow return backward ten steps.24 Accordingly after the shadow of the sun, as he proceeded [from mid-heaven] had declined the ten steps, then by the divine power, through the prayer of the Prophet, the sun returned backward till he was again in mid-heaven, and the shadow was found to have gone back the ten steps, according to sacred scripture. For if, on the contrary, it had been the |312 third hour of the day, the shadow having by this time gone forward, could neither have gone back, nor could the sun have moved backward, if even it had so happened that the door and the steps of the house of Hezekiah looked to the west. And so much with regard to the position of the house. But the reason for such a sign being accorded was this----that most of the nations and perhaps all of them, serving especially the host of heaven, honour the sun as a greater god than all the others, and, as the father of lights. God therefore by ordering him to go backward, showed to all the nations that He himself was Lord of all, and that the sun was His servant, and was not God. For if He ordered so great a luminary to go back contrary to his use and wont, much more can He order those that are smaller, and treat them as His servants. But with God's help I shall now declare what advantage thence accrued. When the sun then went backward, the circumstance became known to all the nations, even to the ends of the earth, so that even the King of Babylon, Merodach,25 the son of Baladon, who lived far off and yet beheld the sign, was struck with consternation, and a desire of searching into the nature of this dread and strange miracle. For amazement and terror overcame the king himself and his courtiers, who eagerly sought to learn from all that were conversant with astronomy the cause of this dread and mighty sign. And after much inquiry had been made, he learned that Hezekiah the King of Judaea having fallen into a sickness, and been brought to despair of his life, made prayer unto God, and God restored him to health and gave him an extension of his life of fifteen years, and with a view to give him a sure belief in the promise, He wrought for him this dread and mighty sign because He is the God of gods, |313 who made heaven and earth and all things that therein 305 are.
The Babylonian having learned this, and having been taught by the occurrence that He by whom it was wrought was the God of the universe, lost no time in sending many gifts and an embassy to Hezekiah, as being a true and beloved servant of the God of all. On this occasion he was likewise taught that heaven is not a revolving sphere, according to the opinion of the Babylonians, who at first suspected it to be such, when they were engaged in building the Tower to a lofty height, but that it was stationary and fastened to the earth as a vault. For if it were a sphere, then while the universe was wheeling in a forward direction, the sun, since he could not but be carried along with it, could not be advancing in the opposite direction so as to move backwards for the space of three hours, that is, the fourth part of a day, and again another fourth part, until he came back to the place from which he had retrograded. But about all these figures we wrote in the Christian Topography, as you yourself, admirable Sir, know, at the exhortation of the God-beloved Parnphilus of Jerusalem. For the very Prophet through whom the retrogression of the sun was effected, when, by means of the dread sign, he had in reality confuted the theory of the Babylonians, by showing that the heaven is not a revolving sphere, and that they held an opinion that is erroneous, this very Prophet not long afterwards speaks thus of the figure of the heaven: He that established the heaven as a vaulted chamber;26 and again: The Lord God who made the heaven and fixed it,27 thus declaring at once that it is a vault, and that it is established and fixed and not in revolution. But by committing such things to writing it is manifest that he did a good service to the Babylonians. For whoso |314 wishes can learn this from what took place in the time of Cyrus the King of the Persians. For taking into his hands the book of Isaiah he found as he read the section which contained the prophecy concerning himself; since Isaiah says in that section: Thus saith the Lord to his Anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden to subdue nations before him, and I will loose the loins of kings. I will open the doors before him, and the gates shall not be shut. I will go before thee and will level mountains. I will break in pieces the doors of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron; and I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places will I present to thee, that thou mayest know I am the Lord, which call thee by thy name, even the God of Israel. For Jacob my servant's sake and Israel my chosen, I have called thee by thy name and I will accept thee;28 and shortly afterwards: I have raised him up a king in righteousness, and I will make straight all his ways. He shall build my city, and lead back the captivity of unpeople, not for price nor reward, saith the Lord of hosts.29 Cyrus, struck with wonder at the foreknowledge and the 306 prediction, and finding his own name expressly announced by the Prophet beforehand,30 ordered the people to go up to Jerusalem, after having released them from captivity, and given them funds wherewith to build their city and their temple. And not only did he do this, but those also who came after him did trie same until the City and the Temple were finished.
The decree of Cyrus, which is committed to writing and |315 recorded in Chronicles and in Esdras (Ezra), and which enjoined all the people to go up, runs thus: In the first year of Cyrus King of Persia, that the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah might be accomplished, the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of the Persians that he made a proclamation throughout all his kingdom and put it also in writing, saying: Thus saith Cyrus King of the Persians, all the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord, the God of heaven, given me, and he hath charged me to build him an house in Jerusalem which is in Judaea. Whosoever there is among you of all his people, be God with him and let him go up!31 See, my admirable friend, how he acknowledges that he had read the book of Isaiah, and believed in what was written, and fulfilled what was written in scripture with all diligence and without sparing the expense. How then is it not manifest that much benefit to religion accrued to all nations from all these circumstances? And how could those who had such faith in the scripture of Isaiah disbelieve what he said concerning the figure of heaven in his book. He that hath established the heaven as a vault?32 especially when in that age the miracles of the overthrow of Senachereim and of the retrogression of the sun were still recent events; whence also all the men of rank among them being convinced as to the truth of these world-renowned miracles, and convinced also by the prophesying of Isaiah, agreed to the opinion of the king, and released the people with honour. Since then the Babylonians were the first who conjectured and suspected that the heaven was a sphere, they again were the first to be taught, through Isaiah the Prophet, that it is not a sphere but a vault. From these sources having derived all the figures we have also depicted them in the Christian Topography, in the preface thereto, giving the name of the master who taught |316 us, namely, the great Patricius,33 who came here among us from the country of the Chaldaeans----and so much again on these matters.
When the ambassadors of the Babylonian king came to Hezekiah, his heart in a fresh access of human weakness was lifted up with pride, and he received them with all gladness, for his own glory; and contrary to the will of God, he led them into the palace, displaying to them his treasures and all his riches. Then again Isaiah was sent to him to correct his frame of mind, and said to him ironically: What do these men say, and whence came they unto 307 thee? And Hezekiah said: From a far country have they come unto me----even from Babylon. Then said Isaiah again: What have they seen in thine house?34 But the King, seeing that the Prophet put the question knowing how matters stood, told the truth and said to him: All that is in my house have they seen, and there is nothing in the house which they have not seen----yea they have even seen all my treasures:35 Then he told him, by way of a threat to chastise the pride which uplifted his heart, what would come to pass after him and says: Hear the word of the Lord of Hosts. Behold the days come, that all that is in thine house, and that which thy fathers have laid up in store until this day, shall be carried to Babylon: nothing shall be left, saith the Lord. And of thy sons that shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take away, and they shall be eunuchs in the palace of the King of Babylon;36 as if He said, For you ought to have been instructed by your former experiences that, not so much for your glory as for Mine, were the mighty signs wrought, in order that the nations also may be made acquainted with My greatness, which them again didst think lightly of, and wert uplifted with pride, not giving |317 Me thanks. But since without My sanction thou didst receive the ambassadors, and didst show them the wealth which thou hast obtained from Me, be therefore henceforth taught that hereafter, in the time of thy successors, I will deliver over to the Babylonians all thy wealth to be plundered and captured, because thou hadst again no regard for My glory, but didst honour thyself in preference to Me. But inasmuch as thou hast ever been virtuous and pious, none of these things shall happen in thy times. Hezekiah, on hearing and understanding this, humbled himself, as he was a righteous man and obedient to God, and giving thanks said to Isaiah: Good is the word of the Lord which he hath spoken. Let there be peace in my days.1 But that all things happened according to the word of the Prophet is a clear matter of fact, for Nabouchodonosor (Nebuchadnezzar) the King of Babylon having plundered Jerusalem took all the spoils to Babylon, and having selected young men of the royal line, Daniel, Ananias, Azarias, Misael and their companions, he made them eunuchs and appointed them to his own service; for it was a custom for the King to be served by eunuchs, as they were his personal attendants. In divine scripture certainly there is no record of the marriage of any one of them, or of child born to them, nor was any thing of this nature heard regarding them. But tradition and custom alike, according to the prophecy, represent them, as shown in their pictures, to be beardless snd smooth-skinned. But that, in their time, there were many miracles and prodigies and revelations and predictions which proved of great benefit to the Babylonians, Medes and Persians, thou art not unaware, O admirable Peter, and that in consequence the Kings greatly honoured them, and among their own subjects published decrees touching religion, which 308 |318 proclaimed, with reference to the God of all, that He is the God of gods and the Lord of lords; and they moreover ordained that such as uttered blasphemy against Him should be punished. Thus God who continually directs all things, by means of His own people, teaches all the nations by raising to honour those who do righteously, while He punishes those who sin, and sends them into captivity----thus teaching the nations by each of these dispensations to recognize His beneficence and His majesty; in order that they also may take their share in the duties of religion, being trained beforehand for the faith to be afterwards revealed through our Lord Jesus Christ. For not one jot or one tittle of scripture has been written needlessly, but all that is therein has been recorded for some useful end and for the common and manifold advantage of men. Wherefore, my Christ-loving friend, I beseech, through you, those who fall in with this composition of mine to read constantly divine scripture, and to reap therefrom all the gain wherewith it can help every man in affairs human and divine. God grant that we may obtain the divine blessing and promises through the prayers of our teachers and of thy brotherhood, O thou who lovest Christ with thine whole heart.37
Just as the twelve loaves of shew-bread which lay on the table are a type of the annual cycle and of the fruits of the earth, as was said when we treated of the Tabernacle, and as is described in the ninth book, so also now we have delineated the cycle of the twelve months of the year, and the fruits produced in each month, giving thanks to God 309 the giver of all, as also David moved by the Holy Spirit thus in a psalm addresses God: Bless thou the crown of |319 the year of thy goodness;38 thus in a remarkable way styling the cycle of the twelve months of the year a crown of goodness, as crowning the surface of the earth with beauty, and fostering the growth and maturity of its monthly fruits through the tempering of the elements which the invisible powers accomplish. Wherefore he further adds: And the plains shall be filled with thy fatness;38 and again: Thou hast prepared their food, for thou hast so prepared it.39 And elsewhere again he speaks thus: They all look to thee to give them their food in due season;40 as if he said, Thou nourishest us, preparing our food from the products of each season. And elsewhere he thus speaks concerning our most necessary food, which the summer tropic perfects, and continues to give us for three months successively: They have been increased with their corn and wine and oil 41----here again in a remarkable way, in the giving of thanks, observing the order in nature and mentioning first corn, then |320 wine, and thirdly oil, in accordance with the order, in which by the blessing of God, they are produced during the three summer months, by the agency of the rational orders, namely, angels and men. It is therefore the duty of every Christian to read divine scripture neither in a cursory nor perfunctory way, but with studious care and in a suitable order, as in the outset we advised, in order that the divine grace, accepting our resolution, may cooperate in enabling us to know the mighty works of God. To Him be glory for ever, Amen! Be strong, ye Christians, in the Lord.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Gr. ta_ kalw~j lego&mena may perhaps mean what is finely said or expressed.
2. 1 Gr. dokima&zein ta_ diafe/ronta, translated in the Revised Version "to approve the things that are excellent", but in the margin thereof "to prove the things that differ." Cosmas seems to have understood the words in the former sense. The expression has occasioned much controversy.
3. 2 Gr. a!rcomoi kai\ th_n sh_n ai!thsin. Boulh&sei.... plhrou~n. As ai!thsin is governed by plhrou~n, the reading should be ai!thsin boulh&sei, &c.
4. 1 The Psalms here meant are the twentieth and the twenty-first of our Bible. In the Septuagint the ninth and tenth psalms appear as but one, and hence the difference in the numeration.
5. 2 Isai. vii, 14.
6. 3 John xii, 34.
7. 4 Sennacherib the son of Sargon was the King, according to Herodotus (ii, 141), of the Assyrians and Arabians. He invaded Judaea in the fourteenth year of the reign of Hezekiah, who ascended the throne in 726 B.C. and died in 697. Sennacherib died in 681.
8. 5 Rab-shakeh is a title, meaning Commander-in-Chief.
9. 1Isai. xxxiii, 1.
10. 1 Thus Daniel prayed at three distinct times of the day with his face turned towards Jerusalem. The Ebionites maintained this Jewish custom of turning in prayer towards the sacred city.
11. 1 Isai. xxxviii, 10.
12. 2 Ibid. 11.
13. 3 Luke ii, 26.
14. 4 Isai. xxxviii, 11.
15. 5 Ibid. 12.
16. 1 Isai. xxxviii, 12.
17. 2 Ibid.,
18. 3 Ibid., 13.
19. 4 Ibid., 14.
20. 5 Isai. liii, 7.
21. 1 Isai. xxxviii, 17.
22. 2 Ibid., 18, 19.
23. 3 Gr. a)nabaqmou&j. "Cyril of Alexandria and Jerome thought that the steps were really stairs, and that the shadow (perhaps of some column or obelisk on the top) fell on a greater or smaller number of them according as the sun was low or high. The terrace of a palace might thus easily be ornamented." Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. Josephus quotes a passage from Apion to the effect that in Egypt "Moses set up pillars instead of gnomons, under which was represented a cavity like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might go round about the like course as the sun itself goes round in the other." See Whiston's Josephus --contra Apion. Book II, near the beginning.
24. 4 II Kings xx, 10.
25. 1 According to Bêrôsus, this king, whom he calls Mardocampados was himself, like Hezekiah, tributary to the Assyrians.
26. 1 Isai. xl, 22.
27. 2 Isai. xlv, 18.
28. 1 Isai. xlv, 1-4.
29. 2 Ibid. 13.
30. 3 The foregoing quotations are taken from the forty-fifth chapter of Isaiah. Some biblical critics contend that the latter chapters of this Prophet (40 to 66) were written by a deutero-Isaiah who was about a century later than the first. One of their arguments in support of this view is, that Cyrus is mentioned by name, and that an intimate knowledge is exhibited of his career.
31. 1 Ezra i, 1-3.
32. 2 Isai. xl, 22.
33. 1 See note 2, p. 24.
34. 2 Isai. xxxix, 3.
35. 3 Ibid., 4.
36. 4 Ibid., 5-7.
37. 1 Montfaucon has here this note: Cosmas here again delineates the figure of the conical mountain which causes nights and eclipses, as he thought it would contribute much to the understanding of the things said before, and of the ninth book, regarding the course of the stars. For the cycle of the twelve months, see Pl. 23 in the Appendix.
38. 1 Psalm lxv, 12.
39. 2Ibid., 10.
40. 3 Psalm civ, 27.
41. 4 Gen. iv, 7.
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 321-330. Book 9
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 321-330. Book 9
BOOK IX.
Concerning the course of the heavenly bodies.
HE circle of the twelve months is the uppermost, that of the sun is lower, and that of the moon is lower still.1 Divine scripture signifies this by the structure of the candlestick, whereby the circular branches spring out from its shaft three on the one side and three on the other in such wise that one branch precedes another branch,2 and each day the circle of the twelve months outruns the sun one degree, so that the sun is found in thirty days running through one month, and thus in twelve months completing the year, falling short, as has been said, one degree each day.3 The circle again of the sun outruns the circle of the moon 4 twelve degrees each day,5 so that it is found that the moon in thirty 6 days falls short of accomplishing the whole of the circle, that is, one month. But if any |322 310 should choose to consider the matter in the reverse way,7 then the circle of the moon falls short of that of the sun every day twelve degrees and some minutes, and the circle of the sun falls short of the uppermost circle of all, that is, of the twelve months, every day one degree. But these bodies are moved by the invisible Powers in an orderly and rational manner according to the will of God, these Powers having received this as a law, according to what is written in David: Bless the Lord, all ye his angels, ye mighty in strength, that fulfil his word, hearkening unto the voice of his word. Bless the Lord all ye his hosts, ye ministers of his that do his pleasure.8 To Him be glory for ever and ever, Amen!
And these courses of the twelve mansions of the twelve stars and of the two great luminaries, according to the length of their three circles, we have explained to the best of our power in terms consistent with Christian doctrine, being moved by divine assistance, and at the same time drawing our conclusions from optical appearances. But as to the course of the two great luminaries in respect of latitude, and as to their transitions, their ascensions and declinations, conjunctions and seasons of full moon, nodes and elongations of their courses,9 parallaxes and phases, regular and irregular motions, and their northern and southern limits, and other terms which the pagans are pleased to employ, whereby they calculate the eclipses of the same luminaries, we resign the calculation to those who know and investigate such subjects with a view to calculate and foretell eclipses, since by this our withers are unwrung, and we are |323 even more confirmed in our views. For if terms of this kind, namely, transitions, ascensions, declinations, etc., hold [as they do] a place in our scheme, contention is futile. Now we have not cared to show anything else by this treatise of ours than that these eclipses of the two luminaries do occur, and are in harmony with our scheme, although the heaven should not be moved at all from east to west, or from west to east, and whether it be spherical or consist of many spheres; while at the same time the stars and luminaries in the air, by the agency of the rational powers, complete their course in observance of their order, and the figure of the two heavens and of the earth is preserved in accordance with divine scripture----a figure in which from the beginning God prepared two states ----the present and the future, namely those circles which we have described, and not heavens that are spherical, continuous, solid of body and transparent-----according to the nonsensical babble of the pagans.
We remember to have stated in the second book that the angels move the luminaries and the stars and all else, as having been ordained for the service of men, and there also we have delineated the scheme as far as it is possible 311 to exhibit it graphically. For we have testimonies from divine scripture showing that this is so. For that these bodies have a circular motion David shows when he says: Thou shalt bless the crown of the year with thy goodness;10 here with wonderful propriety styling the circle of the twelve months a crown, as crowning the face of the earth with beauty, whence he added: And the fields shall be filled with thy fatness.1 For by the circular motion and the succession of returns from the tropics, the fruits of the earth grow and reach maturity. Yea, even Moses placed upon that which was typical of the earth, namely, upon |324 the table all round, the twelve loaves of shew-bread, three at each corner, signifying by the corners the four tropics, each distant from each three months, and by the circle the twelve months, and by the loaves the fruits of the earth, thus mystically representing the months by a circle crowning the earth above. In like manner also he arranged the twelve tribes in a circle around the Tabernacle, three on the east, three on the south, three on the west, and three on the north, beginning from the east, going up to south, descending again to the west and then lastly running through the north in accordance with the motion of the stars and the position of the earth.
This circle the pagans call the Zodiac which we have ourselves delineated in accordance with their theory.11 But the other seven stars, which they call planets, Moses obscurely represented by placing seven lamps in the candlestick, which he placed in the south, so that it cast its light upon the table towards the north, while by the lamps he signified a week of seven days, signifying by all these the days, the weeks, the months, the tropics, and the year. By the daily loaves which were each day laid down new upon the table, he indicated the days, and by the seven lamps the week, and by the number of the loaves the twelve months, and by the four corners the tropics, and by the circle the year, concerning which things the divine Apostle speaks in the Epistle to the Hebrews:12 Now if he were on earth he would not be a priest at all, seeing there are those who offer the gifts according to the law; who serve that which is a copy and shadow of the heavenly things, even as Moses is warned of God when he is about to make the Tabernacle: For, see, saith he, that thou make all things according to the pattern which was shown thee in thc Mount. And Solomon says: The sun ariseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to |325 his place. Arising he goeth there towards the south and wheeleth round in his circuit, and the wind goeth on its circuits.13 He also, in what he says, agrees with Moses and David, namely, that the sun proceeding from the east ascends to the south, and by making a circuit through the.north, causes the tropics, and completes the great circle of the year in his passage through the air; for this is what the expression the wind goeth on means, as if he said, in the 312 air. And that the heavenly bodies are moved by the invisible Powers, divine scripture intimates this also, when it says: For the creation was made subject to vanity not of its own will, but by reason of him who subjected it in hope that the creation itself shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the liberty of the glory of the children of God;14 meaning by this, that at the final consummation, the angels shall be delivered from this bondage, and from the ministrations which they render on account of men, for men, having then become immortal and immutable, will no longer be in need of such ministrations, as the Lord also in the Gospels speaks thus concerning the consummation: For the powers of heaven shall be shaken,15 thus calling the angels the powers of heavens, and by the expression they shall be shaken, He means they shall be set free from their former office. As the angels, therefore, who move the stars themselves and other things, are certainly set free from this office and ministry, He declares that the stars fall to the earth.
The language of the Apostle also: Are they not all ministering spirits senf forth to minister for the sake of them that shall inherit salvation?16 very clearly shows that they all for the sake of man are occupied night and day in their ministrations and services, and in doing everything else |326 towards giving men relaxation from their toils and towards supplying their wants. For, when we shall no longer need them, they shall be set free from this bondage and service, and shall cast down the stars upon the earth. As Paul endured many toils and afflictions and persecutions for the Church, and at last, from the multitude of his impending dangers, was driven to despondency, the divine grace consoled him by means of frequent visions, encouraging him not to despair, but to persevere, and to minister to the growth and propagation of the Church. He therefore sets forth from these things for us two causes [of the visions], one pointing to labour, and the other to reward. For what does he say? I know a man in Christ fourteen years ago (whether in the body I know not, or whether out of the body I know not, God knoweth), how that he was caught up into the third heaven;17 and again he says: And I know such a man that he was caught up into the third heaven and heard unspeakable words which it is not lawful for a man to utter;18 here manifestly setting forth things concerning himself in the person of another. I know, he says, O Corinthians, if I needs must myself come to visions and revelations of the Lord, that I was, in a wondrous manner beyond all conception, caught up to a vast height, that of the distance from the earth to the firmament, two-third parts, so that only one third of the whole height of heaven remained to me to be ascended.19 And what was the cause of his being thus caught up I will with God's help explain. Since the invisible powers in this height 313 up to which Paul was caught, in obedience to the divine ordinance, for the sake of man move the heavenly bodies unceasingly and unhesitatingly by night and by day, He |327 therefore caught up Paul, and conducted him thither, to show him the incessant service which they perform for the sake of men----to show him in what a rational, orderly, rhythmical and intelligent a manner, and with what toil and assiduity and solicitude, they render their service, and fulfil their work, that he might thus in a measure comfort Paul, so that in labouring for the Church, he might not give way to despondency, but persevere in his ministry, as he saw the angels were doing in theirs. Paul therefore had the boldness to reveal how they ranked in dignity, naming Principalities, and Powers, and Virtues, and Thrones, and Dominations. For some of them perform the work while others superintend the workers, and others exercise power as commanders of squadrons; and to say all in a word, all of them alike, groaning and travailing in pain together, perform their labour with great anxiety and solicitude, and in rational order, all of them being together desirous to gain their freedom from that bondage under which they serve for the sake of men.
I shall here speak again, God helping me, concerning the being caught up into Paradise. Since, after their departure from the body, the souls of the righteous, who are thought worthy to enter into the kingdom of heaven, are consigned to Paradise (as we learn from the case of the thief who was crucified along with the Lord), until the resurrection, being there kept as in a choice and honoured place by the invisible Powers, who entertain them with hymns and every mark of honour; God caught up Paul thither, and by way of comforting him, showed him, but in part only, the crowns which were the prizes of his toils and struggles; whence he was unable to give a perfect description of the things there; yea, he rather declared them to be unspeakable and incomprehensible, but he had the boldness to write, that for him, as one who had finished his course of service, and had kept the faith, there was |328 laid up a crown of righteousness by the Lord, and not for him only, but also for all who are like him. And so much we have said with regard to the visions.
But here it is to be noted that all the heavenly bodies are under the firmament, and are moved and wheeled in their orbits below the two-thirds of the height of heaven,20 by the ministry and the arrangement of the invisible Powers. And from this we learn that an angel does not ascend beyond the heavenly bodies. For if they are all ministering spirits sent forth to minister for the sake of them that shall inherit salvation,21 let any one who is opposed to this opinion declare in what service the angel, who goes above the firmament, is engaged; and if he is at a loss to point this out, let him submit, I do not say to us, but to divine scripture. For it is impossible for any of us, while still mortal or corruptible or mutable, to go beyond the stars, unless we receive from God incorruption and 314 immortality and immutability by the resurrection from the dead; unless the angels also are, in like manner, along with us, delivered from bondage, and casting down the stars to the earth, likewise obtain immutability and freedom, we do not go beyond the stars and cleave the firmament to enter into the kingdom of heaven. For this the Apostle shows when he says: Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God;20 here by the word flesh meaning mortality, and by blood mutability. He declared therefore that it is impossible for one who is mortal or mutable to inherit the kingdom of heaven. He subjoins immediately: Neither doth corruption inherit incorruption 22----and he repeated this, by way of showing that nothing that is corrupt can go up and enter there, for harm rather than any advantage would |329 result. For just as we, who are far away from the sun, have not the power, should we direct our eyes to his disc, to continue doing so, but would be injured and blinded rather than profited, so would it fare with any one if, while still mortal or mutable or corruptible, he should seek to overstep the boundaries, and approach the way which leads to the kingdom of heaven, while still far off therefrom. So then, just as the Lord Christ when He had risen from the dead, having become incorruptible in the body and immortal, and in soul immutable, then passed beyond the heavenly Powers, and when He had approached the firmament, having become, as it is written, better than the angels, He pierced it and entered into the kingdom of heaven; as Paul also declares when he says that he ascended far above all principality, etc., so we also and the angels, having obtained these attributes, enter therein. Again, the two trees in the middle of Paradise mystically presignify the present state and the future, and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil is a type of this world which is mortal and mutable, having pleasures and pains, and being a school of discipline,23 just as Adam was taught by this tree both good and evil. Now the tree of life is a type of the future heavenly world, in which life and blessedness reign, for the saying: Lest he stretch forth his hand and take of the tree of life,24 signified the vast height of the tree and thereby signified the mansions above. As therefore He commanded the Cherubim with the flaming sword which turned every way, to guard the way to the tree of life, so He commanded the angels and the luminaries which revolve round the height of the firmament, to guard the way which is there that leads into the kingdom of heaven; |330 intending to signify that the mansions above are meanwhile inaccessible to men. At His Passion therefore the Lord Christ 315 carried with Him the soul of the thief into Paradise, having suspended the guardianship of the Cherubim and of the flaming sword, which turned every way. But after His resurrection, when He came to his ascension, He opened a passage through the host of the invisible Powers, and the luminaries and the firmament itself, and entered into the kingdom where immortality, and immutability, and blessedness reign. At the final consummation therefore, when the angels cease to make the luminaries revolve and when the stars fall, then the Cherubim and the flaming sword waving both ways no longer prevent men from entering into the true life, but the righteous, raised on high and traversing the new way and piercing the firmament with the Lord Christ, shall inherit the kingdom of life. Do Thou, who hast compassion and great pity, deem us also, along with Thy righteous, worthy of this life and inheritance.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 See Pl. 9 in the Appendix, depicting the celestial sphere of Ptolemy.
2. 2 See Pl. 15 in the Appendix.
3. 3 More exactly 59' 8 1/3".
4. 4 Gr. To_n de\ ku&klon th~j selh&nhj, h( tou~ h(li/ou protre/xei. As
protre/xei governs the genitive, the reading should be tou~ de\ ku&klou, and h( should be o(.
5. 5 More exactly 12° 11' 26 2/3".
6. 629 1/2 + days.
7. 1 Gr. 'Ei de/ tij e0c a)ntistro&fou bouleiqei/h noei=n. Montfaucon translates this wrongly: Quod si quis facta comparatione rem considerare voluerit.
8. 2 Psalm ciii, 21, 22.
9. 3 Gr. e0kdiame/trwn dro&mwn. Montfaucon renders: de diametralibus cursibus.
10. 1 Psalm lxv, 11.
11. 1 See Plates 9 and 22 in the Appendix.
12. 2 Heb. viii, 4, 5.
13. 1 Eccl. i, 5, 6.
14. 2 Rom. viii, 20.
15. 3 Matt, xxiv, 19.
16. 4 Heb. i, 14.
17. 1 II Cor. xii, 2.
18. 2 Ibid., 3.
19. 3 From this it would appear that Cosmas took the distance from the earth to the firmament to be double the distance from the firmament to the summit of heaven. But see note 3, p. 116, and its text.
20. 1 That is two-thirds of the height of heaven above the earth. See note 3, p. 116, and note 3, p. 326,
21. 2 Heb. i, 14.
22. 3 1 Cor xv, 50.
23. 1 According to the Greek text there should be a full stop after discipline; but it seems better to place it after the clause which follows.
24. 2 Gen. iii, 22.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_10_book10.htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 331-357. Book 10
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 331-357. Book 10
BOOK X.
Passages from the Fathers.
ERTAIN of those [Christians] who delight in wrangling, on reading this book and finding it no easy matter to face such a weight of testimony as we have adduced in this treatise from the divine scriptures, thus addressed us: "You and the Fathers on whom you rely interpret divine scripture in a peculiar way to make it correspond with your own opinions, for nothing is conveyed by it about figures and types such as you assert. But the Fathers on whom we rely, who could not but have known accurately the true scope of divine scripture, have in their expositions transmitted to us nothing such as you say, since scripture tells us: God hath set in the Church, first Apostles, secondly Prophets, thirdly Teachers.1 To the Apostles indeed and to the Prophets you seem to have attached yourself in your interpretation, but as for the Teachers who are the exponents of the true scope of divine scripture, you hold aloof from them entirely, and travel a strange road, known to none but to yourself and your friends." On this account, therefore, we are constrained to make manifest once more to all their love of contention, and to this end we have placed together in this book the testimonies of |332 the Fathers, even those whom they themselves adduce either in pretence or in sincerity, in order that they may be refuted by their own authorities, and be convinced how admirably our treatise is confirmed by the testimonies of all the Apostles and Prophets and Teachers. And first let step forward the great Athanasius2 who proclaims the same views as ourselves.
From the Festal Epistles of Athanasius.3
[316-319] Observe, pray, how this great Teacher is constantly in agreement with ourselves and our doctrine, in the view he takes of the whole figure of the world, calling the kingdom of heaven a great and supramundane hall, sufficient for the whole creation, and proclaiming that the Lord Christ as our forerunner is therein, and that we shall enter into it along with him at his second coming; And the saying: Enter into the joy of thy Lord:4 he refers to that very hall, that is, to the heaven of heavens which is the kingdom of heaven----and he says that this has been prepared for men by God from the foundation of the world, and that the Tabernacle erected by Moses is a type of the heavens. Can the lovers of contention show how this great Teacher does not agree with us, or how we have been going a strange road different from that of the Church? But away with the vain labour of these men! We will add to Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus5 with whose praises |333 they make the world ring, and who yet proclaims the same views as the previous authority and ourselves.
Extract from the discourse on the Passover by Gregory of Nazianzus.
"But let us sacrifice to God a sacrifice of praise upon the altar on high along with the choir above; let us go through the first veil, let us draw near to the second, let us glance into the Holy of Holies." How then is it not manifest that we have not gone a strange road different from that of the Church? Let the men of strife therefore be ashamed of themselves when they see the harmony of the Church, and let them not be intolerant of us, for it is hard for them to kick against the pricks. But let us introduce a third after him, one who was his contemporary, even Theophilus Bishop of the Church at Alexandria,6 who also bears testimony to our opinions, yea rather, to the truth.
From the first Festal Epistle of Theophilus of Alexandria.6
"In order that, being engaged in higher than earthly 320 doings in the sublime mansion of virtue, we may, like the disciples, eat the Passover in the upper chamber, having with us Christ, who was sacrificed for us, while we eat Him all, as our life."
From the same Festal Epistle of the same.
"In order that, having again drawn back the veil of the word, we may with unveiled face behold the festival of the |334 divine Passover,7 appealing thus to Jesus: Where wilt thou that we prepare to eat the Passover with thee? 8 On receiving his reply that this feast was to be celebrated in an upper chamber, a chamber, that is, of second things,9 the disciples with alacrity of heart betook themselves with all speed to enter the Holy of Holies, into which Christ Himself hath entered for us, and hath done away with any further need of the typical High Priest, having obtained eternal redemption for us, and on our behalf presenting Himself before the face of God. Formerly indeed the High Priest alone once a year entered into the Holy of Holies, the people remaining without by reason of the littleness of their power. But the Saviour having entered in, has given full liberty of access to all who wish."
Observe how this authority is also in harmony with us in calling the upper chamber a house, into which the Lord Christ as forerunner hath entered for us (of whom the High Priest in the Tabernacle of Moses was a type) to present Himself before the face of God, and hath given full liberty to all who wish, to enter into the Holy of Holies, that is, into the kingdom of heaven. Let those who are on the side of the schismatics reply to the following questions. How have we gone a strange road different from that of the Church? How is it that they do not regard the words of their own Fathers? but falsely traduce them as if they were heretics. But passing from this Father, let us turn to the fourth who was his contemporary and fellow mystic, Severianus, namely, the Bishop of Gabala,10 who can be taken as a witness to confirm all that is written in my work. |335
From the first book of the Hexaemeron (Six days of the Creation) of Severianus, Bishop of Gabala.
"For on the first day He made the matter out of which things were created; but on the other days He gave their form and arrangement to the things created. For example, He made the heaven which was before non-existent----not this visible heaven, but the one above it, for the visible was made on the second day. God made the higher heaven----the heaven of heavens to the Lord,11 and it is higher than this visible heaven, and, as in a house of two stories,12 between it and the "earth another heaven is interposed. God having thus created the world as one house, placed this visible heaven as a roof in the middle, and the waters above it. Wherefore, David says: Who covereth his upper chambers with waters.13 God then made the heaven when it was not, the earth when it was not, the abysses when they were not, and wind, air, fire, water; of all the things that came into existence He made their matter on the first day. But some one will say that it is recorded that He made the heaven and the earth, while nothing is recorded of waters and fire and air. In the first place then, brethren, when He said that the heaven and the earth were made, He indicated by the things which contain, the things that are contained. Then after the interposition of a few passages, hear Him next relate when the air was made: And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.14 Here He does not speak of the Holy Spirit, for the uncreated is not numbered along with what is created, but it is the motion of the air which He calls spirit. God said, Let there be light,15 and the nature of fire came into being. And again proceeding He says: But our souls He |336 fenced round with the body, while He made the angels bodiless. So then, what we see to be the case with respect to human souls and to angels, the same is the case with respect to fire, for the fire above subsists without matter, but the fire below with matter, for the fire above is akin to the fire below, just as our souls are also akin to the angels. How so? because the former are spirit and the latter too are spirit. And again: All of them were then brought into existence, fire, abyss, winds, the four elements, earth, fire, water, air; for whatever Moses omitted he comprehended in that marvellous summary where he says: For in six days God made the heaven and the earth and all the things that therein are.16 And just as in the case of the body he did not speak of all its members, so in the case of the creation he did not enumerate all its parts, although all things were created simultaneously with the world. But if there was not fire in the world, it could not at the present day be struck from rock and from wood; for the friction of wood against wood generates fire, but if Nature did not hold it, from what source does she, produce it?"17
From the same, from the second book.
"On the second day God said: Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters.18 He made this heaven, not the one above, but the visible heaven which he crystallised from the waters like ice. But I shall endeavour to place the matter before your eyes, for many things are better explained by ocular 322 than by oral demonstration. This water, let us suppose, overflowed the earth five cubits. Then God said: Let there be a firmament in the midst of the water,3 and |337 thereupon a solid ice-like substance was produced in the midst of the waters, which made lighter the upper half of the water, and left the other half underneath, as it is written: Let there be a firmament (stere/wma) in the midst of the water, and let it make a division between the waters.19 But wherefore does he call it the firmament? It is, because God made it firm and solid (e0stere/wse) from waters which are of rarer and less compact substance. Wherefore David also says: Praise him in the firmament of his power;20 and, to take another example, we may adduce smoke, which when emitted from burning wood is rarified and attenuated, but when it mounts up high into the air becomes transformed into the density of a cloud. In this wise, when God had made the waters, which are by nature rarified, ascend on high, He there made them solid. And that this example is to the point, and true, Isaiah testifies where he says: The heaven was made firm and solid as smoke.21 The heaven having therefore become solid in the midst of the waters made the upper half of them light, but the other half He left underneath. Why then and for what purpose were the waters placed above? Was it that we might drink them or that we might sail on them? For that there are waters above, David testifies, saying: And the water which is above the heavens.22 Observe then the wisdom of the Creator; the heaven was crystalline, having been consolidated from the waters; but since it was to receive the flame of the sun and of the moon and the countless hosts of the stars, and was entirely filled with fire, then in order that it might not be dissolved, nor burned with the heat, He spread over the upper surfaces of heaven those sea-like expanses of water, with a view to soften, and as it were to anoint the upper |338 surface and thus render it capable of resisting the scorching heat of the flames. An example of this is ready at hand: if, for instance, you to-day put a pot on the fire, with water therein, the pot withstands the fire, but if you do not supply water the pot will crack or melt. Accordingly, against fire He opposed heat as its counteractive, in order that the upper surface of heaven being, as it were, anointed with the waters, might be well enough able to maintain its existence. And observe what is here marvellous; in the body of heaven which is assailed by so much fire, the moisture is so superabundant that it lends a constant supply to the earth. For whence cometh the dew of the cloud? from nowhere? The air holds no water; so it is clear that the heaven drops it from its superabundance. Wherefore also the Patriarch Isaac when blessing Jacob said: "God give thee of the dew of heaven and of the fatness of the earth"23----And later on he24 thus continues: "Observe, I pray you, that the waters above the heaven render another service, for not only do they preserve the heaven, but they also send down the flame of the sun and the moon, since, if the whole heaven were transparent, the rays would mount upwards; for, as it is the nature of 323 fire to ascend, it would leave the earth destitute of light. On this account, therefore, He compressed the heaven above with a boundless expanse of waters, in order that the rays, being confined, might be sent downwards. Behold then the wisdom of the Architect. And thou hast even in thyself the image of the Architect. So attend particularly, I pray you, to what I shall now say: Suppose this head to be the heaven above, and what is above the tongue to be the other heaven, namely, the firmament, whence also [the palate] is called the little heaven,25 or roof of the |339 mouth; now, above, in the invisible parts is the brain not manifest to sight, while in the lower heaven is the the tongue, a thing manifest to sight, just as the upper heaven is classed with things discerned by the intellect, but the world, with the things we ordinarily talk about."26
From the same discourse.
"For on the third day the fruits were produced, and in order again that it might not be supposed that they were produced by the influence of the sun, it was not until their creation was finished, that He made the sun and the moon and the stars. But whence did He make them? For it has been said that on the first day He made all things of nothing, but on the other days, out of things existing. Whence then the Sun? Why, out of the light created on the first day which the Architect modified at His pleasure and transformed into objects of varied aspects, creating, in the first place, the substance of the light, and then producing the luminaries, just as if one should bring forward a mass of gold, and should then coin it into pieces of money, and by so doing make it a thing of beauty. For just as He divided the abyss, which was then one mass of water, into the water on high, into seas, into rivers, into fountains, into lakes, into wells, so also did the Architect divide the light, which was a single uniform mass, and distribute it into the sun, into the moon and into the stars." And subsequently we read: "He made therefore the heaven, not a sphere, as those vain babblers conceive----for He did not make a rolling sphere, but, as the prophet says: Who hath made the heaven as a vaulted chamber and stretched it out as a tent to dwell in;27 for none of us is so impious as to be persuaded by these triflers, and not by the words of the Prophet, which declare that the heaven has a beginning and an end. For this |340 reason therefore the sun is not said by them to ascend but to go out, for the scripture saith: The sun goeth out upon the earth,28 not goeth up; and again he says: From the end of heaven is his going forth, and at the end of heaven is his goal,29 Not a going up then----but if it is circular, it has not an end----for where are we to find an end of what is perfectly round? Does then David only say this, or does the Saviour also say so? Hear then this which is spoken by the Lord: When the Son of Man cometh he shall send forth his angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and they shall gather 324 together his elect from the four winds, from one end of heaven to the other.30 But, we ask again, where does the sun set, and where does he pursue his course by night? as we have said. Well, according to the pagans, under the earth, but according to us who speak of it as a tent, consider, I pray you, whether what we assert be false, or has the seal of the truth to attest it. Now, with my expression the place too [where we are met] coincides;31 for such things are better explained by a reference to what is seen than by words addressed to the ear. Suppose a dome to be placed over the church with its east towards sunrise, its north in this direction, its south here, and its west there. Suppose next the sun rising and then going down----going down not under the earth, but pursuing his course through the northern parts, and hidden from view as by a wall, the waters not permitting his path to be seen----pursuing his course, I say, through the northern parts, and reaching again the quarter in which he rises. But whence is it made clear that this is so? By the blessed Solomon then, when in the book of Ecclesiastes, a book attested [to be inspired], and not rejected [from the canon] he says: The sun ariseth, and the |341 sun goeth down, and hasteth to his place; arising there he gocth to the south, and wheeling in his circuits, wheels towards the north; the wind goeth and turneth about in its circuits.32 Behold then the sun running his course in the south, and wheeling round to the north, and be instructed." And further on he says: "All things, therefore, obey the law of God. The heaven stands, not as upheld by its own power but firmly compacted by the divine word. For should I be at a loss to understand how the heaven was consolidated out of the waters, the blessed David resolves the difficulty when he says: By the word of the Lord were the heavens made solid;33 because made from the waters----for in no passage elsewhere is the [heaven] said to be solid; it is one thing to be made solid, and another to be solid. The expression being made solid is used when that which is rarified and attenuated becomes consolidated."
From the same-----from the sixth discourse.
"So then that tree had not a power in itself to produce a knowledge which would result in death, but it got its name from the dire calamity that befell Adam in connection with it. I shall briefly explain the matter; for divine scripture presents no difficulty. To-day we have the saving food of which the faithful partake. That tree then has a natural salutariness. If, through the glory invoked,34 you have a pledge from things that are present, why do you doubt about those that arc past? There the food was death-giving, here it is life-giving. If this saves by its natural properties, and not by grace----then that also killed by its natural properties, and not by the purpose he put before him; if this food saves by its natural properties and |342 not by grace, that also kills by its natural properties and not by the breaking of the commandment."
325 From the same-----from the fourth discourse.
"For the angels having been created beings were not co-workers with God, but His ministers who praised Him in song, and expressed their gratitude for being brought into existence, being aware that, as they had no previous existence, they had been created by the Spirit of goodness. So they stood as spectators merely, beholding the things made along with them, and after them; for they beheld the heaven made of nothing, and were struck with astonishment; they beheld the sea parted off, and were lost in wonder; they saw the earth in her beautiful apparel, and were thrilled with delight. But that the angels were not co-workers, but admiring spectators, God says in Job: When I made the stars, all the angels praised me and celebrated me in song;"35 subsequently he says: "He beheld Adam sinning, but He foresaw his posterity acting righteously; He saw him being cast out from Paradise, but He foresaw that a kingdom had been prepared for him. And what is wonderful is this, that even before Paradise the kingdom had been made. Why then do you wonder at his having been cast out of Paradise, when the real wonder is that before Paradise existed, the kingdom of the heavens had been prepared for him?----as saith the Saviour: Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world!36
From the same-----from the third discourse.
"It now remains to be examined why God made the moon at her full. Pray attend closely, for the subject to be considered is deep, as she required to be made on |343 the fourth day in order to present a fourth day's appearance. And again, if she appeared four days old, she could not have occupied the extremity of the west. She was found therefore having an advantage of eleven days----for on the fourth day she appeared full, as she would have appeared on the fifteenth day. By eleven days then the moon is in advance of the sun, not by the act of her creation, but by her shining.37 Wherefore what advantage she then gained, she paid back to the sun, for as the number of days in the lunar month is twenty-nine and a-half she makes in twelve months a year of three hundred and fifty-four days. For if you reckon twenty-nine and a-half days for each month there are in the year three hundred and fifty-four days, in order that the moon may pay back annually to the sun the days which she then gained. Let any one who can count make the calculation."
(Cosmas now speaks).
What will those lovers of strife say to this, when they hear that there is such harmony between this author and myself, both as regards the figure of the first heaven and of the second, and as regards the two places made by the interposition of the firmament ---- that the first heaven, according to divine scripture, is not a sphere, but 326 a vaulted chamber,----that this second heaven, which is visible, was consolidated from the waters, and carries the waters, that it may not be dissolved by the heat of the heavenly bodies, but be preserved therefrom by the chillness of the waters----that the dew falls from the firmament----that the heavenly bodies pursue their course through the northern parts during the night----and that the angels were created along with the heaven, and were |344 spectators of God's six days' handiwork, and were taught, thereby, and filled with astonishment; and what will they say as to his reasoning concerning souls, that they are enclosed within the body and operate in the body. How then shall not every mouth be stopped that speaketh unrighteousness against God, and against ourselves who carefully study divine scripture, and argue therefrom agreeably to the tradition of the Church? For, observe, I pray, it was shown that the Prophets and the Apostles, and the Evangelists, and the Lord himself and all divine scripture----yea, moreover even those who in common report are called Fathers and Teachers, whether in truth or pretence, differ not from my opinions, but all bear testimony to my words, so that by them all the truth may be established, and every mouth be stopped that speaketh unrighteous things. But, taking our leave of this author, let us pass on to his fellow-servant, Epiphanius the Bishop 38----the fifth in order, to show that he also testifies to our words and is in agreement with them.
From the work of Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus, On Measures and Weights.
"Two and twenty works, O lover of the good and the beautiful, did God make from the beginning until the seventh day, namely these. On the first day He made the higher heaven, the earth, the waters from which come snow, ice, hail, frost and dew; then the spirits which minister before His face, such as these----the angels standing in His presence, the angels of glory, the angels of the clouds and darkness and snows and hail and frost----the angels of sounds, of thunder and lightning; the angels |345 of cold and heat, of winter and autumn, and the angels of all the spirits of His creatures which arc in heaven and upon earth and in Chaos; then the darkness and the brooding over the abyss, the waters which once covered the earth, out of which darkness comes evening and night, the light of day and of the dawn. These seven mighty works did God make on the first day. On the second day was made the firmament which is in the midst of the waters. On the same day the waters were divided, one half of which ascended above the firmament, while the other half was underneath the firmament, upon the face of all the earth. This was the only work which God made on the second day."
This author also agrees with us testifying as to the figure, declaring the heaven to be above, and the 327 firma-ment, which also carries the waters, to be underneath. And with regard to the angels he says what is in explicit agreement with our own views, namely, that they arc all in this world, and are all engaged in moving all things, and ministering for the sake of man, and that they also were brought into being on the first day along with the upper heaven and the earth. And hearing this, do not, O men, fret and fume, overmastered by the spirit of strife and envy, but rather from a love of truth, recognize the ecclesiastical, yea rather, the veritable harmony. For when ye are unable to face the truth, it is of no avail to take to reviling. Regard then with all due deference the great host of witnesses. But, if we have not yet adduced a sufficiency of them for you, let us leave this authority for the Bishop of the Capital----the admirable John, who was treated contemptuously by the three foregoing writers, and let us show that this illustrious champion [of the Church], who was devoted to deeds of mercy, bears testimony to our argument and is in agreement therewith. |346
From the work on Alms by John Chrysostom.39
"A human being is a great thing, and a man, if merciful, is to be honoured. Behold, how great a thing is mercy----the merciful man God likens to Himself; for He saith: Be ye merciful, even as your Father which is in heaven is merciful.40 Should death come, there your riches abide."
From the Commentary by the same on the Epistle to the Ephesians.
"In all wisdom and prudence, he says, having made known unto us the mystery of his will,41 as if one should say: he made known to us the things in his heart. For this is the mystery which is full of all wisdom and prudence. For what seekest thou that is greater than this wisdom? Those who were nothing worth----even those He found out, that He might lead them to great riches. What is there that can compare with this inventive skill?42 He that was an enemy, He that was hated: this very man has on a sudden been raised on high, and not only so, but at this particular time, and this was done in wisdom also. And that this was done by the Cross, it would require a long discussion to show. What a matter of wisdom this was, and how it has made us wise!"
Again.
"According to his good pleasure, he says, which he purposed in him;41 that is, He longed for this, He was in throes, as one may say, to bring forth this mystery. And of what nature is this? It is that it is His will to set man on high, |347 and this He desires with a view to a dispensation of the fulness of the times to sum up all things in Christ, the 328 things in the heavens, and the things upon the earth."
From the Commentary of the same, on the Epistle to the Hebrews in the chapter where it is said: "Now in the things which we are saying the chief point is this."43
"Where are those who say that the heaven is in motion? Where are those who think it to be spherical? For both these opinions are here swept away."
From the same Commentary of the same on the chapter which says: "Wherefore he is the Mediator of a new covenant."44
"And how come these to be patterns of the things in the heavens? And what does he call the things which are now in the heavens? Is it heaven? is it the angels?45 No, none of these, but our things, for heavenly things are ours, yea, even though they be accomplished on the earth, since the angels also are on the earth, and are nevertheless called heavenly. And the Cherubim too appeared on the earth, and yet they are heavenly. But what am I saying?----that they appeared? Is it upon the earth then they spend their time as if in Paradise? Nay, not so, for they are heavenly and our citizenship is in the heavens, although we spend our life with those that are here." And subsequently He says: "I show by actual facts those that attain to this height. And who be these? I mean Paul and his followers, who, though they were on earth, sojourned in heaven. But what am I saying?----in heaven? Nay, they |348 were higher exalted than heaven, yea even than the other heaven, for they ascended to God Himself."
And this great and wise teacher, again, expresses opinions which are marvellously in accordance with our own and with those of such as hold with us with regard to the figure of the world. For with regard to this figure he gradually advances upward from the regions of the earth to the sovereign throne, and describes finely the gradations of the ascent. He places the air first, then the moon, then the sun; in the next place, the firmament, then again, the heaven of heaven, without saying there are more than two heavens, and he ridicules those who say that it is a sphere, and maintain that it is in motion. And with regard to the angels and the cherubim, he declares that they are all in this world along with ourselves, and that up to this time not one of them has winged his way beyond this world. And with regard to doctrine again he expounds it clearly, making a safe use of the figure in doing so. For why? he says, He that was an enemy, He that was hated, all of a sudden this Person has been raised on high. And again he says, that it is the will of God to set man on high, etc. For when God had made the heaven and the earth, on the second day He made the firmament, and, having placed it midway on high, He divided the one world into two worlds, 329 namely this and the one above. And when He had on the sixth day finished all this world, last of all, as a bond to unite the whole world of things visible and invisible, He made man----the one living being compounded of all the natures. At the end of the days therefore, when it behoved that the second world also should be displayed, God, having taken him who was the bond of the whole world of things visible and invisible, namely, Man; and having renovated him by raising him from the dead, and made him better, he conducted him in presence of all into heaven, namely, into the second place----that is, into the second world. |349 For a restoration and a renovation was effected by the dispensation of God in man as the bond between heavenly and earthly things, that is, of all things visible and invisible.
This Father then, knowing these things and the mystery of the will of God, took pleasure in declaring them, and proclaimed that he who had been expelled from Paradise as hated on account of his disobedience, had suddenly through God's good pleasure become heavenly, for the summing up in him of the universe.46 Oh! how wonderful the concord of the Church! how wonderful the spiritual unanimity of the teachers! How is he not to be condemned who sets himself in opposition to them? O Lord God of the universe, confirm us evermore in Thy mysteries, Amen! Let the lovers of strife cease from wrangling, and let them rather submit their necks to the Church. For from a habit such as this we, along with the Church, turn away with aversion. But having ended our citations from this authority, let us adduce a seventh witness who completes the testimony of the divine Testament both the Old and the New. For if in divine scripture it is said that in the mouth of two witnesses or three every word shall be established, how much more then in the mouth of seven; for the company of seven witnesses shows the testimony of the perfect testament. It is Philon then the Bishop of Carpathus 47 who gives the same testimony as the other six. |350
From the Commentary on Canticles, by Philon Bishop of Carpathus on the passage: The King brought me into his inner chamber.48
"The banqueting-house of the heavenly King, that is, His body which He built up for Himself as His house, and then also the kingdom of heaven."
From the same on the passage: Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth.49
"For the son of God assumed humanity, which He put on [received] from the Church, and in return gave back His sacred flesh to be partaken of in the sacrament."
330 From the same on the passage: The King fettered in his movements to and fro. Why wert thou made beautiful, and why wert thou established?50
"For when He passed from heaven to earth, and when He descended to hell, yea to the very lowest depth of hell, He thence will draw up the dead." And farther on he says: "It was not His divine nature that was in reality made beautiful, and that was established, for this does not admit of increase or diminution, but it was the flesh which He assumed, and the humanity which He wore. He was beautified by being conformed to the beauty of divinity----and was established in the kingdom of heaven at the right hand of God."
From the same on "The six days" where he discourses on the man that was born blind.
"For although thou wert looking at the man himself, yet thou oughtest from those very works to see God in man."
Consider pray, how this Father also maintains the same view with ourselves concerning the figure of the world and |351 as to the figure remark how he calls the kingdom of heaven God's tamieion----the tamieion 51 being the innermost and securest apartment of the house, and this he speaks of as the kingdom of heaven. And concerning the doctrine, remark, how he represents man, whose nature God assumed, and whom God recalled from death, and deemed worthy of the place of honour at His right hand, as being seated and established in the tamieion itself, that is, in the kingdom of heaven. How then do those lovers of strife cry out against us, as if we have gone a strange road----a road that is known to nobody? Let them desist from that voluntary madness, and no longer assail us with slanders: for it is God who justifieth, where is he that condemneth?52 For it is God who first confirms our opinions, then the Prophets and Apostles and the Evangelists and the renowned company of the Fathers----Fathers from among whom ye yourselves profess to accept some, while moreover there are even old pagan writers who in some points are in agreement with our opinions. But that we may not unduly prolong the discussion, we have deemed it sufficient to advance solely the testimonies already offered for the sake of the lovers of strife, and for their sake only who have the assurance to challenge our principles, or rather, I should say, the truth itself; and this we have done, in order that they may have an absolute refutation of their ill-timed madness, and from a desire to make manifest to all that the motive, by which they are actuated, is a sheer love of strife. And in order that what we have written may be supported not solely by the testimonies of these ancient authorities I will adduce the testimony, and that even in abounding measure, of a recent schismatical Father of theirs, one who is still living, and resident in Constantinople, and who whether from |352 ignorance, or from being constrained by the truth itself, agrees with what we have written.
331 From Theodosius, Bishop of Alexandria----On the fortieth day of the Ascension of the Lord.
"To-day human nature is conveyed into heaven----to-day heaven is thrown open and man enters therein."
What will our opponents say to this? How has he not borne testimony to our opinions both with regard to the figure of the world and to the doctrine? Oh how wonderful the force of the truth, which attracts to it even its enemies against their will!
From the same----in another exposition.
"It is no great thing if God overcame the devil."
Oh how wonderful! Here also the truth reveals their ill-timed love of strife. For if he says it is no great thing for God when contending with the devil to overcome him, why then----to say the opposite is downright madness; for to God, not only the devil but the whole of creation is subordinate, and will be counted as nought. How then is it not manifest that he means, that it was man who contended with the devil and overcame him? Now this is even a great point, for he had before spoken of man, as having entered as a conqueror into heaven. And that he holds to this meaning is shown when again he exclaims: For it behoved, it behoved, I say that this nature, which had been foiled in wrestling, should be adorned with a crown----as if he said: This nature which was overcome by the devil in Paradise, as he,says, namely man, whom he declares frequently and at great length to have been bettered by the resurrection----him, I say, he pronounced with all frankness to have been carried up into heaven. |353
From an exposition by the same given in the great Church when the Gospel was read: "Father, if it be possible, let it pass from me"53 etc.
"The sufferings of this flesh----and the tokens of suffering, anguish, and sweat, grief and perturbation of soul----all these are indicative of human nature."
Oh what a marvel is here! They say such things and yet they quarrel with us, making divisions in the Churches in defiance of all authority.54 For where is it written that He was in agony and sweated, if not in Luke where it is said: And being in an agony he prayed more earnestly, and his sweat became as it were great drops of blood falling down upon the ground----and there appeared unto him an angel from heaven strengthening him.55 How dare they say these words, and on the other hand condemn those who dare to 332 expound them? Is not the love of strife on the part of such men manifest? But dismissing this authority, let us pass over to one who was his predecessor in office, Timotheus the younger,56 who recently died, and show that he also unwillingly assents to what we have written. He writes, then, in explanation of the passage which, at the sacred period of Easter in the Church of St. Victor, was read from the Prophet Isaiah, who says: He was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and as a lamb before her shearer is dumb so he opened not his mouth;57 and when in his exposition he referred to the passage: Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me,58 he spoke to this effect: |354
Timotheus on the passage: "Father, if it be possible," etc.
"For it is natural for the soul to love to dwell always in the body, and to be vexed at taking leave of life." And again in the Church of Sarapammon he exclaimed: "And greater things than those will be given unto Me by the Father----resurrection from the dead, renovation of nature, and vivification, instead of corruption."
From a discourse of the same at the festival of the Holy Nativity
----on the birth of Christ, on the 30th of Choiac in the 10th Indiction.59
"The Virgin brought forth a son who was perfect and sinless"----and a little subsequently he says: "Let us be circumcised with Christ, that we may also be purified along with Him."
And again in the Church of St. Theodorus on the th of Tybi in the 10th Indiction.
"For through that which was apparent he showed the power of that which was concealed." |355
From an exposition by the same in the Church of Quirinus on the Lord's Day on the 22nd 60 of Pachôn in the th Indiction, when the passage in the Gospel of John had been read. "Now Jesus being wearied with his journey was sitting."61
"Since therefore He is at once both God and man He is proved to be both by His works, and this cannot escape the notice of the spectators. For, that He is by nature God, is shown both by His works and His signs, cleansing the lepers, giving sight to the blind, strength to the paralytic, and life to the dead----and what is greatest of all (for the Prophets also equally succeeded in doing these things) He expressly and unreservedly said: I and my Father are one.62 But, by the things mentioned, the might of His divinity is fully proved----and that He is also truly man, this He does not wish to go unobserved; thus in anticipation refuting those who erroneously think He assumed a body in appearance only, for He showed 333 clearly that He submitted to sufferings----and to what kind of sufferings? to those, forsooth, which are assigned to flesh by reason of its infirmity and not by reason of sin----I mean, for instance, hunger and thirst and the need of sleep, and fatigue. For as these things happen to us by nature and not by our choice, they do not affect with sin those who have to endure them. By these sufferings then which were not incurred by sin the Lord declared that His flesh obeyed, showing clearly that He had become man in nature and in truth, and not in seeming."
From a discourse of the same in the sanctuary at the Pachôn Festival.
"It belongs to God to work miracles, to command the |356 elements, and to make predictions of future events, but to man when civilized and leading a social life, it belongs to honour parents, to maintain kindly intercourse with brothers, and to converse with disciples and acquaintances. Accordingly our Lord Jesus Christ being both God of God, and having become man for our sake, exhibits both the power of His divinity, and observes also the laws of our humanity, proving what He was and is by His miracles, and showing by His actions what He deigned to become."
From a discourse by the same on the fortieth day from the Ascension of the Lord, on the 25th Pachôn in the 9th Indiction----the text, taken from the Gospel of John, being: "It is expedient for you that I go away." 63
"But let us consider the words now spoken by Him to His illustrious disciples----namely: It is expedient for you that I go away. For your salvation have I come down to the earth, for your benefit it is well that I go up into heaven. For your sakes did I, hitherto bodiless, come down----it is expedient for Me to be there with the body; your race did I resolve to draw up to heaven; it behoves Me in the flesh to take My seat on the right hand of the Father. It behoves Me to open up a way that before was strange, as a new way, and to show that heaven is accessible to man. I take my way first through the air, in order that you also afterwards may be caught up into the air in clouds to meet Me." And I fancied I heard him, as he was reading, expressly proclaim64 how that this man shrinks from departure from life, and "how that He through suffering and the resurrection received incorruption and renovation of His nature and vivification----how that through prevailing infirmity He was formerly subject to sufferings and fatigue----how that |357 moreover He was drawn to heaven and deemed worthy of the seat on the right hand, and was the first to traverse the strange way, and the first to make heaven accessible 334 to men."
O harmony of those not in harmony with us! Oh! the involuntary agreement of the schismatics with us! Oh! the unwilling laudation, the assent, that is, of our revilers to our opinions! How have we not all round shown ourselves to be the children of the Church? They say, forsooth, we have not trodden the beaten way. How are they not to be utterly condemned who disbelieve all these things or argue against them? How is our work not in all things attested to be the true offspring of the tradition of the Church? God is our witness, then the Apostles, Prophets, the glorious company of the holy Fathers.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 I Cor. xii, 28.
2. 1 For a notice of Athanasius and his Festal Epistles, see note 3, p. 290.
3. 2 Montfaucon here notes that he had published the passages adduced by Cosmas in vol. xxvi, column 1431, of the Patrologia. So they do not appear either in the Greek or Latin texts.
4. 3 Matt, xxv, 21.
5. 4 St. Gregory, the son of Gregory Bishop of Nazianzus, was born in the year A.D. 329, and was eminent for the zeal with which he defended the Nicene creed against the attacks of the Arians. When offered by his friend St. Basil the See of Sasima, he declined it, but he was afterwards installed as the Patriarch of Constantinople,----an office which he resigned after only a brief tenure. He died in 389 or 390.
6. 1 Theophilus became Bishop of Alexandria in 385 A.D. He was one of the most violent and unscrupulous ecclesiastics of his time. He opposed Chrysostom, persecuted the Origenists, and took violent measures to drive all the Pagans out of his diocese. His turbulent career came to an end in 412.
7. 1 Gr. th_n diabath&rion tou~ Qei/ou Pa&sxa----"transitoriam divini paschatis celebritatem"----Montfaucon. Philo also uses diabath&rion to designate the Passover.
8. 2 Matt, xxvi, 17.
9. 3 Gr. deute/rwn pragma&twn.
10. 4 Regarding Severianus, see note 2, p. 291.
11. 1 Psalm cxiii, 5.
12. 2 Gr. e0n oi kw| diwro&fw|.
13. 3 Psalm civ, 3.
14. 4 Gen. i, 2.
15. 5 Ibid., 3.
16. 1 Exod. xx, 1 1.
17. 2 Gr. po&qen genna~|. Montfaucon renders this by quomodo generabit.
18. 3 Gen. i, 6.
19. 1 Gen. i, 6.
20. 2 Psalm cl, 1.
21. 3 Isai. li, 6.
22. 4 Psalm cxlviii, 4.
23. 1 Gen. xxvii, 23.
24. 2 Severianus.
25. 3 Gr. ou)rani/skoj. Aristotle uses ou)rano&j itself in this meaning: tou~to d' ei0j me\n to_n e0gke/falon ou)k e xei po&ron, ei0j de\ to_n tou~ stomatoj ou)rano&n.----Hist. Anim., i, 11.
26. 1 Gr. e0n toi=j laloume/noij.
27. 2 Isai. xl, 22.
28. 1 Psalm xix, 5.
29. 2 Ibid. 6.
30. 3 Matt, xxiv, 30, 1.
31. 4 Gr. Suntre/xei de/ mou th~| fra&sei kai\ o( to&poj. The expression to which he refers is skhnh&, a tent, and the place must be the church in which the address was delivered.
32. 1 Eccl. i, 5.
33. 2 Psalm xxxiii, 6.
34. 3 Gr. dui\ th_n e0pikaloume/nhn docan. Montfaucon renders: gloriam te advocantem.
35. 1 Job xxxviii, 7.
36. 2 Matt, xxv, 34.
37. 1 That is, by her being fully illuminated in advance by eleven days.
38. 1 The Bishop of Constantia (the ancient Salamis) in Cyprus, and the Metropolitan of that island. He was the first of three of the same name who held the same office.
39. 1 John, surnamed Chrysostomos (the golden-mouthed), from the force of his eloquence, was born in Antioch 347 A.D.; succeeded Nectarius as Archbishop of Constantinople in 397; died in exile at Comana in Pontus in 407.
40. 2 Luke vi, 36.
41. 3 Ephes. i, 9.
42. 4 Gr. eu0mhxani/aj.
43. 1 Heb. viii, 1.
44. 2 Ibid., 6.
45. 3 Gr. 'Ara to_n ou)rano_n. a)lla_ tou_j a)gge/louj; a)lla_ is evidently a press error for a}pa.
46. 1 Gr. e0pi\ a)nakefalaiw&sei tou~ panto&j. See Ephesians, i, 10. Montfaucon renders ad universi restaurationem.
47. 2 Philon was ordained Bishop of Carpathus, an island between Crete and Rhodes, by Epiphanius of Cyprus, about the beginning of the fifth century. His surname was probably Carpasius rather than Carpathius, as there is a town called Carpasia in the north of Cyprus. He is principally known from his Commentary on the Canticles, which he treats allegorically.
48. 1 Song of Sol., ii, 4.
49. 2 Song of Sol., i, 2.
50. 3 Not in our Bible.
51. 1 Cosmas has not quoted the passage where this word occurs.
52. 2 Rom. viii, 34.
53. 1 Matt. xxvi, 39.
54. 2 Gr. turannou~ntej. See note 2, p. 92.
55. 3 Luke xxiii, 44.
56. 4 So called to distinguish him from Timotheus, nicknamed Aelurus or the Cat.
57. 5 Isai. liii, 7.
58. 6 Matt. xxvi, 39
59. 1 Gr. i0nd. i/. The time from which reckoning by Indictions began was the st, but, according to others, the 15th of September, 312 A.D. The Indiction is a cycle of fifteen years, which was used in reckoning time chiefly by ecclesiastical historians onward from the time of Athanasius, and it is still used by the Popes, who reckon it as commencing st January, 313. See Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap, xiv, n. 62; also chap, xviii, n. 170. The word originally meant a summons to pay a tax, and only gradually came to be a mode of reckoning time. The expression, the Tenth Indiction, does not mean the tenth period of fifteen years from 313 A.D., but the tenth year of any current Indiction. We express ourselves similarly when we say, for instance, the tenth January instead of the tenth of January.
60. 1 Gr. Pasxw~n kb'. Montfaucon translates Pachon decima quarta. The circumflex on w shows Paschôn to be a misprint for Pachon.
61. 2 John iv, 6.
62. 3 John x, 30.
63. 1 John xvi, 17.
64. 2 These words seem to be added by Cosmas himself.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cosmas_11_book11.htm
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 358-373. Book 11
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 358-373. Book 11
BOOK XI.
A description of Indian Animals, and of the Island of Taprobane.
HIS animal1 is called the rhinoceros from having horns upon his snout. When he is walking his horns are mobile, but when he sees anything to move his rage, he erects them and they become so rigid that they are strong enough to tear up even trees by the root, those especially which come right before him. His eyes are placed low down near his jaws. He is altogether a fearful animal, and he is somehow hostile to the elephant. His feet and his skin, however, closely resemble those of the elephant. His skin, when dried, is four fingers thick, and this some people put, instead of iron, in the plough, and with it plough the land. The Ethiopians in their own dialect call the rhinoceros Arou, or Harisi, aspirating the alpha of the latter word, and adding risi. By the arou they designate the beast as such, and by arisi, ploughing, giving him this name from his shape about the nostrils, and also from the use to which his hide is turned.2 In Ethiopia I once saw a live |359 rhinoceros while I was standing at a far distance, and I saw also the skin of a dead one stuffed with chaff, standing in the royal palace, and so I have been able to draw him accurately.3
The Taurelaphus, the Bull-stag or Ox-deer.
The taurelaphus is an animal found in India and in Ethiopia. Those in India are tame, and are used for the transport of pepper and other stuffs packed in saddle-bags. They are milked, and from the milk butter is made. We also eat their flesh, the Christians killing them by cutting their throats and the Pagans by felling them. The Ethiopian kind, unlike the Indian, are wild and have not been domesticated.
The Camelopardalis----the Giraffe. 335
Cameleopards are found only in Ethiopia. They also are wild creatures and undomesticated. In the palace 4 one or two that, by command of the King, have been caught when young, are tamed to make a show for the King's amusement. When milk or water to drink is set before these creatures in a pan, as is done in the King's presence, they cannot, by reason of the great length of their legs and the height of their breast and neck, stoop down to the earth and drink, unless by straddling with their forelegs. They must therefore, it is plain, in order to drink, stand with their forelegs wide apart. This animal also I have delineated from my personal knowledge of it. |360
The Agriobous or Wild Ox.
This wild ox is a large Indian animal,5 and from it is got what is called the toupha,6 with which commanders of armies decorate their horses and banners when taking the field. If his tail, it is said, catches in a tree, he does not seek to move off but stands stock-still, having a strong aversion to lose even a single hair of his tail. So the people of the place come and cut off his tail, and then the beast, having lost it all, makes his escape. Such is the nature of this animal.
The Moschus or Musk-deer.
The small animal,7 again, is the Moschus, called in the native tongue Kastouri. Those who hunt it pierce it with arrows, and having tied up the blood collected at the navel8 they cut it away. For this is the part which has the pleasant fragrance known to us by the name of musk. The men then cast away the rest of the carcase.
The Monoceros or Unicorn.
This animal is called the unicorn,9 but I cannot say that I have seen him. But I have seen four brazen figures of |361 him set up in the four-towered palace of the King of Ethiopia. From these figures I have been able to draw him as you see.10 They speak of him as a terrible beast and quite invincible, and say that all his strength lies in his horn. When he finds himself pursued by many hunters and on the point of being caught, he springs up to the top of some precipice whence he throws himself down11 and in the descent turns a somersault so that the horn sustains all the shock of the fall,12 and he escapes unhurt. And scripture in like manner speaks concerning him, saying, Save me from the mouth of lions, and my humility from the horns of unicorns.13 And again: And he that is beloved as the son of unicorns;14 and again in the blessings of Balaam wherewith he blessed Israel, he says for the second time: God so led him out of Egypt even as the glory of the unicorn;15 thus bearing complete testimony to the strength, audacity, and glory of the animal.
The Chaerelaphus or Hog-deer and Hippopotamus. 336
The hog-deer I have both seen and eaten. The hippopotamus, however, I have not seen, but I had teeth of it so |362 large as to weigh thirteen pounds,16 and these I sold here.17 And I saw many such teeth both in Ethiopia and in Egypt.
Piperi----pepper.
This is a picture of the tree which produces pepper. Each separate stem being very weak and limp twines itself, like the slender tendrils of the vine, around some lofty tree which bears no fruit. And every cluster of the fruit is protected by a double leaf. It is of a deep green colour like that of rue.
Argellia----The Narikela of Sanskrit----Cocoa-nuts.
The other tree [represented] bears what are called argellia, that is, the large Indian nuts. It differs nothing from the date-palm, except that it is of greater height and thickness and has larger fronds. It bears not more than two or three flower-spathes, each bearing three nuts. Their taste is sweet and very pleasant, like that of green nuts. The nut is at first full of a very sweet water which the Indians drink, using it instead of wine.18 This delicious drink is called rhongcosura. If the fruit is gathered ripe and kept, then the water gradually turns solid on the shell, while the water left in the middle remains fluid, until of it also there is nothing left over. If however it be kept too long the concretion on the shell becomes rancid and unfit to be eaten. |363
The Phoca or Seal, the Dolphin and the Turtle.
The seal, the dolphin, and the turtle we eat at sea 19 if we chance to catch them. When we want to eat the dolphin and turtle we cut their throat. But we do not kill the seal that way, but strike it over the head as is done with the large kinds of fish. The flesh of the turtle, like mutton, is dark-coloured; that of the dolphin is like pork, but dark-coloured and rank;20 and that of the seal is, like pork, white and free from smell.
Concerning the Island of Taprobanê. 21
This is a large oceanic island lying in the Indian sea. By, the Indians it is called Sielediba, but by the Greeks |364 Taprobanê, and therein is found the hyacinth stone.22 It lies on the other side of the pepper country. Around it are numerous small islands 23 all having fresh water and cocoa-337 nut trees. They nearly all have deep water close up to their shores.24 The great island, as the natives report, has a length of three hundred gaudia, that is,of nine hundred miles,25 and it is of the like extent in breadth. There are two kings in the island, and they are at feud the one with the other.26 The one has the hyacinth country, and the other the rest of the country where the harbour is. and the centre of trade.27 |365 It is a great mart for the people in those parts. The island has also a church of Persian Christians who have settled there, and a Presbyter who is appointed from Persia, and a Deacon and a complete ecclesiastical ritual.28 But the natives and their kings are heathens.29 In this island they have many temples, and on one, which stands on an eminence, there is a hyacinth as large as a great pine-cone, fiery red, and when seen flashing from a distance, especially if the sun's rays are playing round it, a matchless sight.30 The island being, as it is, in a central position, is much frequented by ships from all parts of India and from Persia and Ethiopia, and it likewise sends out many of its own. And from the |366 remotest countries,31 I mean Tzinista and other trading places, it receives silk,32 aloes, cloves, sandalwood33 and other products, and these again are passed on to marts on this side, such as Male,34 where pepper grows, and to Calliana35 which exports copper and sesame-logs, and cloth for making dresses, for it also is a great place of business. And to Sindu36 also where musk and castor is procured and androstachys,37 and to Persia and the Homerite country, and to Adulé. And the island receives imports from all these marts which we have mentioned and passes them on to the remoter ports, while, at the same time, exporting its own produce in both directions. Sindu is on the frontier of India, for the river Indus, that is, the Phison, which discharges into the Persian Gulf, forms the boundary between Persia and India.38 The most notable places of trade in India are these: Sindu, |367 Orrhotha,39 Calliana, Sibor,40 and then the five marts of Male which export pepper: Parti, Mangarouth,41 Salopatana, Nalopatana, Poudopatana.42 Then out in the ocean, at the distance of about five days and nights from the continent, lies Sielediba, that is Taprobanê. And then again on the continent is Marallo, a mart exporting chank shells,43 then Caber44 which exports alabandenum, and then farther away is the clove country, then Tzinista which produces the silk.45 Beyond this there is no other country, for the ocean surrounds it on the east. This same Sielediba then, placed as one may say, in the centre of the Indies and possessing the |368 hyacinth receives imports from all the seats of commerce and in turn exports to them, and is thus itself a great seat of commerce.
338 Now I must here relate what happened to one of our countrymen, a merchant called Sopatrus, who used to go thither on business, but who to our knowledge has now been dead these five and thirty years past. Once on a time he came to this island of Taprobane on business, and as it chanced a vessel from Persia put into port at the same time with himself. So the men from Adulé with whom Sopatrus was, went ashore, as did likewise the people of Persia, with whom came a person of venerable age and appearance.46 Then, as the way there was, the chief men of the place and the custom-house officers received them and brought them to the king. The king having admitted them to an audience and received their salutations, requested them to be seated. Then he asked them: In what state are your countries, and how go things with them? To this they replied, they go well. Afterwards, as the conversation proceeded, the king inquired Which of your kings is the greater and the more powerful? The elderly Persian snatching the word answered: Our king is both the more powerful and the greater and richer, and indeed is King of Kings, and whatsoever he |369 desires, that he is able to do. Sopatrus on the other hand sat mute. So the king asked: Have you, Roman,47 nothing to say? What have I to say, he rejoined, when he there has said such things? but if you wish to learn the truth you have the two kings here present. Examine each and you will see which of them is the grander and the more powerful. The king on hearing this was amazed at his words and asked, How say you that I have both the kings here? You have, replied Sopatrus, the money 48 of both ---- the nomisma 49 of the one, and the drachma, that is, the miliarision 50 of the other. Examine the image of each, and you will see the truth. The king thought well of the suggestion, and, nodding his consent, ordered both the coins to be produced. Now the Roman coin had a right good ring, was of bright metal and finely shaped, for pieces of this kind are picked for export to the island. But the miliarision, to say it in one word, was of silver, and not to be compared with the gold coin. So the king after he had turned them this way and that, and had attentively examined both, highly commended the nomisma, saying that the Romans were certainly a splendid, powerful, and |370 sagacious people.51 So he ordered great honour to be paid to Sopatrus, causing him to be mounted on an elephant, and conducted round the city with drums beating and high state. These circumstances were told us by Sopatrus himself and his companions, who had accompanied him to that island from Adule; and as they told the story, the Persian was deeply chagrined at what had occurred.
But, in the direction of the notable seats of commerce already mentioned, there are numerous others [of less importance] both on the coast and inland, and a country of great extent. Higher up in India, that is, farther to the north, are the White Huns.52 The one called Gollas when going to war takes with him, it is said, no fewer than two |371 thousand elephants, and a great force of cavalry. He is the lord of India, and oppressing the people forces them to pay tribute. A story goes that this king once upon a time would lay siege to an inland city of the Indians which was on every side protected by water. A long while he sat down before it, until what with his elephants, 339 his horses and his soldiers all the water had been drunk up.53 He then crossed over to the city dryshod, and took it. These people set great store by the emerald stone and wear it set in a crown. The Ethiopians who procure this stone from the Blemmyes 54 in Ethiopia take it into India and, with the price it fetches, they invest in wares of great value. All these matters I have described and explained partly from personal observation, and partly from accurate inquiries which I made when in the neighbourhood of the different places.
The kings of various places in India keep elephants,55 such as the King of Orrhotha, and the King of Calliana, and the Kings of Sindu, Sibor and Male. They may have each six hundred, or five hundred, some more, some fewer. Now the King of Sielediba gives a good price both for the elephants and for the horses that he has. The elephants he pays for by cubit measurement. For the height is |372 measured from the ground, and the price is reckoned at so many nomismata for each cubit, fifty it may be, or a hundred, or even more. Horses they bring to him from Persia, and he buys them, exempting the importers of them from paying custom. The kings of the continent tame their elephants, which are caught wild, and employ them in war. They often set elephants to fight with each other for a spectacle to the king.56 They keep the two combatants apart by means of a great cross beam of wood fastened to two upright beams and reaching up to their chests. A number of men are stationed on this and that side to prevent the animals meeting at close quarters, but at the same time to instigate them to fight one another. Then the beasts thrash each other with their trunks till one of them gives in. The Indian elephants are not provided with large tusks, but should they have such, the Indians saw them off, that their weight may not encumber them in action. The Ethiopians do not understand the art of taming elephants; but should the king wish to have one or two for show, they capture them when young and subject them to training. Now the country abounds with them, and they have large tusks which arc exported by sea from Ethiopia even into India and Persia and the Homerite country and the Roman dominion. These particulars I have derived from what I have heard.
The river Phison separates all the countries of India [lying along its course] from the country of the Huns. In scripture the Indian region is called Euilat (Havilah). For it is thus written in Genesis: Now the river goeth out from Eden to water Paradise. And from there it was parted and became four heads. The name of the first is Phison (Pishon); that is it which compasseth the whole land of Euilat, where there is gold; and the gold of that land is good; there is the |373 carbuncle and the jasper stone;57 where the writer clearly calls the country Euilat. This Euilat, moreover, is of the race of 340 Ham. For thus again it is written: The sons of Ham, Cush and Misraim, Phut and Caraan the sons of Cush, Sabâ and Euilat; that is the Homerites and Indians, for Sabâ is situated in the Homerite country, and Euilat is in India. For the Persian Gulf divides those two countries. And that country has gold according to sacred scripture. It has also the pezerôs58 which Scripture calls anthrax (carbuncle) and the jasper stone, by which it designates the leek-green stone.59 Clearly therefore does divine scripture, as being really divine, relate these things, even as the whole of our treatise goes to show.
[Footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1 In the Codex the pictures of the animals and plants precede the description of them. See the Plates in the Appendix.
2. 2 Salt states that the name, by which the rhinoceros (two-horned) is designated to this day all over Abyssinia, is absolutely the same as that given by Cosmas. Hence he was convinced that the language spoken at the Court of Axum was Gheez.
3. 1 The animal, however, as depicted by Cosmas is more like a horse than a rhinoceros. A description of the rhinoceros and its mode of fighting with the elephant is given by Agatharchides in his work on the Erythraean.
4. 2 Cosmas here uses the Latin word: palati/w.
5. 1 This is evidently the yak, the Bos grunniens of naturalists.
6. 2 The Chowries or fly-flappers used in India, particularly on occasions of state and parade. Tupha is the Turkish name of the horsetail standard.
7. 3 It is little more than three feet in length.
8. 4 The cyst of the male, which is about the size of a hen's egg, contains a clotted, oily, friable matter, dark-brown in colour, and this is the true musk.
9. 5 The first author who has given a description of the unicorn is Ctesias of Cnidos, a physician who spent seventeen years at the Court of Artaxerxes Mnêmôn, where he heard all manner of marvellous stories about India. The one-horned animal which he describes under the name of the wild ass of India, and which Aristotle speaks of as the Indian ass, is best identified with the rhinoceros, notwithstanding all the errors of the description.
10. 1 Lobo, in his history of Abyssinia, describes the unicorn as resembling a beautiful horse, and in the picture of it by Cosmas its body is not unlike that of a horse. For a remark on this picture, see Yule's Marco Polo, vol. ii, 273.
11. 2Gr. ei0j krhmno_n e0fa&lletai, kai\ r(i/ptei e(auto_n e0k tou~ u#youj. Montfaucon's rendering of these words: "deorsum in praecipitia sese conjicit," does not give their full import.
12. 3 This is said to hold true of the oryx.
13. 4 Psalm xxii, 21. The Revised Version has here: from the horns of the wild ox. To the influence of the Septuagint Version, which rendered the Hebrew word for the wild ox (reem) by unicorn, may be traced most of the fables about the unicorn.
14. 5Psalm xxix, 6.
15. 6 Numb. xxiii, 22.
16. 1 Gr. litrw~n. This word is the Sicelo-Greek form of the Latin libra. The coinage system of the Dorians of Sicily was borrowed from Italy.
17. 2 In Alexandria----and probably in his earlier years, when he was a merchant.
18. 3 "Possibly," says Yule, "Cosmas has confounded the cocoa-nut milk with the coco-palm toddy. For sura is the name applied on the Malabar coast to the latter. Roncho may represent lanha, the name applied there to the nut when ripe, but still soft."
19. 1 Gr. kata_ qa&lattan. Montfaucon renders ad oram maris "on the sea shore."
20. 2 Gr. w(j xoi/rou, melamyo&u de\ kai\ bromw~dej. Montfaucon in his rendering overlooks the de\, and thus makes Cosmas say that pork is black and foul-smelling. bromw~dej is an incorrect form of brwmw~dej, an epithet applied by Strabo to the district of Puteoli, which was noted for its foul smells.
21. 3 Ceylon has been known by many names. In Sanskrit works it is called Lanka, an appellation unknown to the Greeks. Megasthenes, who wrote his work on India about 300 B.C., calls it Taprobanê, a compound which is generally regarded as a transliteration of Tâmraparnî, copper-coloured leaf, a name given to the island by its Indian conqueror, Vijaya. This name is found in its Pâli form, Tambaparni, in Asôka's inscription on the Girnâr rock. Some are, however, of opinion that Taprobanê is a slightly-altered form of Dwîpa-Râvana (Island of Râvana), as the country was called by Brahmanical writers. From the Periplûs and Ptolemy we learn that Taprobanê was anciently called Simoundou, but in his own time, Salike, i.e., the country of the Salai. Here we have in a slightly-altered form the Siele-diva of Cosmas, for diva is but a form of Dwipa, the Sanskrit for island. Both salai and siele have their common source in sihalam (pronounced as Silam), the Pâli form of the Sanskrit sinhala, a lion. To the same source may be traced all its other names, such as Serendivus, Sirlediba, Serendib, Zeilan, Sailan, and Ceylon. As there are no lions in Ceylon, sinhala must be taken to mean a lion-like man----a hero----the hero Vijaya.
22. 1 Some think this is not our jacinth, but rather the sapphire; others take it to be the amethyst.
23. 2 The Laccadives. The name means, islands by the hundred thousand.
24. 3 Gr. 'Assobaqai\ de\ w(j e)pi\ to_ plei=ston pa~sai/ ei0sin. Montfaucon renders alia aliam proxime sitae, thus taking no account of baqai\, the predominant partner in the compound. 'Assobaqo\j is a barbarous form of a)gxibaqh&j.
25. 4 "The Hindus" says Tennent in his Ceylon, Chap. I., "propounded the most extravagant ideas, both as to the position and extent of the island; expanding it to the proportions of a continent, and, at the same time, placing it a considerable distance south-east of India." The Classical and Arab writers were no less extravagant in their estimates than the Hindus. Even Ptolemy, who determined correctly the general form and outline of the island, as well as its actual position with reference to the adjoining continent, represented it as some fourteen times larger than it is. Its extreme length from north and south is 271 1/2 miles, its greatest width 137 1/2 miles, its circuit somewhat under 700 miles, and its area one-sixth smaller than that of Ireland. With regard to the word gaudia, Tennent says (Ceylon, vol. ii., p. 543, note): "It is very remarkable that this singular word, gaon, in which Cosmas gives the dimensions of the island, is in use to the present day in Ceylon, and means the distance which a man can walk in an hour.....A gaon in Ceylon expresses a somewhat indeterminate length, according to the nature of the ground to be traversed."
26. 5 Gr. e0nanti/oi a)llh&lwn. Tennent (ibid.) prefers to render this expression by "ruling at opposite ends of the island."
27. 6 Tennent (ibid.) rejects Thevenot's notion that by hyacinth Cosmas meant here "the part of the island where jacinths are found;" on the ground that the region which produces gems, namely, the south part of the island, is that which also has the port and the emporium. The King who possessed the wonderful gem (called by Gibbon the luminous carbuncle) ruled the northern part of the island. The emporium, according to Gibbon, was Trinquemale, but Tennent takes it to be Point de Galle.
28. 1 Gr. kai\ pa~san th_n e)kklhsiastikh_n leitourgi/an.
29. 2 Gr. a)llo&fuloi. Tennent renders the sentence thus: "The natives and their kings are of different races." Cosmas, however, here uses the term in the sense in which the kindred compounds a)llofule/w and a)llofulismo&j are used in the Septuagint. The latter word in II Maccab. iv, 13, means the adoption of gentle manners and customs. Montfaucon rightly renders: alieni cultus.
30. 3 The Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Thsiang, who was a century later than Cosmas, relates that at Anarajapura, on a spire surmounting one of its temples, a ruby was elevated which with its transcendent lustre illuminated the whole heaven. Marco Polo again relates that the King of Ceylon was reputed to have the grandest ruby that ever was seen----one that was flawless and brilliant beyond description. "It is most probable" says Tennent (quoting the authority of Dana's Mineralogy, vol. ii, p. 196), "that the stone described by Marco Polo was not a ruby but an amethyst, which is found in large crystals in Ceylon, and which modern mineralogists believe to be the 'hyacinth' of the ancients." There is no authentic record of the ultimate history of this renowned jewel, unless it be the "carbuncle" of unusual lustre which was purchased early in the 14th century for the Emperor of China. See Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i, pp. 543-4, note.
31. 1 Gr. tw~n e)ndote/rwn. The countries inside of Cape Comorin, that is, to the east of it.
32. 2 Gr. me/tacin-me/taca and not me/tacij is the usual form of this word. Metaxa is a Latin as well as a Greek word, and means properly "yarn." It was used, however, by the mediaeval Greeks to signify silk in general. Procopius, who was contemporary with Cosmas, says that clothing was made from it, and that of old Greeks called this clothing mêdikê, but in his time, sêrikê. See Note 2, p. 47.
33. 3 Gr. tzanda&nan.
34. 4 The Malabar littoral.
35. 5 Calliana, now Kalyâna, near Bombay, is named in the Kanhêri Bauddha Cave inscription. Mention is also made of it in the Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea, which states that it was raised to the rank of a regular mart in the times of the elder Saragones, who was probably one of the great Sâtakarni or Andrabhritya dynasty.
36. 6 Probably Diul-Sind at the mouth of the Indus. See Yule's Hobson-Jobson, p. 247.
37. 7 Gr. a)ndrosta&xhn. This word, so far as I know, is not met with elsewhere. I take it to be an error in transcription for na&rdou sta&xun or nardo&staxun, Latin spica nardi, whence our spikenard.
38. 8 The Persian empire when overthrown by Alexander the Great extended to the Indus, and even embraced some territory in Sindh lying along the eastern bank of that river.
39. 1 Pliny, in his list of the Indian races, mentions a people called the Horatae, whose country adjoined the Gulf of Khambay. Their name is an incorrect transcription of Sorath, the popular form of Saurâsh-tra ----or, as it is called by the author of the Periplûs and by Ptolemy, Surastrênê, i.e., Gujarat. Some have therefore identified Orrhotha with Surat, but as Surat was not a place of any importance till the arrival of the Portuguese in India, this view cannot be accepted. Yule took it to be some place on the western coast of the peninsula of Gujarat.
40. 2 Yule identifies Sibor with Chaul or Chênwal, a seaport situated 23 miles to the south of Bombay. It is the Simylla of Ptolemy, and the Saimûr or Jaimûr of the Arabian geographers.
41. 3 Mangarouth is now Mangalôr.
42. 4 These three ports appear to have been situated on the coast of Cottonarikê, the pepper country, somewhere between Mangalôr and Calicut. The termination patana means " town". Poudopatana means "New town", and the place so called may be identified with Ptolemy's Podoperoura.
43. 5 Gr. koxli/ouj.
44. 6 Caber is the emporium called by Ptolemy Chavêris, which Dr. Burnell identified with Kâvêrîpattam----a place situated a little to the north of Tranquebar, at the mouth of the Podu-Kâvêrî (New Kâverî). Kâvera is the Sanskrit word for saffron. What its export, alabandenum was, is unknown.
45. 7 Gr. h( tzini/sta th_n me/tacin ba&llousa. Anciently Seres was the name of the Chinese nation as known by land, and Sinae as known by sea. In the Periplûs the country is called Thîna. Cosmas was the first who laid down its correct boundary on the east by the Ocean.
46. 1 "Cosmas", says Tennent in his Ceylon (vol. i, p. 542, note 2), "wrote between A.D. 545 and A.D. 550; and the voyage of Sopatrus to Ceylon had been made thirty years before. Kumaara Daas reigned from A.D. 515 to A.D. 524." He further states (ibid., p. 393) that of the eight kings who reigned between A.D. 515 and A.D. 586, two died by suicide, three by murder, and one from grief occasioned by the treason of his son. The Malabars, taking advantage of the anarchy prevailing, made frequent descents on the island then and afterwards. This author, following the French version of Thevenot, has been misled into saying that Sopatrus sailed from Adulé in the same ship with the Persian bound for Ceylon. Cosmas describes the Persian as a presbu&thj, i.e., an old man, and not an orator (i.e., an ambassador), as Montfaucon renders the Greek word.
47. 1 "Vincent has noted the fact that in his interview with the Greek, he (the King) addressed him by the epithet of Roomi, "su_ (Rwmeu~", the term which has been applied from time immemorial in India to the powers who have been successively in possession of Constantinople, whether Roman, Christian, or Mahommedan" (Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i, p. 542, note 2).
48. 2 Gr. taj moni/taj. This is a Latin word, and should be monh&taj. Monêta was a name of Juno, in whose temple money was coined. Proprie, nota numinis impressi moneta est.
49. 3 Gr. no&misma. This would be an aureus. Constantine the Great coined aurei of seventy-two to the pound of gold, and at this standard the coin remained to the end of the empire.
50. 4 This word is generally written miliarh&sion, a silver drachma of which twenty made a daric, which was equivalent to an Attic stater. Among the imports of Barygaza (Bharoch) enumerated in the Periplus we find gold and silver denarii----dhna&rion xrusou~n kai\ a)rgurou~n.
51. 1 "This story," says Tennent (Ceylon, vol. i, p. 542), "would, however, appear to be traditional, as Pliny relates a somewhat similar anecdote of the ambassadors from Ceylon in the reign of Claudius, and of the profound respect excited in their minds by the sight of the Roman denarii."
52. 2 Gr. leukoi\ Ou}nnoi. The absence of the rough breathing from the name is notable, since another form of it is Xou~noi. About the year 100 of our aera the most warlike tribes of the Huns, impatient of bearing longer the Chinese yoke, turned their faces westward, and having left behind them the mountains of Imaus, directed their march, some to the Oxus, and others to the Volga. "The first of these colonies", says Gibbon in his 26th Chapter, "established their dominion in the fruitful and extensive plains of Sogdiana, on the eastern side of the Caspian, where they preserved the name of Huns, with the epithet of Euthalites or Nephthalites. Their manners were softened, and even their features were insensibly improved by the mildness of the climate, and their long residence in a flourishing province which might still retain a faint impression of the arts of Greece. The white Huns, a name which they derived from the change of their complexions, soon abandoned the pastoral life of Scythia." Sir William Hunter, at p. 170 of his work on The Indian Empire, says: "The latest writer on the subject (the fortunes of the Scythian or Tartar races in Northern India) believes that it was the White Huns who overthrew the Guptas between 465 and 470 A.D. He (Dr. J. Ferguson) places the great battles of Korur and Maushari, which 'freed India from the Sâkas and Hunas', between 524 and 544 A.D. Cosmas Indicopleustes, who traded in the Red Sea about 535 A.D., speaks of the Huns as a powerful nation in Northern India in his days."
53. 1 Even as the army of Xerxes and his beasts of burden drank up the Scamander.----See Herodot. vii, 43.
54. 2 The Blemmyes were fierce predatory nomads of the Nubian wilds and the regions adjacent. Emeralds were found in the mines of Upper Egypt, and were no doubt shipped from Adule for the Indian markets by the Ethiopian traders who bought them from the Blemmyes. If taken to Barygaza (Bharoch), they could be transported thence by a frequented trade-route to Ujjain, thence to Kabul, and thence over the Hindu Kush to the regions of the Oxus.
55. 3 Pliny has preserved from Megasthenes a section of his Indika, in which he states the number of elephants kept by each of the Indian kings in his time.
56. 1 A custom still in vogue.
57. 1 Gen. ii, 10-12.
58. 2 This is an incorrect form of paide/rwj, a kind of opal.
59. 3 Gr. li/qon pra&sinon.
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 374-385. Book 12
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 374-385. Book 12
NOTICE TO THE READER.
(From the Latin of Montfaucon.)
WE wish to apprise the reader that this twelfth book of Cosmas Indicopleustes which is contained in the Laurentian Codex, but in a mutilated state at the end, is not found in the Vatican Codex of the eighth or ninth century. For, as one may see in the course of perusing the work, the books which compose it were written at different times by the author, who, when he had published in the outset only five books on the figure of the world, added the sixth book, and at intervals the seventh, eighth, ninth, etc., against the champions of the opposite view, who clamoured against the work immediately after it appeared. As his opponents did not remain silent, and afterwards started new objections, Cosmas manfully, in his new books which he added to the original work, replied to those who stood out against him as best he could; and since it is probable that copies of the published books had got into circulation before he could add new books to the original, it seems to have come about that that copy, from which the text of the Vatican Codex was derived, was in the hands of the public before the twelfth book had been added. Nor will it be out of place to point out that Cosmas Indicopleustes not only added new books to those already finished, if the case so required, but even altered, added, deleted much and made marginal notes; whence it happens that the Vatican is not altogether in unison with the Laurentian Codex. For, as we have already stated, that copy, from which the Vatican text is derived, makes the beginning much shorter, whence it can be plainly seen that the copy of Cosmas, from which the Laurentian text was derived, had been revised and extended by subsequent labours of the author.
BOOK XII.
Yet another book showing that many of the old Pagan writers testify to the antiquity of the divine scriptures uttered through Moses and the prophets. And that the Greeks appear to have learned letters the last of all, and to have their unbelief with regard to the divine scriptures deeply rooted.
N the Chaldaean books of Bêrôsus1 and certain others it is thus written: that ten kings reigned over the Chaldaeans 2242 myriads of years, but, under their tenth king Xisuthrus, as they called him, there was a great flood, and that Xisuthrus being warned by God embarked in a ship with his wife and kindred and cattle, and that having been brought over in safety, as their story goes, to the mountains of Armenia, he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to the Gods after the flood. These writers have thus presented in a new form nearly all the account given by Moses; for men continued to live in the earth beyond [the Ocean] |376 2242 years for a course of ten generations, and, under Noah who was the tenth the flood having occurred, they passed over to this earth by means of the Ark. For Noah is he whom they call Xisuthrus. But by having changed the days into years, they asserted that those ten kings had lived 2242 myriads of years, since the number of years reckoned by Moses to have elapsed from Adam to the deluge of Noah was 2242. In like manner the philosopher Timaeus 2 also describes this earth as surrounded by the Ocean, and the Ocean as surrounded by the more remote earth. For he supposes that there is to westward an island, Atlantis, lying out in the Ocean, in the direction of Gadeira (Cadiz), of an enormous magnitude, and relates that the ten kings having procured mercenaries from the nations in this island 341 came from the earth far away, and conquered Europe and Asia, but were afterwards conquered by the Athenians, while that island itself was submerged by God under the sea. Both Plato and Aristotle praise this philosopher, and Proclus has written a commentary on him. He himself expresses views similar to our own with some modifications, transferring the scene of the events from the east to the west. Moreover he mentions those ten generations 3 as well as that earth which lies beyond the Ocean. And in a word it is evident that all of them borrow from Moses, and publish his statements as their own. |377
For the writers of Chaldaean history as being more ancient, and living farther east, have mentioned in their works both the deluge and the building of the Tower, since they saw that Tower with their own eyes under the process of construction, being no doubt well aware that the men of that time, in fear of another flood, erected it for themselves as a place of refuge and safety. But the men of later times, when they had read Moses also, and found that Noah, in whose time the deluge occurred, was the tenth from Adam, they feigned that they also had ten kings, who had reigned 2242 myriads of years, as has already been said. Of these the first was Alorus, that is, Adam; the second Alaaprus, Seth; the third, Almêdôn, Enoch; the fourth, Ammeôn, Cainân: the fifth, Ammegalaros, Mahalaleel; the sixth, Daonus, a keeper of sheep, Jared; the seventh, Euedôrachos, Enoch; the eighth, Amempsinachus, Methuselah; the ninth, Otiortes, Lamech; the tenth, Xisuthrus, Noah. In his time they say the great flood recorded by Moses occurred.
The writers again of Egyptian history, namely, Manethô,4 and Chaerêmôn,5 Apollonius surnamed Molôn,6 |378 Lysimachus7 and Apiôn the Grammarian8 mention Moses and the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt. For, as being Egyptians and the historians of Egypt, they also agree in their relations of local transactions, and traduce Moses as a promoter of sedition, who stirred up a mob of rascally beggars and lepers,9 and say that these had gone away to Mount Sinai and Jerusalem, and were called Jews. And in a word the Chaldaeans and Egyptians, as being older nations than the Greeks, testify in a manner to divine scripture, asserting that both the deluge in the days of Noah did occur, that a Tower was built, and that there was a departure of the children of Israel from Egypt. But the Greeks, who are later than these, and were later in learning the art of writing, and who are settled, far away from the east, in the regions of the west, and live far remote both from Judaea and from Egypt, knew nothing about these events, either by seeing them or hearing about them. 342 Wherefore even unto this day they refuse to believe both |379 the Old and the New Testament, thinking that what they relate is fabulous.
But the Chaldaeans and the Medes and Persians, having a somewhat wider knowledge, were instructed by the building of the Tower, and the deluge, and by what happened in the case of Hezekiah and Jonah, and by the Captivity, and by Daniel and the Three Children, and also partly by the writings themselves. In like manner also the Egyptians were instructed by the affairs of Joseph and of Moses, and by the people of Israel, and these nations were thus better prepared for a ready acceptance of Christianity. Even the Greeks, however, did believe later on through the Apostles, when they saw the wonders which they wrought. And when still later again signs ceased, and time rolled on, you will find Greeks who have believed, and have been baptized, lapsing, nevertheless, many of them into unbelief, and ignoring the Old and the New Testament, that is, divine scripture, as persons who have not long had the root of religion and the foundation of faith deeply implanted. Wherefore in their writings they have not mentioned, as the early Chaldaeans and Egyptians have done, anything about the deluge and the building of the Tower, and the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, and about the first historian, Moses. But though they regard themselves as very superior persons and the wisest and foremost of men, they are nevertheless from their swelling vanity ignorant of many things. Wherefore one of the Egyptians, whose name was Solomon, said to Plato: The Greeks are always children, and no Greek is ever old, nor is there any learning among you that is of hoar antiquity.10 Yet some, for instance Dius and Menander, |380 who translated the antiquities of the Tyrians into the Greek language, in the works they composed bear testimony to Solomon and the Jews; and further, the whole, I may almost say, of Ethiopia, and the regions to the south of it, bear testimony to divine scripture. But the Greeks alone, who are wise in their own conceit, know not wherein their salvation lies. Timaeus alone, who has been already mentioned, drawing from what source I know not, but perhaps from the Chaldaeans, recast the story of those ten kings, feigning that they came from the earth beyond the Ocean into the island of Atlantis, which he says was submerged below the sea, and that taking its inhabitants as mercenaries, and arriving in this earth, they conquered Europe and Asia----all which is a most manifest invention, for as he could not point out the island, he gave out that God had consigned it to a watery grave.
But those Greeks already mentioned who are admired for their wisdom, when at a late period they had acquired letters and had become possessed of laws, imagined that they alone had rained wisdom upon the world. I refer to their Lycurguses and their Solons and their Teucers of 343 the Locrians, and all the rest of them, who are but men of yesterday, if put in comparison with the renowned Moses, in whose time not so much even as the name of Law 11 was known among the Greeks. Homer is my witness, who nowhere in his poetry uses the word. For there was not |381 in his days such a thing, but the people were governed by the best judgments and the commands of their kings; and from that time till long afterwards, they continued to use unwritten customs, and to alter many of them from time to time according to circumstances. For the Lacedemonians and Cretans conducted education by the training of the habits and not by oral instruction, but the Athenians and nearly all the other nations prescribed by law what ought to be done, while neglecting to accustom the people to conform in practice to the law. Yet one nation after another made a gradual advance to a fixed and authoritative code of laws, not imposed from the beginning like that of Moses of old, who educated his nation in the knowledge of letters and of fixed law, being the first who showed both by word and deed the firm and permanent nature of the law and of letters, until, after a long course of time, he conducted the nations, guided and guarded by the firm nature of the law, to the predicted Lord Christ and his teaching.
The Phoenicians accordingly, being next neighbours to the Jews and having learned letters from them, both wrote inscriptions earlier than the Greeks,12 and prepared the Greeks to learn letters; for Cadmus, taking the letters of the alphabet from Tyre, carried them into Greece. Let not the Greeks then show any supercilious pride, as if they had been the first to invent any thing new of benefit to the world, seeing that they have borrowed from others letters and laws and the notion of the sphere, and astronomy |382 and astrology. For as it was late before they made a figure in the world, they imagined the world to be eternal; having been taught by others to regard the heaven as a sphere, they, as if they were the first who held this opinion, claimed as a discovery of their own the laws of astronomy; and although they were taught letters by others, they suppose themselves to be the oldest and earliest writers: although they have been taught by others to frame laws, they have depicted themselves as the legislators of old times, and founders of just government; although they have received a copious language and an elegant mode of speech from the bounty of God, yet, being unthankful to God the Giver, they are disobedient to His words; and while they have received everything from God and their predecessors, they set them aside, and with swaggering insolence ascribe everything to themselves. For, contending against the divine words, which say: He that established the heaven as a vault,13 these most superior persons cry out in opposition and say: "It is not so, for it is spherical, and this is manifest from the eclipses which we have already adduced." But further, when they hear the resurrection preached to them, they pronounce this to be impossible, for how, say they, can one who has been used up to form 344 countless bodies in succession, rise up? And, to be brief, they attack with sophistries the Giver of their speech in their endeavour to overthrow the doctrines of His Church. And yet He has not left them without a witness to Himself, that He was working for their good and taking thought for it beforehand, for He manifested to them some tokens of His goodness, some four hundred years or more 14 before the coming of Christ, in the days of Alexander the Macedonian, long after the Trojan war, when the Greeks were still |383 flourishing. Let me give an instance of this: When Alexander the Macedonian was passing by Jerusalem in prosecution of his war against Darius, the High Priest of the Jews, arrayed in the robes of his office, came forth to meet him, whereupon Alexander dismounted from his horse and in a very kindly manner embraced him. And when his attendants reproached him for so doing and said: Why hast thou done so? he excused himself and said: When I set out at first from Macedonia, a man dressed in this style was seen by me in a dream who said to me: Go forth and conquer. The result was that the King himself offered sacrifices to God and bestowed many gifts on the Temple, and accorded many privileges to the country of the Jews.15
In subsequent times Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus, after having made careful inquiry from Tryphon the Phalerean16 about the Jewish books, and learned the truth concerning them, earnestly solicited them from the High Priest Eleazar, to whom as well as to the Temple he sent many presents. These books he received along with seventy elderly men, who translated them from the Hebrew into the Greek tongue, and he deposited them on the shelves of his own library. This also was a work of divine providence, that the translation had been prepared before the coming of Christ, lest, if it were done afterwards in the days of the Apostles, it would be exposed to general suspicion, as if they had interpreted what had been said of old by the prophets both concerning Christ and the calling of the Gentiles in a way to suit their own predilections. |384 When Ptolemy Physcôn 17 again had conquered the Jews, and wished to destroy those here in Alexandria by means of his elephants, but God had unexpectedly turned the rage of the animals against his soldiery, he was taught to revere God, and he honoured thereafter with sacrifices and oblations of gifts Him who was the true God, and His people, namely, the Jews. And other kings of the Macedonian empire there were who invited them to be their allies in war; while others, again, who preferred to war against them and held them under subjection for a long time afterwards, witnessed Providence turning to work in their favour, and aroused for their help, and even saw themselves conquered by men who were insignificant and few in number.
And to speak briefly they were trained by wars and miracles and dreams and their sacred books, and were thus taught to know Him who was truly God, Him whom the Jews revere and worship, in order that they also might be 345 the better prepared for the reception of Christianity, so that, at the time when our Lord sojourned upon earth, many nations of Greece, seeing the signs wrought by the Apostles, assented to the faith of Christ, confessing His resurrection and His ascension into heaven. But now, after a long lapse of time and the cessation of signs, they have fallen into a sort of oblivion of that faith, and have reverted to the former superstition, declaring it impossible that there can be a resurrection of the dead and an ascent into heaven. Wherefore you find them observing baptism, and yet thinking that the heaven has a spherical form, in order that the resurrection of their bodies and their ascension into heaven may be denied. These men one will mostly |385 find discussing philosophy with the Pagans alone, and setting forth eclipses as arguments to prove the world of a spherical figure, as if that were a divine doctrine, in this themselves deceived while they deceive others. Wherefore we, by undertaking to exhibit the figures and the places of the whole world, and the revolution of the heavenly bodies, controvert their views from divine scripture, doing our best by means of all these 18 * * *
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Cosmas seems to have derived his knowledge of the works of the historians whom he cites in this book mainly from Josephus.
Berosus was a priest of Belus at Babylon. He was born in the reign of Alexander the Great, and in that of Antiochus Theos wrote in the Greek language the history of Babylonia. This work, which includes notices of the history of Chaldaea, Assyria and Media, is now lost, but some fragments of it: have been preserved in Josephus, Eusebius, and some of the Christian Fathers. Berosus was acquainted with the Jewish scriptures, and hence his statements are often in agreement with those of the Old Testament.
2. 1 Timaeus the Locrian was a Pythagorean philosopher, and is said to have been one of Plato's teachers. In the dialogue which bears his name, Plato puts into his mouth, on account of his deep knowledge of physics and astronomy, a long and learned discourse on the origin of the universe and the formation of man. It is not Timaeus, however, who in that dialogue delivers the myth about "the island Atlantis which was larger than Libya and Asia put together," but Critias. See chap. vi. of the Dialogue.
3. 2 The Timaeus merely states that in the Atlantic island there was formed a powerful league of kings, but their exact number is not specified as Cosmas would have us believe.
4. 1 Manethô, who flourished in Egypt during the reign of the first Ptolemy and survived till that of Philadelphus, was, like Berôsus, a priest, and like him, wrote a history of his own country based upon its priestly records. As many fabulous stories were circulated by other writers under his name, his work, which was written in Greek, and gave an account of the religion, history and chronology of the Egyptians, sank into discredit, and it was not until quite recent times that his authority as an historian has been restored, the inscriptions on the Egyptian monuments having been found to confirm such portions of his works as have come down to our times.
5. 2 Chaerêmôn, who flourished in the earlier part of the first century of our aera, and was by birth an Alexandrian, was chief librarian of the famous Alexandrian library, and was also one of Nero's preceptors. He wrote a work on the history of Egypt, in which, according to Josephus, he advanced wilful falsehoods. Only one or two fragments of this work have been preserved.
6. 3 This is the famous rhetorician of Rhodes, who went to Rome, where he pleaded causes and had the honour of giving instructions in rhetoric to Cicero and to Julius Caesar. In one of his works, mentioned by Josephus, he wrote against the Jews. Not one of his writings is extant.
7. 1 Lysimachus was an Alexandrian grammarian who flourished during the latter half of the second century. Josephus cites a work called 'Aiguptiaka&, which is supposed to have been written by him.
8. 2 Apiôn, who was a native of Oasis, but wished to be considered an Alexandrian, taught rhetoric at Rome in the reigns of Tiberius and Claudius. He was so loquacious and so boastful of himself that the former of these emperors was wont to call him the cymbalum mundi. Among the numerous works which he wrote was one, highly valued, upon Egypt, in which he frequently attacked the Jews. He attacked them also in a separate work, entitled Against the Jews, and of this the contents are known from the reply made by Josephus. The largest fragment of his writings is that which has been preserved by Aulus Gellius, containing the story of Androcles and the lion.
9. 3 Gr. plh~qoj tw~n a)gurtw~n kai\ lelwbhme/nwn. This is Manethô's description of the Israelites. See Josephus, Contra Apion. i, 28.
10. 1 Cosmas must here be quoting the Timaeus of Plato from memory, for he misrepresents what is there stated----namely, that the charge advanced against the Greeks of being always children was made to Solon by an Egyptian priest. It is well known that Solon, after his legislation had been adopted, withdrew from Athens for ten years, and that one of the countries which he visited during that time was Egypt, where he conversed with two learned priests, Psenophis of Heliopolis and Sonchis of Sais. It seems singular that Cosmas should have converted a name so well known as that of Solon into Solomon. Had he only a hearsay knowledge of the dialogue?
11. 1 Gr. no&moj. The laws of Solon were called no&moi, those of Draco qesmoi/.
12. 1 One of the earliest known Greek inscriptions is that which is to be seen in Nubia near Abu Simnel. It was made in the reign of Psamatik II, King of Egypt, by his generals Apollonius and Amasis, and its date is about 595 B.C. Kadmos, according to Mr Sayce, is certainly Phoenician. The question has been settled by a cuneiform tablet, which informs us that Qadmu was the name of the "god". See The Academy, 22nd September, 1894, p. 217.
13. 1 Isai. xl, 23.
14. 2 Not more but less by about 70 years.
15. 1 This story is now discredited, as is also that which immediately follows concerning the Septuagint, of the origin of which little or nothing is known for certain. Both stories are taken from Josephus's Antiquities of the Jews.
16. 2 Tryphon is evidently a slip of memory on Cosmas's part for Demetrius,
17. 1 Physcôn (so called from his obesity) was the seventh sovereign of the Ptolemaic dynasty, and reigned from B.c. 170 to B.C. 117. Cosmas has copied the story here related of him from Josephus, Contra Apion. 11, 5.
18. 1 The last leaf of the Florentine MS. is wanting. Hence the abrupt breaking off in the middle of a sentence.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Plates
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Plates
Plates 1-8
Plates 9-10
Plates 11-21
Plates 22-27
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 389-392. Explanation of the plates
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) pp. 389-392. Explanation of the plates
EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES.
Plate I.----The picture on the left represents the City of Adulê----that on the right an Ethiopian travelling from Adulê to Axômê. The lower picture on the left is the tablet with the Greek inscription copied by Cosmas. It is surmounted by the figure of Ptolemy Euergetês, standing in a warlike attitude. The throne represented on the right is ascribed to the same Ptolemy by Cosmas, but erroneously. It was placed at Adulê by an Axumite conqueror. The writing on the right of it is Di/froj Ptolemoiko&j, Ptolemy's chair.
Plate 2.----The figure of the earth and the heaven, as Cosmas and the ancient Fathers conceived it. The cross-bar represents the firmament.
Plate 3.----A picture of the waters above the firmament.
Plate 4.----A representation of the conical mountain, and also of the sun and the moon under the firmament. The inscription along the pillars is: of oi9 stu&loi tou~ ou)ranou~, the pillars of the heaven.
Plate 5.----A tracing of the inhabited world (gh~ oi0koume/nh).
Plate 6.----A representation of the oblong rectangular figure of the earth which we inhabit, with its surrounding ocean, which is itself surrounded by the other earth which was the seat of Paradise and the abode of man before the Flood. The four gulfs which penetrate into our earth from the ocean, and the rivers which flow into it from Paradise, are also depicted. Above the ocean in the outer earth is this inscription: Fh~ pe/ran tou~ w)keanou~ e nqa pro_ tou~ kataklusmou~ katw&koun oi( a!nqrwpoi, the earth beyond the ocean where men dwelt before the Flood. The lateral inscription is: Fh~ pe/ran tou~ w)keanou~, the earth beyond the ocean. The inscription in the figure of the great gulf coming from the west is Rwmaiko_j Ko&lpoj, the Roman gulf, ie., the Mediterranean. The gulf coming from the north Cosmas calls Kaspeta& Qa&lassa, the Caspian Sea. The name of the northern river is Feisw~n, and of the southern Fhw~n potamo&j, the Pison and Gihon of our bibles. |390
Plate 7.----A representation of the earth with the walls which come down to it from heaven. The four gulfs are shown, and the conical mountain in the north-west whence the earth slopes downward to the south.
Plate 8.----A picture of the conical mountain with three circling lines to show the paths of the sun as he moves round it at different altitudes, thus making the nights shorter or longer. The words written here are mikra_ nu_c, me/sh nu_c, mega&lh nu_c, short night, night of medium length, long night.
Plate 9.----The figure of the world according to the Ptolemaic system. The twelve signs of the Zodiac are shown, and the names are given of the Roman and Egyptian months. The earth, in the form which Cosmas so much abhorred, is in the centre, encircled by the orbits in succession of the Moon, Selh&nhj; of Mercury, E(rmou~; of Venus, 'Afrodi/thj; of the Sun, H(li/ou; of Mars, A reoj; of Jupiter, Di/oj. The names of the Roman months are given in Greek characters, thus: Genarij, Fleba&rij, Ma&rtioj, Auri/llioj (u = v), Maioj, Iounioj, Ioulioj, 'Augustoj, Septebrioj, uktwbrioj, Noeurioj, Dikebrij. Above the outer rim of the Zodiac are given the names of the twelve signs with the names of the corresponding Egyptian months: Aigo&-kerwj Tybi; toco&thj Choiac; skorpi/oj Athyr: zugo_j Phaophy; parqe/noj Thôth; le/wn Mesori; karki/noj Epiphi; Didumoi Payni; tau~roj Pachôn; krio_j Pharmouth; i)xqu~j Phamenôth; u(dro&xooj Mechir.
Plate 10.----Antipodes drawn to deride the idea of their possibility.
Plate 11.----A delineation of the figure and dress of the pagan inhabitants of Attica, oi( e cwqen 'Attikoi/, as seen in the time of Cosmas. These figures are meant for those of Hyperides and Menander, mentioned in p. 147.
Plate 12.----A representation of the outward form of the Tabernacle, h( Skhnh&. The words written outside indicate the directions, a)natolh&, east: bor)r(a~j, north; Du&sij, west. The double line in the centre drawn from north to south represents the veil, katape&tasma, dividing the Tabernacle into the inner and outer sanctuary. The division to the right represents the outer, which contained the table of shew-bread, h( tra&peza; the candlestick, luxni/a; Aaron's rod, r(a&bdoj the vessel of sprinkling, sta&mnoj; the two tables of the Law, ai9 plake/j; the serpent, o!fij. In the inner Tabernacle, e0swte/ra skhnh&, is depicted the Ark of the Testimony, h( kibwto&j tou~ marturi/ou. See pp. 148-154.
Plate 14.----A delineation of the coverings of the Tabernacle, skepa&smata th~j skhnh~j: the loops, a)gku&lai, and clasps, kri/koi, by which they were joined. |391
Plate 15. ---- A picture of the table of the Tabernacle turned by the lathe, tra&peza torneuto&j, and another of the candlestick with its seven lamp-wicks, luxni/a e(pta&muxoj; its shaft, kaulo&j; its ball, karu&iskoj, in the middle of the shaft; its spherical bowl, sfairwth_r krath_r; its lily, kri/non; and its branches kalami/skoi, three on each side of the shaft, making, along with the terminus of the shaft, seven in all, and representing, according to Cosmas, the seven days of the week. See p. 152.
Plate 1 6. ---- The Ark of the Testimony, h( kibwto&j tou~ marturi/ou. Above it is the Propitiatory or Mercy-seat, i(lasth&rion. Above it the Cherubim xeroubi/m figure of Zacharias on one side, and that of Abia on the other.
Plate 17. ---- A delineation of the Court of the Tabernacle, h( au)lh_ th~j skhnh~j; the other words denote the directions: a)natolh_, du&sij, a!rktoj, meshmbri/a, east, west, north, south.
Plate 18. ---- The upper figures represent the celestials; the middle, the terrestrials; and those below, the subterraneans or the buried. See pp. 300-303.
Plate 19. ---- A delineation of the order in which the contents of the outer Tabernacle were arranged. On the left is the table (tra&peza) of shew-bread, with three loaves at each of its four corners, to represent the fruits of each of the four seasons (see p. 152); then follow the candlestick, luxni/a; the vessel of sprinkling, sta&mnoj; the tables of the Law plake/j; the serpent o!fij.
Plate 20. ---- Melchisedek arrayed in his royal robes. See p. 175.
Plate 21. ---- A front and back view of Aaron wearing his priestly robes to_ sxh~ma tou~ i(ere/wj. Montfaucon states that Cosmas, in explanation of this sketch, wrote for the figure on the right: 'Aarw_n me/gaj a)rxiereu_j e)mprosqofanh&j front view of Aaron, the great high priest; and for the figure on the left: 'Aarw_n me/gaj a)rxiereu~j o)pisqofanh&j back view of Aaron, the great high priest.
Plate 22. ---- A delineation of the circle of the twelve months and the fruits produced in each month. Outside the circle are written the names of the Egyptian months Mhne\j 'Aigupti/oi, and of the four seasons, which he designates respectively, e0arinh& troph& the spring tropic; qerinh& troph& the summer tropic; metopwrinh& troph& the autumn tropic; xeimeri\nh& troph& the winter tropic. The fruit produced in Egypt in Pharmouth (April) is sko&roda, garlic; in Pachôn (May), ki/nna a kind of pulse; in Payni (June), ka&rua 'Arme/nia Armenian nuts; in Epiphi (July), si=toj kopu&mwra. Montfaucon takes the latter |392 word to be a mistake for suko&moroj the fig-mulberry, called also suka&minoj h( 'Aigupti/a; in Mesori (August), su~ka stafu&lia, figs, grapes: but to judge from the picture only one kind of fruit is indicated; in Thôth (September), elaio&dakna an unknown fruit; in Phaophy (October), foi/nikej, palms or palm-leaves; in Athyr (November), a)spara&gia asparagus; in Choiac (December), mala&xai mallows; in Tybi (January), e0utu&bia, endives; in Mechir (February), a)gla&tia: this is unknown; in Phamenôth (March), ki/tra fruit of citron?
The remaining plates are pictures of the animals and plants which Cosmas has described in the earlier portion of the eleventh book.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Appendix: further plates.
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography (1897) Appendix: further plates.
Plate 1
Plate 2
Plate 3
Plate 4
Plate 5
Plate 6
Plate 7
Plate 8
Plate 9
Plate 10
Plate 11
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The Chronicle of Arbela (1907). Preface to the online text
The Chronicle of Arbela (1907). Preface to the online text
The supposed th century Chronicle of Arbela was first published by Alphonse Mingana in 1907. But soon after many doubts were raised as to whether it was not, in fact, a forgery by Mingana himself. The Bryn Mawr Classical Review article on an Italian translation summarises the problems:
Mingana had published the Chronicle as the work of a sixth-century writer named Meshihâ-zkhâ ("Christ has conquered"), a lost work known otherwise only from a thirteenth century catalogue of Syriac ecclesiastical works. In 1941, the great French scholar J.-M. Vosté disclosed that Mingana had actually persuaded a local scribe to insert the name Meshihâ-zkhâ into his copy of the text. Subsequent to this, Julius Assfalg examined the only known manuscript -- then labelled Ms. Berl. Or. 3126 -- and noticed that not only did Mingana's text not always correspond to the manuscript -- including one page for which there was no manuscript text at all -- but the script of the manuscript, albeit in Estrangelo, an early Syriac script, clearly indicated that this manuscript was a modern copy, and not one from the tenth-century as Mingana had claimed. At nearly the same time, J.-M. Fiey went so far as to pronounce the text to be a complete fabrication on the part of its editor, noting that the authenticity of earlier editions of Syriac texts prepared by Mingana had already been brought into question by other scholars. Sebastian Brock has since proved that the work cannot be a forgery, but lingering doubts from these earlier studies still cast a dark cloud over the reputation of this Chronicle. Thus, until very recently, consensus among Syriac scholars was that the work is almost totally unreliable, although scholars of Jewish and Sasanian history and religion generally held the text in somewhat higher regard. Its most recent editor, Peter Kawerau, however, argued in his introduction that there is more historically reliable data in the Chronicle of Arbela than had been previously recognized.
Richard Burgess wrote in the ("http://omega.cohums.ohio-state.edu/mailing_lists/LT-ANTIQ/1998/10/0061.php") LT-ANTIQ list:
The two standard treatments of the 'forgery' argument are Assfalg, Julius, 'Zur Textuberlieferung der Chronik von Arbela. Beobachtungen zu Ms. or. fol. 3126'. Oriens Christianus 50 (1966): 19-36, and Fiey, J.-M., 'Auteur et date de la Chronique d'Arbeles'. L'Orient Syrien 12 (1967): 265-302. Two recent supporters of the antiquity of the work are Brock, Sebastian, 'Syriac Historical Writing: A Survey of the Main Sources'. Journal of the Iraqi Academy Syriac Corporation 5 (1979/80): 1-30 (reprinted in Studies in Syriac Christianity. History, Literature and Theology. Aldershot, Hampshire, 1992. Paper I) and Schrier, Omert J., 'Syriac Evidence for the Roman-Persian War of 421-422'. GRBS 33 (1992): 75-86. My own studies of this work support the argument that it was written in antiquity from a variety of sources (including at least one local document from Arbela) and is not a modern concoction.
I began to translate the French translation provided by Mingana in 2003, but never got further than chapter 4. Since I don't wish to see this effort wasted, I have uploaded it here. The uncorrected French text is also added, in case I ever do more.
While looking for the date of the text, I found online an English translation by Timothy Kroll for CSCO 468 (1985) ("http://www.sasanika.com/pdf/Chronicle%20of%20Arbela.pdf"), although it may disappear, I suspect.
Roger Pearse
th December 2006
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: arbela_01_intro.htm
The Chronicle of Arbela (1907) Introduction. pp.viii-xi
The Chronicle of Arbela (1907) Introduction. pp.viii-xi
SOURCES SYRIAQUES
MŠIHA-ZKHA (TEXT AND TRANSLATION)
BAR-PENKAYE (TEXT)
BY
A. MINGANA
PROFESSOR OF SYRIAC AT THE SYRO-CHALDAEAN THEOLOGICAL COLLEGE
SOLD BY OTTO HARRASSOWITZ, LEIPZIG
1
MŠIHA-ZKHA
PRESS OF THE DOMINICAN FATHERS AT MOSUL
TO MY MASTER AND SUPERVISOR
SEBASTIEN SCHEIL O. P.
PREFACE
The pages which we deliver today to the public, fill a gap. Ignorance of this area, of the beginnings of Christianity in the Persian empire, is always to be highly regretted. The manuscript of which we give here the text and the translation, will cure partly this defect in our knowledge, and will allow us at the same time to rectify many errors still current in the work of our modern syrologists.
The life and the character of Mšiha-zkha are unknown to us. On this subject, here are the few indications which we can extract from his history. He came from the country of Adiabene; the tone and the content of his book demonstrate this point with certainty. He was probably a pupil of the school of Nisibis. What makes us suppose this is that he goes into detail concerning this famous university on points which can be explained only by admitting that he had himself heard the scholarly teachers who directed this school. All of which leads us to believe that he was a disciple of Abraham of Beth Rabban; as proof, the praise which he gives him in the life of bishop Hnana. However since this famous interpreter directed the school from 509 to 569 (1), Mšiha-zkha must have lived in the th century. He was apparently a priest or rather a ordained monk; this appears from the pious and edifying tone that he gives to his style at the same time very simple and very clear. |viii
We can prove with certainty that Mšiha-zkha composed his history between the years 550 and 569. While speaking about the bishop of Nisibis, Paul, he says that he was ordained after the return of Mar Aba of Huzistan; however this return having taken place in 550 (2), we are obliged to admit, as the time of its composition, the second half of the th century. On the other side, we cannot exceed the year 569, since the author employs the present tense, contrary to his usual practice, when he speaks about Abraham of Béth Rabban. The two limits are thus inevitably the nineteen years ranging between 550 and 569.
According to what we noted with some certainty, the sources of Mšiha-zkha are, for the history of the Occident: Eusebius of Caesarea, Clement, and perhaps Socrates; finally an apocryphal book now lost; for the history of the East: Habel the doctor, the collection of the martyrs of Adiabene (3), whose drafting can be placed at the beginning of the th century, and the local tradition.
Modern syrologues seem to identify and confuse the three historians: Mšiha-zkha, Išo'-zkha and Zkha-Išo', because of the similarity of their names; something which appears impossible to us, because by comparing the borrowed quotations, in posterior times, in Išo' -zkha and has Zkha-Išo', with the text of Mšiha-zkha, none them could be allotted to the latter. An example is enough to show this: Thomas of Marga who wanted to fix, in his monastic history, the time of the emigration of James, founder of the convent of Béth-'Abé, quotes Išo' -zkha, according to whom James went to Upper Adiabene, under the government |ix of Mar Babai, and that in the fifth year of Kosrau son of Hormizd (4), corresponding to year 595/6, since this king started to reign into 590 (5). However we saw that we cannot place the composition of the history of Mšiha-zkha, later than 569; our author could not thus report events which would be posterior to him by at least twenty five years. This Išo'-zkha, quoted by Thomas of Marga, would be thus a historian who lived right at the start of the th century (6), about fifty years after ours author.
The history of Mšiha-zkha forms a series of biographies of twenty bishops who controlled the church of Adiabene until the th century. Each of these biographies contains the principal facts, during the reign of each bishop from the see of Arbela. Generally the duration of each episcopate is given to us in years, at the end of his life; when it is not, some indications in the margin allow us to determine it. In order to classify these groups of years within a chronological framework, we make use of certain date-points; e. g. the th year which followed the defeat of Kosrau king of the Arsacids by Trajan; the year of the fall of Parthians, i.e. Wednesday, 27 Nissan, year 535 of Greeks etc etc. Events outside the country, but attached to it by their religious character, enter the narrative more or less arbitrarily and are grouped somewhat elastically around such or such episcopate, as frequently the words "in this time, about the same time, in these days... " indicate. |x One thus should not be astonished to see them overflowing on this side beyond the groupings to which they are annexed.
In addition to the advantages which we find in Mšiha-zkha from the point of view of the chronology, he provides us with still other very significant ones, such as: 1° some precise data on the beginnings of Christianity under the Arsacids and Sassanids, data placing the evangelization of the trans-euphrates regions in the first century of our era and not in the third, as some critics seem to say nowadays; 2° the fixing of the time when the apostle Addai lived, a question much discussed by scholars; 3° details that he transmits to us about the Parthians whose history is quite obscure; 4° some unquestionable data which enables us to solve several questions concerning the patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon etc: all details, which put the work of Mšiha-zkha well at the top of the list of historical compilations that the civilized Syrians left us.
Let us say a word on the manuscript itself which preserved for us the history of Mšiha-zkha. Sixteen miles to the North-East of Zakho, and twenty miles approximately to the North-West of Ašitha, there is a large Moslem village named Ekrour. This village was formerly inhabited by the Christians, who were dispossessed more than 150 years ago, by the tribe of Gogayes. It was also used as the residence of the Nestorian bishops who were eager to collect the books of their ancestors there which had escaped the plundering of the plains: the single heritage which remained to them of their glorious past. At the time of the invasion of Gogayes, the peasants carried with them some of these books which they regarded as sacred objects, hid some more and burned, it is said, the remainder, so that they were not defiled by the invaders. The manuscript which contains |xi the history of Mšiha-zkha belongs to the collection of these books which had the good luck to have been able to avoid the fire. It is written on large paper of octavo format, in Estrangelo characters whose age is rather difficult to determine, unless the question is avoided by assigning them to the 10th century: which would not be too early. Later a manuscript containing the homilies of Warda was joined to it. After having detached these added books, I had newly reassembled by an expert, the invaluable remainders containing the chronicle of Mšiha-zkha, to make transport easier. The manuscript being truncated at the beginning and the end, it was impossible for us to know the author of it. Extremely fortunately, we found the title written in the margin, in the body of the manuscript itself (see p. 49).
A. MINGANA.
MOSSOUL, JUIN, 1907.
1. (1) See the historic text of the chronicle of Barhadhbšabba edited by us in Narsai homiliae et carmina vol, I, p. 8 et 35 et sqq.
2. (1) Cf. J. Labourt, Le Christianisme dans l'Empire Perse, p. 191.
3. (2) In Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. IV, p. 128-165.
4. (1) Thomas of Marga, p. I. chap. 23, p. 36 (Bedjan edition).
5. (2) Noeldeke. Geschichte der Perser und Araber (Tabari) p. 435,.
6. (3) Thomas also tells us that he wrote under Iso'Yahb II, from 628 to 643; ibid. p. 36.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: arbela_02_text.htm
The Chronicle of Arbela (1907) Translation (partial) pp.76-...
The Chronicle of Arbela (1907) Translation (partial) pp.76-...
HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ADIABENE UNDER THE PARTHIANS AND THE SASSANIDS
By MŠIHA-ZKHA ( th century)
(Translation)
'Mšiha-zkha made a solid ecclesiastical history'. (Catalogue of Ebedjesu)
(1)............. and several times you have asked me, my dear Pinhes, to outline for you the history of all the bishops of our hyparchy, of the martyrs who were killed there for the love of Christ, and of all those who have acquired a good reputation in this world and in the world to come, so that by this glory is returned to God, and that we also have a good commitment to heaven; because you know that the history of the leaders of the Church leads us naturally to the founder of the Church, who is our Lord Jesus-Christ, |77 who breathes life into our poor humanity, we will just love him better. He must be the goal of our thoughts and we must give ourselves to his love. And if we do that, the Holy Ghost will live in us and we will be sanctuaries for the Holy Trinity, which will reside in us all. Because it is the grace of this Trinity we adore who plants in us a vine, surrounds us by a hedge and digs there a press (Isaiah 5: 1): a vine, because we are the culture of God, planted by him and we belong to him; it is written: He came to his own people (John 1: 11); a hedge: so that we there are kept and hidden and that the claws of our visible and invisible enemies do not tear us. The press is known to you from the martyrs who are killed for the love of Christ and are pressed like the grapes under the feet of the infidel torturers. The holy David said: For you we were killed each day and we were regarded as sheep (intended) for slaughter (Ps. 44: 23). We will thus treat, by the grace of God, of the leaders and of the martyrs, and, in prayer, we request help from our Good God, so that by His grace He forgives us our failures and makes us appear with merry faces in front of the throne of His glory; to Him we return praises and blessings down the centuries of the centuries.
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I. Bishop PKIDHA (104-114). (2) The first bishop in the country of Adiabene, as the learned Habel says (3), was Mar Pkidha on whom the apostle Addaï |78 laid hands in person. He was the son of a poor man called Beri, who was in the service of a magus. But grace of the Holy Ghost who was given to us in abundance by Our Lord Jesus Christ, moved in the heart of his son, when he saw the miracle by which the Addaï Apostle (4) brought a girl back to life, when she was being taken to the cemetery, and delivered her to her parents. He thus resolved to become the disciple (of the Apostle). The tongue could not describe, nor spirit conceive the persecution he underwent at the hands of his father and nearest relatives. As despite everything that he was immoveable in his intentions, his parents imprisoned him in a dark house; but he was helped there, and the door opened for him. He ran and went from there to seek the apostle; but did not find him. When he learned that he had gone into the villages of the mountain, he went to his |79
side at once to become his disciple and to be blessed by him. When after several days he arrived where the blessed one was, the apostle was greatly delighted and started to take him along with him everywhere he went. It is said that after five years he laid hands on him and returned him to his country. He started to preach in the middle of a crowd (hedges) of pagans, did wonders and miracles like the apostles and brought into the fold of Christ a great number of sheep, which he fattened on the divine grace. After ten years he died and was buried by his disciples in the house of his parents who had had a change of heart and had followed him.
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II. Bishop ŠEMŠOUN (120-123). Six years afterwards, Mezra, bishop of Beth-Zabdai (5) came to Adiabene with a caravan of traders. When he learned that there was a community of Christians there, he came furtively to them, and after he had reassured them, they took him to the house and said to him that they had been for six years without a leader. They begged him to lay hands on the deacon Šemšoun and to consecrate him as bishop. Agreeing to their good desires, he laid hands on him, because he had learned that he was a deacon of Pkidha. The latter started in his turn to govern this holy community and to lead it into the good pastures (Ps. XXIII, 2). Outside, he started to preach |80 in the surrounding villages, which worshipped fire and threw their little children in it at the time of their great festival that they called Šahrab-Gamoud. Habel, the writer, described in the following way this festival: This festival, known as it, happened in the month of Iar, and in all the regions nearby. After bathing, one sat down, made food and ate with all the slaves. The inhabitants themselves did not eat unless they had thrown into the fire one of their little children; seizing its liver and kidneys, they suspended them on the branches of the trees which were there, in remembrance of their festivals. Then they launched several arrows towards the sky, rejoicing, and returned to their houses. After preaching for two years, he baptized a great number of them, and the Christian religion was spread in the country, thanks to the virtues of Šemšoun. When this event came to the knowledge of the important people in the region and the magi, they threw him in irons, and after several torments, decapitated him. This happened, says the learned Habel, seven years after the defeat of Kosrau, king of the Arsacids, by Trajan, king of the Romans, who had come to visit our countries (6). Šemšoun was the first |81 martyr of our country which went up to heaven. That the Lord helps us by his prayers and makes that we imitate all his conduct, in order to enjoy his delights. What I will say now! How I will exalt this happy apostle who had taken our Lord as his model, that he did not cease contemplating. We adore our Lord Jesus-Christ, who entrusted to his apostles and after them to their successors the deposit of his word, which gave to their speeches the power so that uncultivated and cruel people were struck with admiration and were dazzled; the echo of these words was heard by all the earth, because it is written: their news spread through all the earth and their words until the end of the world (Ps. XIX, 5). It is He that by strengthening them, did all by their means; to him be glory always and through the centuries of the centuries. It is such men who gave birth to our country! my dear Pinhes; it is with their blood that the furrows of our country were sprinkled, from which their seed sprouted and gave some thirty, some sixty and others hundredfold. The Šemšoun of the Old Testament put to flight, and subjected the Philistines by his power, and the Šemšoun of the New Testament threw down the pagans, the Philistines of his time, and put them under the yoke of the constraint of Christ, by the power of his Lord, his fasting and his mortifications, so that they could by no means break their bonds. In the Old Testament (the Lord) showed his power and in New his grace; that his strength and his grace will accompany us all our days.
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III. Bishop ISAAC (135-148) After this athlete of Christ, Mar Isaac became head of the now numerous many Christians, |82 a zealous and modest man (7) who was offered like a living sacrifice to God following the example of Isaac (8). The Divine Providence did not allow the features of the malignant enemy of any holiness to transpierced him. He, in his turn, preached the Gospel, like his fellows, without rejecting himself.
In his time, there was a famous and opulent man, named Rakbakt, which, it is said, had been named by the kings to govern this region. As soon as he heard Mar Isaac speak, he looked for him and |83 questioned him on his religion; he liked it much and asked to become part of it. After several days, Isaac baptized him in secrecy, because of the fear inspired by Walgaš II, king of the Parthians (9). By the means and the support of this divine man, the Constantine of his time, the Christian religion spread itself in the villages of the surroundings, and the pagan priests rose against him and wanted to change his ideas; but after vain attempts, they resolved to kill him so that the religion of the magi would live. However Habel, the doctor, says that they gave orders to other co-religionists of the magi, who lived in the mountains, to change their clothes and dress in the manner of faraway countries, and to come to the Saint of the Lord, like guests who do nothing but pass through, and remaining at his place all the night, to kill him towards the end of the night, after which they would return to their country. The enemies of the Almighty and friends of Satan, damned him, going well beyond their orders, directed and indoctrinated as they were by the magi their brothers, thus sent ahead several servants to inform faithful Rakbakt that there were some Lords who came to him from the distant country of the Romans, and who wanted to spend the night in his house; and that consequently, he had to prepare for them a feast worthy of their rank. When the Saint of the Lord learned this, he laboured to prepare, as fast as possible, all that it was necessary, and his heart rejoiced in God, thinking that he could perhaps convert (these people) to the religion of only one God, maker |84 of heaven and earth. All ready, when these envoys of Satan arrived, mounted on caparisonned horses. But God who is good towards Israel and towards those of pure heart (P. LXXIII, 1) did not allow the arrows that they had ready (Ps. XI, 2) to harm him; because at supper time, a messenger from Ctesiphon came to find the Saint of the Lord and ordered him on behalf of king Walgaš, to come without delay, if he wished him well, to Ctesiphon, so that after discussion between the two of them, the impetuosity of the cruel tribes from the mountains of Kardou who had plundered and destroyed several cities might be repressed (10). He rose then at once, entrusted the responsibility of his satanic guests to his brother, who was a pagan, and got under way, without delay, with the messenger, only accompanied by some men of his house, after having instructed his brother to join together troops, to lead them in person and to bring them to Ctesiphon. As the net of the priests of lies was broken and as Rakbakt, strong in his Lord, had escaped (Ps. CXXIII, 1), the magi distilled all their venom on the head of the Saint of the Lord, the giant and honest Isaac. Two days afterwards, they thus went to imprison him in a dark tiny room. They would have wished to kill him but they feared a riot and the clamour of the people; an extreme fright seized them also, because of the general Rakbakt. |85
When he, victorious by his God, learned this affecting news, he ordered from Ctesiphon, where he was, the release of the servant of God, to make him leave prison and to grant a complete freedom to him. He threatened, with many oaths to kill whoever did not comply with this order and refused to do such; the prophet of God left prison then. Rakbakt, the giant of power, remained sixteen days at Ctesiphon; from this city, general Aršak gave his orders, and some twenty thousand soldiers, all infantrymen, being joined together to him, he went against the rebels. God knows what difficulties he met on the way, and which steep mountains they climbed until they arrived. At the first moment of their meeting, there was between (the belligerents) light skirmishes, in which the rebels were defeated. In the end, one of the rebel chiefs, called Kizo, led Aršak into a defile in these mountains and blockaded him in. A great battle was fought there, which lasted three days; but the troops of Aršak weakened by the rigours of hunger and despairing to overcome, started to disband. Then the brave Rakbakt left the ranks of the troops, called his soldiers and climbing the mountain like an eagle which flies from its nest (Deuter. XXXII, 11), engaged (the barbarians) in a dreadful fray and opened the way for Aršak and the other troops, to flee and save themselves from these violent wolves.
But the hero of God had succumbed in the middle of the ranks of the enemy; one of those having pierced his side with a blow of a lance, he fell dead, after having offered his heart, like Judas Machabée, in sacrifice to the |86 Lord, for the safety of his people; because if he had not acted thus, by an effort of his charity, all the soldiers would have perished. The rebels, at this sight, proposed to descend into the plains to take all the cities from Aršak, but they, in their turn, having learned how that another barbarian people had crossed the sea and had come like robbers, to ransack their cities, to burn them and to carry all that they had, including their wives, made at once volte-face to go to carry help to their own country. When they arrived there, they warred against (the bandits) for two whole months, until they had triumphed and had made them pass back over the sea. The quill cannot describe the great sadness which seized our country with the disturbing news of the death of Rakbakt. The true Christians especially poured tears on him and cried for him as David did for Jonathan (II. Sam 1, 19 and ff.). How the giant fell in combat! Jonathan, the dead are on your hills; O Jonathan, my brother, I am in the affliction because of you; you made all my happiness. Who can now tell the pain which invaded Isaac, at the death of his protector! To this question we must keep silence, because at the day of the judgement we will see, clearly all things as they really are.
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IV. Bishop ABRAHAM(148-163) A little time from there, there also died the friend of God, the bishop Mar Isaac, after having ruled the see for thirteen years. This active man that the zeal of the house of the Lord had devoured (Ps. LXIX, 10) had built a large well-ordered church which exists today and is called by his name. After him |87 came Abraham, the doctor, son of the late Solomon, whose flesh was from Herda, a village located around the tower of the Hebrews (11). His great father had come; to fix himself at Arbela and his parents had been converted, while he was still young, at the time of the bishop Šemšoun (12). (Abraham) ruled, in his turn, the seat with a gentleness and humility above any praise. He remained for a long time in the high mountains, teaching the Christian faith there, preaching the true religion and baptizing in the name of the Father of the Son and the Holy Spirit (Mat. XXVIII, 19).
While he lived in the high mountains, teaching the Christian faith, the magi rose against the Christians of our country, plundered all their goods and tormented them atrociously. This news having come to the bishop Mar Abraham, he went down from the mountains; by the force of the miracles which he worked and by the ascendancy of his incomprehensible wisdom, he prevented the rapacious wolves from devouring all the servants of Christ. After having appeased them, he went down to Ctesiphon. The king |88 Walgaš II had died (13), and Walgaš III had succeeded to him. The servant of God had taken with him many gifts, for the great ones of the city, so that by this means he obtained from the pagan king a letter in favour of the Christians of his country, so that they were not abused, without reason and wrongfully, by the magi. The disordered affairs of the kingdom did not enable him nevertheless to achieve his goal, because many troops having gathered there from all regions (14), and prepared to descend on the countries of the Romans, he thus returned without being able to bring letter. But God did not allow the desire of kings (Arsacides?) to be accomplished; because after several reverses, the Parthians were overcome and pursued by the Roman troops, until they had been trapped in Ctesiphon. God intending thus to punish both (adversaries), released against them a cruel plague and made a considerable number perish. The Romans were constrained to retrace their steps and to return to their country; they could not even find safety in this flight, because the plague which tracked them, decimated them in great number. They gave up considerable wealth in Parthia; because fear left them no time to carry anything, no matter what it was, with them. This plague reigned for three months, and destroyed many houses of the inhabitants. When that plague appeared in our country, bishop Abraham strove, with all the divine power which was in him, to comfort and relieve the faithful |89 who were struck down by it. He, in his turn, was struck down violently by it. He then laid hands on his deacon Nôh, and went to paradise, where he will receive (15) the good reward of his labours, from the just judge. He had ruled the illustrious see of Adiabene for fifteen years.
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V. EV. NOH (163-179) the parents of this pure man were from the desert of Anbar and had made the voyage from Jerusalem. There, the young child had Christian connections and was baptized in the power of the divine grace. When his parents returned to the East, they came to Adiabene, because there was there a good number of Jews. They feared to return to their first country, because of the disorders which emerged unceasingly there. As soon as the young child knew that here also there were Christians, he went to find Abraham and became his friend. By the means of fasting, of continual prayer and prolonged and innumerable vigils, he arrived at a high degree of holiness and was worthy of the vision of God, thanks to whom he was capable to work wonders and miracles equal to those of the apostles. But for that reason, who can tell the torments and persecutions that he endured from infidels, and principally from the magi.
This is the good part that was given to the apostles and through them to the entire Church of God. It is written: remember the word that I said to you, that there is no servant who is above his Master; that if they persecuted me, they will persecute you also|90 (John XV, 20) and again: I told you these things, so that you will not be afraid; they will drive out you of their synagogue, and there will come a day when whoever kills you will believe himself to be offering a sacrifice to God (John XVI, 1-2). The Church is the spiritual kingdom of Christ on earth; but this Church is confronted with the wicked, the infidels, the magi and the pagans, and at every moment it makes war on them; we have the hope that it will always have the victory and the advantage, because Our Lord (14) said: I have overcome the world, and the doors of hell will not prevail against it (John. XVI, 33. Matt.XVI, 18). This enmity which exists between the Church of Christ and the world will finish only at the end of times, when the corn is separated from the chaff, which will be thrown into the fire to be burned (Matt. XIII, 30). Bishop Noh remembered all this, when thrown five times into prison, and the seas of joy flooded him, when twelve times he was beaten with rods and sticks until he was covered with blood, while he kept silent like an ewe in front of the shearer (Isaiah LIII, 8). In the end, God himself undertook to avenge his saint and to deliver him from the hands of the perverts, so that the word of David was accomplished: I was small and now I am aged, and I have not see a just man forsaken (Psalm XXXVII, 25). Thus on a certain day the son of a man named Razšah, a rich and noble man from a town in the country of Adiabene, fell from the top of the house, breaking his foot and fracturing the principal bone of the forearm. When this accident took place, Raz-ah was not at home, but at the town of Arbela, on domestic business. He left with bitter imprecations in order to see the outcome of the matter. Saint |91 Noh was then in this large village, located on the Zab; because he had fled the poison of the magi and hid there.
(To be continued)
1. Some lines of the introduction are lacking, which would perhaps have acquainted us with this Pinhes. The numbers in brackets relate to the corresponding pages of the Syriac text.
2. (1) The chronology which we too hastily drew up in our response to M. J.-B. Chabot (p.19) must be corrected by that which we adopt here.
3. (2) We know nothing precise about this Habel. The epithet of 'doctor' which follows shows that he was a Christian, but certainly not a bishop. Mšiha-zkha only mentions him three times. Thus he cannot be Mar Habel, the sixth bishop of Arbela, as one might otherwise be tempted to believe. Could he perhaps be one of the numerous authors of martyrdoms who in the th century busied themselves with collecting details of the martyrs in the persecution under Sapor II?
4. (1) We believe that the historicity of Addai, once the fabulous details with which writers of the th and th centuries decorated his life have been removed, cannot be doubted. Barhadhbšabba 'Arabaya ( th century) whose information came from students at the famous school of Edessa, mentions his apostolate in the capital of Osrhoene (see his discussion in our book, Narsai Homiliae et carmina, vol. I, p. 33). All the oriental bishops gathered at the court of king Khosrau II ( nd June, 612) affirm that the oriental countries were evangelised by this disciple of our Lord (Syn. Or. p. 581). Finally Mšiha-zkha, citing an author who preceded him, peremptorily affirms the mission of Addai in the lands between the two rivers and places his date towards the end of the first century of our era. On the other hand the existence of his disciple Mari must be considered by itself at best problematic and even fabulous.
5. (1) The evangelisation of the country of Béth-zabdai, situated on the right bank of the Tigris, appears to have been timely. According to the story of Mšiha-zkha, one is tempted to believe that it had the good fortune to have bishops before Adiabene. This detail allows us to indicate the route followed by the Disciple Addai to Adiabene. From Osrhoene he must have gone south to Arzanene and from there into the valley of the Tigris.
6. (1) Trajan ayant visité l'Adiabène en 116 la mort de Šemšoun doit tomber en 123. Son règne, d'après le texte du manuscrit, est de courte durée, de trois ans, semble-t-il (deux ans de prédication suivis du baptême des catéchumènes); il aurait donc commencé à occuper le siège d'Arbèles en 120. Entre son élection et la mort de Pkidha il y eut six ans de vacances; Pkidha meurt donc en 114. Son épiscopat ayant duré dix ans, le commencement doit en être reporté en 104. Mais avant de recevoir l'imposition des mains, Pkidha avait été pendant cinq ans le compagnon de Mar Addaï, dans ses missions apostoliques, donc de 99 à 104; ce qui nous oblige à fixer l'arrivée d'Addaï, en Adiabène, avant la fin du premier siècle.
7. (1) Ces mots n'entraînent pas nécessairement une succession immédiate. Au contraire. force nous est même d'admettre en cet endroit une vacance de siège d'une douzaine d'années Durant les deux premiers siècles, période de fondation, de lutte avec la religion nationale, et de persécution de la part des mages, ces vacances forcées sont mentionnées par notre auteur à plusieurs reprises. Celle que nous admettons ici, sans qu'il en soit fait mention, est imposée par le fait suivant; Abraham, le second successeur de Šemšoun, est dit être mort de la peste qui décima l'armée romaine, dans la Babylonie, sous Lucius Vèrus, en 163/4. En remontant et en ne donnant à Abraham et à Isaac, les deux successeurs de Šemšoun, que le nombre d'années d'épiscopat qui leur est assigné par le texte, il nous manque douze années pour arriver jusqu'à 123, septième année du passage de Trajan dans l'Adiabène, et année de la mort de Šemšoun.
8. (2) Jusque vers la fin du III siècle, les noms de personnes dans le monde Syrien, étaient pour la plupart ou Juifs ou païens. Après cette période, vint la réaction qui introduisit une nouvelle onomastique, en faisant des noms Syriens un complexe formé, la plupart du temps, du nom de Dieu, du Christ et d'un de leurs attributs immédiats. Les noms de Hnaniso', Iso'iahb, Iso'dnah, Zkha-Iso', Alaha-zkha, Iahb-Alaha etc. deviennent courants et supplantent complètement les vieux noms païens. Tant que la religion chrétienne fut chose cachée, ses adeptes s'abritèrent sous le couvert des noms da pays, juifs ou païens; mais dès qu'elle fui devenue publique, elle ne craignit pas d'adopter des noms signifiant franchement sa croyance en un seul Dieu, en Jésus, etc... Cependant certains noms juifs, consacrés par les apôtres et leurs successeurs, survécurent.
9. (1) Vologèse II régna, d'après les critiques, de 120 à 148 (cf. GUTSCHMID, Untersuchungen ueber die Geschichte des Koenigsreichs Osrhoene, 1887, p. 30).
10. (1) Le lecteur verra dans le cours de cette histoire, qu'à peu près toutes les invasions, contre les Parthes, vinrent du côté des lointaines montagnes qui bordent la mer Caspienne, ou avoisinent la Bactriane proprement dite et l'Oxus. Nous pouvons en inférer que les Parthes, pas plus que les Assyriens, ne purent venir jamais à bout de subjuguer entièrement les hordes barbares qui habitaient ces plages lointaines.
11. (1) Mossoul et ses environs étaient appelés dans l'ancienne littérature Syriaque: tour des Hébreux;voir Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, vol.II, p. 410. Cette dénomination prouve-t-elle l'existence d'un grand nombre de Juifs dans cette contrée?
12. (2) On est étonné de la simplicité du processus usité dans la primitive Eglise pour la création des évêques. L'apôtre choisissait, parmi les nouveaux baptisés, le plus apte à le remplacer, et le laissait à la tête de la petite communauté, après lui avoir imposé les mains, et s'en allait évangéliser d'autres pays. Dans ce but, comme on Je voit par la suite de cette histoire, assez souvent l'évêque se faisait accompagner d'un diacre à qui il imposait les mains lorsqu'il se sentait près de mourir. Le sacrement d'ordre était déjà conféré, tel qu'il l'est aujourd'hui dans l'Eglise, mais surtout dans l'église orientale,
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: arbela_03_french.htm
The Chronicle of Arbela. Sources Syriaques, t. 1 (1907) French text.
The Chronicle of Arbela. Sources Syriaques, t. 1 (1907) French text.
SOURCES
SYRIAQUES
MŠIHA-ZKHA (TEXTE ET TRADUCTION)
BAR-PENKAYE (TEXTE)
PAR
A. MINGANA
PROFESSEUR DE SYRIAQUE AU SÉMINAIRE SYRO-CHALDÉEN
SE VEND
CHEZ OTTO HARRASSOWITZ LEIPZIG
1
MŠIHA-ZKHA
(Catalogue d'Ebedjésu)
IMPRIMERIE DES PÈRES DOMINICAINS A MOSSOUL
A MON MAITRE ET DIRECTEUR
SEBASTIEN SCHEIL O. P.
PRÉFACE
Les pages que nous livrons aujourd'hui au public, comblent une lacune. L'ignorance où nous sommes, des commencements du Christianisme dans l'empire Perse, a toujours été vivement regrettée. Le manuscrit dont nous donnons ici le texte et la traduction, remédiera en partie à ce défaut de nos connaissances, et nous permettra en môme temps de redresser maintes erreurs ayant encore cours dans les travaux de nos syrologues modernes.
La vie et le personnage de Mšiha-zkha nous sont inconnus. Voici, à ce sujet, les quelques indications que nous avons pu extraire de son histoire. Il était du pays de l'Adiabène; le ton et la teneur de son livre nous démontrent ce point avec certitude. Il était probablement élève de l'école de Nisibe. Ce qui nous le fait supposer, c'est qu'il entre, touchant cette célèbre université, dans des détails que nous ne pouvons nous expliquer qu'en admettant qu'il fut auditeur des savants professeurs qui dirigeaient cette école. Tout nous porte à croire qu'il était disciple d'Abraham de Béth Rabban; à preuve, l'éloge qu'il fait de lui dans la vie de l'évêque Hnana. Or ce fameux. Interprète ayant dirigé l'école de 509 à 569 (1), Mšiha-zkha aurait vécu au VI s. Il était, semble-t-il, prêtre ou plutôt prêtre-moine; ce point ressort du ton pieux et édifiant qu'il donne à son style en môme temps très simple et très clair. |viii
Nous pouvons prouver avec certitude que Mšiha-zkha a composé son histoire de l'an 550 à 569. En parlant de l'évêque de Nisibe, Paul, il dit qu'il fut ordonné après le retour de Mar Aba du Huzistan; or ce retour ayant eu lieu en 550(2), nous sommes obligés d'admettre, pour l'époque de sa composition, la dernière moitié du VI siècle. D'un autre côté, nous ne pouvons pas dépasser l'an 569, puisque l'auteur emploie le temps présent, contrairement à son habitude, quand il parle d'Abraham de Béth Rabban. Les deux limites sont donc forcément les dix-neuf ans compris entre 550 et 569.
D'après ce que nous avons constaté avec quelque certitude, les sources de Mšiha-zkha sont, pour l'histoire de l'Occident: Eusèbe de Césarée, Clément, et peut-être Socrate; enfin un apocryphe aujourd'hui perdu; pour l'histoire de l'Orient: Habel le docteur, la collection des martyrs de l'Adiabène (3), dont la rédaction peut être placée au commencement du V siècle, et la tradition locale.
Les Syrologues modernes semblent identifier et confondre les trois historiens: Mšiha-zkha, Išo'-zkha et Zkha-Išo', à cause de la similitude de nom; chose qui nous paraît impossible, car en comparant les citations empruntées, dans les temps postérieurs, à Išo'-zkha et a Zkha-Išo', avec le texte de Mšiha-zkha, aucune d'elles ne saurait être attribuée à ce dernier. Un exemple suffit pour démontrer ce que nous avançons: Thomas de Marga voulant fixer, dans son histoire monastique, l'époque de l'émigration de Jacques, fondateur du couvent de Béth-'Abé, cite Išo'-zkha, d'après lequel Jacques se serait rendu dans la Haute-Adiabène, sous le gouvernement |ix de Mar Babai, et cela la cinquième année de Kosrau fils de Hormizd (4), correspondant à l'an 595/6, puisque ce roi a commencé à régner en 590 (5). Or nous avons vu plus haut que, pour la composition de l'histoire de Mšiha-zkha, on ne peut pas dépasser l'année 569; notre auteur ne pourrait donc pas relater des événements qui lui seraient postérieurs au moins de vingt cinq ans. Cet Išo'-zkha, cité par Thomas de Marga, serait donc un historien qui aurait vécu au plus tôt au commencement du VII siècle (6), une cinquantaine d'années après nôtre auteur.
L'histoire de Mšiha-zkha forme une série de biographies de vingt évoques qui ont gouverné l'église d'Adiabène jusqu'au VI siècle. Chacune de ces biographies renferme les faits principaux, qui ont signalé le passage de chaque évêque sur le siège d'Arbèles. Généralement la durée de chaque épiscopat nous est donnée en années, à la fin de sa vie; quand elle ne l'est pas, des indications d'à côté permettent de la déterminer. Quand à classer ces groupes d'années dans un cadre chronologique, certaines dates-jalons nous permettent de le faire; v. gr. la e année qui a suivi la défaite de Kosrau roi des Arsacides par Trajan; l'année de la chute des Parthes, c-à-d. le mercredi, 27 Nissan, 535 des Grecs etc. etc. Les faits étrangers à l'histoire du pays, mais s'y rattachant par leur caractère religieux, entrent plus ou moins arbitrairement dans cette trame et sont groupés quelque peu élastiquement autour de tel ou tel épiscopat, comme l'indiquent fréquemment les mots «en ce temps, vers le même temps, en ces jours...». |x Il ne faut donc pas s'étonner de les voir déborder deçà delà les groupes auxquels ils sont annexés.
Outre les avantages que nous trouvons dans Mšiha-zkha au point de vue de la chronologie, il nous en fournit d'autres encore très importants, comme 1° des données précises sur les débuts du Christianisme sous les Arsacides et les Sassanides, données faisant remonter l'évangélisation des contrées ciseuphratiques au premier siècle de notre ère et non au troisième, comme semblent l'admettre quelques critiques de nos jours; 2° la fixation de l'époque où l'apôtre Addai a vécu, question très discutée par les savants; 3° les détails qu'il nous transmet sur les Parthes dont l'histoire est des plus obscures; 4° des données certaines qui nous permettent de trancher plusieurs questions concernant le patriarcat de Séleucie-Ctésiphon etc.: tous détails, qui mettent l'œuvre de Mšiha-zkha bien au dessus des compilations historiques que les Syriens civilisés nous ont laissées.
Disons un mot sur le manuscrit lui-même qui nous a conservé l'histoire de Mšiha-zkha. A seize lieues au nord-est de Zakho, et à vingt lieues environ au nord-ouest d'Ašitha, se trouve un gros village musulman nommé Ekrour. Ce village était jadis habité par les chrétiens, lesquels en furent dépossédés, il y a plus de 150 ans, par la tribu des Gogayés. Il servait aussi de résidence aux évêques nestoriens qui étaient jaloux d'y réunir les livres de leurs ancêtres, échappés au pillage des plaines: unique héritage qui leur restât de leur passé glorieux. Au moment de l'invasion des Gogayés, les fuyards emportèrent avec eux quelques-uns de ces livres qu'ils considéraient comme des objets sacrés, en cachèrent d'autres et brûlèrent, dit-on, le reste, pour qu'ils ne fussent pas souillés par les envahisseurs. Le manuscrit qui contient |xi l'histoire de Mšiha-zkha fait partie de la collection de ces livres qui ont eu la bonne chance d'avoir pu éviter l'incendie. Il est écrit sur gros papier de format in-8°, avec des caractères stranguélis dont l'âge est assez difficile à déterminer, à moins qu'on ne veuille trancher la question en les faisant remonter au X siècle: ce qui ne serait pas lui faire trop d'honneur. On lui avait accolé, après coup, un manuscrit contenant les homélies de Warda. Après en avoir détaché ces cahiers surajoutés, j'ai fait refaire à neuf, par un homme de métier, les précieux restes renfermant la chronique de Mšiha-zkha, pour en rendre le transport plus facile. Le manuscrit étant tronqué au commencement et à la fin, il nous était impossible d'en connaître l'auteur. Fort heureusement, nous en avons trouvé le titre écrit en marge, dans le corps même du manuscrit (voir p. 49).
A. MINGANA.
MOSSOUL, JUIN, 1907.
1. (1) Voir le texte historique de la chronique de Barhadhbšabba édité par nous dans Narsai homiliae et carmina vol, I, p. 8 et 35 et sqq.
2. (1) Cf. J. Labourt, Le Christianisme dans l'Empire Perse, p. 191.
3. (2) Dans Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. IV, p. 128-165.
4. (1) Thomas de Marga, p. I. chap. 23, p. 36 (édition Bedjan).
5. (2) Noeldeke. Geschichte der Perser und Araber (Tabari) p. 435,.
6. (3) Thomas nous avertit d'ailleurs qu'il écrivait sous Iso'-iahb II, de 628 à 643; ibid. p. 36.
HISTOIRE DE L'EGLISE D'ADIABÈNE SOUS LES PARTHES ET LES SASSANIDES
PAR MŠIHA-ZKHA (VI S.)
(Traduction)
Mšiha-zkha fit une solide histoire ecclésiastique. (Catalogue d'Ebedjesu)
(1)............. et plusieurs fois tu m'as demandé, mon cher Pinhés, de t'esquisser l'histoire de tous les évêques de notre hyparchie, des martyrs qui y furent tués pour l'amour du Christ, et de. tous ceux qui ont acquis un bon renom dans ce monde et dans le monde futur, afin que par cela gloire soit rendue à Dieu, et que nous aussi ayons un bon gage au ciel; car tu sais que l'histoire des chefs de l'Eglise nous conduisant facilement au fondateur de l'Eglise, qui est notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ, |77 le vivificateur de notre pauvre humanité, nous ne l'enaimerons que mieux. Lui doit être le but de nos pensées et nous devons tendre à son amour. Et si nous faisons cela, l'Esprit-Saint habitera en nous et nous serons des sanctuaires pour la Sainte Trinité, qui résidera en nous tous. Car c'est la vertu de cette Trinité adorable qui plante en nous une vigne, nous entoure d'une haie et y creuse un pressoir (Isaïe V, 1): une vigne, parce que nous sommes la culture de Dieu, lui nous a plantés et nous lui appartenons; il est écrit: Il est venu chez lui (Joan I, 11); une haie: afin que nous y soyons gardés et cachés et que les griffes de nos ennemis visibles et invisibles ne nous déchirent pas. Le pressoir a été dit à t'adresse des martyrs qui sont tués pour l'amour du Christ et pressurés comme les raisins par les pieds des bourreaux infidèles. Le divin David a dit: Pour vous nous fûmes tués chaque jour et nous fûmes considérés comme des brebis (destinées) à la boucherie (Ps. XLIV, 23). Nous traiterons donc, par la vertu de Dieu, des chefs et des martyrs, et, dans la prière, nous demandons secours à notre Bon Dieu, afin que par sa grâce il nous pardonne nos défaillances et nous fasse paraître avec des faces joyeuses devant le trône de sa gloire; à lui soient rendues louanges et bénédictions dans les siècles des siècles.
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e EV. PKIDHA (104-114) (2) Le premier évêque qu'eut le pays d'Adiabène est, comme le dit le docteur Habel (3), Mar Pkidha à qui l'Apôtre Addaï en personne |78 imposa les mains. Il était fils d'un homme pauvre appelé Béri, lequel était au service d'un mage. Mais la grâce de l'Esprit-Saint qui nous fut donnée en abondance par Notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ, tressaillit dans le cœur de son fils, quand celui-ci vit le miracle par lequel l'Apôtre Addaï (4) ressuscita une jeune fille, au moment où on la portait au cimetière, et la livra à ses parents. Il résolut donc de devenir le disciple (de l'Apôtre). Quelles persécutions subit-il de la part de son père et de ses proches parents, la bouche ne saurait le peindre, ni l'esprit le concevoir. Comme malgré tout cela il fut inébranlable dans ses projets, ses parents l'emprisonnèrent dans une maison ténébreuse; mais il y fut secouru, et la porte lui fut ouverte. Il courut et s'en alla chercher l'apôtre; mais il ne le trouva pas. Lorsqu'il apprit qu'il était allé dans les villages de la montagne, il se dirigea aussitôt de son |79 côté et le rejoignit pour être son disciple et pour être béni par lui. Quand après plusieurs jours il arriva au bienheureux, celui-ci se réjouit beaucoup à son sujet et commença à l'emmener avec lui partout où il allait. On dit qu'après cinq ans il lui imposa les mains et le renvoya à son pays. Il commença à prêcher au milieu des foules (haies) des païens, fit des prodiges et des miracles comme les apôtres et fit entrer au bercail du Christ un grand nombre de brebis, qu'il engraissa de la grâce divine. Après dix ans il mourut et fut enterré par ses disciples dans la maison de ses parents qui avaient changé de sentiment et l'avaient suivi.
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e EV. ŠEMŠOUN (120-123) Six ans après, Mezra, évêque de Beth-Zabdai (5) vint au pays d'Adiabène avec une caravane de gens de commerce. Lorsqu'il apprit qu'il y avait la une communauté de chrétiens, il vint furtivement chez eux, et après qu'il les eut rassurés, ils le firent entrer dans la maison et lui dirent qu'ils étaient depuis six ans sans chef. Ils le supplièrent d'imposer les mains au diacre Šemšoun et de le leur sacrer évêque. Acquiesçant à leurs bons désirs, il lui imposa les mains, parce qu'il avait appris qu'il était diacre de Pkidha. Celui-ci commença à son tour à gouverner cette communauté divine et à la parquer dans les prairies de la force (PS. XXIII, 2). Se répandant au dehors, il commença à prêcher |80 dans les villages environnants, qui adoraient le feu et y jetaient de petits enfants lors de leur grande fête qu'ils appelaient Šahrab-Gamoud. Habel, l'écrivain, décrit de la manière suivante cette fête: Cette fête, dit il, arrivait au mois d'Iar, et de toutes les contrées on se réunissait près de la grande source. Après qu'on s'y était baigné, on s'asseyait, faisait la cuisine et donnait à manger à tous les esclaves. Les habitants eux-mêmes ne mangeaient qu'ils n'eussent jeté dans le feu un de leurs petits enfants; se saisissant de son foie et de ses reins, ils les suspendaient aux branches des arbres qui se trouvaient là, en souvenir de leurs fêtes. Ensuite ils lançaient plusieurs flèches vers le ciel, en guise de joie, et retournaient à leurs maisons. Après leur avoir prêché deux ans durant, il en baptisa un grand nombre, et la religion chrétienne se répandit dans le pays, grâce aux vertus de Šemšoun. Cet événement étant venu à la connaissance des grands de la contrée et des mages, ceux-ci le jetèrent dans les fers. et après plusieurs tourments, le décapitèrent. Ceci arriva, dit le docteur Habel, sept ans après la défaite de Kosrau, roi des Ârsacides, par Trajan, roi des Romains, lequel était venu visiter nos pays (6). Šemšoun fut le premier |81 martyr de noire contrée qui monta au ciel. Que le Seigneur nous aide par ses prières el fasse que nous imitions tous sa conduite, afin de jouir de ses délices. Que dirai-je maintenant! Comment exalterai-je ce bienheureux apôtre qui avait pris notre Seigneur comme modèle, qu'il ne cessait de contempler. Adorons Notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ, qui a confié à ses apôtres et après eux à leurs successeurs le dépôt de sa parole, qui a donné à leurs discours la force qui a fait que les peuples incultes et barbares, soient dans l'admiration et éblouis; l'écho de ces paroles a été entendu par toute la terre, car il est écrit: leur nouvelle se répandit par toute la terre et leurs parôles jusqu'aux extrémités du monde (Ps. XIX, 5). C'est lui qui en les fortifiant, faisait tout par leur moyen; à lui soit la gloire toujours et dans les siècles des siècles. C'est de pareils hommes qu'a fait naître notre pays! mon cher Pinhès; c'est de leur sang que les sillons de notre pays ont été arrosés, que leurs semences ont levé et ont donné les unes trente, les autres soixante et les autres cent. Šemšoun de l'Ancien Testament a mis en fuite, et soumis les Philistins par sa force, et Šemšoun du Nouveau Testament a assujetti les païens, les Philistins de son temps, et les a mis sous le joug de la servitude du Christ, par la force de son Seigneur, par son jeûne et son abnégation, de telle sorte qu'ils ne purent nullement rompre leurs liens. Dans l'Ancien Testament (le Seigneur) montra sa force et dans le Nouveau sa grâce; que sa force et sa grâce nous accompagnent tous les jours.
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3' EV. ISAAC (135-148) Après cet athlète du Christ, il y eut, comme chef des nombreux chrétiens d'alors, Mar |82 Isaac, homme zélé et modeste (7) qui fut offert comme un Sacrifice vivant à Dieu à l'instar d'Isaac (8). La Providence divine ne permit pas que les traits du malin ennemi de toute sainteté le transperçassent. Lui, à son tour, prêcha l'Evangile, comme ses confrères, sans se rebuter.
En son temps, il y avait un homme illustre et opulent, nommé Rakbakt, qui, dit-on, avait été nommé par les rois pour gouverner cette contrée. Dès qu'il entendit parler de Mar Isaac, il vint le trouver et l'interrogea |83 sur sa religion; celle-ci lui plut beaucoup et il demanda à en faire partie. Après plusieurs jours, Isaac le baptisa en secret, à cause de la crainte que lui inspirait Walgaš II, roi des Parthes (9). Par le moyen et l'appui de cet homme divin, Constantin de son temps, la religion chrétienne se répandit dans les villages des environs, et les prêtres païens se levèrent contre lui et voulurent changer ses idées; mais s'y étant fatigués vainement, ils résolurent de le tuer afin que la religion des mages vécût. Or Habel, le docteur, raconte et dit qu'ils donnèrent ordre à d'autres coreligionnaires mages, qui habitaient dans la montagne, de changer d'habits et de se vêtir à la manière des pays lointains, et de venir au Saint du Seigneur, comme des hôtes qui ne font que passer, et séjournant chez lui toute la nuit, de le tuer vers la fin de la nuit, après quoi ils retourneraient dans leur pays. Les ennemis du Très-Haut et amis de Satan, le maudit, firent beaucoup plus qu'il ne leur avait été mandé, dirigés et endoctrinés qu'ils étaient par les mages leurs frères.11 envoyèrent donc en avant plusieurs serviteurs pour informer le fidèle Rakbakt qu'il y avait des Seigneurs qui venaient chez lui des lointains pays des Romains, et qui voulaient passer la nuit dans sa maison; et que par conséquent, il eût à leur préparer un festin digne de leur rang. Lorsque le Saint du Seigneur apprit cela, il s'ingénia à préparer, au plus vite, tout ce qu'il fallait, et son âme se réjouit en Dieu, en pensant qu'il pourrait peut-être convertir (ces gens) à la religion d'un seul Dieu, créateur |84 du ciel et de la terre. Tout était prêt, quand ces envoyés de Satan arrivèrent, montés sur des chevaux caparaçonnés. Mais Dieu qui est bon envers Israël et envers ceux, qui ont le cœur pur (Ps. LXXIII, 1) ne permit pas que les flèches qu'ils avaient ajustées sur la corde (Ps. XI, 2) lui nuisissent; car au temps où il était encore au souper, un messager de Ctésiphon vint trouver le Saint du Seigneur et lui mander de la part du roi Walgaš, de venir sans retard, s'il le voulait bien, à Ctésiphon, afin que parla force d'eux deux, fut réprimée l'impétuosité des peuplades barbares qui s'étaient ruées sur les pays des montagnes de Kardou et avaient pillé et détruit plusieurs villes (10). Il se leva alors sur le champ, confia le soin de ses hôtes sataniques à son frère, qui était païen, et se mit en route, lui, sans délai, avec le messager, accompagné seulement de quelques hommes de sa maison, après avoir chargé son frère de réunir des troupes, de les conduire en personne et de les amener à Ctésiphon. Comme le filet des prêtres de mensonge était rompu et que Rakbakt, fort en son Seigneur, s'était échappé (Ps. CXXIII, 1), les mages distillèrent tout leur venin sur la tête du Saint du Seigneur, du géant et brave Isaac. Deux jours après, ils allèrent donc l'incarcérer dans un réduit ténébreux. Ils auraient désiré le tuer mais ils redoutèrent une émeute et la clameur du peuple; une frayeur extrême les saisit aussi,du côté du général Rakbakt. |85
Quand celui-ci, vainqueur par son Dieu, apprit cette nouvelle désolante, il ordonna de Ctésiphon, où, il était, de libérer le serviteur de Dieu, de le faire sortir de prison et de lui octroyer une liberté complète. Il menaça, sous la foi de nombreux serments de tuer quiconque n'obtempérerait pas à cet ordre et refuserait de faire ainsi; le prophète de Dieu sortit alors de prison. Rakbakt, le géant de force, demeura seize jours à Ctésiphon; de cette ville, le général Aršak donna ses ordres, et de nombreux soldats, au nombre de vingt mille, tous fantassins, s'étant réunis à lui, il marcha contre les rebelles. Dieu sait quelles difficultés il? rencontrèrent en chemin, et quelles montagnes escarpées ils gravirent jusqu'à ce qu'ils fussent arrivés. Au premier instant de leur rencontre, il y eut entre (les belligérants) de légères escarmouches, dans lesquelles les rebelles furent défaits. A la fin, un des chefs des rebelles, appelé Kizo, fit entrer Aršak dans un défilé de ces montagnes et l'y bloqua. On y livra une grande bataille, qui dura trois jours; mais les troupes d'Aršak affaiblies par la rigueur de la faim et désespérant de vaincre, commencèrent à se débander. Alors le brave Rakbakt sortit des rangs des troupes, appela ses soldats et gravissant la montagne comme un aigle qui plane sur son nid (Deuter. XXXII, 11), engagea (les barbares) dans une mêlée affreuse et aplanit la voie à Aršak et aux autres troupes, pour s'enfuir et se sauver de ces loups violents.
Mais le héros de Dieu avait succombé au milieu des rangs des ennemis; l'un de ceux-ci lui ayant percé le côté d'un coup de lance, il tomba mort, après avoir offert son âme, comme Judas Machabée, en sacrifice au |86 Seigneur, pour le salut de son peuple; car s'il n'en avait pas agi ainsi, par un effort de sa charité, tous les soldats auraient péri. Les rebelles, à cette vue, se proposèrent de descendre dens la plaine pour prendre toutes les villes a Aršak, mais eux, à leur tour, ayant appris qu'un autre peuple barbare avait traversé la mer et était venu comme des voleurs, saccager leurs villes, les brûler et emporter tout ce qu'ils avaient, y compris leurs femmes, firent aussitôt volte-face pour aller porter secours à leur propre pays. Lorsqu'ils y arrivèrent, ils guerroyèrent contre (les bandits) pendants deux mois complets, jusqu'à ce qu'ils en eussent triomphé et leur eussent fait passer derechef la mer. La plume ne saurait décrire la grande tristesse qui saisit noire pays à la nouvelle navrante de la mort de Rakbakt. Les vrais chrétiens surtout versèrent des larmes sur lui et le pleurèrent comme David le fit pour Jonathas (II, sam. 1, 19 et sq.). Comment est tombé le géant dans le combat! Jonathas, les morts sont sur tes collines; o Jonathas, mon frère, je suis dans l'affliction à cause de toi; tu faisais tout mon bonheur. Qui peut maintenant mettre un terme à la douleur qui envahit Isaac, à la mort de son protecteur! A cette question nous devons garder le silence, parce qu'au jour du jugement nous verrons, clairement toutes choses comme elles sont en réalité.
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e Ev. ABRAHAM(148-163) A peu de temps de là, mourut aussi l'ami de Dieu, l'évêque Mar Isaac, après avoir gouverné le siège pendant treize ans. Cet homme actif que le zèle de la maison du Seigneur avait dévoré (Ps. LXIX, 10) avait bâti une église grande et ordonnée qui existe de nos jours et est appelée de son nom. Après lui |87 se leva Abraham, le docteur, fils du défunt Salomon, dont l'origine corporelle était de Herda, village situé aux environs de la tour des Hébreux (11). Son grand père était venu; se fixer à Arbèles et ses parents avaient été évangélisés, lui encore jeune, au temps de l'évêque Šemšoun (12). (Abraham) gouverna, à son tour, le siège avec une douceur et une humilité au dessus de tout éloge. Il demeura pendant longtemps dans les hautes montagnes, y enseignant la foi chrétienne, prêchant la véritable religion et baptisant au nom du Père du Fils et du Saint-Esprit (Mat. XXVIII, 19).
Pendant qu'il habitait les hautes montagnes, enseignant le foi chrétienne, les mages se levèrent contre les chrétiens de notre pays, pillèrent tous leurs biens et les tourmentèrent atrocement. Cette nouvelle étant parvenue à l'évêque Mar Abraham, celui-ci descendit des montagnes; par la force des miracles qu'il opéra et par l'ascendant de son incompréhensible sagesse, il ne permit pas que les loups rapaces dévorassent tous les serviteurs du Christ. Après les avoir apaisés, il descendit à Ctésiphon. Le roi |88 Walgaš II était mort (13), et Walgaš III lui avait succédé. Le serviteur de Dieu avait pris avec lui de nombreux cadeaux, pour les grands de la ville, afin que parleur moyen il obtînt du roi païen une lettre en faveur des chrétiens de son pays, pour qu'ils ne fussent pas malmenés, sans raison et injustement, par les mages. Les affaires bouleversées du royaume ne lui permirent pas néanmoins d'atteindre son but, car des troupes nombreuses s'étaient réunies là de toutes les contrées (14), et se disposaient à fondre sur les pays des Romains, il revint donc sans pouvoir apporter de lettre. Mais Dieu ne permit pas que le désir des rois (Arsacides?) fût accompli; car après plusieurs chocs, les Parthes furent vaincus et poursuivis par les troupes romaines, jusqu'à ce qu'ils se fussent enfermés dans Ctésiphon. Dieu voulut alors tirer vengeance des deux (adversaires), lâcha contre eux une cruelle peste et en fit périr un nombre considérable. Les Romains furent contraints de revenir sur leurs pas et de retourner dans leur pays; ils ne purent pas même trouver leur salut dans cette fuite, car la peste qui les traquait, les décimait en grand nombre. Ils abandonnèrent des richesses considérables aux Parthes; car la crainte ne leur laissa pas le temps d'emporter quoi que ce fût avec eux. Cette peste régna trois mois durant, et anéantissait plusieurs maisons des habitants. Lorsque celle peste se déclara dans notre pays, l'évêque Abraham s'ingénia, avec toute la force divine qui était cachée en lui, à consoler et à soulager les fidèles |89 qui en étaient atteints. Lui, à son tour, en fut atteint violemment. Il imposa alors les mains à son diacre Nôh,s'en alla au paradis, d'où il recevra (15) la bonne récompense de ses labeurs, du juge équitable. Il avait gouverné l'illustre siège d'Adiabène pendant quinze ans.
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e EV. NOH (163-179) Les parents de cet homme chaste étaient du désert d'Anbar et avaient fait le voyage de Jérusalem. Là, le jeune enfant eut des relations avec les chrétiens et fut baptisé dans la force de la grâce divine. Lorsque ses parents retournèrent en Orient, ils vinrent dans l'Adiabène, parce qu'il y avait là un bon nombre de juifs. Ils redoutaient de se transporter dans leur premier pays, à cause des troubles qui sans cesse y surgissaient. Dès que le jeune enfant sut qu'ici aussi il y avait des chrétiens, il alla trouver Abraham et devint son ami. Par le moyen du jeûne, d'une prière continuelle et de veilles prolongées et sans nombre, il parvint à un haut degré de sainteté et fut digne de la vision de Dieu, grâce à laquelle il fut à même de faire des prodiges et des miracles à l'égal des apôtres. Mais à cause de cela même, qui peut narrer les tourments et les persécutions qu'il endura de la part des infidèles et principalement des mages.
C'est là la bonne part qui fut donnée en partage aux apôtres et, en leur personne, à toute l'Eglise de Dieu. Il est écrit: souvenez-vous de la parole que je vous ai dite, qu'il n'y a pas de serviteur au-dessus de son maître; que s'ils m'ont persécuté, ils vous persécuteront aussi |90 (Joan. XV, 20) et encore: je vous ai dit ces choses, afin que vous ne vous scandalisiez pas; ils vous chasseront de leur synagogue, et viendra une heure où quiconque vous fera mourir, croira offrir un sacrifice à Dieu (Joan.XVI, 1-2). L'Eglise est le royaume spirituel du Christ sur la terre; mais cette Eglise est confondue avec les méchants, les infidèles, les mages et les païens, et à chaque instant elle leur fait la guerre; nous avons l'espoir qu'elle aura toujours la victoire et la supériorité, car Notre Seigneurl a dit: moi j'ai vaincu le monde, et les portes de l'enfer ne prévaudront pas contre elle (Joan. XVI, 33. Malt.XVI, 18). Cette inimitié qui existe entre l'Eglise du Christ et le monde, n'aura de terme qu'à la fin des temps, lorsque le blé sera séparé de l'ivraie, laquelle sera jetée au feu pour être brûlée (Matt. XIII, 30). L'évêque Noh se rappelait tout cela, quand on le jeta par cinq fois en prison,, et des mers de joie l'inondaient, lorsque douze fois on le battit de verges et de fouels jusqu'à l'effusion de son sang, tandis que lui se taisait comme une brebis devant le tondeur (Isaïe LIII,8). A la fin, Dieu lui-même se chargea de vengerson saint et de le délivrer des mains des pervers, afin que la parole de David s'accomplit: J'étais petit et maintenant j'ai vieilli, et je n'ai pas vu un juste délaissé (Psal. XXXVII, 25). Un certain jour donc le fils d'un homme, nommé Razšah, riche et noble, d'un bourg du pays de l'Adiabène, tomba du haut de la maison, se brisant le pied avec fracture de l'os principal de l'avant-bras. Lorsque cet accident eut lieu, Razšah n'était pas chez lui, mais à la ville d'Arbèles, pour affaires de sa maison. Il partit avec des gémissements amers pour voir l'issue de la chose, Saint |91 Noh se trouvait alors dans ce gros village, situé sur le Zab; car il avait fui le poison des mages et se tenait caché là.
Lorsque Razšah arriva et vit son (fils) unique à deux doigts de la mort (m. à m. ballant les portes de la mort), il perdit la raison par l'accablement de sa tristesse, et commença à répandre de la cendre sur sa tête et dans toute sa maison. Alors le Saint de Dieu se rendit sur les lieux et promit aux gens de la maison de leur remettre leur enfant sur pied, à condition qu'ils croiraient en Jésus-Christ. Ils répondirent: si tu donnes de nouveau la vie à cet enfant chéri, nous ferons tout, comme tu le voudras. Le Saint pria alors et dit: Seigneur! Dieu des patriarches, toi qui as montré ta force dans le peuple juif et dans les gentils; toi qui. par Moïse, as fait des prodiges éclatants et sans nombre, et as fait sortir les enfants d'Israël (de l'esclavage), par la force de ta toute-puissance; toi qui as déclaré aux yeux de tous les hommes que tu ne le réjouis pas de la mort des pécheurs, mais (que tu désires) qu'ils fassent pénitence de leur iniquité et vivent (Ezéch. XXIII, 11); toi qui as ressuscité ton ami Lazare, mort depuis quatre jours (Joan. XI, 17-45) et qui as dit: Celui qui croira en moi fera de plus grandes choses (Joan.XIV, 12); toi, par la vertu des miracles de qui, les apôtres ont fait connaître ton nom dans tous les lieux, ont fondé ton Eglise et l'ont bâtie sur le roc inexpugnable de Simon Pierre (Matt. XVI, 18); toi maintenant, Seigneur, regarde ton serviteur, ce petit enfant qui croit en toi (et confesse) que tu es le Dieu de vérité (Joan. XVII,3) par sa pureté et son silence; et regarde avec compassion cette foule qui s'est réunie ici attendant la grâce; ranime cette âme qui a été créée à ton image et à ta ressemblance (Gen. I, 26)et guéris-la |92 de la maladie de son corps, En prononçant sa dernière parole, il fit le signe de la croix sur l'enfant, qui aussitôt se leva guéri de tout mal et de toute infirmité et sans aucune lésion. Le peuple, en grand nombre, connut ce miracle, et un chacun rendit grâces à Dieu qui manifesta sa majesté par ses créatures. Razšah et les gens de sa maison accomplirent ce qu'ils avaient promis, reçurent le baptême et vécurent saintement tout le temps de leur vie. Le Saint de Dieu qui ne pouvait plus retourner à la ville d'Arbèles, par crainte des mages, demeura dans la maison de Razšah, et convertit tous les habitants du village à la vraie religion. Il alla même au pays de Ninive et fit pénétrer le nom du Christ dans plusieurs villages où il n'avait jamais été entendu. Les habitants d'un village, entre autres, nommé Réši, adorant un térébinthe, se convertirent tous et crurent que Jésus, crucifié par les Juifs, était vraiment le Fils de Dieu. D'après les principes reçus dans ce village, personne ne pouvait verser du sang aux environs de cet arbre (16). Or un jour des enfants s'amusaient |93 près de cet arbre maudit, et voilà qu'un serpent noir y monta. Les enfants poussés par l'esprit de Dieu l'y tuèrentà copp de pierres et versèrent le peu de sang qu'il avait. Le soir venu, les habitants du village allèrent prier au même endroit; mais, oh!l'étonnante merveille! Ils y virent du sang. Ils rétrogradèrent sur le chanp par crainte de leur dieu, et commencèrent à se lamenter. Or le Saint de Dieu se trouvait là, et par la grâce de l'Esprit-Saint, fit le signe de là croix adorable sur l'arbre et celui-ci disparut aussitôt de là; et après plusieurs jours, on le trouva transplanté dans la ville de Dakouk (17). Ces païens lièrent alors le saint et se disposèrent à le brûler vif, car ils croyaient qu'il était, lui, l'auteur du premier et du dernier des maux. Mais à l'heure même où ils s'apprêtaient à mettre le feu au bûcher, l'arbre revint et se fixa à sa place. Alors ces pervers se dirent les uns aux autres: vraiment notre dieu ne veut pas que nous tuions cet homme, parce que à |94 l'heure même où nous nous disposions à le tuer, notre dieu revint. Il parait que, par cette indication, il nous dit de ne pas le tuer. Nous ne pouvons donc contrarier notre dieu qui nous manifeste si clairement sa volonté. Cet homme ressemble à cette fleur qui ayant reçu une bonne pluie, s'épanouit majestueusement, mais le soleil venant la flétrit; et lorsque, après coup, elle reçoit de nouveau la pluie, elle prend plus d'accroissement que jamais. Celui-ci aussi était sec, et notre Dieu voulant le délivrer de nos mains, l'inonda de pluie (18). Laissons-le donc, et donnons-lui la liberté afin que nous n'attirions pas sur nous la terrible vengeance (m. à m. le fort pied) de notre dieu (19).
Le saint de Dieu voyant qu'ils étaient absorbés dansées pensées, commença à leur démontrer la vérité de la foi chrétienne, et plusieurs crurent en elle. Au nombre de ces privilégiés se trouva le chef du village, du nom de Razmardouk. Par le zèle de ce revêtu de Dieu (Noh?), la graine du magisme fut déracinée de cette localité, et la foi en Jésus-Christ prévalut contre (cette erreur) et se dressa en face d'elle. (Le saint) éloigna (ces gens) des |95 faux dieux qui ont des oreilles et n'entendent pas, une bouche et ne parlent pas, des yeux et ne voient pas. (Ps. CXIV, 12).
En peu de mois, le bienheureux Noh baptisa tous les habitants, et resta là une année entière; après quoi il se rendit secrètement à Arbèles. Après y avoir travaillé deux ans durant, dans la vigne du Seigneur, et après avoir imposé les mains à plusieurs prêtres (20) et diacres, il s'en alla à son Seigneur, pour recevoir de lui la bonne récompense qu'il avait méritée par ses bonnes œuvres, par ses veillés assidues et par son éclatante vie, pleine de prodiges et de miracles. Il avait gouverné les nombreux chrétiens de notre hyparchie, pendant seize ans. Après sa mort, notre église resta sans pasteur et demeura veuve, à cause de la haine des païens et des mages. Nos frères souffrirent beaucoup en ce temps. Bon nombre d'entre eux qui étaient jeunes et faibles dans leur foi, retournèrent à la religion des démons; car ils voyaient leurs maisons pillées, leurs garçons et leurs filles ou saisis ou (vivant) cachés, et eux-mêmes battus durement par les disciples de l'ennemi du genre humain. |96
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e EV. HABEL(183-190) Quatre ans écoulés, les Chrétiens de notre contrée se réunirent, de concert avec les prêtres et les diacres, et choisirent pour la charge de l'épiscopal, Mar Habel qu'ils conduisirent à Hanitha (21), pour que Zkha-išo' évêque de la ville, lui imposât les mains. Avec tout cela, le souvenir du bienheureux Noh ne s'effaça pas de la mémoire des fidèles. Ils lui bâtirent une église qu'ils mirent sous son vocable et dont l'emplacement se voit jusqu'aujourd'hui. Les Chrétiens y vont chaque jour se placer sous son patronage et se recommander à ses prières, eux et leurs maisons (22). Tels sont les héros qui se sont élevés dans notre pays, cher Pinhés, et nous sont devenus un modèle de vertu et un type de sainteté que nous devons sans cesse imiter.
Or Mar Habel était le fils d'un ouvrier charpentier du village de Zaira (23). Lorsqu'il eut grandi, son père le fiti gardien des brebis qui lui appartenaient. Dès son enfance, il se faisait remarquer par ses bonnes mœurs et l'aménité de son caractère, qui jetaient dans l'admiration ceux qui le voyaient. Il était l'un de ces pauvres d'esprit que mentionne l'Evangile sacré et à qui il promet la |97 béatitude: bienheureux les pauvres d'esprit, car à eux appartient le royaume des cieux (Matth. V, 3). Son cœur n'était aucunement attaché aux biens terrestres, et son père comprenait clairement que son fils ne cherchait pas les richesses d'ici-bas, mais bien autre chose. Lorsqu'on parlait (à cet enfant) des choses du monde, il n'y faisait pas attention, et n'avait cure d'augmenter ses possessions terrestres. S'il manquait de quelque chose, il ne s'attristait ni ne murmurait. C'est pour cela que quelquefois il négligeait le soin de ses brebis, laissait le chien seul (veiller) à la garde de son troupeau, et s'en allant, il entrait souvent dans une grotte pour y réfléchir à la vanité et à la fragilité de ce monde. Pour cette raison même son père ne l'aimait point.
Un certain jour Habel perdit deux agnelles dans la montagne, et fut aussitôt chassé de la maison par son père. Le lendemain matin, les deux agnelles revinrent au bercail de leur propre mouvement. Le père se repentit alors d'avoir chassé son fils. Celui-ci s'était dirigé sur Arbèles; or il arriva que par une disposition de la providence divine, il se réfugia dans l'église des Chrétiens. Ceux-ci se mirent à lui donner à manger pour l'amour du Christ, et l'un d'eux lui faisait passer la nuit chez-lui. A peu de jours de là, l'enfant demanda à être baptisé, et deux ans après il devint le diacre de Mar Abraham (ce qu'il resta) pendant six mois. Lorsque le saint de Dieu mourut, le jeune homme s'attacha à tout jamais au bienheureux Noh qu'il aimait comme son père (24). Comme nous l'avons dit |98 plus haut, ce pasteur était doux et humble, et c'est ce qui lui a valu de posséder la terre (Matt. V, 5), c'est-à-dire la terre des cieux. Par sa douceur il sut apaiser le feu des discordes qui avaient lieu entre chrétiens et païens. Il savait subjuguer sa langue, par laquelle nous bénissons le Seigneur et le Père et par laquelle nous maudissons les hommes faits à l'image de Dieu (Jac. III, 9). Nous ne devons pas croire que pour cela il aimât les enfants du siècle et marchât dans leurs voies, parce que les saints (qui) sont parfaits, ont en eux l'Esprit-Saint (qui les empêche) de faire rien de mauvais; ils comprennent clairement que l'amour de ce monde est une inimitié vis-à-vis de Dieu (Jac. IV, 4).
En ce temps Walgaš IV, roi des Parthes, ayant pris des forces, enleva plusieurs pays aux Romains, et se retourna contre les Perses qui s'étaient depuis longtemps préparés à l'attaquer. Walgaš, lui-même, marcha contre eux avec cent vingt mille soldats. On se rencontra dans le pays du Khorassan. Les Parthes ayant traversé une première fois un petit fleuve, se virent cernés de tous |99 côtés par les troupes des Perses et des Mèdes, et après une grande bataille, furent vaincus et se mirent à prendre la fuite. Ils gravirent les montagnes du pays, en débandade, et abandonnèrent tous leurs chevaux aux Perses. Ceux-ci les poursuivirent, et cernant toutes les montagnes, en tuèrent un nombre incalculable. Lorsque les Parthes virent que sans un héroïque courage, ils seraient tous infailliblement tués, ils ranimèrent leur ardeur et se ruant sur les Perses avec une violence sans pareille, les mirent en fuite et frappèrent de panique. Ils les poursuivirent jusqu'à la mer, en jonchant la terre de leurs cadavres, comme de sauterelles. A leur retour, ils rencontrèrent d'autres Perses qui s'étaient séparés de leurs compagnons; une nouvelle bataille s'engagea entre eux, et dura deux jours. La nuit du troisième jour arrivée, les deux camps se reposèrent afin de reprendre le combat le lendemain matin; mais lorsque les Parthes se réveillèrent, ils ne virent plus aucun des Perses. Ceux-ci s'étaient tous enfuis la nuit, pour aller rejoindre leurs compagnons et faire corps avec eux. Les Parthes revinrent alors victorieux et fiers d'eux-mêmes.
En ce temps, cher Pinhés, il y avait des guerres partout et des nouvelles douloureuses en tout pays; et si le Seigneur n'était pas sans cesse avec son Eglise, selon sa promesse, pour en consolider à chaque instant les fondements, elle serait mille fois détruite. A ne considérer que le pays des Romains, depuis le commencement de l'Eglise, les persécutions n'y ont jamais cessé. Nous pouvons apprendre cela de l'histoire d'Eusèbe de Césarée. Celui qui réfléchit, comment, après tant de tourments et d'afflictions de tout genre, l'Eglise n'a pas été détruite, ses |100 canons et sa discipline anéantis et abolis, croira fermement qu'elle est sortie du sein de Dieu le Verbe.
Or le premier qui persécuta les chrétiens fut Néron, le pervers, qui ne se conlenla pas de les tourmenter lui en personne, mais prétendit démontrer qu'ils étaient la cause de tous les crimes qui se commettaient. A l'effet de quoi, il fit incendier une grande partie de la ville de Rome, et répandant le bruit que c'étaient les chrétiens qui l'avaient incendiée, donna ordre de les massacrer sans pitié. Alors ceux qui étaient réfractaires (à la foi) et ne cherchaient qu'une excuse pour exterminer nos frères et fils de l'Eglise et les anéantir, ne négligèrent aucune espèce de tourments qu'ils ne leur infligeassent. Dans cette cruelle persécution, mourut le couple béni des princes des apôtres. Pierre fut crucifié comme son maître; mais pour ne pas lui ressembler en tout, il demanda à être attaché à la croix, les pieds en haut et la tête en bas. Paul eut la tête tranchée; et à l'instant même à l'endroit où (tous deux) furent tués, deux arbres magnifiques et majestueux s'élevèrent, pour perpétuer le souvenir de leur vie, de leur mort, de la honte et de la confusion de leurs persécuteurs. Après Néron, plusieurs autres rois païens surgirent, qui cherchèrent et inventèrent des variétés de tourments dignes de l'enfer, et certainement c'était Satan qui leur inspirait tout et attisait leur courage de toute sa force. Domitien, Marc et Sévère et plusieurs autres ne se lassèrent ni ne se rebutèrent de décapiter les disciples du Christ. Ceux-ci se cachaient partout et, ne se trouvant pas d'asile, s'enfuyaient dans la montagne, et les païens comme des tigres, avides de sang, les y traquaient. S'ils demeuraient dans leurs maisons, ils étaient immolés, comme des agneaux, |101 avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants; et ceux à qui il était, fait grâce, étaient condamnés à travailler sans pitié dans les mines, du malin au soir. Ceux donc que le Christ, Fils de Dieu, avait affranchis et nommés ses amis, étaient devenus des esclaves. Oh! la dure servitude, par laquelle les fils de Dieu, devenaient forcément des esclaves et des serviteurs des adorateurs des idoles. Or Domitien, cet abîme de paresse, de fainéantise et de jeux enfantins, source de tous forfaits, ne se mit en frais, ne se trouva de courage et n'arma ses troupes que pour le massacre et le sang des chrétiens. Comment cette main, qui a écrit la sentence de l'apôtre Jean, ne s'est-elle pas aussitôt contractée et n'a-t-elle pas perdu tout mouvement! Et comment les châtiments que (l'Apôtre) relate dans son Apocalypse contre les pervers et les iniques, ne fondirent-ils pas sur lui et ne renvoyèrent-ils pas au fond du šiol.
Malgré tout cela, croyons, cher Pinhés, que si quelquefois des maux nous environnent, c'est pour notre intérêt qu'ils nous arrivent, et qu'après les afflictions, les joies inonderont nos cœurs. Les Juifs qui, pour adoucir leurs souffrances et leurs peines, disaient: Sur le bord des fleuves de Babylone nous nous assîmes et pleurâmes (CXXXVII, 1). lorsque le temps qu'avait assigné le créateur des mondes toucha à son terme, exaltèrent par des chants de triomphe ut d'actions de grâces leur retour, qui eut lien sous le règne de Cyrus le Perse.
De même pour nous, parce que Narsai, roi de l'Adiabène, n'était pas parti en guerre avec les Parthes, ces loups injustes s'irritèrent, et comme ils s'en revenaient en triomphe du combat, ils entrèrent dans notre pays, détruisirent nos villes, les pillèrent et s'en allèrent chez |102 eux, après avoir noyé le roi Narsai dans le grand Zab. Dans ces massacres et ces ruines, les chrétiens qui se trouvaient dans notre pays, souffrirent beaucoup et élevaient des mains suppliantes vers le Très-Haut, en faisant monter vers son Fils unique, Verbe éternel, des chants de pénitence. Or Habel, le pasteur des agneaux opprimés, commença à tourner dans tous les villages, selon ce que nous avons appris d'hommes dignes de foi, encourageant les frères qui s'y trouvaient à supporter ces tribulations pour l'amour du Christ. Gomme il se trouvait un certain jour au village de Rahta, il tomba atteint par la fièvre.
Après qu'il eut imposé les mains à son diacre 'Ebedh-Mšiha, il mourut la nuit, le treize du mois d'iloul (septembre). Le chagrin qu'en eurent les chrétiens est indicible.
Cinq mois après, une grande foule partit de la ville d'Arbèles, emporta son corps conservé dans toute sa pureté et sa fraîcheur et l'introduisit dans l'église en grande pompe. Le Seigneur prit part à cette cérémonie des chrétiens, et montra par un miracle éclatant, combien il se plaisait à ce qui se faisait pour son serviteur, et comme il l'agréait. Un jeune enfant avait été porté par sa mère à l'église, afin de voir la cérémonie qui se fait pour les serviteurs du Christ. Cet enfant était muet et sa langue était liée; il avait trois ans et ne pouvait pas même prononcer une syllabe. Or sa mère poussée par l'Esprit-Saint, porta son enfant près du cadavre du Saint, dont elle lui apprit à baiser la main droite, qui était étendue; l'enfant la baisa et sur le champ sa langue s'étant déliée et détendue, il commença à parler sans difficulté. Tout le peuple bénit Dieu qui montra sa puissance par le moyen de son saint. |103
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e EV. 'EBHDH-MSJHA (190-225) 'Ebedh-Mšiha était d'Arbèles, et avait habité dès son enfance, et pendant longtemps, Antioche puis Damas; c'est là qu'il avait embrassé la vraie foi. Il revint à son pays et se consacra au service de l'église et des prêtres du peuple. Lui, à son tour, à l'instar de ses prédécesseurs, montra un zèle et une application extrême à prêcher l'évangile et à éloigner du peuple chrétien, les troubles et les désordres. Pendant toute la durée de son épiscopat, Dieu donna partout la paix et la sécurité, et à cause de cela les églises se multiplièrent et les couvents s'augmentèrent (25); de toutes les bouches on entendait des paroles de glorification.
En ce temps était renommé, chez les Romains, |104 dans les sciences divines, Clément d'Alexandrie. Il ne se trouva pas un livre quelconque au sujet duquel il n'écrivit un traité. Tu peux voir l'histoire et les écrits de cet homme illustre parmi les écrivains, dans l'histoire ecclésiastique d'Eusèbe de Césarée.
'Ebedh-Mšiha ayant occupé l'épiscopat pendant la longue durée de trente cinq ans, alla rejoindre ses confrères au paradis.
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e Ev. HIKAN (225-258) Après 'Ebedh-Mšiha, parut le bienheureux Hiran, qui était du pays de Béth-Aramayé. Aux débuts de son épiscopat, il y eut partout la terreur et des guerres. Le soleil s'éclipsa et refusa de nous éclairer de sa lumière: signe du courroux du Seigneur contre le peuple exaspérant. Car de son temps, nombreuses furent les guerres entre Romains et Parthes, et Artaban, roi des derniers, entra dans le pays des Romains et brûla plusieurs villes du Béth-Aramavé. Šahrat, roi d'Arbèles s'était adjoint à lui. Macrin, roi des Romains, entendant cela, vint fondre sur lui avec une terrible armée. La lutte se prolongea entre eux; mais à la fin, les deux princes s'accordèrent à ne verser, ni l'un ni l'autre, le sang humain sans une grande raison; et les deux partis retournèrent; chacun dans son pays (26). |105
Les Parthes se montraient alors très forts, très puissants et fiers; ils ne respiraient que meurtre, mais Dieu qui a dit par son prophète: si lu t'élèves comme un aigle, et que tu niches au milieu des étoiles, je te ferai descendre de là (Abd. I. 4), les brida et prépara leur chute. Dans les temps anciens, les Perses désiraient détrôner les Parthes, et plusieurs fois ils essayèrent leurs forces à la guerre; mais repousses, ils ne purent tenir tête aux Parthes. Cependant ceux-ci s'étaient affaiblis par le grand nombre de (leurs) guerres et batailles. Les Perses et les Medes comprenant cela, s'unirent a Šahrat, roi de l'Adiabène, à Domitiana, roi de Kerkh-Sloukh, et engagèrent au printemps, une grande lutte avec les Parthes. Ceux-ci furent défaits et leur royaume cessa pour jamais. Dès le commencement ils s'étaient rués sur la Mésopotamie, puis sur le Beth-Aramayé, puis sur le Béth-Zabdai et Arzoun. Dans l'espace d'une année, ils prirent tous ces pays, et toute l'activité des Parthes ne leur servit de rien; car leur jour était arrivé et leur heure avait sonné. A la fin, ils s'enfuirent complètement dans les hautes montagnes, en laissant aux Perses tous leurs pays et toutes leurs richesses gardées dans les Villes (= Séleucie-Ctésiphon).
Le jeune fils d'Artaban, nommé Aršak, fut tué sans pitié par les Perses, à Ctésiphon, où (les vainqueurs) s'installèrent et dont ils firent leur capitale. Le jour qui vit la fin du royaume des Parthes, enfants du brave Aršak, était un mercredi, le vingt septième du mois de Nissan, de l'an |106 cinq cent trente cinq du royaume des Grecs (27). Au commencement du règne des Perses, il y eut la paix pour les chrétiens qui purent se développer et s'étendre.
Toutes ces choses arrivèrent pendant les jours de l'évêque Hiran; mais lui s'endurcissait de plus en plus devant les. tribulations et prenait de plus en plus courage, par la grâce qui fut versée sur nous par Notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ. Sache, cher Pinhés, qu'en cette année de la conquête de tout l'Orient par les Perses, il y avait bon nombre de chrétiens dans tous les pays d'Occident comme d'Orient. Mais en Occident, les persécutions ne cessaient jamais, et tous les jours le sang des chrétiens coulait dans les marchés publics ainsi que dans les rues; là, la paix était absente. Chez nous il n'y avait rien de tout cela; les rois étaient lassés et tiraillés par des guerres de chaque jour, et les cruelles persécutions ne s'étaient pas encore élevées contre nous. C'est pour cela que la nouvelle de; l'Evangile fut à même d'étendre en nous ses pampres jusqu'à la mer, et ses rejetons jusqu'aux fleuves (Ps. LXXX, 12). Elle avait plus de vingt évêques: à Béth-Zabdai, à Karkhade Béth-Slokh, à Kaškar, à Bèth-Laphat, à Hormizd-Ardašir, à Prath-Maišan, à Hanitha, à Herbath-Gelai, à Arzoun, à Béth-Niktor, a Šahr-Kard, à Béth-Meskéné, à Holuan, à Béth-Ketrayé, à Béth-Hezzayé (28), |107 à Béth-Dailoumayé, à Šigar (29), et dans d'autres villes encore. Nisibe (2) et les Villes n'avaient pas encore d'évêques. par crainte des païens. Mais lorsque le royaume des, Arsacides-Parthes expira, les chrétiens (des Villes) demandèrent un évêque pour eux, comme nous le raconterons, en son lieu, avec le secours de Dieu.
En ce temps s'illustrait dans les sciences de tous genres, Origène, docteur admirable et divin, auquel l'Esprit-Saint mettait, dit-on, à la bouche tout ce qu'il devait dire, et Eusèbe raconte de lui que sept notaires écrivaient successivement sous sa main (30). |108
Lorsque les Perses furent maîtres de l'Orient, les chrétiens craignirent quelque peu qu'on ne les immolât au tranchant du glaive. Car (les Perses) avaient vaincu tous les rois de l'Orient et les avaient remplacés par des gouverneurs et des marzbans qui leur étaient soumis. Ardašir. le premier roi des Perses, députa à notre pays un gouverneur nommé Adorzahad. Mais Dieu qui a sans cesse les yeux sur son Eglise, pour que les flots et les tempêtes ne la submergent pas. lui ménagea un sort heureux. Or le roi Ardašir édicta que de nouveaux pyrées fussent élevés en l'honneur des dieux; que le soleil, le grand dieu de tout l'univers, fût honoré par des adorations spéciales. Lui, le premier, prit le titre de Roi des Rois et de dieu; de sorte qu'à l'injustice il ajouta le blasphème, en voulant revendiquer jusqu'à l'honneur dû aux dieux. (Il contraignit) plusieurs cultes étrangers à entrer et à se fondre dans celui du soleil et du feu. Mais l'évoque Hiran s'appliquait à préserver son peuple de tout mal et des pièges de Satan. Il sacrifiait son âme pour son troupeau comme un vrai pasteur. Grâce à ce zèle, il put faire entrer dans le bercail du Christ plusieurs âmes asservies par l'ancien ennemi,, l'adversaire de l'humanité entière. Après avoir fait fructifier durant plusieurs années son talent spirituel, trente trois ans, comme il me semble, il mourut dans une extrême vieillesse; et voilà qu'on lui prépare la couronne de la victoire que lui donnera le juge équitable. |109
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9e Ev. ŠAHLOUPHA. (258-273) Après Hiran, parut l'illustre parmi les saints, Šahloupha, le zélé et le très actif dans la crainte de Dieu. Ce père spirituel était aussi de Béth-Aramayé. Dès sa jeunesse, il avait été instruit dans la véritable religion; il commença donc à la faire prévaloir contre ses ennemis visibles et invisibles. En ce temps avait lieu une grande persécution, chez les Romains, contre les disciples du Christ. Maximin le pervers, ne négligeait pas le moindre moyen pour les anéantir et les détruire de la face de la terre. Dans cette persécution, le ciel se remplit d'un grand nombre d'âmes chastes qui suppliaient Je créateur de diminuer ces jours de tristesse et de les changer (en jours), de joie. En Orient, comme nous l'avons dit, toute chose se passait dans la paix, et Šahloupha s'enflammait de plus en plus dans le zèle de l'amour de Dieu; C'est lui qui initia les habitants du village de Tellniaha à la religion de l'adorable Trinité, et cela par un miracle au moyen duquel le Seigneur s'est plu à manifester la vérité de la parole de son serviteur.
Un des grands du village, nommé Nakkiha, était atteint gravement de la maladie de la dysenterie. Comme son mal ne faisait qu'empirer chaque jour, et que dans son village il ne se trouvait personne qui pût l'en guérir, ses parents le portèrent à la ville d'Arbèles. Or saint Šahloupha ayant eu connaissance de la chose, par une inspiration divine, à l'exemple du bienheureux Ananias (31), se rendit chez lui, dans un temps où tous ses parents venus avec lui, étaient réunis, il leur promit de le guérir complètement de sa maladie, s'ils faisaient tout ce qu'il |110 leur demanderait; et il commença à leur expliquer la foi chrétienne par les livres divins et par la rapidité de sa propagation sur toute la terre. Il leur montra que ce Jésus crucifié par les Juifs à Jérusalem, est Dieu, fils de Dieu, qu'il n'a souffert que par sa volonté et afin de nous délivrer de la servitude des démons. Tous acquiesçant à sa proposition et lui promettant que s'il leur prouvait la vérité de sa parole par la guérison de Nakkiha, ils croiraient, se feraient baptiser et entreraient dans le giron de la sainte Eglise, saint Šahloupha se mit à prier et guérit cette maladie incurable par le signe de la croix; car toute chose est facile à Dieu. Un grand nombre d'habitants du village de Tellniaha crurent à la parole de Dieu et reçurent le baptême.
En ce temps Ardašir, roi des Perses, mourut, et Sapor lui succéda (32). Ce dernier était d'un naturel peu endurant. Dès la première année, il eut une guerre avec les Khouarazmiens (33) et les Mèdes de la montagne et les défit dans une bataille meurtrière. De là, il alla assujettir les Géliens (34) les Dailoumiens et les Gourganiens, qui habitent les lointaines montagnes près de la dernière mer (35). |111 Un chacun fut saisi de crainte devant lui. Plusieurs fois il eut à combattre les Romains. Or il y avait dans les troupes de Sapor un chrétien opulent, nommé Ganzkan qui, lorsqu'il vint dans l'Adiabène et vit qu'il y avait dans la contrée et ses villages plusieurs chrétiens, supplia Šahloupha de se rendre à Gtésiphon pour visiter le petit groupe de frères qui avaient commencé à s'y montrer (36). Šahloupha appréhenda d'y aller; mais Ganzkan l'ayant rassuré et tranquillisé, le fort en son Dieu y alla, et prit avec lui Nakkiha, qu'il avait guéri de la maladie de la dysenterie,, avec deux diacres. Mais comme ils étaient en chemin, des Ismaélites les rencontrèrent et les, emmenèrent avec eux; ce n'est que quatre mois après qu'ils purent s'évader. Ils entrèrent alors dans la riche ville de Ctésiphon, réunirent tous les frères qui s'y trouvaient et les encouragèrent. Šahloupha imposa alors les mains à un homme de là et l'ordonna prêtre. Il resta là deux ans, à partir du retour du roi Sapor à Gtésiphon. Plusieurs diacres (d'Arbèles) allèrent alors le chercher et le ramenèrent derechef à Arbèles avec grande pompe. |112 Les chrétiens dé Séleucie et de Ctésiphon l'accompagnèrent de leurs larmes, et la tristesse remplit leur cœur. Ils ressemblaient aux apôtres regardant Notre Seigneur monter au ciel. A son arrivée dans son pays, il arrangea plusieurs affaires, et imposa les mains à plusieurs diacres et prêtres. Comme nous l'avons appris d'hommes dignes de foi, Šoubha-lišo', évêque de Béth Zabdai, vint aussi le voir, et ils demeurèrent ensemble dans une grande intimité pendant une année. Les deux se rendirent à Herbath-Gelal (37) et à Rassonin (38) où ils imposèrent les mains à un évoque. De la ils se transportèrent à Šahr-Kard (39), où ils virent plusieurs chrétiens qui s'y étaient rassemblés d'autres endroits; ils leur ordonnèrent aussi un prêtre, car leur évêque était mort depuis peu de temps. Ensuite les deux revinrent à Arbèles où ils se séparèrent. Šoubha-lišo' alla alors dans son pays, en admirant le grand nombre des chrétiens et le bon ordre dans lequel marchaient les églises. Il |113 commença à imiter cet ordre en glorifiant Dieu de la grandeur de l'hyparchie de l'Adiabène et de ses canons ecclésiastiques et apostoliques.
Quelques années après, lorsque l'ouvrier infatigable de son Dieu, Šahloupha, se fut consumé et eut livré son âme pour le Christ, son Sauveur, il mourut à ce monde d'angoisses pour le monde des joies. Il fut enterré dans la petite église construite sous le vocable de Noh (40), lequel l'avait précédé dans cette sublime fonction du gouvernement des brebis du Christ. Or il avait régi le siégé auguste de l'Adiabene quinze ans durant.
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10 EV. AHADABUHI (273-291) Après lui, s'éleva Abadabuhi, homme laborieux et zélé, fils d'un prêtre (païen) de la ville d'Arbèles. Celui-ci avait, dit-on, quatre enfants, et les quatre étaient prêtres. Leur mère était de la race des mages, et eut un commerce charnel avec celui de ses fils qui précédait Ahadabuhi (41). Ce dernier (né de cette union) fut nommé, pour cela, Ahadabuhi, c'est-à-dire le frère de son frère qui eut commerce avec sa mère. Il était mage dans son enfance, et était allé à Ctésiphon pour la guerre contre les Romains. De là il était revenu dans son pays et s'était converti à la foi chrétienne. Il fut le compagnon de l'évêque Hiran, jusqu'au jour de son ordination (42). Il évangélisa à son tour plusieurs païens. |114
En son temps, Goufrašnasp, satrape de l'Adiabène, se révolta contre Warharan III, roi des Perses (43). Il se bâtit dans la montagne une hante citadelle qui devait le garantir de l'impetuosité des ennemis. Il y emmena avec lui plusieurs hommes, habiles archers au nombre de cinq cent soixante, selon la tradition qui s'est transmise d'année en année. Ceux-ci sortaient chaque jour, au nombre de cinquante ou soixante, volaient et pillaient dans les chemins tout ce qu'ils trouvaient. Les voyages de ville en ville et de village en village cessèrent à raison de leurs razzias. Plusieurs des habitants de l'Adiabène quittèrent leur foyer et s'en allèrent dans d'autres pays, et de riches villages devinrent déserts. Les gens ne pouvaient même ensemencer, car les laboureurs, par crainte des voleurs, ne sortaient même pas de leurs maisons. Des riches sans nombre allèrent d'un commun accord aux Villes afin d'exposer l'affaire à Warharan, le Roi des Rois. Il écouta leur. requête et envoya de nombreuses troupes qui vinrent pour détruire et raser la tour de Goufrašnasp. Mais ils ne purent l'approcher, même de loin, à cause des nombreuses flèches que lançaient contre eux, avec une grande habileté, les soldats de Goufrašnasp. Après s'être fatigués là deux mois durant sans rien pouvoir faire, ils en informerent Warharan, qui envoya d'autres troupes innombrables, avec un général habile et expérimenté nommé Zarhasp. Celui-ci non plus ne put prendre la tour, car elle était très haute et les soldats qui l'occupaient étaient très courageux et d'habiles archers, qui ne laissaient point approcher (l'ennemi) même de loin. Zarhasp usa |115 alors de ruse et imagina malicieusement d'amener Goufrašnasp dans un guet-apens. Il lui envoya donc son fils avec des présents riches et précieux, en lui faisant dire que "le Roi des Rois, depuis qu'il a entendu parler du courage que lu as montré, recherche ton amitié et veut te faire gouverneur général de tout le royaume. J'ai donc à te parler seul à seul, de manière qu'il n'y ait aucun soldat avec nous. Cesse donc de combattre et viens seul dans un endroit où nous conférerons ensemble." Goufrašnasp (44) crut au général; lui aussi souhaitait et brûlait de faire la paix, car la lutte s'était prolongée et il en était las avec ses soldats. Il sortit dans un endroit éloigné de la tour et invita Zarbasp à venir le trouver pour entrer en pourparler (avec lui). Or Zarhasp ordonna à plusieurs braves soldats de se mettre en embuscade non loin d'eux, et dès qu'ils les verraient tons deux assis et conversant, de fondre sur eux pour se saisir de Goufrasnasp. Goufrašnasp ayant été saisi, grâce a cette ruse, on détruisit sa tour et on l'emmena, lui, aux Villes, auprès du Roi des Rois, Warharan. Celui-ci se réjouit beaucoup de ce que Zarbasp avait fait et ordonna qu'on |116 arrachât la peau à Goufrašnasp et qu'on la suspendit dans son palais royal (de Ctésiphon), afin que tous ceux qui la verraient fussent terrifiés et apprissent de quelle manière terrible le Roi des Rois lire vengeance et justice de celui qui lui est insoumis (45).
Le brave Ahadabuhi voyant toute cette dureté et sauvagerie ne laissa pas son âme s'abattre ni perdre courage. Il commença à tourner dans sa grande hyparchie, en distribuant de bons conseils, en réprimandant et en menaçant en toute longanimité et charité, comme il sied aux disciples du Christ. Un jour des messagers envoyés par les chrétiens de Ctésiphon vinrent le trouver et le prièrent de venir, lui aussi, chez eux, à l'instar de Šahloupha qui l'avait précédé (46), pour les instruire et leur apprendre le vrai chemin des bonnes mœurs, les encourager et consoler quelque peu. Ils avaient en outre élu cinq hommes fidèles et craignant Dieu, pour qu'il leur imposât les mains. Semblable au commerçant actif et diligent, qui sans cesse se soucie d'augmenter sa fortune, il acquiesça à leur demande et imposa les mains à ces hommes. De plus, il accompagna les envoyés dans les Villes (47) avec Zkha-išo', évêque de Herbath-Gelal (48) et Sabtha, évêque |117 de Beth Zabdai (49). Ils y demeurèrent pendant une année, selon ce que rapporte la tradition, y redressant cequi n'était pas droit.
Un jour, Sabtha se leva au milieu de la foule, pour prêcher et démontrer au peuple qu'il ne devait pas craindre celui qui peut faire périr seulement le corps, mais bien celui qui peut jeter et l'âme et le corps dans laGéhenne de feu (Matt. X, 8). Il parla sur ce sujet très durement, et montra que la victoire de Notre Seigneur est vraiment une victoire, tandis que la victoire des rois de la terre n'est qu'orgueil, prétention, maux, tourments, souffrances et mort. Orgueil: parce que, quand les rois triomphent, ils ne triomphent que selon le corps, et c'est à cause de cela (50) qu'ils deviennent hautains et ailiers outre mesure. Ils oublient leur nature mortelle et se croient des dieux; en cela ils ajoutent infiniment à leurs péchés, et leur récompense sera le feu qui ne s'éteindra jamais. Maux: parce qu'au temps même de leur victoire, qui peut narrer les fatigues qu'ils endurent. Avant que le combat ait lieu, ils ne cessent de se préoccuper de. l'issue. de la bataille: vaincront-ils? ou seront-ils vaincus? En cela ils se tourmentent jour et nuit; et combien de nuits passées dans l'insomnie! Mort: parce qu'infailliblement il y aura des morts dans les deux camps, et cela cause des souffrances aux parents et aux proches, fait verser les larmes des yeux des mères dont les enfants ont été coupés en deux par le tranchant du glaive, et dont les fils tendrement aimés ont été transpercés au côté, par le fer des lancés. La victoire du Christ (au contraire) fut une cause de joie pour tout homme, même pour ses ennemis, païens |118 et juifs. Comme (Sabtha) était encore au milieu de son discours, un des païens qui se trouvaient Jà, se leva et rapporta à un ministre du roi que le peuple chrétien enseigne que le Roi des Rois sera torturé et tourmenté par le feu, et que sa victoire n'est pas une victoire mais une révolte et une exaction. Les chrétiens apprenant cette nouvelle, en furent grandement attristés et se cachèrent dans leurs maisons; d'aucuns s'enfuirent au désert. L'évêque Sabtha se leva la même nuit et marcha devant lui, sans savoir au juste où il allait. Par crainte il ne put pas se montrer, redoutant d'être saisi et châtié. Il demeura dans cet état pendant deux ans. Les chrétiens firent des présents à un ministre nommé Radgan et le supplièrent d'éloigner d'eux la colère du roi, que des hommes menteurs et séditieux avaient injustement excitée contre eux. Dieu disposa le cœur de Radgan de façon qu'il arrangea cette affaire et apaisa ce grand courroux. Ainsi, grâce à Dieu, Seigneur de toutes choses, la sécurité revint dans la tempête et la paix dans la persécution, et par le moyen du frottement du fer contre le fer (51), la raison pour laquelle plusieurs frères auraient été tués, fut réduite à néant. Le temps des persécutions n'était en effet pas encore arrivé. Ahadabuhi, durant tout ce temps de trouble et de terreur, ne quitta pas son poste et ne cessait de rassurer les fidèles en leur faisant mettre leur confiance. dans le Dieu vivant, leur sauveur. Je ne crois pas que quelqu'un puisse nier que cette paix ne fût due uniquement à ses prières. Qui pouvait, sans l'admirer, le regarder à genoux priant avec un cœur contrit! Or Dieu ne méprise pas le cœur contrit (Ps. LI,19). |119
Les habitants de Ctésiphon lui demandèrent avec instance d'imposer les mains à un évêque qui restât toujours au milieu d'eux. Il y a ici bon nombre de chrétiens, lui dirent-ils, et les Seigneurs les évêques, sont loin de nous et incapables de se transporter toujours auprès de nous pour pourvoir à nos besoins et nous guider dans les voies de la justice, spirituellement et corporellement. Il agréa avec joie leur demande, et en informa Hai-be'ël, évêque de Suse (52). Les deux élurent d'un commun accord l'araméen Papa, homme très savant et sage, puis chacun s'en retourna dans son pays, admirant l'efficace de la grâce de Dieu et de sa Providence sur son Eglise sur laquelle (le Seigneur) ne cesse de fixer ses yeux (53); car elle lui est fiancée par le sang qui a coulé de son côté sur le bois |120 de là croix. Lorsque Ahadabuhi arriva à Arbèlés, tous les chrétiens, plusieurs mages et païens allèrent à sa rencontre et lui firent faire une entrée pompeuse, à cause de l'intégrité de ses mœurs, de la douceur de son langage et de l'aménité de son caractère. Or, après plusieurs travaux heureux, il remit son âme en la main de Dieu. son créateur, après un épiscopat de dix huit années.
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11e EV. ŠRI'A (291-317) Après Ahadabuhi, s'éleva dans le gouvernement du peuple du Seigneur, l'ouvrier zélé elle prêtre véridique, Šri'a. Il était d'Arbèles et issu de parents chrétiens, aimant le Christ. Il fréquentait dès son enfance l'église et était épris du service divin. Il livra, lui à son tour, un grand combat contre les disciples de Satan. En son temps eut lieu la grande victoire en faveur de l'Eglise de Dieu, ô Pinhés, ô amant de Dieu! Après trois cents ans environ, pendant lesquels elle était persécutée, bouleversée et sapée jusque dans ses fondements, elle eut la paix et la victoire sur tous ses ennemis par le moyen de Constantin, le roi victorieux.
Un peu avant son temps (de Constantin), Dioclétien, roi inique, avait voulu effacer le nom du christianisme de dessus la terre, chose après laquelle il soupirait jour et nuit. Il donna donc ordre que les églises fussent détruites et tous les fidèles tués sans merci. De quelle terreur et de quel tremblement fut saisi le monde entier, lorsque cet ordre impitoyable fut édicté! Les païens ne suffirent pas à égorger les chrétiens un à un mais ils les faisaient mourir en masse ou les brûlaient, sans même les faire passer devant les juges. On vit quelquefois le père devenir le bourreau de son enfant et le frère celui de son frère. Le rempart |121 (haie) de la compassion naturelle était renverse. Pendant que les rois romains ne se livraient qu'à de pareils forfaits et qu'une telle passion de tuer les dévorait, ils étaient incapables de gouverner le peuple. Hormizd (54), roi des Perses, ayant eu connaissance de cela, prit une grande armée et saccagea plusieurs villes des Romains. Dieu, à la vue de tous ces sacrilèges, se leva et tous ses ennemis se dissipèrent et ceux qui le haïssaient s'enfuirent de devant lui, s'évanouissant comme la fumée et fondant comme la cire (Ps. LXVIII, 1, 2). Il les livra à des supplices sans miséricorde et fit régner sur eux son serviteur Constantin à qui il montra le signe de la croix sur les nuées lumineuses, portant écrit: par ce signe tu vaincras. Il prit cet emblème de la croix et en donna à tous ses soldats. Par lui il mit en fuite, comme des mouches, les soldats des démons rebelles, et la croix qui était le signe de la honte, devint pour tous un signe de victoire: aux riches et aux pauvres, aux nobles et aux roturiers, aux savants et aux ignorants.
En Orient, comme Papa, évêque des Villes, que nous avons nommé, habitait la capitale du royaume, les autres évêques avaient besoin de lui pour des affaires extérieures. Il prétendit donc à la suprématie sur tous les évoques, comme si ceux-ci devaient n'avoir qu'un seul chef. Les prêtres des Villes et tout Je peuple lui firent opposition en cela, et à ce sujet songèrent à le déposer; même Simon son archidiacre réprouva toutes ces nouveautés, et en donna avis à Miles de Suse, à 'Keb-Alaha de Karkha de Beth-Slokh (55) et à plusieurs autres. Papa eut alors grand'peur, |122 parce que les parents de Simon approchaient le roi de très près et étaient estimés de tous. Il écrivit alors aux évêques d'Occident, surtout à l'évêque d'Edesse, nommé Sa'da. Tous l'agréèrent, parce qu'ils étaient d'avis que c'était un homme redoutable, qu'il y avait lieu de craindre. Ils lui promirent de le soutenir près du Roi des Rois, Constantin. Ils avaient compris que ce serait une bonne chose, si l'évêque de la capitale avait la supériorité sur tous les évêques de l'Orient. Ils lui écrivirent (à Papa?) donc une lettre à ce sujet en leur nom et au nom des rois et des grands de l'Occident (56), disant que, de même qu'en |123 Occident c'est-à-dire sous l'empire des Romains, il y avait plusieurs patriarches, ceux d'Antioche, de Rome, d'Alexandrie et de Constantinople, ainsi fallait-il qu'en Orient c'est-à-dire sous l'empire des Perses, il y eût au moins un patriarche.
Dieu qui, à l'occasion de la faute d'Adam, ordonna que Je Sauveur, qui est son fils unique, vînt au monde; qui fit recouvrer aux Israélites leur liberté par le moyen des plaies de l'Egypte; qui fait sortir des fruits des épines et épanouir des fleurs sur les ronces; qui peut toujours du mal tirer le bien, permit dans sa Providence divine et dans son gouvernement adorable que l'idée de Papa réussît. Celui-ci fut ainsi donné à son insu (57), comme supérieur général de tous les évêques et de tous les chrétiens de la terre de l'Orient. Tous les évêques (orientaux) consentirent à ce qui avait été décidé par l'Occident; par crainte que les évêques occidentaux ne les missent entre deux forts ennemis: en Occident, les rois chrétiens de Rome, et en Orient, les rois pervers de la Perse. Simon, l'archidiacre de Papa, n'accepta pas cette innovation, mais il chercha à l'anéantir au nom du roi, par le moyen de ses parents. Mais Papa usa de ruse et contenta le père de Simon, en lui promettant, qu'après sa mort, il le désignerait comme son successeur.
En ce temps était connu dans la ville des frontières (58) l'homme craignant Dieu, Jacques, qui fit des |124 miracles comme les apôtres et des prodiges comme les prophètes. Il passait souvent la nuit toute entière en prière, comme son Seigneur. Ses veilles, ses jeûnes étaient connus en tous lieux; et parce qu'il était un homme vraiment divin, nous parlerons de lui dans la suite. Notre Šri'a. qui, à son tour, brûlait du zèle de l'amour de Dieu, alla plusieurs fois le trouver pour être béni par lui et s'entretenir ensemble. Après de longues fatigues et des labeurs sans nombre, (Šri'a) mourut un vendredi d'été l'an six cent vingt sept des grecs et fut enterré avec grande pompe dans l'église.
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12e EV. IOHANNAN (317-346) A près Šri'a s'éleva le pasteur vigilant et zélé, Iohannan, qui fut nommé «fils de Marie» parce qu'il aimait grandement la bienheureuse |125 Marie, mère du vivificateur et rénovateur des mondes. Il prêcha, lui aussi, l'Evangile à un grand nombre de païens et de Juifs. C'est pourquoi (ces deux nations) l'exécrèrent d'une haine mortelle (Ps. XXV, 19). Par leurs menées, il fut expulsé d'Arbèles et des soldats furent envoyas à sa suite pour le tuer; mais lui se cacha et échappa à leurs pièges. Il erra longtemps dans les villages et dans la montagne. Son amour pour Dieu s'accroissait de plus en plus et allait en progressant. Il put faire entrer plusieurs agneaux dans le bercail du Christ.
En ce temps, pendant que des rois chrétiens gouvernaient le monde et que les affaires de l'Eglise prospéraient, l'enfer éleva sa corne, ouvrit sa bouche infecte et vomit des paroles contraires à la foi orthodoxe. Il (l'enfer) se trouva un artisan de mensonge pour répandre sa doctrine, l'entreprenant, méchant et inique Arius. Sans souci de son honneur (Ps. XLIX, 21) il crut qu'il était superflu de dire que le fils du Dieu créateur fût descendu (du ciel) pour notre salut. Il nia donc la divinité du Christ et prétendit follement que le Christ n'est pas créateur, mais créature; qu'il n'est pas fils de Dieu par nature, mais de nom seulement. il y eut à cause de lui une grande rumeur sur toute la terre et les évêques se réunirent pour le réfuter, dans la ville de Nicée, au nombre de trois cent dix huit (59) et en présence du roi Constantin, d'heureuse |126 mémoire. Ces pères anathématisèrent Arius et tous ceux qui adhéreraient à ses opinions. Ils définirent que le Christ, le Fils, est de même nature que son Père et lui est consubstantiel.
En ce même temps Sapor II, roi des Perses, partit dans les hautes montagnes pour faire main basse sur des montagnards, voisins de la mer, lesquels dans une irruption avaient détruit plusieurs villages. Il avait dans la pensée de saccager plusieurs villes aux Romains: ce qui eut lieu comme nous le verrons dans la suite. Chacun pouvait penser que le temps était proche où les églises seraient détruites et les sanctuaires profanés. Dieu à qui toute chose est connue avant qu'elle n'arrive, vit et se tut et nous livra aux transports de son courroux. Lorsque le roi Sapor II, qui régna à peu près soixante-dix ans, depuis l'an six cent vingt des grecs jusqu'à l'an six cent quatre-vingt-dix (60), vit que Constantin, le roi victorieux, qui avait rempli la terre de sa terreur, était mort, et qu'à sa place s'était élevé Constance, son fils, pour la partie orientale des pays des Romains, il crut que le temps était venu où il pourrait, sans obstacle, s'emparer des terres des chrétiens. Il alla donc assiéger Nisibe, ville des frontières. Il ne savait pas que cette ville n'était gardée et |127 protégée, comme une fleur parmi les épines, que par le bras du Seigneur des armées, le Roi des Rois. Mais Dieu qui, par Judith, femme faible, brisa et réprima l'orgueil et les soldats d'Eliphana; qui à la prière Esther, femme chétive, fit suspendre sur le bois Haman le pervers; qui par Samson tua des milliers de Philistins; ce Dieu éloigna aussi, en cette circonstance, le roi Sapor de la ville, grâce aux prières de l'évêque chaste et d'illustre mémoire, le victorieux Jacques (61).
Quand ce père des tribus eut compris que ses enfants allaient être dispersés partout et devenir la risée des démons impurs, il se mit à la brèche devant eux, comme Moïse, l'élu du Seigneur (Psal. CVI, 23). Il sortit sur les remparts de la ville et se mit à supplier le Seigneur de le faire mourir ou bien de délivrer son peuple. de la main des paiens et de la mort violente. Le Seigneur l'exauça, et voilà qu'une armée d'insectes, se montrant dans le ciel, vint s'abattre sur l'armée de Sapor. Ces insectes entrant dans les nasaux des chevaux, les tourmentèrent et obscurcirent la vue des hommes, qui n'eurent que le temps de s'enfuir. Ils craignirent qu'au milieu de cet aveuglement, l'armée romaine ne vînt les attaquer à l'improviste et les massacrer dans ce désordre. Des gens allèrent informer Constance de ce qui avait eu lieu; il glorifia et remercia Dieu de la grâce qu'il avait versée sur son serviteur Jacques. Le roi (Sapor) s'en retourna alors |128 avec, des menaces, et jura de déraciner la religion des Romains de ses terres.
Jean, évoque de notre pays, n'était pas en ce moment avec son troupeau, mais depuis l'an six cent quarante des grecs, il était descendu aux Villes avec d'autres évêques, afin d'élire un homme fidèle et sage à la dignité patriarcale (62). Car le siège de Séleucie était dépourvu de patriarche depuis la mort douloureuse, de Mar Papa, dont nous avons parlé depuis peu (63). On dit qu'il resta aux Villes deux ans, après lesquels il alla au Beth Houzayé pour les affaires de l'Eglise. Il était là, lorsque émana l'ordre impitoyable, intimant à tous les marzbans des pays, de tuer les chrétiens sans merci et de détruire leurs églises. Le six du mois de Nissan (64), |129 dans le temps où le roi se trouvait au Béth Houzayé, en l'an trente-et-unième de ce (prince) sacrilège (65), qui ne sut ce que c'est que la compassion, l'épée commença à se repaître sans pitié, et quiconque osait dire qu'il était chrétien, était massacré.
Jean, évoque d'Arbèles, quitta alors le Béth Houzayé et vint au milieu de son troupeau, pour paître les agneaux et les brebis dont le soin lui incombait. Mais son cœur se remplit de joie quand il vit que l'épée qui devait immoler les chrétiens de notre pays, était encore dans son fourreau. Car Paghrasp, marzban du pays, s'était accordé avec les grands de la ville, pour ne tuer les chrétiens qu'au mois d'iloul, temps des vendanges et des approvisionnements. On dit que le roi s'était repenti d'avoir donné cet ordre cruel de la persécution, et qu'il voulait le rapporter; mais les Juifs et les Manichéens, ennemis du nom chrétien, travaillèrent les mages pour les empêcher de laisser le roi suivre cette idée. Ils leur montrèrent que les chrétiens étaient tous des espions des Romains, et que rien n'arrivait dans le royaume qu'ils n'écrivissent à leurs frères de là-bas (66); qu'ils étaient tous riches et menant une vie tranquille; tandis que le Roi des Rois était en butte aux tourments d'une vie agitée par les guerres et les combats, eux (les chrétiens) étant exempts de la |130 guerre et jouissant toujours de la paix. Les mages changèrent l'esprit du roi par leur calomnie et il ordonna que les chrétiens payassent une capitation double, avec confirmation de son premier ordre de les tuer.
Alors nous fûmes la risée des païens et des infidèles. Les Juifs nous raillaient disant: où est voire Dieu? qu'il se lève maintenant, votre Christ crucifié dans l'opprobre sur le Golgotha, qu'il vous secoure et fasse mourir vos persécuteurs (67). Ne vous a-t-il pas dit:je suis avec vous jusqu'à la fin des temps? Les Manichéens nous conspuaient, plus que les Juifs et nous considéraient comme la lie du peuple. Le berger a été frappé et le troupeau s'est dispersé. C'était le temps des ténèbres, et la lumière fut bannie. C'était le temps où une créature passible et finie était imposée à l'adoration, à la place du créateur. Car le soleil que Dieu a créé pour le service des hommes, des sacrifices et des offrandes lui étaient offerts par les hommes. Le feu qui a été créé pour les nécessités des fils d'Adam, les fils de la lumière étaient sommés de lui bâtir des sanctuaires. Car on construisait des pyrées aux dénions, pour faire entrer les églises du roi céleste dans le (sombre) four de l'oubli. Oh! blasphème! Oh! rébellion et révolte des hommes!
De la même manière que l'homme qui veut anéantir un arbre, en détruit tout d'abord la semence, puis en arrache et projette les racines, ainsi les mages païens se proposaient de détruire les pasteurs et les chefs. Aussitôt donc Mar Simon Bar Sabba'é qui occupait le siège de l'Orient fat saisi, avec plusieurs prêtres et diacres, et conduit près du roi à Karkha de Lédan. Comme après |131 plusieurs interrogatoires, le fort de Dieu et son grand pasteur ne fut pas intimidé par les menaces du roi et n'adora pas le soleil, qui est une créature, Sapor livra aux souffrances ses compagnons, au nombre de cent deux. Pour lui, on lui trancha la télé, après tous ces athlètes du Christ qu'il fortifiait et encourageait dens cette lutte de courte durée. Ceci arriva le vendredi de la grande Passion. Depuis ce jour et jusqu'au dimanche après pâques (68), le glaive ne se reposa dans tout l'Orient. De tous les horisons du ciel, on conduisait à la boucherie des chrétiens en niasse, comme des troupeaux de moutons, et cela sans compter ceux qu'on tuait sur place.
Dans notre pays d'Adiabène, grâce à la vigilance du miséricordieux marzban, Paghrasp, on ne sacrifia, dit-on, qu'un très petit nombre (de victimes) dont les noms nous sont inconnus. L'année d'après (69), le marzban Paghrasp étant mort, on nomma à sa place Pirouz-Tamšabour, et le sang des chrétiens commença à couler dans notre contrée sans relâche. Il arrosa la terre que remplissaient d'iniquité et de perversité ses habitants, les faux disciples de Satan le maudit; il la purifia de toute scorie et souillure par le déluge d'un sang chaste et innocent, afin qu'elle devînt réellement une épouse belle et agréable, à l'époux spirituel, qui s'est fiancé à elle en sa croix, sa honte et son opprobre sur le Golgotha, dans des tourments et des souffrances indicibles. Il a dit à tous ses disciples et, après eux, à leurs successeurs et à tous les enfants de l'Eglise: vous serez heureux, lorsqu'à cause de moi, on vous dira des injures, qu'on vous persécutera et qu'on dira faussement |132 de vous toute sorte de mal; réjouissez-vous alors et tressaillez de joie, parce que votre récompense sera grande dans les cieux, car on a ainsi persécuté les prophètes qui vous ont précédés (Matth. V, 11-12).
Il m'est difficile, cher Pinhés, de t'énumérer, un à un, les noms des chrétiens qui ont succombé sur toute la terre d'Orient. Car il est impossible de compter et supputer les chastes agneaux,, qui par le couteau des bouchers, ont été offerts à Dieu, comme des sacrifices vivants et dignes du royaume céleste. Je te rappellerai seulement ceux qui ont arrosé la terre de notre ville et de notre pays, car c'est là ta demande, afin, que par cela lu saches quels hommes vraiment divins t'ont précédé, et comment tu peux, sans difficulté, marcher sur leurs traces. Ils nous furent des généraux et des guides dans le chemin de la perfection, qu'ils ont suivi tous avec douceur (70).
Or l'an trente-cinquième du roi Sapor, sur l'ordre de Pirouz-Tamšabour, fut saisi l'évêque Jean (71), avec |133 Jacques, son prêtre. Ce marzban, étranger à tout sentiment de compassion, les mit tout d'abord dans la tour de Bdigar; ils restèrent là, dans cette tour, durant une année. Les païens leur y firent subir des tourments innombrables que ces vaillants athlètes du Christ supportèrent avec une patience au dessus de tout éloge. Ils étaient joyeux et contents d'avoir souffert quelque chose pour l'amour du Christ. Le même jour, des hommes, des femmes et des religieuses de tout âge furent massacrés en masse. De leur nombre étaient le prêtre Narsai; ainsi que Hannania et Rhima, diacres de l'église (72). Comme ni interrogatoire, ni insinuation quelconque ne servirent de rien à Satan, pour abattre leur admirable courage, ils furent conduits hors de la ville et crucifiés comme leur vivificateur et leur Seigneur. Leurs corps furent dérobés, cette même nuit, par les chrétiens, et voilà que leurs ossements sont une source qui fait jaillir la grâce divine en faveur de tous les fils pécheurs d'Adam, qui ont recours à eux. A partir de ce jour, jusqu'à la fin de l'année, l'épée s'enivra de notre sang sans se désaltérer, et les mages se firent les bouchers de notre pays sans pouvoir s'engraisser; comme des chiens enragés, ils léchaient tous les jours les caillots de notre sang qui empourprait les rues et les places publiques de la ville comme des marais, et ils étaient frappés de plus en plus de démence et de rage. |134
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13e EV. ABRAHAM (346-347) Les chrétiens se réunirent alors et choisirent clandestinement Mar Abraham, pour gouverner l'Eglise de Dieu, dans le temps où Jean, le soldat du Seigneur, serait en prison. Les mages s'en allèrent également à maintes reprises chez lui (Abraham), pour se saisir de lui, car ils avaient appris que les chrétiens s'étaient choisi un nouveau chef; et cela leur avait déplu. Mais le Saint se cacha, un mois durant, dans la maison d'un des fidèles, et échappa aux dents avides de sang des loups rapaces. En ces jours, pendant que le roi se trouvait à Béth Laphat, il envoya un messager à Pirouz-Tamšabour, le marzban, pour lui dire de se rendre chez lui, au plus vite. Celui-ci, pour se montrer obéissant et docile à l'ordre du Roi des Rois, gagner ses grâces et éloigner de lui sa colère menaçante, emmena avec lui Jean et Jacques, son prêtre. Ces derniers, arrivés à Beth Laphat, furent sommés de croire au dieu soleil; et ayant refusé de détester la cause pour l'effet et d'échanger le créateur contre la créature, le roi leur fit trancher la tête avec le glaive, le premier de Tešri dernier (novembre). Que leur souvenir soit en bénédiction et que nous soyons assistés de leurs prières. Pirouz-Tamšabour, croyant avoir satisfait en cela au bon plaisir du roi, fut dealitué de sa charge, laquelle fut donnée par le roi à un autre nommé Adorparéh, autrefois général. Car on recrutait de notre pays un grand nombre de soldats, et on se proposait de faire une grande guerre contre les Romains (73), afin que les chrétiens fussent en une fois |135 privés de royaume et, de sacerdoce. Ce marzban était plus violent que le précédent. Il avait grincé des dénts à l'encontre du sang et s'était engagé par serment au massacre. Lorsque Abraham apprit que ce lion dévorant était venu en son pays, il s'enfuit aussitôt au village de Telniaha, dans l'espoir de pouvoir peut-être se sauver et de ne pas devenir inutilement la proie, du lion destructeur. Le marzban envoya contre lui plusieurs hommes. (Homme on le sommait sans pitié à force de coups, à renier le Christ, son Seigneur, el, que lui ne faisait que se moquer de leurs menaces et de leurs coups, il fut décapité dans ce village où il s'était enfui, le cinq du mois de Sebat (février).
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14e Ev. KARAN-ZKHA (317-376) Les chrétiens se réunirent de nouveau et élurent secrètement le prêtre Maran-zkha. C'étaient là les années de la perdition et de la tribulalion; ceux qui dans les temps anciens, et alors qu'il n'y avait que peu de chrétiens, ne se réunissaient que chaque vingt ou Irenie ans une fois, pour se choisir un pasteur, maintenant une année ne se passait pas sans que leur pasteur ne devînt la proie des loups. C'était là manifestement l'effusion sur nous, de la colère du Seigneur, qui avait résolu de châtier nos crimes et nos sacrilèges cf. de tirer vengeance de nous, parce que nous avions profané, par noire rébellion, le sang de son Fils unique Jésus-Christ. Il nous a réprimandés dans sa colère et lancés dans son courroux, et notre âme a été grandement bouleversée (Psal. VI, 4).
Maran-zkha se leva alors comme un pasteur vigilant, et les encouragea (les fidèles), par l'espoir de la fin prochaine de la persécution. Il raviva leur foi qui avait |136 commence à défaillir devant le tranchant de l'épée, Il excita leur courage endormi qui était sur le point de chanceler et de s'évanouir complètement. Qui peut, cher Pinhés, compter tous ceux qui sont morts dans notre pays! Des maisons entières furent totalement anéanties, et pour d'autres sans nombre, voilà que leur postérité verse des larmes jusqu'à nos jours sur leur perte. Le glaive resta suspendu à leur cou jusqu'à l'an six cent soixante deux.
En cette même année (74), le roi Sapor réunit toutes ses troupes et alla assiéger des villes romaines. On tua beaucoup de monde et détruisit plusieurs villages. Ne pouvant prendre Nisibe, (Sapor) fit poster, devant celle ville et dans toute la Mésopotamie, un grand nombre de troupes et retourna dans son pays, afin que lui aussi défendit ses villes contre les peuples barbares qui étaient venus contre lui d'au delà de la dernière mer.
Il y avait alors dans la ville un prêtre de la déesse Šarbel, nommé Itilaha, qui souffrait d'un flux de sang, comme les femmes (75). Un jour pendant qu'il criait dans le temple de la déesse, pressé par la souffrance, un chrétien passa et entendit sa voix. Il crut qu'un homme s'y mourait et demanda à Itilaha ce qui le tourmentait et le gênait. Quand il eut appris ce qu'il avait, il lui dit: va-t-en chez un homme de la religion des chrétiens, nommé Maran-zkha, lequel te guérira par la vertu de Dieu. Il se leva alors pour se rendre chez lui. et comme il était encore loin de l'église, son hémorragie s'arrêta et il fut guéri. Il s'approcha et entra chez l'évêque et chez les disciples du Christ réunis. Ceux-ci eurent grand'peur, parce qu'ils |137 savaient qu'il était le prêtre de la déesse Šarbel. Après qu'il les eut rassurés et tranquillisés par son langage, il leur raconta tout ce qui lui était advenu, et comment, avant de les rejoindre, il avait été guéri par le Dieu des chrétiens; tous glorifièrent alors Dieu qui s'était plu, dans ces jours de tribulations, à montrer sa puissance dans le chef et prêtre de ces païens qui les massacraient sans pitié. Il demeura chez eux quelques jours, et les mages ayant eu vent de lui, voulurent le saisir et le faire mourir de mort violente. Mais lui s'enfuit cette même nuit et s'en alla à Šahrkat, près de l'évêque Habbiba. Comme là encore il redoutait les mages, il se réfugia chez les chrétiens de Mahoza d'Arion. Il s'y instruisit complètement dans la foi, pour laquelle il devait être prêt à donner, peu de temps après, sa vie en sacrifice. Il y fut baptisé et revint dans son pays pour y semer la foi en un seul Dieu en trois personnes. C'était là un spectacle vraiment surprenant: ce second Saul qui, voulant tuer de prime abord les chrétiens, fut instruit dans leur foi et versa pour elle son sang. Combien les gens étaient étonnés et admiraient ce nouvel ouvrier de la grâce divine qui bouillait de l'amour du Christ et prêchait la croix! C'est là la puissance du Très-Haut qui d'un rien fait quelque chose, et unit entre elles les natures contradictoires.
Après avoir baptisé beaucoup de monde, il fut accusé près du mage du pays, Šabour-Tamšabour, qui donna ordre de le lui amener. Tous les chrétiens furent alors saisis de crainte et se mirent à s'enfuir secrètement. Maran-zhka, lui aussi, se dirigea vers les hautes montagnes, et se tint caché dans les grottes et les cavernes, afin |138 d'éviter cette tempête redoutable que les démons maudits avait excitées contre l'Eglise de Dieu. Itilaha, lui aussi, essaya de se sauver, mais étant dans les rues, il fut reconnu et amené au serviteur pervers du soleil. Celui-ci ordonna à un chrétien, nommé Mèharnarsa, qui avait abjuré sa foi et était retourné à son vomissement, de couper l'oreille droite au serviteur de Dieu. Sitôt que ce Judas, qui avait renié son maître, l'eut coupée, il fut frappé de mauvais ulcères et devint comme un objet de crainte pour tous les spectateurs. Ainsi le Christ, notre Dieu, vengea son serviteur en celui qui avait reçu le caractère du baptême. Mais l'esclave du démon ne s'assagit pas à la vue de ce signe éclatant; au contraire son coeur s'endurcit comme celui du roi Pharaon, et le feu éternel lui fut certainement réservé pour la perte de son âme. Le serviteur de Dieu fut alors jeté dans les fers.
Après quelques jours de séjour en prison, il lui arriva des consolateurs à sa douleur et des compagnons de souffrances; entre autres Hafsai, diacre de l'église de Matha de 'Arahayé. A la suite de quoi les deux furent conduits chez le chef des mages; comme ils n'abjuraient pas leur foi, on jugea bon de les envoyer à Béth Laphat, auprès du roi. Comme ni serments, ni tourments, ni promesses ne servirent de rien au démon maudit, pour les faire changer de sentiment, ils furent décapités (à Béth Laphat). Leur corps demeura sur la terre. mais leur âme s'envola et monta vers son créateur, où elle se réjouit et tressaillit d'allégresse en face de ses meurtriers, qui sont tourmentés dans des souffrances sans nombre, dans les siècles des siècles (76). |139
Pourquoi t'allonger mon discours, cher Pinhés, en le racontant l'histoire navrante de la passion des martyrs de Notre Seigneur. Aucun chiffre ne peut égaler leur nombre, ni aucune plume décrire leurs tourments. Pendant tout le temps que régna Sapor, le sang de nos frères ne tarit point, le glaive ne se replia point et la destruction ne connut de trêve (77). Or, pour Maran-zkha, après avoir |140 longtemps séjourné dans les montagnes et clans les villages, dans une crainte et tremblement indicible, il mourut avant Sapor, après avoir tenu le siège durant vingt neuf ans de la persécution. |141
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15e Ev. ŠOUBHA-LIŠO' (376-407) Ses parents, originaires de Karka de Béth Slokh, étaient venus dans la suite habiter Arbèles. Dès son enfance, il fréquentait l'église. Là il avança dans la vertu, de degré en degré, jusqu'au moment où il fut digne de devenir le chef universel de toute l'hyparchie d'Adiabène. On dit qu'il avait un extérieur très beau et que de lointaines contrées on venait pour le voir. Dans la dixième année (de son épiscopat (78)), il commença à imposer la main aux prêtres et aux diacres; car ils étaient en petit nombre à cause de la persécution. Dans plusieurs villages, il n'y avait pas même un seul prêtre. En peu d'années, la foi revint, dans notre pays, à sa beauté primitive qui étonnait ceux qui la voyaient.
Au temps de Šoubha-lišo', brillait dans tous les genres du connaissances, l'homme vraiment divin, Mar Théodore l'Interprète. Lui le premier, prouva par la philosophie et la raison l'économie des mystères divins de la naissance et de la souffrance de Notre Seigneur, et enseigna la véritable doctrine de l'existence de deux personnes dans le Christ Notre Seigneur; lui fut le premier maître de Mar Nestorius lequel versa même son sang pour l'orthodoxie. Partout il régnait une grande paix parmi nous et les racines du christianisme pénétraient dans les peuples étrangers et s'y affermissaient. Mar Šoubha-lišo' fut, pour toute cette oeuvre divine, d'un secours immense, et la prit grandement à coeur, de telle sorte qu'il n'en dormait pas du tout la nuit, mais songeait à l'oeuvre de l'évangélisation. Après avoir porté le joug de l'épiscopat dans des labeurs indicibles et des tribulations |142 innombrables, il mourut et fut enterré avec grande pompe, ayant gouverné les fidèles durant la période de trente et un ans.
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16e EV. DANIEL (407-431) Après lui se leva Daniel l'homme doux et humble du village de Tahl; son père était païen et sa mère chrétienne. Il évangélisa et baptisa plusieurs païens, entre autres deux mages. Mais de son temps, comme du temps de Maran zkha, à l'instigation des deux rois pervers, Iezdegerd et Warharan (79), il y eut une cruelle persécution contre les chrétiens. Ceux-ci arrosèrent de nouveau la terre de leur sang et pour cela le feu de la guerre s'alluma entre les Perses païens et les Romains chrétiens.
Dans cette guerre, les deux camps s'accordèrent à donner liberté complète en matière de religion, dans leurs pays. A cette condition, le glaive, notre bourreau, commença à se reposer dans son fourreau (80). |143
A la faveur de cette légère paix donnée aux chrétiens, le patriarche Mar Iabalaha écrivit et invita tous les évêques à s'assembler chez lui pour affaires ecclésiastiques (81). Avant cela, ils s'étaient réunis une autre fois, au temps de Mar Isaac (82), et avaient décidé que le siège d'Arbèles serait métropolitain et aurait sous sa dépendance, de nombreux autres sièges: ceux de Béth Nouhadra (83), de Béth Bagaš, de Béth Daçan de Ramonin (84), de Béth Bahkart (85) et de Dabarna (86). Mais pour cause de grave maladie, Mar Daniel ne put assister à ce synode; et il prit part à celui de Mar Dadišo' qui eut lieu quatre ans après (87). Les pères y établirent la suprématie du patriarche de Ctésiphon sur tous les évêques, pareille à la supériorité de Pierre sur les apôtres.
Pendant que l'Orient était en paix, et qu'une grande uniformité régnait dans sa doctrine et une charité ineffable sur tous les coeurs, l'Occident était bouleversé et soulevé dans sa doctrine, par le second Pharaon, Cyrille l'Egyptien, |144 lequel, par le secours du bras royal et de la force mondaine, combattit la vérité et persécuta le vrai martyr, Mar Nestorius, patriarche de Constantinople. Lorsque Mar Daniel eut connaissance de ce dissentiment, il prédit, dit-on, que le temps était venu où l'Occident s'obscurcirait et ou la lumière serait vue en Orient. C'est au milieu de ces chagrins et pensées qu'il mourut, le dimanche de l'Octave de Pâques, après avoir abreuvé son troupeau de l'eau de la vie durant vingt quatre ans.
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17e EV. RHIMA (431-450) Ce père était de la ville d'Arbèles, et les Ismaélites reconduisirent chez eux dans le temps où ils fondirent sur le pays d'Adiabène. Il demeura chez eux, selon la tradition qui a été transmise, plus de quinze ans. Il s'enfuit, seul, en errant à travers le désert, jusqu'à ce qu'il fût arrivé dans son pays. Alors se révéla en lui la grâce de l'Esprit-Saint qui l'avait choisi pour la grande oeuvre de l'épiscopat. Lui aussi prit à coeur la conversion des infidèles, imposa les mains à des prêtres et à des diacres pour tous les villages et les villes, convoqua tous les évêques de son hyparchie afin de redresser, d'un commun accord, les affaires tortues, de réconcilier les déchus, d'affermir ceux qui étaient debout et de perfectionner ceux qui marchaient droit.
Pendant qu'en Orient on s'occupait des affaires du gouvernement du peuple et de la sauvegarde de la foi, les pères Occidentaux ruinaient toute bonne oeuvre dans le synode sacrilège d'Ephèse, où Cyrille, l'ouvrier d'iniquité, fit sanctionner le grand sacrilège et le blasphème impudent que dans le Christ vivificateur de notre humanité, il y a une personne et une nature; et Mar |145 Nestorius, bien que n'y ayant pas même assisté, ainsi que plusieurs autres évêques. fut anathématisê et excommunié faussement par les menées de l'Egyptien, et la scission de l'Orient d'avec l'Occident fut complète. Cyrille se reposa alors, car il était parvenu à ses vues perverses, et il avait réussi à rompre l'union de l'Eglise et ses liens indissolubles, se préparant le feu éternel comme récompense de ses labeurs.
Or Mar Rhima, l'an seize de Warharan (88), commença à parcourir tout son diocèse, en enseignant la voie de la vérité, réprimandant les égarés et leur montrant le vrai chemin de la religion chrétienne (89). Les discussions et controverses touchant la foi orthodoxe commencèrent alors à travailler la maison du Seigneur et à miner ses fondements; elle fut détruite chez les Romains et édifiée dans le royaume des Perses. C'est dans cette oeuvre spirituelle que Mar Rhima termina sa vie et alla rejoindre son; Seigneur, l'an douze de Iezdegerd.
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18e EV. 'ABBOUŠTA (450-499) Après lui se leva Mar 'Abboušta; ce père spirituel était d'un village de la montagne, nommé Tallpna. Dès son enfance, il habita Nisibe; dans la suite, il vint à Arbèles. On dit que ce père bâtit vingt cinq églises, depuis le commencement de son |146 gouvernement. Il recueillait de l'argent des fidèles et même des païens, et tout le monde travaillait pour lui gratuitement.
En ce temps, était connu à Edesse l'homme parfait, l'évêque Mar Ihiba, dont les labeurs avancèrent beaucoup l'orthodoxie (90). Quelles souffrances et quelles difficultés ne subit-il pas de la part des disciples de l'iniquité; la plume ne saurait le décrire. Il ne cessait d'enseigner la vraie doctrine (m. à m. des choses vraies) et d'anéantir la fausse (m. à m. les choses fausses), dans l'école d'Edesse, jusqu'à l'heure de sa mort. Après sa mort, les disciples du mensonge se concertèrent, unirent leurs forces et réussirent à chasser de la ville tous les élèves persans (91). Ceux-ci vinrent dans leurs pays, y fondèrent plusieurs écoles, afin de ne pas tourner le dos à Satan (i. e. s'avouer vaincus). Barsauma, évêque de Nisibe, reçut chez lui (92) Narsai, le célèbre docteur, lequel érigea une grande école (composée) d'une nombreuse |147 compagnie de frères, qui ne cesse d'élever des enfants et d'illustres docteurs à (l'église) catholique. Là (ce docteur) interpréta tous les livres divins, sans dévier en rien de l'enseignement de l'Interprète (93). Un grand nombre d'Adiabéniens se rendirent chez lui, comme je l'ai entendu dire à des hommes dignes de foi. Au nombre de ces fils de la droite, se trouva Joseph, qui devint plus tard évêque d'Adiabène, comme nous allons le dire dans la suite. L'Eglise de Dieu se sépara alors en deux tronçons: les Occidentaux crurent en une seule nature et abaissèrent la divinité à des humiliations qui ne lui siéent point et qui répugnent à sa nature, et les Orientaux confessèrent deux natures en un seul «parsopa».
Dans le but d'étendre la religion du Christ et d'allumer dans le coeur des fidèles le feu de l'amour du martyre, Mar 'Abboušta s'entendit avec Jean, évêque de Karkha de Béth Slokh, pour informer le calholicos Mar Babowi, que chaque année tous les évêques de Béth Garmai eussent à se réunir et à faire ensemble la mémoire joyeuse et triomphante de tous les martyrs qui avaient versé victorieusement leur sang pour l'amour du Christ, dans le temps de Iezdegerd (94).
En cette année, au mois d'août, Pirouz, roi des Perses, mourut en allant en guerre contre les Huns (95). Ce roi, quoique païen, avait grandement secouru les chrétiens, dans sa vie, se conduisant toujours et gouvernant d'après les conseils de Barsauma de Nisibe (96). |148
Dans la deuxième année du Roi des Rois Walaš, le catholicos Akak convoqua tous les évêques de l'Orient au synode qu'il rassembla, selon l'habitude générale (97). Mar 'Abboušta ne put s'y rendre, car une très grave maladie l'avait atteint et plusieurs avait désespéré de lui (98); mais par la grâce du Seigneur, il dut sa guérison aux prières du moine parfait, Abba Mšiha-Rahmeh, d'heureuse mémoire. Il renouvela la construction de l'église d'Arbèles qui existe de nos jours, et l'embellit de toutes sortes d'ornementations, de manière que celui qui la voit, en est dans l'admiration et glorifie Dieu pour les grâces qu'il a abondamment versées sur lui.
La deuxième année du roi Zamasp (99). dans le temps où Mar Babaï prenait le gouvernement du siège patriarcal de l'Orient,, eut lieu le dixième synode et les évêques s'y réunirent de toutes les contrées (100). Or parce |149 que Mar 'Abboušta était devenu vieux et décrépit, il ne put s'y rendre, lui en personne, mais il envoya à sa place Joseph son prêtre et Sidora, son notaire (101). Là on établit que ce serait chaque quatre années qu'aurait lieu la réunion des évêques auprès du patriarche, et non pas chaque deux ans, comme c'était l'habitude antérieurement (102). L'année qui suivit ce synode, mourut Mar 'Abboušta dans une vénérable vieillesse, et les fidèles le pleurèrent pendant longtemps. Avant sa mort, une femme se disposait à apporter chez le saint du Christ, son fils, pour qu'il le guérît, par la vertu de la croix, de la fièvre intense qu'il avait. Mais en faisant lever l'enfant, celui-ci tomba de la chambre où elle était et qui était située dans la partie supérieure de la maison, et il arriva jusqu'au |150 rez-de-chaussée où il mourut aussitôt. Lorsque sa mère descendit et le vit mort, sa raison l'abandonna par la violence extrême de sa douleur. Elle commença alors à prier Dieu de le ressusciter par les prières de 'Abboušta, son serviteur. Elle n'avait pas encore achevé ses supplications que l'enfant se releva joyeux et gai. Elle glorifia Dieu et fit connaître ce miracle par tout le pays. On ne cessa de remercier Dieu de toutes les faveurs, miracles et prodiges qu'il avait accordés à son serviteur 'Abboušta.
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19e EV. JOSEPH (499-511) Ce père était du village de Teldarra. Lorsqu'il eut vingt et un ans, il se rendit a l'école de Nisibe, et là il apprit près du docteur Mar Narsai, tous les livres saints et la doctrine vraie de Mar Théodore. Dès son enfance, il montra des signes de la grâce divine, qui devait faire de lui un homme nouveau. Il resta sept ans (à Nisibe), suçant ce lait spirituel et s'abreuvant de ces eaux douces de l'orthodoxie.
En ce temps, une grande guerre s'alluma entre les Perses et les Romains. A peine Kawad eut-il pris l'empire pour la seconde fois (103), qu'il s'avança contre le pays des Romains, avec une forte armée (104). Le roi des Romains de ce temps s'appelait Anastase. Les Perses prirent plusieurs pays aux Romains: Amed et Reš'aina. Leur but était de susciter de nouveau une persécution contre les chrétiens; mais la guerre ne se termina pas entre eux, |151 et les Perses furent contraints de retourner sur leurs pas, afin de protéger leurs propres pays contre la grande impétuosité des Huns, qui avaient commencé à fondre sur eux. Mar Narsai, le docteur, mourut alors, pendant que les soldats étaient à Nisihe (105). A sa place se leva Elisée de Kouzbou (106), dans le pays de Marga. Celui-ci suivit. son maître et marcha sur ses traces; il remplit l'Eglise de ses éprits, et tous ceux qui les lisent, s'étonnent vraiment de la sagesse divine dont il était illuminé.
En ce temps, l'évêque Mar Joseph eut l'idée d'aller dans la montagne, pour devenir solitaire et y mener une vie paisible, en travaillant pour son Dieu et l'aimant de tout son coeur, de toute son âme et de toute sa force, selon son commandement. Il convoqua donc tous ses prêtres et diacres et leur manifesta son intention. Eux commencèrent à pleurer amèrement sur sa séparation et se mirent à le détourner de cette idée, pour le bien du peuple et l'édification de l'Eglise. Comme aucun n'y réussissait, il y eut une grande rumeur dans toute l'hyparchie. On écrivit une lettre collective à Mar Šila (107) qui avait alors les clefs de l'autorité du trésor céleste. Notre Seigneur le patriarche l'obligea, au nom de Dieu, à retourner à sa charge. Voici la copie de la lettre qu'il lui envoya:
«A l'ami du Christ, Mar Joseph, évêque, métropolitain d'Adiabène; Šila, évêque, patriarche, par l'ordre et la volonté de Dieu, se prosterne devant Ta Sérénité et demande tes prières. |152 a Ta Sérénité le sait mieux que moi, Dieu fait monter les hommes au ciel et les fait parvenir à une digne fin de différentes manières: quelques-uns d'entre eux par l'ascétisme pendant qu'ils sont éloignés de tout tumulte et de tout bruit du monde; quelques autres, par l'état chastedu mariage évangélique (108), pendant qu'ils sont liés par l'amour de la femme, que leur coeur est divisé et qu'ils ont soin de leurs enfants pour les élever dans la crainte de Dieu; certains autres, par le moyen de la supériorité pendant qu'ils dirigent le peuple de Dieu et le conduisent dans la voie de la justice, en le parquant dans les prairies de la force: à ces derniers est promis une plus grande récompense et un plus ample salaire; car celui qui a pour lui l'action et l'enseignement, celui-là sera nommé grand dans le royaume des deux, selon la parole de Notre Seigneur; quelques autres de différentes autres manières. Ta Sérénité sait aussi que l'ascétisme (109), est incompatible avec le mariage, comme aussi avec la supériorité, parcequ'il empêche (ces deux états) de remplir les devoirs qui y sont attachés, comme il sied et comme il faut. Toi donc aussi, ô élu de Dieu, parce que tu as été appelé au rang élevé de la supériorité (représentée par les) dix talents, il ne te convient pas, de par la parole de Notre Seigneur, de devenir solitaire et de t'opposer aux devoirs de ta charge. ---- Souviens-toi aussi, ô Sérénissime, que la volonté de. Dieu t'est manifestée par le concours unanime de l'amour de tout le peuple qui t'est confié et qui te réclame comme évêque et comme guide. Tu sais qu'en ne le conduisant |153 pas de la sorte, le désordre sera semé dans le peuple et tu; iras contre la volonté de Dieu, ce qui est mal, car c'est à nous d'empêcher le désordre et la contravention à la volonté de Dieu. Qui sait, quoique cela soit bien loin de ma pensée, si cette idée n'est pas des princes des ténèbres; car ces ennemis de toute l'humanité ont 1'habitude se détourner les hommes de Dieu de la vraie voie, par des pensées saines, mais qui sont opposées à la perfection. Ne les voyons-nous pas faire entrer chaque jour dans la secte des Messaliens maudits, un nombre incalculable d'hommes de Dieu et les fourvoyer dans le vagabondage? Pour ces causes et pour d'autres semblables, nous ordonnons et décidons, au nom de Notre Seigneur et par la vertu de l'Esprit-Saint, que tu retournes à ton ancienne fonction, que ton peuple fasse ta joie et que tu fasses la sienne. Prie pour ma faiblesse afin que le Seigneur pardonne mes imperfections; et demeure dans les ardeurs de l'amour de Notre Seigneur.»
Comme Mar Joseph était un homme doux, aimant l'obéissance aux commandements de Dieu et à l'ordre des supérieurs plus que le sacrifice, il obtempéra à la hâte à l'ordre de Mar (Šila) le patriarche, et rentra à Arbèles. Quelle fut la joie qui remplit le coeur des fidèles et surtout des prêtres et des diacres, lorsque derechef ils virent leur père; la plume ne saurait le décrire. Mais cette joie fut courte et ne dura pas longtemps, car le temps désigné pour la fin de Mar Joseph était arrivé, et il était devenu digne de cette couronne à laquelle il aspirait depuis son enfance. Il mourut le quatre du mois de septembre de la douzième année du deuxième empire du roi Kawad (110). |154
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20e EV. MAR HNANA (511-??) (111) Ce père était également (112) du nombre des élèves de Narsai, le docteur; il s'instruisit donc à l'école de Nisibe, mais ses parents étaient du village de Telniaha en Adiabène. Il composa, lui aussi, après sa sortie de l'école, des discours utiles que nous lisons avec plaisir et admiration (113).
En ces jours mourut Elisée de Kouzbou (114), l'interprète de l'école, et sa place fut occupée par l'homme zélé, l'ouvrier actif, très docte dans l'enseignement de la crainte de Dieu et très versé dans les livres divins, Mar Abraham l'ami de Mar Narsai. Celui-ci dirige l'école avec beaucoup de sagesse, et il nous faut, cher Pinhés, prier et demandera Dieu, qu'il multiplie dans son Eglise des docteurs parfaits, tels que ceux-ci; car la moisson est abondante et les ouvriers sont peu nombreux (115) (Luc, X, 2). |155 Mais de peur que l'homme ne se croie plus sage qu'il n'est, ne s'enorgueillisse, ne se complaise en lui-même et ne tombe dans la superbe, mère des vices, les lecteurs et les épellateurs de l'école s'assemblèrent et dans la réunion qu'ils tinrent, des canons particuliers furent sanctionnés pouf le majordome, et Jean de Béth Rabban fut donné: comme aide à Abraham, à cause. de son jeune âge (116); car un désordre était survenu dans l'école à cause de la mauvaise administration de ses biens temporels. Mar Hnana étant venu à apprendre ce désordre qui eut lieu, le zèle de la maison du Seigneur le dévora et s'étant rendu à Nisibe, par l'efficace de sa sagesse, il fit régner la paix dans cette grande communauté. La barque de l'Eglise reprit son calme, et son gouvernail fut dirigé dans la voie de la sécurité. Au retour, il visita toute son hyparchie, en distribuant conseils et menaces, et après deux ans il atteignit sa ville royale.
En ce temps l'Eglise de Dieu fut très tourmentée, non par des gens du dehors, mais par des gens du dedans, non par des étrangers, mais par des gens de la maison. Car le démon, l'ennemi de notre humanité, voyant que par le glaive de la destruction, il n'arriverait pas à prévaloir contre (l'Eglise) Catholique, et que par les rois païens il ne pourrait tarir la source de son progrès et de; sa propagation, ne trouva d'autre moyen que celui d'émeuter les enfants de l'Eglise et de jeter le trouble et la discorde parmi ses supérieurs. Après la mort du patriarche Šila, il se fit deux réunions d'évêques où on choisit deux patriarches, Narsai et Elisée, contre tous les canons ecclésiastiques (117). |156
L'un et Vautre s'attribuaient l'autorité séparément. Les ennemis de l'Eglise furent alors dans la joie et ses amis dans la tristesse; en bas l'enfer tressaillit d'allégresse, et en haut le ciel gémit. Ce désaccord dura plusieurs années. C'est pourquoi Mar Hnana. en proie à une grande tristesse, se mit à encourager les pusillanimes, à fortifier et à confirmer les faibles. Il se rendit à Nisibe, source des sciences, et là il répara plusieurs brèches. Il manda à Arbèles Mar Paul de Béth Nouhadra, pour lui confier, pendant tout le temps de son absence, le gouvernement du siège métropolitain de l'hyparchie. Cet évoque, d'heureuse mémoire, avait élu précédemment à la fonction patriarcale, Narsai, et pour cela le trouble, avait bouleversé son diocèse (118). Mar Abraham l'interprète céda à Mar Hnana, le docteur Paul, dans le but de fonder dans le pays d'Adiabêne, une école pour les enfants, afin d'imprimer la foi dans leur esprit et la protéger contre les assauts des hérétiques et des Messaliens. Ce Paul demeura chez nous plus de trente ans, remplissant avec humilité et crainte de Dieu la fonction qui lui avait été confiée par les chefs de l'Eglise. Il ne voulut s'en désister que sur l'ordre de Mar Aba, Catholicos, qui l'obligea, au nom de Notre Seigneur, à accepter l'épiscopat de Nisibe, et cela après le retour (du Catholicos) du Huzistan, comme nous le verrons ci-après (119)..... |157
1. N. B. manquent quelques ligues du l'introduction qui auraient pu peut-être nous faire connaître le personnage du Pinhés. Les chiffres en vedette renvoient aux pages correspondantes du texte Syriaque.
2. (1) Nous faisons remarquer que la chronologie que nous avons trop précipitamment dressée, dans notre réponse à Mr J. B. Chabot, (p. 19) doit être corrigée selon celle que nous adoptons ici.
3. (2) Nous ne savons rien de précis sur cet Habel. L'épithète de docteur qui le suit indique qu'il était chrétien, mais certainement pas évoque. Mšiha-zkha ne le cite que trois fois. Il ne peut donc être Mar Habel le sixième évêque d'Arbèles, comme on serait tenté de le croire. Serait-ce plutôt un de ces nombreux auteurs de Passions qui, au IV siècle, s'occupèrent à ramasser les fastes des martyrs du la persécution de Sapor II?
4. (1) Nous pensons que l'historicité d'Addaï, abstraction faite des détails fabuleux dont les écrivains du V, VI, s. ont orné sa vie, ne peut plus être révoquée en doute. Barhadhbšabba 'Arabaya (VI s.) qui tenait ses informations des auditeurs de la fameuse école d'Edesse, mentionne son apostolat dans la capitale de l'Osrhoène (v. son récit dans notre livre, Narsai Homiliae et carmina, vol. I, p. 33). Tous les évêques Orientaux réunis à la cour du roi Kosrau II (21 juin 612) affirment que les contrées orientales ont été évangélisées par ce disciple de Noire Seigneur (Syn. Or. p. 581). Enfin Mšiha-zkha, citant un auteur qui l'a précédé, affirme péremptoirement la mission d'Addaï dans les pays renfermés entre les deux zabs, et fixe son époque vers la fin du premier siècle de notre ère. Par contre, l'existence du disciple Mari doit être considérée, jusqu'à nouvel ordre, de plus cri plus problématique et même fabuleuse.
5. (1) L'évangélisation de la contrée de Béth-zabdai, située sur la rive droite du Tigre, paraît avoir eu lieu de très bonne heure. D'après le récit du Mšiha-zkha, on sérail tenté de croire qu'elle a eu le bonheur d'avoir des évoques avant l'Adiabène. dette donnée nous indique la route suivie par le disciple Addaï pour se rendre en Adiabène. De l'Osrhoène il aurait gagné le sud de l'Arzanène et de là il serait entré dans la vallée du Tigre.
6. (1) Trajan ayant visité l'Adiabène en 116 la mort de Šemšoun doit tomber en 123. Son règne, d'après le texte du manuscrit, est de courte durée, de trois ans, semble-t-il (deux ans de prédication suivis du baptême des catéchumènes); il aurait donc commencé à occuper le siège d'Arbèles en 120. Entre son élection et la mort de Pkidha il y eut six ans de vacances; Pkidha meurt donc en 114. Son épiscopat ayant duré dix ans, le commencement doit en être reporté en 104. Mais avant de recevoir l'imposition des mains, Pkidha avait été pendant cinq ans le compagnon de Mar Addaï, dans ses missions apostoliques, donc de 99 à 104; ce qui nous oblige à fixer l'arrivée d'Addaï, en Adiabène, avant la fin du premier siècle.
7. (1) Ces mots n'entraînent pas nécessairement une succession immédiate. Au contraire. force nous est même d'admettre en cet endroit une vacance de siège d'une douzaine d'années Durant les deux premiers siècles, période de fondation, de lutte avec la religion nationale, et de persécution de la part des mages, ces vacances forcées sont mentionnées par notre auteur à plusieurs reprises. Celle que nous admettons ici, sans qu'il en soit fait mention, est imposée par le fait suivant; Abraham, le second successeur de Šemšoun, est dit être mort de la peste qui décima l'armée romaine, dans la Babylonie, sous Lucius Vèrus, en 163/4. En remontant et en ne donnant à Abraham et à Isaac, les deux successeurs de Šemšoun, que le nombre d'années d'épiscopat qui leur est assigné par le texte, il nous manque douze années pour arriver jusqu'à 123, septième année du passage de Trajan dans l'Adiabène, et année de la mort de Šemšoun.
8. (2) Jusque vers la fin du III siècle, les noms de personnes dans le monde Syrien, étaient pour la plupart ou Juifs ou païens. Après cette période, vint la réaction qui introduisit une nouvelle onomastique, en faisant des noms Syriens un complexe formé, la plupart du temps, du nom de Dieu, du Christ et d'un de leurs attributs immédiats. Les noms de Hnaniso', Iso'iahb, Iso'dnah, Zkha-Iso', Alaha-zkha, Iahb-Alaha etc. deviennent courants et supplantent complètement les vieux noms païens. Tant que la religion chrétienne fut chose cachée, ses adeptes s'abritèrent sous le couvert des noms da pays, juifs ou païens; mais dès qu'elle fui devenue publique, elle ne craignit pas d'adopter des noms signifiant franchement sa croyance en un seul Dieu, en Jésus, etc... Cependant certains noms juifs, consacrés par les apôtres et leurs successeurs, survécurent.
9. (1) Vologèse II régna, d'après les critiques, de 120 à 148 (cf. GUTSCHMID, Untersuchungen ueber die Geschichte des Koenigsreichs Osrhoene, 1887, p. 30).
10. (1) Le lecteur verra dans le cours de cette histoire, qu'à peu près toutes les invasions, contre les Parthes, vinrent du côté des lointaines montagnes qui bordent la mer Caspienne, ou avoisinent la Bactriane proprement dite et l'Oxus. Nous pouvons en inférer que les Parthes, pas plus que les Assyriens, ne purent venir jamais à bout de subjuguer entièrement les hordes barbares qui habitaient ces plages lointaines.
11. (1) Mossoul et ses environs étaient appelés dans l'ancienne littérature Syriaque: tour des Hébreux;voir Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, vol.II, p. 410. Cette dénomination prouve-t-elle l'existence d'un grand nombre de Juifs dans cette contrée?
12. (2) On est étonné de la simplicité du processus usité dans la primitive Eglise pour la création des évêques. L'apôtre choisissait, parmi les nouveaux baptisés, le plus apte à le remplacer, et le laissait à la tête de la petite communauté, après lui avoir imposé les mains, et s'en allait évangéliser d'autres pays. Dans ce but, comme on Je voit par la suite de cette histoire, assez souvent l'évêque se faisait accompagner d'un diacre à qui il imposait les mains lorsqu'il se sentait près de mourir. Le sacrement d'ordre était déjà conféré, tel qu'il l'est aujourd'hui dans l'Eglise, mais surtout dans l'église orientale,
13. (1) Vologèse III régna, dit-on, de nov. de l'an 148 à l'an 191, cf. GUTSCHMID, Untersuch. p. U, et DUVAL, Histoire d'Edesse, p. 57.
14. (2) Ces troupes étaient composées, d'après les écrivains latins, de quatre cent mille hommes; cf. G. CANTU, Histoire Universelle, vol. V, p. 408.
15. (1) Allusion à la croyance des Orientaux que les justes ne seront récompensés qu'après le jugement dernier.
16. (1) Le paganisme, au moment de l'apparition du christianisme dans la vallée du Tigre, était représenté par le mazdéisme, mais un mazdéisme altéré, corrompu, formé de superstitions étrangères à la religion de Zoroastre, se réduisant à îles pratiques grossières qui s'adressaient principalement aux arbres, aux fontaines, aux grottes etc. (voir plus haut, p. 80) entretenues et exploitées soigneusement par la supercherie et l'avidité d'une tourbe de mages, sans toutefois exclure, cela va sans dire, le culte essentiel du soleil et du feu. Ce culte dégénéré était la religion du peuple, contre laquelle eut à lutter principalement, pendant plus de deux cents ans, lu christianisme a son début. Les Rois Parthes s'en accommodaient facilement, et n'en faisant point une affaire d'étal, avaient abandonné exclusivement le soin de ses intérêts à la caste du clergé. C'est ce qui explique pourquoi tel évêque du II s. (roir p. 87) se voit obligé de se rendre à Séleucie pour solliciter d'un Vologèse une lettre de protection contre les mages de son hyparchie. Ce culte si grossier, si en rapport avec les instincts religieux du peuple, semble s'être survécu dans la religion actuelle des yézidis.
A côté de cette religion déchue, abâtardie, il y avait le marzdéisme officiel, national, plus dégagé de superstitions, se réduisant à peu près uniquement au culte de feu et de soleil, dans des lieux consacrés ad hoc, les pyrées, religion pratiquée sans fanatisme, peut-être même quelque peu négligée par jes rois Pannes, mais remise en honneur, comme nous le verrons plus bas, à partir de 225 paroles Sassanides, et, unie à des motifs politiques, devenant l'occasion pour les Chrétiens, de verser leur sang en témoignage de leur foi, dans des persécutions sanglantes qui s'étendaient aussi loin que l'empire perse lui-même. Dans ce cas, mages et rois s'unissaient pour verser le sang chrétien et déraciner de leur empire les derniers vestiges du christianisme.
17. (1) Dakouk étant situé à huit heures au sud de Kerkouk, sur la route de Mossoul à Bagdad, et le Saint se trouvant dans le pays de Ninire, l'espace franchie par l'arbre, serait de dix heures environ.
18. (1) Phrase à sens assez vague et contourné. Le dieu-arbre, dans le cas, par sa réapparition au milieu de ses adorateurs, a l'action bienfaisante de la rosée à l'égard de l'évêque Noh. Celui-ci semblable à une fleur en détresse sous les ardeurs du soleil, allait subir un mauvais parti; mais le dieu, en réapparaissant au moment critique, semble protester et prendre l'infortuné sous sa protection, eu exerçant sur lui l'action vivifiante de la rosée.
19. (2) Nous voyons ici réalisée, dans une certaine mesure, la promesse de Notre Seigneur dans St Luc (cap. XVII, 6) «Eradicare et transplantare». ----Comme le lecteur l'aura remarqué, rien, dans celle histoire, qui dénote, chez l'auteur, la prétention à un étalage, souvent grotesque, de merveilleux, tel que cela se voit chez les auteurs orientaux de date récente. Les miracles sont peu nombreux, de bon aloi, présentés sobrement et sans apparat, à leur place: "Domino sermonem confirmante, sequentibus signis".
20. (2) Le nom de prêtre ne se rencontre, pour les temps anciens, dans l'histoire de Mšiha-zkha, que vers la fin du II siècle, sous l'évêque Noh. Celte donnée n'est pas en contradiction avec l'histoire ecclésiastique de l'époque. Le plus souvent c'était l'évêque qui administrait les sacrements et représentait son peuple au dehors, comme successeur des apôtres (Cf. DE SMEDT, Revue des questions historiques, 1888, t. XLIV, p. 329-386; L. DUCHESNE, Origines Chrétiennes, chap. VI). Le diacre l'assistait dans cette charge, ou conférait même certains sacrements, avec sa permission. Les prêtres n'eurent d'action régulière que lorsque les chrétiens se furent multipliés, et que l'évêque ne put plus suffire au travail.
21. (1) Cette ville est sans doute Xnaiqa_ de Théophyl. et Xamaiqa_ de Théophanes. Elle devait être située près de la vallée de Rawandouz, affluent du petit Zab (cf. HOFFMAN, Auszüge ans Syrischen Akten persicher Martyrer, p. 216.) Nous savons que vers la fin du IV s. celle tille avait un évêque, EVOD-ASSÉM. Acta Martyr. Orien. I. p. 82.
22. (2) C'est la première église placée sous le vocable d'un saint, dont notre histoire fasse mention; n'est-ce pas là une preuve que le culte des saints est aussi ancien, en Orient, que 1 Eglise elle-même.
23. (3) Le village de Zaira ou Zira était, semble-t-il, au nord-est d'Arbèles, à la distance d'une journée environ; son nom ne se trouve, à notre connaissance, dans aucun autre écrivain.
24. (1) Ne connaissant que l'année de l'avènement d'Habel (179 + 6 de vac. = 183) il nous est impossible de fixer la durée de son épiscopat. La difficulté peut être tournée de la manière suivanie; le deuxième successeur d'Habel, Hiran, a assisté à la chute des Parthes (225, d'après l'auteur; voir plus bas, p. 105). En le faisant donc occuper le siège d'Arbèles, celle même année (225), il s'ensuit que la durée de l'épiscopat de ses deux prédécesseurs = 225-183 = 62 ans. Or 42 moins les 35 de 'Ebedh-Mšiha, prédécesseur immédiat de Hiran, = 7 ans pour Habel, 183 +7= 190. Donc Habel a occupé le siège métropolitain de 183 à 190. ---- D'après l'auteur, Habel a vécu sous Vologèse IV, lequel, d'après la chronologie courante, mais certainement imparfaite, commence à régner en 191. Mais on ne peut faire vivre Habel en 191, car son deuxième successeur, Hiran, ne verrait pas la chute des Parthes (225), contrairement au texte. La date de 191 pour le commencement de Vologèse est donc impossible, d'après notre texte, et doit être avancée.
25. (1) La diffusion du Christianisme, en ces pays, a donc été plus précoce, plus rapide, et plus complète que ne le font supposer les conjectures des savants de nos jours. Avec nos idées actuelles, se ressentant nécessairement du milieu dans lequel nous virons, il nous est difficile de concevoir un état de choses, ancien de 2000 ans. Sur un terrain surtout hérissé d'obstacles, comme l'était la société païenne, au moment de l'apparition du Christianisme, difficilement on conçoit que le doctrine du Christ, ait, en quelques années, laissé des traces assez profondes pour faire croire à la formation d'une société nouvelle au sein de l'ancienne, et éveiller les appréhensions et la jalousie des rois païens. C'est qu'il y a un fadeur avec lequel, bon gré mal gré, il faut compter, si on ne veut pas se heurter à la diffusion subite de l'Evangile du Christ comme à un fait inexplicable. Ce facteur, qu'on perd trop facilement de vue, c'est l'action très positive et très concrète de la Divinité; c'est l'action miraculeuse, visible, à jet continu, que le fondateur de la religion chrétienne avait mise à la disposition de ses ouvriers de la première heure; action aujourd'hui très atténuée dans l'Eglise, mais alors courante, maîtresse, qui produisait tous ces effets si rapides, si étonnants, que nous admirons dans la formation de ces églises, de ces diocèses, de ces communautés chrétiennes et monastiques, dont parlent nos archives des premiers temps.
26. (1) Cette campagne eut lieu vers la fin de l'an 216. Nous savons, en effet, que Macrin, ayant appris la mort de Caracalla, voulut hâter son voyage à Rome et consentit à quitter le territoire Parthe, en signant un traité, aux termes duquel le monarque Arsacide rendait tous les prisonniers de guerre à Macrin et payait une indemnité pour les pertes qu'il avait éprouvées. ----Bien que notre texte dise de son temps, le lecteur remarquera que cette expression doit être prise dans un sens large, comme nous l'avons fait remarquer dans la préface (p. IX-X), et que par conséquent, il ne faut pas s'étonner que cette campagne ait précédé de neuf ans l'avènement de Hiran.
27. (1) D'après Mšiha-zkha, la chute des Parthes arrive le mercredi, 27 Nissan, 535 de l'ère des Séleucides, ou 225 de l'ère chrétienne; donc ni en 224 ni en 226, car le 27 Nissan ne tombe un mercredi qu'en 225. Chaque fois donc que l'auteur rapporte une date de l'ère grecque, c'est 310 qu'il faut soustraire, pour avoir l'année de notre ère.
28. (2) Localité que nous n'avons pas pu identifier. Serait-ce Hezza le gros et ancien village de l'Adiabène, qui est mentionné par les auteurs Syriaques
et qui avait un évêque à la fin du XI s. au dire d'Ebed-Jésu de Nisibe? (cf. Syn. Orien. p. 619). Mais pour un village, le titre de Béth Hezzayé est bien gros. Serait-ce aussi une faute de copiste pour le Béth Houzayé? Ou bien, enfin, une ancienne ville qui servait de résidence à un évêque, et qui aurait changé de nom ou bien aurait été détruite deux cents ans après??
29. (1) Pour l'identification de ces noms géographiques, voir HOFFMANN Auszuge ans Syrischen Akten persicher Martyrer; MARQUART, Eransahr, nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xoronaci; NOELDEKE, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden.
30. (2) Nous verrons, dans la vie de Šri'a, à propos de Jacques de Nisibe, que le siège de cette célèbre ville fut eu effet fondé vers la fin du III s. (3) Euseb. lib. VI, cap. XXIII, p. 224 - (édit. Vales). Nous savons par le livre de Unione, encore inédit, de Babai le grand, que les écrits d'Origène étaient très estimés à l'école de Nisibe, vers la fin du VI s. L'enseignement de Hnana d'Adiabène qui commença à diriger cette école en 572 en est une autre preuve. Les Nestoriens devaient haïr Justinien, leur ennemi en doctrine, car il avait dans le cinquième concile œcuménique fait porter des anathèmes qui devaient détruire les derniers représentants du dyophysisme (553). Ce prince haïssait de la même manière Origène, et il avait, en 562 promulgué un édit contre ses partisans (MANSI, t. IX, p. 534; cf. DIEKAMP, Die origenistischen Streitigkeiten... MUNSTER, 1900). Les Nestoriens rien que pour se venger de Justinien qui les avait tant molestés, commencèrent à témoigner un intérêt tout particulier à l'égard d'Origène, et son enseignement pénétra insensiblement dans leurs écoles. Que Mšiha-zkha, compatriote et peut-être disciple de Hnana, ait donc jugé Origène et son maître Clément d'Alexandrie, dignes d'une mention particulière dans son histoire, il n'y a rien là qui doive nous étonner.
31. (1) cf. Act. Apost, Cap. IX, 10-19.
32. (1) Ardašir régna jusqu'à 241 et Sapor I lui succéda en effet, en cette même année; cf. NOELDEKE, Geschichte der Perser und Araber, p. 435.
33. (2) Peuple qui habitait au nord du Tabaristan et du Mazendéran. Barhebraeus, Chron. Syr. p. 445 dit: [Syriac] "Khouarazm est un nom de pays, et la ville principale de ce pays s'appelle Gourgania.»
34. (3) C'est le peuple barbare, appelé aujourd'hui Ghilan, qui habitait le S. O. de la mer Caspienne entre le Cyrus et le Mardus des géographes grecs.
35. (4) La dernière ou la lointaine mer, dans la géographie de l'histoire de Mšiha-zkba, parait être la mer Caspienne.
36. (1) Le lecteur remarque que les patriarches, prédécesseurs de Papa, Šahloupha et Ahadabuhi, mentionnés par les annalistes du moyen âge (Mari, 'Amr, Barhebraeus), ne sont que les évêques d'Adiabène qui allèrent à Ctésiphon pour encourager le petit groupe de chrétiens qui avaient commencé à s'y former dans la e moitié du III s. Cette donnée concorde parfaitement avec les anciens documents Syriaques qui nomment Papa évêque de SéleucieCtesiphon (cf. Acta Miles, dans E. ASSEM. Acta Martyr. Orien. I. 72, et BEDJAN Vol II. p. 266 et sqq. ); avec Sozomène et les autres sources grecques qui qualifient ses successeurs du même titre (Sozom. Hist. Eccl. VII, 19 et 10). Il ne peut donc plus y avoir de doute, la liste patriarcale, dressée par les écrivains du moyen âge, n'a aucune valeur historique.
37. (1) Ville située probablement sur le petit Zab (HOFFMANN, Auszùge aus-Syrischen Akten, p. 261); Joseph, son évêque dès l'an 410 est mentionné dans le Syn. Orient, p. 273. En cette même année elle fut placée sous la juridiction du métropolitain de Karka (ibid). Il paraît que, dans les temps anciens, elle dépendait d'Arbèles.
38. (2) Nous n'avons pas pu identifier ce nom; serait-il Rammonin qui en 610 avait un évêque nommé 'Akeb-Alaba, lequel fut placé sous la juridiction de la métropole de l'Adiabène? (Syn. Orient, p. 273). Rammonin ou Rassonin devait être situé au Nord-Ouest d'Arbèles.
39. (3) Ville située entre Dakouk et Arbèles (HOFFMANN, op. cit. p. 270); nous savons par ailleurs qu'elle avait des évoques, dès le commencement du IV siècle (Histoire de La ville de Béth Slokh: Bedjan, Acta Mart. et Sanct. II, p. 515 et passim; Catalogue des évêques, des prêtres et des diacres qui souffrirent le martyre sous Sapor II, dans le Martyrol. Hieronym. de De Rossi et Duchesne, t. II, p. I, p. LXIII).
40. (1) Voir ci-dessus, p. 96.
41. (2) Cette phrase de Mšiha-zkha est de nature à infirmer, une fois, de plus, les données de Clément d'Alexandrie qui assurait que les mages pratiquaient une continence absolue (Stromates, III, p. 446); voir à ce sujet HOVELACQUE, l'Avesta, Zoroastre et Le Mazdéisme, p. 461-463; G. MASPÉRO, Histoire Ancienne, vol. III, p. 588-589.
42. (3) C'est-à-dire d'Ahadabuhi; il est assez malaisé de savoir de quelle ordination il s'agit; nous pensons que ce serait du diaconat.
43. (1) Bahram ou Warharan, régna de 270 à 293 (NOELDEKE, op. cit. ibid, ).
44. (1) Remarquer l'analogie qui existe entre les hauts-faits de ce satrape païen et la passion de Kardagh, autre satrape chrétien, qui serait mort, d'après sa vie, vers l'an 358 (BEDJAN, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, II, p. 442; cf. DUVAL, Littérature Syriaque, p.137-138, NOELDEKE. Zeitschr. der deut. morg. Gesell. t. XLIV, p. 530). Le second pourrait-il être identifié avec le premier? Les annalistes chrétiens, après plus de trois siècles, auraient débaptisé ce premier sous le nom de Kardagh, et en auraient fait un martyr digne d'orner les fastes de leurs passionnaires. Considérant l'état où se trouve actuellement sa vie, surchargée d'anecdotes et de faits postérieurs aux événements qu'elle nous lègue, nous serions tenté d'en placer la composition vers le milieu du VIII siècle.
45. (1) On voit que les supplices infligés par les Sassanides ne le cédaient nullement en barbarie aux tourments inhumains édictés par les anciens Achéménides et les Assyriens; l'intervalle de plus de 500 ans qui sépare les deux puissances iraniennes, n'empêche pas les premiers de suivre les brisées des derniers (cf. G. MARPÊRO, Histoire Ancienne, vol. III, p. 412 et suiv. et 674 et suiv.).
46. (2) Voir ci dessus, p. 111.
47. (3) Se rappeler que le mot Villes, dans la Littérature Syriaque et Arabe, est l'équivalent de Séleucie-Ctésiphon (cf. plus baut p. 105).
48. (4) Voir ci-dessus, p. 112.
49. (1) Voir plus haut, p. 79.
50. (2) C.-a-d. pour si peu.
51. (1) C'est-à-dire de l'emploi d'un ministre inique contre un maître inique.
52. (1) Il paraît, par ces mots, que les chrétiens de Séleucie relevaient, dans les commencements, des évêques de Suse. C'est le motif, croyons-nous, qui a mis quelques années plus tard, Séleucie et Suse, en conflit continuel de juridiction (Miles et Papa). Les évêques de Suse ne se crurent satisfaits qu'au commencement du V siècle, où le Synode d'Isaac (410) qualifie l'évêque de Kaškar, leur voisin, de «fils de la droite et fils du ministère du Catholicos,» et le charge d'administrer le diocèse patriarcal, sede vacante; le synode de Joseph (554) renouvelle cette disposition, en y ajoutant le droit de convoquer le collège électoral qui nommera le patriarche (Syn. Orient, p. 272 et 365). Sur les démêlés de Papa, voir J. LABOURT, Le Christinanisme dans l'Empire Perse, p. 18-28; comp. J. B. CHABOT, Syn. Orient, p. 289, n. 2. BEDJAN, vol. II,p. 266 et Sqq.
53. (2) Papa fut ordonné, d'après notre texte, vers la fin de l'épiscopat d'Ahadahuhi qui occupa le siège jusqu à 291. L'élection de ce fameux patriarche doit donc être placée entre 285 et 291. On peut par là redresser l'erreur de Mari (p. 8 de l'édition latine de Gismondi) qui donne à l'apa79 ans de règne (de 247à 326). D'après Mšiha-zkha, Papa n'aurait occupé le siège de Séleucie que pendant 35 ou 40 ans tout au plus.
54. (1) Hormizd II régna de 302 à 309 (NOELDEKE, op. cit. p. 435).
55. (2) Voir l'Histoire de Beth Slokh (BEDJAN, vol. Il, p. 515 et Auszüge, p. 48). Si cet évêque est le même que celui qui est mentionné dans les actes du synode d'Isaac (Syn. Orient, p. 274)nous devons lui donner cent ans d'épiscopat (cf. BRAUN, Der Briefwechsel des Katholicos Papa von Seleucia, et la Zeitscher. fur Kathol. Théologie, 1894.
56. (1) L'hypothèse d'après laquelle Papa devrait la suprématie sur les évêques de l'Orient, à l'intervention des prélats occidentaux, est, croyons-nous, très plausible; mais la lettre que ces derniers écrivirent à Papa, n'est certainement pas celle qui est consignée dons les actes juridiques d'Ebedjésu de Nisibe (Coll. Can. tr, IX, cap. V.Amr, p. 4 et sq). Cependant l'existence d'une lettre de ce genre est attestée, non seulement par les compilateurs du moyen âge (Mari, p 5; 'Amr, p. 4; Barhebraeus II, col. 26) et par Mšiha-Zkha, mais, encore par les actes du synode de Dadišo' qui eut lieu une centaine d'années après (Syn. Orient, p. 285) ainsi que par la correspondance, apocryphe, dit-on, de Papa (BRAUN, op. cit. ) La rédaction de cette dernière peut être placée au commencement du V siècle. Comme Sa'da, évoque d'Edesse, dont parle Mšiha-zkha, a occupé le siège de 313 à 324 (DUVAL, Histoire d'Edesse, p. 138) et qu'il est un des prélats occidentaux consultés, Papa en aurait appelé aux primats syriens de 315 à 324. Cette intervention des pères occidentaux n'est pas unique; voici en quels termes s'expriment, à ce sujet, les orateurs du synode de Dadišo', tenu en 424: «Vous le savez, ô nos Pères! chaque fois que le schisme et la discorde ont existé chez nous, les Pères occidentaux ont été les soutiens et les auxiliaires de cette (Paternité (du siège de Seleucie-Ctesiphon)... Ils nous ont aussi délivrés et libérés des persécutions excitées contre nos Pères et contre nous par les mages, grâce aux ambassadeurs qu'ils envoyèrent en noire faveur.
57. (1) C-à-d. ignorant la démarche des Occidentaux auprès de Constantin.
58. (2) C'est-à-dire de Nisibe; au dire d'Elie de Nisibe, le siège de cette ville fut créé en 300/1 par Babo qui l'occupa jusqu'à 309. D'après le même auteur, Babo eut pour successeur Jacques qui siégeait déjà en 237/8 (cf. Elle de Nisibe cité par les éditeurs de la Chron. Eccles de Barhebraeus, col. l n. 2). Oc 337/8 à 363 et an delà, le siège fut occupé, d'après Si Ephrem, par Babo (II?), Vologèse et Abraham. Le Saint Docteur dit en effet dans une de ses hymnes composée avant 363, année de la cession de Nisibe et de sa banlieue, par Jovien: [Syriac] «Le. diocèse de l'illustre prêtre Jacques, s'illustra avec lui et comme lui, et parce que lui avait uni sa charité à son zèle, il (son diocèse) revêtit la crainte de Dieu et la charité. (Ce même diocèse) libéra les captifs avec de l'argent, par le moyen de Babo, ami des aumônes. Il ouvrit son cœur aux Livres Saints par Vologèse, expert dans la loi. Que par toi (évêque Abraham) il soit grandement secouru». ---- Il resterait une difficulté à résoudre: faut-il croire, avec Elie que Babo a précédé Jacques, et partant admettre deux Babo, l'un prédécesseur et l'autre successeur de Jacques, ou bien faut-il s'en tenir à St Ephrem qui nomme Jacques, son maître, comme le premier évêque de la ville?
59. (1) Les Syriens appellent, sur la foi de Socrate (Hist. Eccles. I, VIII), le concile de Nicée "le concile des 318"; mais rien n'est plus incertain que le nombre des Pères. Eusèbe rapporte qu'ils étaient plus de 250. MM. Gelzer, Hilgenfeld, Cuntz, ont étudié les listes des souscriptions dans Patrum Nicaenorum nomina latine, graece, coptice, syriace, arabice, armenice (Lipzig, 1898 jet ont compté en effet 250 noms; mais on ne peut guère en reconnaître avec certitude que 237 (ibid, p. LXV-LXX, et J. B. Chabot, Syn. Orient, p. 259, n. 2). Aucun évoque Perse ne prit part à ce concile; quelques listes syriaques nomment un Jean de Béth Parsayé, mais ce nom est une falsification de Jean, évêque de Perrhae. La présence donc, dans ce concile de Jacques de Nisibe, avec son disciple Ephrem, et des évêques de Šahrkard et de Béth Slokh (Histoire de cette ville, BEDJAN, vol. II. p. 510 et sqq.)etc. etc. n'est qu'une fable.
60. (1) Si notre note (p. 106) est fondée, il y aurait, dans le règne de Sapor II, une année de différence entre la chronologie de noire auteur et celle établie par Noeldeke: 309-379.
61. (1) Cette campagne serait celle qui eut lieu une année environ après la mort de Constantin le Grand, et quelques mois avant celle de Jacques de Nisibe, c'est-à-dire, vers la fin. de 338 (Cf. JULIEN, Orat. I, p. 33); car l'auteur dit plus bas que Sapor, forcé de lever le siège, jura d'exterminer le nom chrétien, ce qu'il tenta par le premier édit de persécution, qui partait de la fin de 339.
62. (1) L'élection de Siméon Bar Sabba'é aurait donc eu lieu en 328 / 9. Sa mort arrivant en 341, il n'aurait gouverné que 12 ans, et non 18 ('Amr, p. 19) ou 15 (Mari, p. 8, 14); comp. Barhebraeus, Chron. Eccl. II, p. 35.
63. (2) La phrase suivante du Syn. Orient (p. 47du texte) ne prouverait pas que Papa eût des prédécesseurs sur le siège de Séleucie: [Syriac] Le prétérit [Syriac] (ou à la rigueur la particule [Syriac]), pourrait indiquer une ancienneté d'ordination, par laquelle un évéque avait le droit d'être nommé, dans les diptyques, avant un autre d'ordination plus récente. Les anciens diptyques mentionnaient en effet les évêques, par ordre d'ancienneté de leur sacre. Le mot sous-entendu et à suppléer peut donc être [Syriac] qui l'ont précédé par leur ordination et non pas nécessairement [Syriac] qui l'ont précédé dans le patriarcat de Séleucie cf. LABOURT,, op. cit p. 13 n. 2.
64. (3) D'après Mšiha-zkha, il y aurait eu deux édits de persécution, l'un datant du 6 Nissan de la fin de 339, et l'autre de septembre de l'an 340. Le premier aurait subi un ralentissement motivé par les préparatifs de guerre cf. LABOURT, op. cit. p. 50, n. 2. Les Passions des martyrs prennent pour point de départ le premier édit (cf. la passion d'Azad, Bedjan, Acta Mart. et Sanct. II. p. 248.
65. (1) C'est-à-dire vers la fin de 339 d'après la chronologie de Noeldeke, et au commencement de 34l d'après celle de Mšiha-zkha. Le compùt de Bar Penkayé que nous éditons aujourd'hui est conforme à celui de Noeldeke: [Syriac] «l'an 3 de la royauté de Constantin, roi fidèle, régna en Perse Sapor, le mage.» Constantin ayant été proclamé Auguste à la mort de Constance Chlore en 306, la troisième année de son règne tomberait en 309.
66. (2) Cf. Act. Mart. et Sanct. vol. II, p. 143.
67. (1) Comp. Aphraate (Démonst. XXI, col. 932 et 933, édit. Parisot).
68. (1) Comp. Ad. Mart. et Sanct. II, p. 26l et 268.
69. (2) C'est-à-dire, d'après Mšiha-zkha, vers la fin de 342.
70. (1) Le but de Mšiha-zkha, en composant son histoire, paraît donc avoir été de tracer sommairement la série des évêques de sa métropole, et des prêtres ou des diacres qui y souffrirent le martyre. C'est pour cela qu'il ne fait pas une mention détaillée des martyrs laïcs de son pays. Pinhés, à qui le livre est destiné, paraît donc avoir été un prêtre ou un nzira, c'est-à-dire un enfant destiné dès son enfance à être évêque, comme c'est l'usage aujourd'hui chez les nestoriens; mais ce dernier point est fort douteux, et nous ne savons vraiment pas s'il y avait des nzirés au V-VI s. et nous ne saurions décider si la classe des [Syriac] (BEDJAN, vol. II, p. 241 et 251; Syn. Orient, p. 265 etc. ) qui ne peuvent nullement être des pèlerins de Jérusalem: [Syriac], sont à identifier avec les nzirés de de nos jours, quoiqu'une glose marginale du Syn. Orient. (ibid. n. 7) explique le mot [Syriac].
71. (2) On voit qu'il n'est pas dit que Jean assista au concile de Nicée, comme le prétend l'auteur de l'histoire de la ville de Béth Slokh (BEDJAN, II, p. 515); voir plus haut, p. 125 n. 1.
72. (1) Ces martyrs nous sont inconnus de par ailleurs; le volume IV (p. 131) des Act. Mart. contient la passion d'un Hannania qu'on ne pourrait identifier avec celui dont parle notre auteur, car 1° il était laïc, tandis que le nôtre était diacre de l'église, 2° il fut massacré en 345, et le nôtre subit le martyre en 344.
73. (1) Voir Sozomene, H. E. II, 12. Patr. Graec. LXVII, col. 965. Celle campagne ne serait-elle pas celle que devait entreprendre Sapor, pendant que Constance s'employait à réduire Magnence et que les généraux romains s'occupaient de la question de l'élévation de Gallus à la dignité de César, le 15 Mars, 351?
74. (1) C'est-à-dire vers 351 2; cf. Act. Mart, et Sanct. vol. IV, p. 166, à propos des martyrs Gèles.
75. (2) Comp. Act. Mart. et Sanct. Vol, IV, p. 133.
76. (1) Nous croyons utile de dresser une liste, quoique très imparfaite, des roitelets et des gouverneurs militaires de l'Adiabène, connus par l'histoire de Mšiha-zkha:
Vers 149 Rakbakt (p. 82)
Vers 189 Narsai (p. 101)
Vers 225 Šahrat (p. 105)
Vers 230 Adorzahad (p. 108)
Vers 2*6 Goufrašnasp (p. 114)
En 365 Pagrasp ou Pargasp (p. 131)
En 366 Pironz-Tamšabour (p. 132 cf. Bedjan, IV, p. 128)
Vers 355 Adorparéh (p. 134 cf. Bedjan, IV, p. 130) Les passions des martyrs (Bedjan, vol. II, p. 286 et sq.) nous font connaître un roi (sic!) d'Adiabène, nommé Ardašir, qui régnait dans la e moitié du IV. s; mais cette donnée est difficile à expliquer, car 1° elle ne paraît pas être en pleine conformité avec le passionnaire de l'Adiabène (ibid. vol. IV, p. 128-165) et avec Mšiha-zkha; 2° depuis l'avènement de Sassanides, l'Adiabene fut réduite en satrapie et l'époque des roitelets expira par le fait même (p. 108). Cet Ardašir serait donc un des chefs de mages, pareil à celui dont il est question à la p. 137 ou bien un gouverneur de la province de l'Assyrie, ou bien enfin le fameux Ardašir, le frère de Sapor II (Tabari, p. 70, n. 1). Les gouverneurs (ou plutôt les mobeds) de 355 et au delâ, comme Kourkasid (IV, p. 137) et Adoršag (p. 131) ne sont pas mentionnés par notre auteur.
77. (1) Sozomène affirme que le nombre des martyrs de la persécution de Sapor, dont les noms étaient connus montait à 16,000 (H. E. II, 14: P. G. t. LX. V I, col. 969). Ce chiffre peut ne pas paraître exagéré, si l'on songe au grand nombre de chrétiens qui peuplaient le domaine des successeurs des Achéménides. Mšiha-zkha (p. 106) compte plus de 17 évêques, en 225, dans les provinces du centre seulement; les actes des martyrs mentionnent plus de 16 évêques de pays différents qui subirent le martyre; ne s'en trouyait-il pas d'autres qui furent épargnés? (cf. ASSEM. Acta Mart. Orient. I, p. 136, 82, 220, 227, 151, 230, 81, 41, 83, 80; BEDJAN, IV, p. 128, 130. etc. etc. ). Les passionnaires publiés, de nos jours, nous fournissent des données certaines sur le grand nombre de chrétiens (BEDJAN, II, p. 261 et sq. etc. ) Parmi ces chrétiens nous trouvons plusieurs religieux et religieuses qui subissent le martyre (Evod. Assem. ibid. p. 166, 165, 100, 71, 166, 123, 103, 55). Aphraate (lre moitié du IV s. ) qui a consacré sa VI homélie à ces religieux et religieuses appelés «fils et filles de pacte» montre très bien qu'ils étaient très nombreux et très appliqués à la vie parfaite et insinue qu'il était lui-même de leur nombre. Nous pourrions nous demander si une centaine d'années suffiraient pour établir tout cet attirail et pour faire propager si rapidement une religion. Par la force des choses, il nous faut donc faire remonter l'évangélisation des chrétientés persanes aux débuts même du christianisme. ---- Les paroles des historiens occidentaux ne sont pas moins expresses; Tertullien écrit (Adv. Judaeos, cap. VII) «in quem enim alium (nisi in Christum) universae génies crediderunt, Parthi, Medi, Elamitae, et qui habitant Mesopotamiam..." Cf. Iren. adv. haer. lib. I, cap. X. Denys d'Alexandrie (Euseb. VII, 5) parle des églises de la Mésopotamie et de leurs rapports avec les autres églises; Eusèbe de Césarée (praepar. evang. VI, 10, 66) mentionne des chrétientés en Parthie, en Médie, en Perse, en Bactriane. et dans le pays des Gèles (cf. HARNACK, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten, p. 642 et sq. ) Le commerce entre Antioche, Edesse et Arbèles était très actif au commencement de notre ère (plus haut, p. 103; 89); de plus les actes des apôtres nous apprennent qu'au temps pascal les Juifs de la Parthie, de la Médie, de l'Elam et de la Mésopotamie se rendaient à Jérusalem (Act. II, 9). Rien n'aurait empêché le zèle des apôtres du Christ de se rendre sur le territoire Perse et y semer la doctrine de leur maître. Pourquoi franchiraient-ils les mers pour aller dans des pays à moeurs étrangères, et négligeraient-ils des contrées avoisinantes qui avaient les mêmes habitudes et souvent la même langue, et qui étaient habitées par un nombre tres considérable de Juifs? (voir plus haut, p. 89, 87 n. 1).
78. (1) C'est-à-dire en 386.
79. (1) Iezdegerd I régna de 399 à 420 et Bahram V qui lui succéda de 420 à 438 (NOELDEKE, op. cit. ibid. ).
80. (2) Nous pouvons inférer du récit de Mšiha- zkha que les persécutions de Iezdegerd I (399-420) et de Warharam V (420-438) ne sévirent pas en Adiabène; l'édit de Iezdegerd qui parlait de la fin de l'hiver de 420 n'eut pas le temps de faire un grand nombre de victimes 1° parce qu'il n'aurait duré que six mois environ, car le roi mourut en automne de cette même année (TABARI, p. 77, n. 1); 2° parce que le roi qui avait promulgué cet édit contre ses dispositions (cf. SOCRATE, Hist. Eccles. VII, 18) forcé par les instances des prêtres du feu, n'aurait pas déployé un grand zèle à le mettre en exécution. ----- La persécution de Warharan n'eut pas non plus le temps d'étendre ses cruautés dans les pays renfermés entre les deux Zabs; commençant vers la fin de 421, elle cessa en 422, grâce au sucrés des armes d'Ardabure sur Miharnarsé. Nous ne pourrions donc pas croire avec l'auteur de la passion de Pérouz (HOFFMANN, op. cit. p. 39)que cette persécution dura cinq ans.
81. (1) En 420 (Syn. Orient, p. 276).
82. (2) En 410 (ibid. p. 253).
83. (3) Les Orientalistes n'ont pas pu reconnaître le véritable emplacement de ce pays; Lamy l'identifie avec Nehard*a au S. E. de Babylone, où florissait une grande colonie juive (Barhebr. Chron. Eccles. II, p. 69, n. 1). Hoffmann, Chabot, Marquart (Loc. cit. p. 208-216. ---- Syn. Orient. 669. ----p. 22) le placent entre le Tigre et le Habour, le Tour 'Abdin et le Djebel Sindjar. Béth Nonhadra est situé au nord de Ma'alta et à l'ouest de la montagne de Béth' Edré, aux environs du cada de Dehok actuel.
84. (4) Voir plus haut p. 112.
85. (5) Nous ne pouvons identifier ce nom qui s'appelle aussi [Syriac] (Syn. Orient, p. 33).
86. (6) Cette localité qui est écrite [Syriac] dans le Syn. Orient. (p, 33), n'a pu être identifée jusqu'à nos jours.
87. (7) I.e. après le synode de Iabalaba,
88. (1) C'est-à-dire en 436
89. (2) L'auteur de l'histoire de Bèth Slokh, (Act. Mart. et Sanct. II, p. 521) mentionne un évêque d'Arbèles qui fut martyrisé sous Iezdegerd II, vers 4'j , mais il a bien garde de nous le nommer. L'évêque de l'Adiabène, en cette année, s'appelait Rhima et notre lexie ne dit pas qu'il a été martyrisé. Si l'information de l'auteur anonyme est fondée, il faut dire que cet évêque, n'était pas à proprement parler celui d'Arbèles, mais bien celui d'une ville dépendant de cette métropole.
90. (1) Il s'agit de l'évêque d'Edesse Ibas (635-657) qui contribua plus que tout autre à la propagation du nestorianisme (Duval, Littérature Syriaque p. 363-346)
91. (2) Cf. le récit de Simon de Béth Aršam dans Assem. B. 0. I, 346
92. (3) II est assez malaisé du savoir en quelle année Barsauma quitta Edesse pour se rendre à Nisibe; il s'est certainement rendu sur le territoire perse avant 657, année de la mort d'Ibas et de l'expulsion desdocteurs. Nous pouvons déduire cela du récit de Barhadhbšabba (dans Narsai Homiliae et Carmina 1. p. 34) et de Mšiha-zkha etc. Il se trouyait aussi à Edesse en 669 où ses accusateurs demandent instamment son bannissement (MARTIN, Revue des sciences ecclésiastiques 1876, p. 539). Tout nous porte à croire qu'il aurait quitté pour toujours la capitale de l'Osrhoène en 450/1 et qu'il aurait été sacré évêque de Nisibe peu de temps après. Il est donc inexact de croire avec Ebedjésus et Elie de Nisibe qu'il fut promu à l'épiscopat en 435.
93. (1) c'est-à-dire Théodore de Mopsueste; sur les commentaires de Narsai et ses autres oeuvres voir Narsai homiliae et Carmina. 1, p. 9 et sq.
94. (2) Cf. Histoire de la ville du Béth Slokh, vol. II, p. 531
95. (3) Pirouz mourut en 484 (Tabari, p. 126 et sq. )
96. (4) Comp. Barheb. Chron. Eccles. II, p. 65.
97. (1) Le Synode d'Acace eut lieu eu 486 (Syn. Orient, p. 299)
98. (2) Les quelques mois d'entrée en matière du synode d'Akak (Syn. Orient, p. 30), mentionnent l'Adiabène parmi les villes dont les évêques étaient présents au concile, mais ils ne nous, donnent pas le nom de 1'évêque. Cette donnée proviendrait d'une interpolation d'un scribe, pareille à tant d'autres que nous présente, dans sa forme actuelle, le Syn. Orient. à preuve, l'absence, à la fin du concile, d'un signataire du pays d'Adiabène; car si un métropolitain d'Arbèk s y était présent, sa signature n'aurait pu y faire défaut. Le mieux est donc de s'en tenir à Mšiha-zkha qui dit que 'Abboušta, alors évêque de la métropole, n'assista pas au concile, pour cause de maladie.
99. (3) En 498.
100. (4) Voici l'ordre que l'auteur aurait suivi, selon nous, pour arriver au nombre de dix, dans l'énumération des conciles: Ancyre, Nicée, Gangres, Antioche, Laodicée, Isaac, Iabalaha, Dadišo', Acacius (Cf. Syn. Orient, p, 609 et sq. ) Il serait intéressant de savoir la législation et les autorités judiciaires des nestoriens du VI s. Quels synodes locaux de l'Occident leur étaient connus? Quels sont ceux qu'ils rejetaient? Avaient-ils traduit, dans leur langue, l'ensemble des lois, générales et locales, qui régissaient le grand état Occidental?
101. (1) Par cette phrase de Mšiha-zkha, on peut comprendre l'erreur du copiste du Syn. Orient, qui, à la page 315, 1. 17, nomme Joseph, évêque d'Arbèles et métropolitain de l'Adiabène, et à la page 317, nomme Sidoura comme notaire de 'Ahboušta l'évêque et te métropolitain de l'Adiabène, et le fait signer pour lui. Faut-il supposer (chose impossible) qu'il y avait deux évêques sur le même siège? Après le concile de Nicée, cette anomalie ne s'est jamais présemée dans l'église Orientale. La difficulté pourrait se résoudre de deux manières: ou bien il y a une faute de copiste et une interpolation du texte original qui devait être constitué de la manière suivante «Joseph, prêtre d'Arbèles, métropole de l'Adiabène», au lieu de «Joseph évêque d'Arbèles, métropolitain de l'Adiabène»; ou bien Joseph, devenant évêque de l'Adiabène, un an après le synode, le collecteur du synodicon, a nommé Joseph, comme évêque signant en son propre nom, c'est-à-dire acceptant tous les décrets du synode tenu antérieurement (cf. Chabot, ibid. p. 618).
102. (2) cf. Syn. Orient, p. 313.
103. (1) Kawad régna de 688 à 696; en cette même année il fut déposé, et Zaraasp fils de Pirouz le remplaça jusqu'à l'an 498; il fut replacé de nouveau sur le trône qu'il occupa jusqu'à 531.
104. (2) Cette guerre qui a été racontée parle pseudo-Josué (édit. Martin) commença le 22 août 501 (Tabari, p. 146, n. 1),
105. (1) Narsai mourut on 502, (Narsai Homiliae et Carmina, I, p. 8)
106. (2) Barhadbbšabba 'Arabaya l'appelle Bar Kouzbayé et dit qu'il dirigea l'école pendant sept ans (ibid. p. 35).
107. (3) Šila occupa le siège de Séleucie de 505 à 523.
108. (1) Se rappeler que Šila était marié (Mare, p. 41; 'Amr, p. 22)
109. (2) Pris dans un sens tout objectif, pour l'ensemble des règles et des pratiques auxquelles assujettit la vie érémitique et cénobitique.
110. (1) c'est-à-dire en 511.
111. (1) Si ce Hnana est le même que celui qui a assisté au synode de Mar Aba I tenu en 564, il aurait occupé le siège plus de 33 ans (Syn. Orient, p. 366, 365), et serait mort bien avant 556 puisque nous voyons un autre évêque d'Adiabène, nommé Msabbha, qui signe au synode de Joseph (556); cf. Syn. Orient, p. 366.
112. (2) C'est-à-dire comme Joseph son prédécesseur (v. plus haut, p. 150)
113. (3) Il ne nous est rien parvenu des oeuvres de ce Hnana; ses écrits n'auraient-ils pas été dans la suite confondus avec ceux de Hnana également d'Adiabène, et directeur de l'école de Nisibe depuis 572? (Narsai homiliae et Carmina I, p. 8, 37 sq. )
114. (4) Elisée de Kouzbou mourut en 509, après avoir dirigé l'école pendant sept'ans. ---- Mr l'abbé Chabot, nous a, par méprise, imputé une erreur que nous n'avons jamais faite; il écrit dans le journal asiatique (1905, p. 465, n. 4): «d'après une note du P. Mingana, selon Barhadhbšabba, cet Elisée est le même qu'Elisée évoque de Nisibe.» Or le sens de notre phrase est, mot pour mot, opposé à cette idée «secundum Barhadhbšabbam hic auctor alius est ac Elisaeus qui fuit episcopus Nisibin.» (Ibid p. 8).
115. (5) Cette histoire est donc l'oeuvre d'un contemporain, admirateur d'Abraham.
116. (1) i. e. le jeune âge d'Abraham.
117. (2) Šila mourut en 522 / 3, et la compétition de Narsai et d'Elisée
dura jusqu'à 539, c'est-à-dire seize ans environ (cf. Amr, p. 22; Mari, 42-43).
118. (1) 'Amr (p. 22) mentionne aussi ce Paul parmi les électeurs de Narsai, mais il dit faussement qu'il était métropolitain d'Arbèles.
119. (2) En examinant attentivement le manuscrit, nous avons remarqué que les pages disparues ne seraient qu'au nombre de quatre seulement, à moins d'admettre (ce qui est peu probable) qu'un cahier entier ait disparu, après ces deux feuilles. ---- Ce Paul, qui devint évêque de Nisibe, ne peut donc être identifié avec Paul le Perse de Mercati (Per la vita e gli scritti di Paolo il Persiano, 1899, p. 3, n, 2) qui se trouvait à Constantinople, au temps dont parie Mšiha-zkha, c'est-à-dire de 525 à 533 (LABOURT, le Christianisme dans l'empire perse, p. 166 ). — Les conclusions tirées de ces dernières pages, pour l'époque de la composition de celle histoire, sont exposées dans la préface ( p. VIII - IX ).
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Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911). Preface to the online edition
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911). Preface to the online edition
I became aware of the existence of this translation by accident. An American gentleman emailed me and asked after this work, and also Optatus of Milevis. A quick search revealed the existence of this translation; an inter-library loan brought the book to my hands in a week; and a weekend's work placed it online.
The work itself is medieval; collections of hearsay about miracles of the saints. Much of it is plainly exaggerated or untrue. Some people blasphemously call this 'pious fiction' -- I am less sympathetic to this, although perhaps I expect too much accuracy. In my view telling plainly doubtful stories about miracles simply encourages scepticism about the Christian faith. But the constant refrain of the book is the devastation caused by the Lombard invasions. Perhaps it is harsh to criticise people trying to find some comfort from stories, in a dreadful world; and the later history of the book is not the responsibility of its author.
The book itself is an Arts and Crafts movement volume. The headings are all in Gothic, the binding is a reproduction of a 16th century Italian binding, and illustrations, some in colour, appear at intervals. The illustrations are all photographs or colourings of Renaissance paintings, and have been omitted. Likewise the list of illustrations with notes has been omitted. The notes appeared at the back; I have mixed them in with the footnotes (all biblical references) and placed them at the end of each book. The text itself OCR'd very easily; the headings had to be typed in.
The text is very old-fashioned, and was modernised only in spelling, and not always then. I have added some more -- 'Bennet' changed to 'Benedict', 'Totilas' to 'Totila', etc. But I do not have the time to remove all the Jacobean phraseology.
Book 2 had been scanned long ago by the St. Pachomius Library, an Orthodox website. They placed it in the public domain, for which many thanks. I have used this as the basis for book 2, while adding in page numbers and footnotes.
Roger PEARSE
23rd August 2004
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Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
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Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Introduction. pp.xix-xxvi.
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Introduction. pp.xix-xxvi.
The Dialogues of Saint Gregory, surnamed the Great: Pope of Rome & the first of that name. Divided into Four Books, wherein he entreateth of the Lives and Miracles of the Saints in Italy and of the Eternity of Men's Souls. Translated into our English Tongue by P.W. and printed at Paris in mdcviii. Re-edited with an Introduction and Notes by Edmund G. Gardner, M.A. With Illustrations after the Old Masters annotated by G.F.Hill.
London: Philip Lee Warner
vii Grafton St., Bond St. W. mdccccxi.
Introduction
The four books of Dialogues of Saint Gregory the Great, "concerning the life and miracles of the Italian Fathers and the eternity of souls," were written in 593, three years after his elevation to the papacy, at the request of certain monks of his household.
"My brethren who dwell familiarly with me," writes Gregory to Maximianus, Bishop of Syracuse, "would have me by all means write something in brief fashion concerning the miracles of the Fathers, which we have heard wrought in Italy. For this purpose I earnestly need the help of your charity, that you should briefly inform me of all those which come back to your memory, or which you have happened yourself to know. For I remember that you related certain things, which I have forgotten, concerning the lord abbot Nonnosus, who lived near the lord Anastasius de Pentumis. I beseech you, therefore, to put down this, and whatever others there are, in your letters, and forward them to me with speed, unless you yourself are coming to me shortly."1
There is no other book that gives us so vivid a picture of religious life in Italy during the sixth century: the century that witnessed the brief epoch of Gothic |xx domination, the restoration of the imperial Byzantine power, and finally the invasion of the Lombards, that "barbarous and cruel nation," writes Gregory, which, "drawn as a sword out of a sheath," wrought such unutterable havoc and devastation in the peninsula that many, with Bishop Redemptus, held verily that "the end of all flesh was come." 2 It is the century that closed the period of classical civilisation, and ushered in that dreariest epoch in the history of mankind known as the Dark Ages.
Inevitably, men turned from the spectacle of a world "fraught with so many miseries and divers afflictions,"3 to prepare in the solitude of the cloister for the end which they deemed fast approaching, if it were not already come. They naturally sought eagerly to grasp such phenomena as seemed to them miraculous, as visible signs that God had not utterly abandoned His creation, and to find proofs that the soul, at least, was immortal, and might look forward to a better life hereafter by forgiveness of injuries, and by offering herself up before death as a sacrifice to Him that had made her.4 It is this that gives pathos even to the apparent triviality of some of the miracles that Gregory records, and deeper significance to the note on which the work ends.
Three great figures illumine the general darkness of the sixth century in Italy: Boethius, the last philosopher of the classical world; Benedict, the organiser or western monasticism; and Gregory himself the chief agent in the building up of the mediaeval ideal of the papacy.
The Roman senator, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, whom Gibbon calls "the last of the Romans whom Cato or Tully could have acknowledged for their countryman," was tortured to death by the orders of |xxi King Theodoric the Goth, in 524 or 525. Dante was to meet him among the glowing spirits of great teachers in the fourth sphere of Paradise: "In the vision of all good there rejoiceth the holy soul, who unmasks the world's deceit to whoso giveth good heed to it. The body whence it was hunted lieth below in Cieldauro, and it from martyrdom and from exile came unto this peace."5 Though a martyr for the liberty of Rome rather than for the faith of Christ, Boethius was (as we now know for certain) an advocate of Christianity, albeit from the philosophical rather than the religious standpoint; but his famous work, De Consolatione Philosophiae, composed in his prison at Pavia under the shadow of death, attempts to "assert eternal Providence and justify the ways of God to men" from the standpoint of human reason alone. It is somewhat curious that his name, which rings through the literature of the Middle Ages from Alfred to Dante, occurs nowhere in the Dialogues, although his fellow-victims under the tyranny of the last years of Theodoric's rule, John the Pope and Symmachus the Senator, are mentioned more than once, and the monkish legend of their persecutor's terrible end is related in full.6
Some four or five years after the death of Boethius, Benedict of Nursia founded the great monastery of Monte Cassino, about 529. Here in 543, fourteen years later, he died. Even in the west, Benedict was naturally not without precursors; such as Martin of Tours, Cassianus of Marseilles, Cesarius of Arles, Equitius, who, "by reason of his great holiness of life, was the father and governor of many abbeys in the province of Valeria," 7 and some others; but it was more especially the work of the great Italian monk, |xxii whose face Dante so ardently desired to behold unveiled in Paradise, to elevate this western monastic life into a system, with fixed laws and an ideal, like the object of hope according to the scholastic definition, "arduous but not impossible of attainment." The famous rule, the Regula Sancti Benedicti, which he wrote and promulgated from Monte Cassino (based, in part, upon the eastern rule of St. Basil), for all its apparent simplicity, is one of the few great constructive works of the sixth century. Although, from the standpoint of the Divina Commedia, Dante makes the Saint declare that his regola remained on earth solely to waste the parchment on which it was written, per danno delle carte, it became the norm according to which generations of men and women throughout the western world devoted themselves to the highest spiritual life, and became "kindled by that heat which gives birth to flowers and holy fruits."8
The second book of the Dialogues, De vita et miraculis venerabilis Benedicti, is the earliest and most authoritative account of St. Benedict that we possess. Indeed, it, together with his Rule, is our only source for the story of his life and the understanding of his character. As has been well said, it is "the biography of the greatest Monk, vritten by the greatest Pope (himself also a Monk.)"9
Gregory was born probably a year or two before the death of St. Benedict. The son of the Roman senator, Gordianus, and a scion of the noble house of the Anicii, he inherited vast possessions in the Roman Campagna and in the territory of Tivoli, stretching almost to the gates of Praeneste (Palestrina), and a palace on the Caelian Hill. His childhood was passed amidst the disastrous events of the struggle between Justinian's generals and the Goths, when Rome was taken and retaken again and again by the Goths and the |xxiii barbarian armies of the Empire. In his early manhood, after the death of Justinian and the recall of Narses to Constantinople, came the even more disastrous invasion and partial conquest of Italy by the Lombards. "Late and long," he writes, " I put off the grace of conversion, and, after I had been inspired with celestial desire, I thought it better to be clothed in the secular habit." 10 In 573, when still a young man, he was prefect of Rome. A few years later, he became a monk, turned his palace into a monastery, made over his lands to the monks, and disposed of his property to religious and public uses. After serving as apocrisiarius, or papal legate, to the imperial court of Byzantium, for Pope Pelagius II., he was, on the latter's death during the terrible pestilence that devastated Rome at the beginning of 590, elected Pope, and, in spite of his resistance, was compelled to accept the choice of the Romans, which (in accordance with the usage of the times) was confirmed by the Emperor Mauritius.
This is not the place to tell again the story of Gregory's pontificate. Physically a complete invalid, suffering from almost incessant pain, he held the see for fourteen years (dying on March 12, 604), with an indefatigable vigour and an incessant activity, in times of wellnigh unqualified difficulty and gloom. Convinced in his own mind that the end of the world was at hand (he had announced it to the people in his first public homily as Pope in St. Peter's, and the conviction abode with him until his death),11 he nevertheless did not neglect even the care of temporal things, when these were forced upon him by the duties of his state and the pressure of the times. His conception of the temporal power of the papacy, and the relations of Church and State, was poles asunder from that of the Popes of |xxiv Dante's century, and essentially the same as that of the poet himself. Of the vast territorial possessions of the Church, the administration of which he thoroughly reformed, he regarded the Pope, "not as possessor, but as dispenser of the fruits for the poor of Christ, on behalf of the Church." 12 Compelled to act as a secular ruler in defence of Rome against the Lombards, he regarded himself, in the temporal field, as the subject of the State. Like Dante, he conceives of the Church and State as mutually co-operating, but ruling over different spheres, and the Emperor is God's vicar and representative on earth in all things temporal: "What he does, if canonical, we follow; if it is not canonical, we bear it, as far as we can without sin."13 In the ecclesiastical sphere, on the other hand, he is uncompromising in asserting the supremacy of Rome over all other Christian churches. His work of converting the English, and preparing the conversion of the Lombards, need not be told here. Gregory was the creator of the spiritual ideal of the mediaeval papacy, even as Benedict had created that of western monasticism.
The Dialogues were translated into Greek by one of St. Gregory's successors, Pope Zaccharias I. (741-752): "that so the Grecians might be instructed in the rules of good living," as Platina's seventeenth-century translator puts it. With a similar desire for the edification of the English, an Anglo-Saxon version was made, about 890, by Bishop Werferth of Worcester, at the instigation of Alfred the Great.14 The Dialogues were among the most popular reading of the Middle Ages, and early translations exist in almost every European language. In the fourth book, we find the first |xxv rudiments of the mediaeval conception of the three states of souls in the other world. The story of the vision seen by a certain soldier 15 is practically the first in the west of those more or less fictitious visions of Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven, which (inspired so many imitations throughout the Middle Ages, from Venerable Bede's legends of Fursaeus and Drythelm to the visions of Tundal, Alberic of Monte Cassino, and the monk Edmund of Eynsham----the long series which (speaking superficially) may be said to culminate in the Divina Commedia. Dante himself knew the Dialogues well. His account of St. Benedict in the sphere of Saturn, and his own vision of the nothingness of the world in his ascent to the Stellar Heaven, were directly suggested by St. Gregory's words.16 From Gregory, too, came his doctrine of the "Mansions of Beatitude," albeit its significance had for him acquired a deeper and intenser note by the passage through the mystical mind of Bonaventura. Echoes of the Dialogues may likewise be discerned in the De Monarchia and in the Letter to Can Grande. The influence of Gregory's earlier work, the Moralia, or Exposition of the Book of Job, is also very marked in many passages of the Divina Commedia.
The translation of the Dialogues, here offered to the reader, was published at Paris in 1608----seventeen years, that is, before the first English version of Boccaccio's Decameron. It was dedicated "to the high and excellent princess Anne: by God's singular providence, Queen of great Britain, France, and Ireland"; that is, to Anne of Denmark, the consort of King James I. The translator claims to be the first thus to present a book to her: "For whereas divers, of divers professions, have directed their works to our most dread Sovereign, |xxvi and one also to our young Prince (your dear son, and the orient object of our country's joy), so none at all, for aught that I can learn, much less that professeth the religion of St. Gregory, hath hitherto presented any book to your Princely person." His "epistle dedicatory" is dated "the first of January, 1608," and signed " Your Majesty's most devoted servant, and daily orator, P.W." This "P. W." has not been identified; the Jesuit father, Henry James Coleridge, who edited his translation, in a somewhat modernised form, in 1874, suggested that he was "an English Catholic, desirous to interest the Queen in favour of the ancient religion." The Dialogues are further introduced by a lengthy preface "to the courteous and virtuous Christian reader," and followed (with an independent title-page) by " A short Relation of divers Miracles wrought at the memories or shrines of certain martyrs, especially St. Stephen, the Protomartyr of Christ's Church," the contents of which are mainly taken from the City of God of St. Augustine and the Life of St. Bernard. The present re-issue of the translation, save for the spelling, follows verbally the edition of 1608. The Latin text cited is that given by Migne (P.L. lxxvii.).
The Dialogues of St. Gregory have exercised a certain influence upon Christian iconography. Spinello Aretino at San Miniato, Luca Signorelli and Giovanni Antonio Bazzi at Mont' Oliveto Maggiore, Fra Filippo Lippi, Neroccio of Siena, Benedetto Bonfigli, and many other Italian masters found subjects ready to their hand in its pages; while the pilgrim to Subiaco and the other sanctuaries of the Roman Campagna, hallowed by the footsteps of these "fathers of the olden time," will still find the words of the great pontiff of the sixth century the most vivid of guides.
EDMUND G. GARDNER
August 15, 1911
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Gregorii I. Registrant, Epist. in. 5 (ed. Ewald and Hartmann, I. p. 206). Cf. Dialog, i. 7, 8, iii. 36. The title "lord" (domnus) is given to an abbot in accordance with the Rule of St. Benedict (cap. 63): "Abbas autem, quia vices Christi agere creditur, Domnus et Abbas vocatur."
2. 1 Dialog, iii. 38.
3. 2 Ibid. iii. 38.
4. 3 Ibid, iv, 60.
5. 1 Par. x. 124-129. Cieldauro is the church of San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro (the Golden Roof) at Pavia, where Boethius was buried.
6. 2 Dialog, iii. 2, iv. 30.
7. 3 Ibid. i. 4.
8. 1 Par. xxii. 46-48, 73-75.
9. 2 Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, vol. iv., p. 411.
10. 1 Moralia, Epistola missoria (to Leander of Seville), cap. i.
11. 2 Homilia I. in Evangelia (Migne, P.L., lxxvi. coll. 1077-1081).
12. 1 De Monarchta, iii. 10.
13. 2 Epist. xi. 29 (Ewald and Hartmann, II. pp. 299-300).
14. 3 Bischofs Waerferth von Worcester Ubenetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen. Ed. Hans Hecht. Leipzig, 1900.
15. 1 Dialog, iv. 36. See Notes.
16. 2 Cf. Par. xxii. 37-45, Dialog, ii. 8; Par. xxii. 133-153, Dialog.ii. 35.
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Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 1. pp.1-48
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 1. pp.1-48
Chapter One: of Honoratus, abbot of the Monastery of Funda.
Chapter Two: of Libertinus, Prior of the same Abbey.
Chapter Three; of a certain monk, that was gardener to the same Abbey.
Chapter Four: of Equitius, abbot in the Province of Valeria.
Chapter Five: of Constantius, Clerk of the Church of St. Stephen.
Chapter Six: of Marcellinus, Bishop of Ancona.
Chapter Seven: of Nonnosus, Prior of the Abbey in Mount Soracte.
Chapter Eight: of Anastasius, Abbot of the Monastery called Suppentonia.
Chapter Nine: of Bonifacius, Bishop of Ferenti.
Chapter Ten: of Fortunatus, Bishop of the City of Tuderti.
Chapter Eleven: of Martirius, a Monk in the Province of Valeria.
Chapter Twelve: of Severus, a Priest in the same Province.
The Dialogues of Saint Gregory the Great, Pope of Rome
The First Book
Being upon a certain day too much over-charged with the troubles of worldly business, in which oftentimes men are enforced to do more than of duty they are bound, I retired myself into a solitary place, very fit for a sad and melancholy disposition; where each discontentment and dislike concerning such secular affairs might plainly show themselves, and all things that usually bring grief, mustered together, might freely be presented before mine eyes. In which place after that I had sat a long while, in much silence and great sorrow of soul, at length Peter, my dear son and deacon, came unto me; a man whom, from his younger years, I had always loved most entirely, and used him for my companion in the study of sacred scripture: who, seeing me drowned in such a dump of sorrow, spake unto me in this manner: "What is the matter? or what bad news have you heard? for certain I am, that some extraordinary sadness doth now afflict your mind." To whom I returned this answer: "O Peter, the grief which continually 1 endure is unto me both old and new: old through common use, and new by daily increasing. For mine unhappy soul, wounded with worldly business, doth now call to mind in what state it was, when I lived in mine Abbey, and |4 how then it was superior to all earthly matters, far above all transitory and corruptible pelf, how it did usually think upon nothing but heavenly things; and though it was enclosed in mortal body, yet did it by contemplation pass far beyond earthly bounds, and penetrate to the very height of heaven; and as for death, the memory whereof is almost to all men grievous, that it did love and desire, as the end of all misery, the reward of her labours, and the very entrance to an everlasting and blessed life. But now, by reason of my pastoral charge, my poor soul is enforced to endure the burden of secular men's business, and after so excellent and sweet a kind of rest, denied it is with the dust of worldly conversation: and when it doth, at the request of others, attend to outward affairs, no question but it returneth back, far less fit to think upon those that be inward, spiritual, and heavenly. Wherefore, at this present, do I meditate what I suffer, and consider what my soul hath lost: and the memory of my former loss doth make that more grievous which I do now endure. For do you not behold at this present, how I am tossed with the waves of this wicked world, and see the ship of my soul beaten with the storms of a terrible tempest? and therefore, when I remember my former state of life, I cannot but sigh to look back, and cast mine eyes upon the forsaken shore.
"And that which doth yet grieve me more is because I see myself so carried away amain with the boisterous blasts of this troublesome world, that I cannot now scarce behold the port from whence I did first hoist sail;1 for such be the downfalls of our soul, that first it loseth that goodness and virtue which before it possessed; yet so that it doth still remember what it hath lost; but afterwards, carried away more and more, and straying further from the path of virtue, it cometh at length to that pass, that it doth not so much as keep in mind what before it did daily practise: and so in conclusion, it falleth out as |5 I said before, that sailing farther on, we go at length so far, that we do not so much as once behold the sweet harbour of quiet and peace from whence we first set forth. Sometime also my sorrow is increased, by remembering thrives of certain notable men, who with their whole soul did utterly forsake and abandon this wicked world: whose high perfection when I behold, I cannot also but see mine own infirmities and imperfection: very many of whom did, in a contemplative and retired kind of life, much please God: and lest by dealing with transitory business they might have decayed in virtue, God's goodness vouchsafed to free them from the troubles and affairs of this wretched world. But that which I have now said will be far more plain, and the better perceived, if the residue of my speech be dialogue wise distinguished, by setting down each of our names, you asking what you shall think convenient, and I by answer, giving satisfaction to such questions as you shall demand at my hands."
PETER. I do not remember any in Italy, that have been very famous for virtue; and therefore ignorant I am who they be, that, comparing your life to theirs, you should be so much inflamed to imitate their steps; for although I make no doubt but that there have been many good men, yet do I verily think that none of them wrought any miracles, or at least they have been hitherto so buried in silence that, whether any such thing hath been done or no, not any one man can tell.
GREGORY. If I should, Peter, but report only those things which myself alone have understood by the relation of virtuous and credible persons, or else learned by myself, concerning the life and miracles of perfect and holy men, I should sooner in mine opinion lack day to talk in, than matter to speak of.
PETER. Desirous I am that you would vouchsafe to make me partaker of some of them: and not to think |6 much, if, upon so good an occasion, you interrupt your other study of interpreting the scripture, because no less edification doth grow by the relation of miracles. For as by the exposition of that, we learn how virtue is to be found and kept: so by recounting the miracles of holy men, we know how that which is found out and possessed, is declared and made manifest to the world. And some there are that be sooner moved to the love of God by virtuous examples than by godly sermons: and oftentimes, by the lives of holy fathers, the heart doth reap a double commodity; for if, by comparing of his own life with theirs, he findeth himself inflamed with the love of heaven, although before he had haply a good opinion of himself, yet seeing now how far others do excel him, he becometh also more humble, and is brought to have a more lowly conceit of his own actions and virtue.
GREGORY. Such things as venerable and holy men have told me, I will now, without any further delay, make you partaker of, and that following the example of sacred scripture: for sure I am that St. Luke and St. Mark learned that gospel which they wrote, not by sight but by the relation of others: yet lest any in reading should have occasion to doubt whether such things as I write be true or no, I will set down by what means and of whom I have learned them: yet in some of them you have to know that I remember not all the particulars, but only the matter: in other some, both the matter and also the words. And besides, if I should have been so curious as to have kept in mind each man's particular words, many, uttered after the country manner, would have made the style of my discourse nothing handsome nor seemly. Tnac story which I mean first to begin with, I had by the report of passing reverent men and of great years.
Chapter One: of Honoratus, abbot of the Monastery of Funda.
In times past one Venantius, a noble man, had a living in the country of |7 Samnium; the farmer whereof had a son called Honoratus, who from his very childhood by the virtue of abstinence did thirst after the joys of heaven: and as in other things he led an holy life, and refrained from all idle talk, so did he much, as I said before, subdue his body by means of abstinence. His parents, upon a certain day, had invited their neighbours to a banquet which consisted altogether of flesh, whereof because for the love of mortification he refused to eat, his father and mother began to laugh at him, willing him to fall to that which they had: "For can we," quoth they, "get you any fish here in these mountains?" (for in that place they used sometimes to hear of fish, but seldom to see any.) But whiles they were thus jesting, and mocking at their son, suddenly they lacked water: whereupon a servant with a wooden bucket (as the manner is there) went to the well to fetch some: into which, as he was a drawing, a fish entered in, which upon his return, together with the water, he poured forth before them all. And the fish was so great, that it served Honoratus very well for all that day. At this strange chance all were stroken in admiration, and his parents abstained now from further scoffing at his virtue, and began to have him in reverence for his abstinence, whom before for that very cause they did mock and scorn: and by this means, the fish, brought miraculously from the well, discharged God's servant from that shame, which he had endured through their uncivil jesting. Honoratus, proceeding forward in virtue, at length was made free by the foresaid Lord Venantius: and afterward, in that place which is called Funda,2 he built an Abbey, wherein he was the father almost of two hundred monks: and he lived in so great holiness that he gave good example to all the country round about. Upon a certain day, it fell so out, that a stone of an huge greatness, which was digged out of the |8 mountain that hung over the top of his Abbey, tumbled down by the side of the hill, threatening both the ruin of the house and the death of all the monks within: which danger the holy man seeing ready to come upon them, called often upon the name of Christ, and, putting forth his right hand, made against it the sign of the cross, and by that means did he stay it, and pin it fast to the side of that steep hill: which thing Lawrence, a religious man, affirmed to be most true. And because it found not there any place upon which it might rest, it hangeth at this time in such sort, that all which now look upon it do verily think that it would continually fall.
PETER. I suppose so notable a man as he was, and who afterward became master to so many scholars, had himself some excellent teacher of whom he was instructed.
GREGORY. I never heard that he was scholar to any: but the grace of the Holy Ghost is not tied to any law. The usual custom of virtuous men is, that none should take upon him to rule, who first hath not learned to obey: nor to command that obedience to his subjects, which before he hath not given to his own superiors. Yet some there be which are so inwardly taught by the doctrine of God's holy spirit, that although they have no man to instruct them outwardly, yet do they not want the direction of an inward teacher: which liberty of life notwithstanding is not to be taken for an example by such as be weak and infirm, lest, whiles each one doth in like manner presume to be full of the Holy Ghost, and contemn to learn of any, they become themselves erroneous masters. But that soul which is full of God's holy spirit, hath for proof thereof most evident signs, to wit, the other virtues, and especially humility, both which if they do perfectly meet in one soul, apparent it is that they be testimonies of the presence of heavenly grace. And so we read not that John Baptist |9 had any master, nor yet that Christ, who by his corporal presence taught his Apostles, took him in amongst the number of his other disciples, but vouchsafed to instruct him inwardly, and left him, as it were, in the sight of the world to his own liberty. So Moses, likewise, was taught in the wilderness, and learned by the Angel what God gave him in charge, which by means of any mortal man he knew not: but these things, as before hath been said, are of weaklings to be reverenced, and not by any means to be followed.
PETER. I like very well of your opinion: yet I beseech you to tell me, whether so notable a father as he was, left not some scholar behind him, that did imitate his master's steps.
Chapter Two: of Libertinus, Prior of the same Abbey.
GREGORY. The reverent man, Libertinus, who, in the time of Totila,3 king of the Goths, was Prior of the same Abbey of Funda, was brought up and taught by him: of whom, albeit the certain report of passing many hath made his sundry virtues known to the world, yet the foresaid religious man, Lawrence, who still liveth and that time had very familiar acquaintance with him, hath often told me many things, whereof some few, which now come to my mind, I will here set down. In the same province of Samnium, as Libertinus was in his journey about business of the Abbey, it so fell out that Darida, captain of the Goths, with his army, met him, by whose soldiers the man of God was thrown from his horse; which injury he taking very patiently, offered them also his whip, saying: "Take this, that you may make him the better to go"; and having said so, he betook himself to his prayers. The army marched on very fast, and quickly came to the river called Vulturnus, where they began to beat their horses both with their lances and also to spur them, till the blood came, and all this to |10 make them take the water; but yet no beating nor spurring could enforce them forward: for they were as much afraid to enter the river as though it had been some deep downfall. At length, when they were all wearied with beating, one amongst the rest said, that the reason why they were thus punished was for taking away the horse from God's servant: whereupon returning straightways back, they found Libertinus prostrate at his prayers; and calling upon him to rise and take his horse, he bade them go on a God's name, saying that he needed him not; but for all that they alighted and set him perforce upon his own beast, and so in all haste departed, and returning back to the river they passed over so quickly as though in the channel there had been no water at all; and so it fell out that God's servant having restitution made him of his one horse, that all the soldiers came likewise to enjoy the use of their own.
At the same time one Buccellinus 4 entered Campania with an army of French men, and because it was commonly said that the Abbey in which the holy man lived had great store of money, the French men, very greedy of so good a booty, came thither, and with raging minds went into his oratory (where he lay prostrate at his prayers) seeking and crying out for Libertinus; and a strange thing it was, for though they came in, and stumbled upon him, yet could they not see him, and so, deceived through their own blindness, away they departed as empty as they came.
At another time likewise upon business of the monastery, at the commandment of the Abbot who succeeded his master Honoratus, he took his journey to Ravenna. And for the great love which he bare to venerable Honoratus, always did he bear about him in his bosom one of his stockings. Being in his way it fell so out that a certain woman was carrying the corpse of her |11 dead son; who no sooner saw the servant of God, but, for the love of her child, she laid hold upon his bridle, protesting with a solemn oath that he should not depart, before he had raised up her dead son. The holy man, not acquainted with so strange a miracle, was much afraid, to hear her make such a request, and willing to have got away, yet seeing no means how to effect his desire, greatly did he doubt what was best to be done. Here it is worth the noting to consider what a conflict he had in his soul: humility and the mother's piety striving together: fear to presume upon so unusual a miracle, and grief not to help the desolate, mother. At length, to the greater glory of God, piety and compassion overcame that virtuous soul, which therefore may truly be called invincible, because it did yield and was conquered; for a virtuous soul it had not been, if piety and compassion had not overcome it: wherefore, lighting from his horse, he fell upon his knees, lift up his hands to heaven, drew the stocking out of his bosom, laid it upon the breast of the dead corpse; and behold, whiles he was at his prayers, the soul of the child returned into the body, which he perceiving, took it by the hand and delivered it alive to his sorrowful mother, and so went on the rest of his journey.
PETER. What is to be said in this case? For was it the merit of Honoratus, or the prayers of Libertinus, that wrought this miracle?
GREGORY. In the working of so notable a miracle, together with the faith of the woman, the virtue of both did concur; and therefore, in mine opinion, Libertinus had power to raise up that dead child, because he had learned to trust more upon the virtue of his master than his own: for when he laid his stocking upon the child's breast, no doubt but he thought that his soul did obtain that for which he did then pray. For we read the like |12 of Heliseus, who carrying his master's cloak, and coming to the river of Jordan, stroke the waters once, and yet divided them not; but when straight after he said, Where is now the God of Helias? and then stroke the river with the same cloak, he made a way open for himself to pass through.5 Whereby you perceive, Peter, how much humility availeth for the working of miracles, for then the merit of the master had force to do that which he desired, when he called upon his name; and when with humility he did submit himself to his master, he wrought the same miracle which his master had done before him.
PETER. I am well pleased with your answer: but is there, I pray you, anything else of him yet remaining, which may serve for our edification? GREGORY. Surely there is, if there be yet any that list to imitate so notable an example: for I make no doubt, but that the patience of so worthy a man did far excel all his signs and miracles, as you shall now hear. Upon a certain day, the Abbot, who succeeded Honoratus, fell so pitifully out with venerable Libertinus, that he stroke, him with his fists: and because he could find never a staff, up he took a footstool, and with that did so strike his head and his face, that they both swelled and became black and blue. Being thus unreasonably beaten, without giving any words, he went quietly to bed. The next day, he was to go forth about business of the Abbey, and therefore, when matins were ended, he came to his Abbot's bedside, and humbly demanded of him leave. The Abbot, knowing how greatly all did honour and love him, supposed that he would for the former injury have forsaken the Abbey: and therefore he asked him, whither he meant to go: to whom he answered: "Father," quoth he, "there is a certain matter concerning the Abbey to be handled, where I must needs |13 be, for yesterday I promised to come, and therefore I am determined to travel thither." Then the Abbot, considering from the bottom of his heart his own austerity and hard dealing, and the humility and meekness of Libertinus, suddenly leapt out of his bed, gat hold of his feet, confessed that he had sinned and done wickedly, in presuming to offer unto so good and worthy a man so cruel and contumelious an injury. Libertinus, on the contrary, prostrate upon the earth, fell down at his feet, attributing all that he had suffered, not to any cruelty of his, but to his own sins and demerits. And by this means, the Abbot was brought to great meekness; and the humility of the scholar became a teacher to the master. Going afterward abroad about the foresaid business of the Abbey, many gentlemen of his acquaintance, that had him in great reverence, much marvelled, and diligently enquired by what means he came by such a swollen and black face: to whom he answered: "Yesterday," quoth he, "at evening, for punishment of my sins, I met with a footstool, and gat this blow which ye see." And thus the holy man, preserving both truth in his soul and the honour of his master, did neither bewray the fault of his father, nor yet incurred the sin of lying. PETER. Had not so venerable a man as this Libertinus was, of whom you have told so many miracles and strange things, in so great a convent, some that did imitate his holy life and virtues?
Chapter Three; of a certain monk, that was gardener to the same Abbey.
GREGORY. Felix, called also Corvus, one whom you know very well, and who not long since was Prior of the same Abbey, told me divers very strange things, some of which I will pass over with silence, because I hasten to other, but one there is which by no means I can omit. This it was. |14
In the same Abbey there lived a certain monk, very virtuous, who was the gardener. A thief likewise there was, that used to climb over the hedge, and so to steal away the worts. The holy man, seeing that he did set many which afterward he could not find, and perceiving that some were trodden down, and other stolen away, walked round about the garden to find the place where the thief came in, which when he had found, by chance also as he was there, he lighted upon a snake, which he willed to follow him, and bringing him to the place where the thief entered, gave him this charge: "In the name of Jesus," quoth he, "I command thee to keep this passage, and not to suffer any thief to come in." Whereupon the snake forthwith, obeying his commandment, laid itself across in the way, and the monk returned to his cell. Afterward in the heat of the day, when all the monks were at rest, the thief, according to his custom, came thither, and as he was climbing over the hedge and had put one leg on the other side, suddenly he saw the snake, which stopped the way, and for fear falling backward, he left his foot hanging there by the shoe upon a stake, and so he hung with his head downward, until the return of the gardener; who, coming at his usual hour, found the thief hanging there in the hedge, whom when he saw, he spake thus to the snake: "God be thanked, thou hast done what I bade thee, and therefore now go thy way": upon which licence, the snake by and by departed. Then, coming to the thief, he spake thus unto him: "What meaneth this, good brother? God hath delivered you, as you see, into mine hands: why have you been so bold as so often to rob away the labour of the monks?" and speaking thus, he loosed his foot, without doing him any harm, willing him also to follow him; who brought him to the garden gate, and gave him those worts which he desired to have stolen, speaking also to him in sweet |15 manner after this sort: "Go your way, and steal no more; but when you have need, come hither to me, and what sinfully you would take, that will I willingly bestow upon you for God's sake."
PETER. I have hitherto, as I now perceive, lived in an error: for never did I think that there had been any holy men in Italy, which had wrought miracles.
Chapter Four: of Equitius, abbot in the Province of Valeria.6
GREGORY. By the relation of venerable Fortunatus, Abbot of the Monastery which is called Cicero's Bath, and also of other reverent men, I have come to the knowledge of that which now I mean to tell you. There was a passing holy man called 'Equitius, dwelling in the province of Valeria, who, for his virtuous life, was in great admiration with all men, with whom Fortunatus was familiarly acquainted. This Equitius, by reason of his great holiness of life, was the father and governor of many Abbeys in that province. In his younger years, many and sore carnal temptations he endured, which made him more fervent and diligent in prayers, and to persevere continually in that holy exercise, which he did, craving most instantly of God to afford him some remedy. Living in that manner, it fell so out, that in vision, upon a certain night, he saw an Angel come unto him, who made him an eunuch, and so delivered him from all those carnal motions in such sort that never after he felt any more, as though he had not been any man at all. Trusting now upon this great grace received by the special goodness of God, as before he was a governor of men, so afterward he took charge likewise of women, and yet, for all that, did he continually admonish his scholars not easily to credit themselves herein, nor to follow his example, nor yet to trust upon that gift, which they had not in themselves, lest it turned to their own ruin and destruction. |16
At such time as divers witches were here in this city of Rome apprehended, one Basilius, that was a principal man in that wicked art, put upon him the habit of a monk, and so fled away to Valeria; and coming to the reverent Bishop of the city of Amirtin,7 he desired his help, that he would, for the good of his soul, commend him to Abbot Equitius. The Bishop went with him to the Abbey, where he made suit to the servant of God, that he would vouchsafe to receive into his convent that monk which he brought, whom so soon as the holy man beheld, he said to the Bishop: "This man, good brother," quoth he, "whom you commend unto me, seemeth in mine eyes to be a devil, and not any monk"; whereunto the Bishop replied and said, that he sought excuses not to grant his petition. "Not so," quoth the servant of God, "but I do denounce him to be such a one as I see him, and because you shall not think that I will be disobedient, what you command I will perform." Whereupon he was received into the Abbey. Not many days after, God's servant travelled far off to preach unto the people in the country; after whose departure it fell out that, in the monastery of virgins which was under his charge, one of them, which in respect of her corruptible carcase seemed beautiful, fell into an ague, to be afflicted with sore fits, and not so much to speak as pitifully to cry out in this manner: "I shall die forthwith, unless Basilius come unto me, and by his skill in physic restore me to my health." But, in the absence of their father, none of the monks durst presume to enter into the monastery of virgins, much less was he permitted, that was yet but a novice, and whose life and conversation was not known to the rest of the brethren. A messenger, therefore, with all speed was dispatched to the servant of God, Equitius, to let him understand how such a Nun was fallen into a terrible burning ague, and how she did earnestly |17 desire to be visited of Basilius: which news so soon as the holy man did hear, in an anger he smiled, and said: "Did I not say beforehand that this companion was a devil and not a monk? Go your ways, and turn him out of the Abbey; and as. for the virgin that is so sick of a fever, take no further care, for hereafter it shall not trouble her any more, nor she make any further inquisition after Basilius." The monk that was the messenger returning back, understood that the Nun was at that very hour restored to her health, in which the servant of God, Equitius, far distant, affirmed that she should: no question but by special miracle, like to the example of our Saviour, who, being desired to visit the son of a lord, did by his only word restore him to his health, so that the father at his return knew his son to be restored to life at that very hour in which he heard so much from the mouth of truth itself.8 The monks, putting their father's commandment in execution, turned Basilius out of the Abbey, who being so expulsed did often say, that he had by his incantations hanged Equitius his cell in the air, and yet that he could not hurt any of his monks. This wretch not long after, in this city of Rome, through the zeal of good people, for his wickedness was burnt, and so ended his life.
Upon a certain day, one of the Nuns of the same monastery, going into the garden, saw a lettice that liked her, and forgetting to bless it before with the sign of the cross, greedily did she eat it: whereupon she was suddenly possessed with the devil, fell down to the ground, and was pitifully tormented. Word in all haste was carried to Equitius, desiring him quickly to visit the afflicted woman, and to help her with his prayers: who so soon as he came into the garden, the devil that was entered began by her tongue, as it were, to excuse himself, saying: "What have I done? What have I done? |18 I was sitting there upon the lettice, and she came and did eat me." But the man of God in great zeal commanded him to depart, and not to tarry any longer in the servant of almighty God, who straightways went out, not presuming any more to touch her.
A certain noble man likewise called Felix, of the province of Nursia, father to Castorius,9 who now dwelleth here with us in Rome, understanding that Equitius had not received holy orders, and yet that he did visit many places and preach unto divers, upon a day very boldly went and asked him, how he durst presume to preach, not having received holy orders, nor yet licence of the Bishop of Rome, under whom he did live; upon which demand, the holy man, being thus compelled, gave him to understand by what means he had obtained licence to preach: speaking thus unto him: "What you say unto me, myself have seriously thought upon; but, on a certain night, a young man in vision stode by me, and touched my tongue with such an instrument as they use in letting of blood, saying: 'Behold, I have put my word into thy mouth, go thy way and preach.' And since that day, though I would, I can not but talk of God."
PETER. Desirous I am to know, what manner of life he led, who is said to have received such gifts at God's hand.
GREGORY. The work, Peter, proceedeth of the gift, and not the gift from the work, otherwise grace were not grace: for God's gifts do go before all works of ours, although the gifts by the works which follow do increase; but to the end that you may understand what life he led, which was known to the reverent man Albinus, Bishop of Reatino; and many there be yet alive, which might very well remember the same. But what do you seek for further works, when as his purity of life was answerable to his diligence in preaching? for |19 such a zeal to save souls had inflamed his heart, that albeit he had the charge of many monasteries, yet did he diligently travel up and down, and visit churches, towns, villages, and particular men's houses, and all this to stir up the hearts of his auditors to the love of heavenly joys. The apparel which he ware was so base and contemptible, that such as knew him not would have thought scorn so much as to have saluted him, though himself had first offered that courtesy. And whithersoever he went, his manner was to ride, but that upon the most forlorn beast which could be found; his bridle was but an halter, his saddle no better than plain sheep's skins. His books of divinity were put into leather bags, and those he did carry himself, some hanging on the right side of his horse, and some upon the left: and to what place soever he came, he did so open the fountains of sacred scripture, that he watered their souls with the heavenly dew of his sermons. Whose grace in preaching was so great, that the fame thereof came even to Rome itself: and as the tongues of flatterers do with their glorious words kill the souls of such as give them the hearing, at the same time some of the Roman clergy did in flattering sort complain unto the Bishop of this Apostolic see, saying: "What manner of rustical companion is this, that hath taken upon him authority to preach, and, being without learning, presumeth to usurp unto himself the office of our Apostolical Lord? wherefore, if it please you, let him be sent for before your presence, that he may taste of the severity of ecclesiastical discipline." And as it falleth out, that he which hath much business is overcome sometime by flattery, if that pleasing venom be not speedily dispatched from the soul, at the persuasion of his clergy the Pope gave his consent that he should be sent for to Rome, to understand what talent and gift he had received from God. And so one Julianus,10 who afterward was made Bishop of Sabinum, was sent, |20 having yet commandment given him to bring him up with great honour, to the end that the servant of God might not thereby sustain any injury or detriment in his fame: who, to gratify the Pope's clergy, went in post to the Abbey, and finding there in his absence certain antiquaries writing, demanded of them for the Abbot; who told him that he was in the valley at the bottom of the Abbey, mowing of hay. Julianus had a man very proud and stubborn, and such a one that he could scarce rule him. This man he sent in all haste for the Abbot; who in an angry mood went his way, and coming quickly into the meadow where beholding all that were there cutting of grass, he demanded which of them was Equitius; and when they shewed him where he was, being yet far off, he fell into a great fear, and became therewith so faint, that he could scarce go upon his legs: trembling in that manner he came to the man of God, and humbly bowing down his head, he embraced his knees and kissed them, telling him that his master was desirous to speak with him. After God's servant had saluted him again, he willed him to take up some of the grass, and to carry it home for their horse, "and I will," quoth he, "straightways come, when I have dispatched this little work which remaineth."
In this meantime, Julianus much marvelled what the matter was, why his man tarried so long, and seeing him at length to come laden with grass upon his neck, in great rage he cried out to him, saying: "Sirrah, what meaneth this? I sent you to fetch me the Abbot, and not to bring meat for mine horse." "Sir," quoth his man, "he will come to you by and by": and forthwith the man of God came in base apparel and a pair of shoes beaten full of nails, carrying his scythe upon his neck; and being yet far off, his man told him that he was the Abbot. So soon as Julianus beheld him attired in that base sort, he contemned him, and devised with himself how to |21 speak unto him in the most cross and crooked manner he could. But when God's servant drew nigh, such an intolerable fear came upon Julianus, that he fell a trembling, and his tongue so faltered, that he could scarce deliver the message for which he came: whereupon he fell down at his feet, and desired that he would vouchsafe to pray for him; and withal gave him to understand, that his Apostolical father the Pope was desirous to see him. Upon the receipt of which news the venerable man, Equitius, gave almighty God most hearty thanks, saying that heavenly grace had visited him by means of the highest Bishop; and straightways he called for some of his monks, commanding horse to be made ready in all haste: but Julianus, weary of his journey, told him that he could not travel so soon, but of necessity must rest himself that night. "I am very sorry for that," quoth the holy man, "for if we go not to-day, to-morrow we shall not": and thus, by reason of the other's weariness, he was enforced that night to remain in the Abbey. The next morning, about the dawning of the day, came a post with a tired horse, bringing letters to Julianus, commanding him not to presume to molest or to draw the servant of God out of his monastery. And when he required the reason of this counter-command, the messenger told him that, the next night after his departure, the Pope was terribly frighted in a vision, for presuming to send for the man of God: whereupon Julianus, rising suddenly out of his bed, and commending himself to the venerable man's prayers, spake thus unto him: "Our father desireth you not to trouble yourself any further, but to stay in your monastery": which when God's servant heard, very sorry he was, and said: "Did not I tell you, that if we did not set forward on our journey by and by, that afterward we should not?" Then upon charity he entertained his messenger a little while with him in his Cloister, and though by all means |22 he refused, yet he enforced upon him a reward for the pains he had taken. See therefore, Peter, how God doth preserve and keep them, who in this life do contemn themselves, and how they are secretly honoured of the citizens in heaven, who are not ashamed outwardly to be little esteemed in this world; and on the contrary, in the sight of God they be of no account, who in the eyes of their own friends and neighbours do swell through desire of vain glory. And therefore our Saviour Christ, who was truth itself, said to certain: You are they that justify yourselves before men, but God knoweth your hearts, for that which is high to men is abominable in the sight of God.11
PETER. I marvel very much how so great a Bishop could be deceived in so worthy a man.
GREGORY. Why do you marvel, Peter? for the reason why we are deceived is, because we be men. What? have you forgotten how David, who usually had the spirit of prophecy, pronounced sentence against innocent Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan, when he gave credit to the lying words of his servant Siba? 12 which thing notwithstanding because it was done by David, we both believe to be just in the secret judgment of God, and yet by human reason how it was just we cannot perceive. What marvel then is it, if we, that be not prophets, be sometimes by lying tongues abused, and otherwise transported than charity and justice would: for it is much to be considered, that every Bishop hath his mind troubled with a world of business, and it cannot be, when the mind is distracted about many things, but that it is the less able sufficiently to examine those that be particular, and so much the sooner is he deceived in some special case, by how much he is busied with the multitude of many.
PETER. It is most true that you say.
GREGORY. But I must not pass over with silence that which the reverent man Valentinus,13 some time mine |23 Abbot, told me concerning Equitius. For he said, that his body being buried in the oratory of St. Lawrence the martyr, a certain country man set upon his grave a chest full of wheat, little considering or respecting how worthy and notable a man lay there buried. Whereupon suddenly a miraculous whirlwind came, and overthrew that chest and cast it far off, all other things remaining still in their former places; by which all did plainly perceive of what worth and merit that man was, whose body lay there buried.
To this must I also add another thing, which I heard of venerable Fortunatus, a man that doth much please me for his years, life, and simplicity. At such time as the Lombards came into the province of Valeria,14 the monks of the monastery of the reverent man Equitius fled from thence into the oratory, to the holy man's sepulchre, into which place the cruel men entering, they began by violence to pull the monks forth, either to torment them, or else with their swords to kill them. Amongst whom one sighed, and for very bitter grief cried out: "Alas, alas, holy Equitius, is it thy pleasure, and art thou content, that we should be thus miserably haled and violently drawn forth, and dost not thou vouchsafe to defend us?" Which words were no sooner spoken, but a wicked spirit possessed those savage soldiers in such sort that, falling down upon the ground, they were there so long tormented, until all the rest of the Lombards which were without understood of the matter, to the end that none should be so hardy as to presume to violate that holy place. And thus, as the holy man at that time defended his own monks, so did he likewise afterward succour and preserve many more that fled unto the same place.
Chapter Five: of Constantius, Clerk of the Church of St. Stephen.
That which I intend now to tell you, I learned by the relation of one of my |24 fellow Bishops, who lived in a monk's weed many years in the city of Ancona, and led there a good and religious life. Many also of mine own friends, who be now of good years and live in the same parts, affirm it to be most true. Near to the foresaid city of Ancona there is a church of the blessed martyr St. Stephen, in which one called Constantius, a man of venerable life, did serve there for clerk, who for his virtue and holiness was famous far and near, being one that utterly despised all worldly things, and with the whole power of his soul thirsted after the joys of heaven. Upon a certain day, it fell so out that there wanted oil in the church, by reason whereof the foresaid servant of God had not wherewith to light the lamps: whereupon he filled them all with water, and, as the manner is, put a piece of paper in the midst, and then set them on fire, and the water did so burn in the lamps as though it had been very oil; by which you may gather, Peter, of what merit this man was, who, enforced by necessity, did change the nature of the element.
PETER. Very strange it is that you say, but desirous I am to know what humility he had inwardly in his soul, who outwardly was so wonderful in the eyes of the world.
GREGORY. Among miracles very fitly do you enquire the inward state of the mind; for it is almost incredible how miracles, wrought in the sight of men, do with their temptation inwardly assault the soul. But after you have heard only one thing, which this venerable Constantius did, you will quickly perceive what an humble man he was.
PETER. Having now told me one of his miracles, it remaineth that you do edify me also with the humility of his soul.
GREGORY. Because the report of his holy life was very much spread abroad, many from divers countries travelled |25 to Ancona, being very desirous to see him; and amongst others a certain country fellow was come far off, for that very purpose: at which time it so chanced that the holy man was standing upon a pair of wooden stairs, busying himself there in mending of lamps. A very little person he was of stature, with a thin face, and to the outward view contemptible. This fellow that came to see him enquired earnestly which was the man for whose sake he had travelled so long a journey. Those that knew him forthwith told him, pointing to Constantius. But as foolish souls do measure the merits of men by the quality of their bodies, so he, beholding him so little and contemptible, by no means could be persuaded that they told him truth; for in the country fellow's mind there fell out, as it were, a great contention betwixt that which he had heard, and that which he saw; and he verily persuaded himself that he could not be so little in his eyes, who was so great in his former conceit; and therefore, when very many did constantly affirm that he was the man, the simple soul despised him, and in scoffing manner said: "I verily believed that he had been a goodly great man, but this fellow hath not any thing at all in him that is like a man." Which words of his the servant of God, Constantius, hearing, forthwith left his lamps which he was in hand with, and in great haste came merrily down the stairs, embraced the country clown, and of exceeding love held him fast in his arms, kissed him, gave him great thanks for having that opinion, and spake thus unto him: "Thou only," quoth he, "hast thine eyes open, and dost truly behold what I am." By which fact we may easily gather what an humble man he was, that loved the country fellow the more for contemning him; for injurious words and contumelious usage try what a man is inwardly in his soul: for as proud men are glad of honour, so those that be humble for the most part rejoice in contempt and disgrace, and when they |26 behold themselves to be of no account in the opinion of others, glad they are, because they see that to be confirmed by the judgment of others which inwardly in their own souls they had of themselves.
PETER. This man, as I perceive, was outwardly great in miracles, but yet greater by his inward humility of soul.
Chapter Six: of Marcellinus, Bishop of Ancona.
GREGORY. Marcellinus, also a man of holy life, was Bishop of the same city of Ancona; who was so sore troubled with the gout, that being not able to go, his servants were enforced to carry him in their hands. Upon a day, by negligence, the city was set on fire, and though many laboured by throwing on of water to quench it, yet did it so increase and go forward that the whole city was in great danger; for it had laid hold of all the houses that were next it, and consumed already a great part of the town, none being able to help or withstand it. In so pitiful a necessity and great danger, the Bishop, carried by his servants, came thither, and commanded himself to be set down right against those furious flames, and in that very place whither the force of the fire did seem most to bend: which being done, the fire marvellous strangely turned back into itself, and as it were cried out, that it could not pass the Bishop; and by this means was it stopped from going forward, [and] went out of itself, not being able to touch any other buildings. By which, Peter, you see what an argument of great holiness it was, for a sick man to sit still, and by his prayers to quench those raging flames.
PETER. I do both see it and much wonder at so notable a miracle.
Chapter Seven: of Nonnosus, Prior of the Abbey in Mount Soracte.
GREGORY. Now I intend to let you understand somewhat of a place not far distant, which I heard of the reverent Bishop Maximianus,15 and |27 of the old monk Laurio, one whom you know: both which are yet living; and as for Laurio, he was brought up under that holy man Anastasius, in the Abbey which is hard by the city of Nepi; and Anastasius, both by reason of the nearness of the place, equal love of virtue, and like profession of life, was daily in the company of holy Nonnosus, Prior of the Abbey which is in mount Soracte. This Nonnosus had for his Abbot a very sharp man, whose rough conditions notwithstanding he did always bear with wonderful patience, and did in such sweet sort govern the monks, that oftentimes by his humility he appeased the Abbot's anger. The Abbey, standing in the top of an hill, had never an even and plain place fit for a garden; one only little plot of ground there was, in the side of the mountain, but that was taken up of a great stone which did naturally grow there, so that by no means it could serve for a garden. Yet venerable Nonnosus, upon a day, began to think with himself that at least that piece of ground would serve very well to set worts, if by any means that huge stone could be taken away; but then he likewise thought that five hundred yoke of oxen would not be able to stir it; whereupon, despairing of all human help, he betook himself to God's goodness, and in that very place gave himself to prayer in the quiet time of the night, and behold, on the morning, when the monks came thither, they found that huge stone removed far off, and a very fit plot of ground left to make them a garden.
At another time, the same holy man being washing of lamps made of glass, one of them by chance fell out of his hands, and brake into many pieces; who, fearing the great fury of the Abbot, did forthwith gather up all the fragments, laid them before the altar, and there with great sighing fell to his prayers; and afterward, lifting up his head, he found the lamp entire and whole. And thus, in these two miracles, did he imitate two notable |28 fathers, to wit, Gregory and Donatus; the first of which removed a mountain, and the other made a broken chalice safe and sound.
PETER. We have, as I perceive now, miracles after the imitation of old saints.
GREGORY. How say you? are you content also in the conversation of Nonnosus, to hear how he did imitate the fact of the prophet Heliseus?
PETER. Content I am, and most earnestly desire it.
GREGORY. Upon a certain day, when the old oil was spent, and the time to gather olives was now at hand, the Abbot, because their own trees took not, thought it best to send the monks abroad to help strangers in the gathering of theirs, that for the recompense of their labour they might bring home some oil for the necessities of their own house. This determination the man of God, Nonnosus, in great humility did hinder, lest the monks, going abroad from their cloister to get oil, might lose somewhat in the devotion of their souls. And therefore, because he saw that their own trees had yet a few olives, he willed those to be gathered and put into the press, and that oil which came forth to be brought unto him, though it were never so little; which being done, he set the little vessel before the altar, and after their departure he offered his prayers to God, which being ended, he called for the monks, commanding them to take away the oil which they brought, and to pour a little thereof into all the vessels which they had, that each of them might have some of the benediction of that oil: which being done, he caused the vessels, empty as they were, to be close stopped, and the next day they found them all full.
PETER. We find daily the words of our Saviour to be verified, who saith: My Father even to this time doth work, and I do work.16 |29
Chapter Eight: of Anastasius, Abbot of the Monastery called Suppentonia.17
GREGORY. At the same time the reverent man Anastasius, of whom I spake before, was notary to the church of Rome, whereof by God's providence I have now the charge; who desirous only to serve God, gave over his office, and made choice of a monastical life: and in that Abbey which is called Suppentonia, he lived many years virtuously, and governed that place with great care and diligence. Over the Abbey there hangeth an huge rock, and beneath it there is a steep downfall. Upon a certain night, when God had determined to reward the labours of venerable Anastasius, a voice was heard from the top of that rock, which very leisurely did cry out: "Come away, Anastasius"; who being so called, straight after, seven other monks were severally called by their names. And then the voice stayed for a little time, and then called again the eighth monk. Which strange voice the Convent hearing very plainly, made no doubt but that the death of them that were so called was not far off; wherefore not many days after, before the rest, Anastasius himself, and then the others in order, departed this mortal life, as they were before called from the top of the rock. And that monk who was called after some pausing did a little while survive the rest, and then he also ended his life: whereby it was plain that the staying of the voice did signify that he should live a little longer than the other. But a strange thing happened, for when holy Anastasius lay upon his death-bed, a certain monk there was in the Abbey, that would needs die with him, and therefore fell down at his feet, and there began with tears to beg of him in this manner: "For his love to whom you are now going, I beseech and adjure you, that I may not remain in this world seven days after your departure"; and indeed it so fell out, that before the seventh day was come, that he left this mortal life, and yet was not he |30 that night named by that voice amongst the rest, so that it appeareth plainly that it was only the intercession of Anastasius which obtained that his departure.
PETER. Seeing that monk was not called amongst the other, and yet by the intercession of that holy man was taken out of this life: what other thing can we gather hereof, but that such as be of great merit, and in favour with God, can sometime obtain those things which be not predestinate?
GREGORY. Such things as be not predestinate by God, cannot by any means be obtained at his hands; but those things which holy men do by their prayers effect, were from all eternity predestinate to be obtained by prayers. For very predestination itself to life everlasting, is so by almighty God disposed, that God's elect servants do through their labour come unto it, in that by their prayers they do merit to receive that which almighty God determined before all worlds to bestow upon them.
PETER. Desirous I am to have this point more plainly proved: to wit, that predestination may by prayers be holpen.
GREGORY. That which I inferred, Peter, may quickly be proved; for ignorant you are not that our Lord said to Abraham: In Isaac shall seed be called to thee;18 to whom also he said: I have appointed thee to be a father of many nations;19 and again he promised him, saying: I will bless thee, and multiply thy seed as the stars of the heaven, and as the sand of the sea.20 Out of which place it is plain that almighty God had predestinate to multiply the seed of Abraham by Isaac, and yet the scripture saith: Isaac did pray unto our Lord for his wife because she was barren, who did hear him, and Rebecca conceived.21 If, then, the increase of Abraham's posterity was predestinate by Isaac, how came it to pass that his wife was barren? by which most |31 certain it is, that predestination is fulfilled by prayers, when as we see that he by whom God had predestinate to increase Abraham's seed obtained by prayer to have children.
PETER. Seeing reason hath made that plain, which before I knew not, I have not herein any further doubt.
GREGORY. Shall I now tell you somewhat of such holy men as have been in Tuscania;22 that you may be informed what notable persons have flourished in those parts, and how greatly they were in the favour of almighty God?
PETER. Willing I am to give you the hearing; and therefore beseech you to proceed forward.
Chapter Nine: of Bonifacius, Bishop of Ferenti.23
GREGORY. A man of holy life there was, called Bonifacius, Bishop of the city of Ferenti, one that with his virtuous conversation did well discharge his duty. Many miracles he did, which Gaudentius the Priest, who yet liveth, doth still report: and seeing he was brought up under him, no question but by reason of that his presence he is able to tell all things the more truly.
His Bishopric was passing poor (a thing which to good men is the preserver of humility), for he had nothing else for his revenues, but only one vineyard, which was also at one time so spoiled with a tempest of hail, that very few grapes did remain. Bonifacius coming in, and seeing what was happened, gave God great thanks, for that he had sent him further poverty to his former necessity. And when the time came that those few grapes which remained were ripe, he appointed one, according to the custom, to keep his vineyard, commanding him carefully to look well unto it. And upon a certain day, he willed Constantius, who both was a Priest and his nephew, to make ready, as before they were wont to do, all the barrels and wine-vessels they had: which thing when his nephew the Priest understood, he marvelled much |32 to hear him command so mad a thing, as to make ready the vessels for wine, himself having no wine at all to put in: yet durst he not enquire the reason why he gave that charge, but did as he commanded, and made all the vessels and other things ready, as before they had always used to do. Then the man of God caused the poor remnant of grapes to be gathered and carried to the wine-press, and dispatching all others away, himself tarried there still with a little boy whom he commanded to tread those grapes, and when he perceived that a little wine began to run forth, the man of God took it, and put it into a little vessel, and poured somewhat thereof into all the other barrels and vessels which were made ready, as it were to bless them with that little quantity: when he had so done, he called straightways for the Priest, commanding him to send for the poor, upon whose coming the wine in the press began to increase and run out so plentifully, that it did fill all the pots and other vessels which they brought. When they were all served, he bade the boy to leave treading, and come down; then, locking up the storehouse, into which he had put his own vessels, and setting his own seal upon the door, to the church he went, and three days after he called for Con-stantius, and having said a few prayers, he opened the door, where he found all the vessels into which he had before poured but a very little liquor working so plentifully, that, if he had not then come, they had all run over into the floor. Then he straightly commanded the Priest his kinsman, not to reveal this miracle to any, so long as he lived, fearing lest, by means thereof, the outward opinion of men might through vain glory inwardly have hurt his soul: following therein the example of our master Christ, who, to teach us to walk in the path of humility, commanded his disciples concerning himself, not to tell any what they had seen, until the Son of Man was risen again from death. |33
PETER. Because fit occasion is now offered, desirous I am to know what the reason was, that when our Saviour restored sight unto two blind men, and commanded them to tell nobody; yet they, after their departure, made him known throughout all that country. For had the only-begotten Son of God, who is co-eternal to his Father and the Holy Ghost, a desire herein to do that which he could not perform: to wit, that the miracle which he would have kept secret, could not yet be concealed?
GREGORY. All that which our blessed Saviour wrought in his mortal body, he did it for our example and instruction, to the end that, following his steps, according to our poor ability, we might without offence pass over this present life: and therefore, when he did that miracle, he both commanded them to conceal it, and yet it could not be kept in, and all this to teach his elect servants to follow his doctrine; to wit, that when they do any notable thing whereof glory may arise to themselves, that they should have a desire not to be spoken of, and yet for the good of others, contrary to their own mind, they should be laid open and known: so that it proceed of their great humility to desire that their works may be buried with silence, and yet, for the profit of others, it should fall so out, that they can not be concealed. Wherefore our Lord would not have any thing done which he could not effect: but what his servants ought to desire, and what also, contrary to their minds, was convenient to be done, like a good master he taught us by his own example.
PETER. I am very well satisfied with this your answer.
GREGORY. For as much as we have now made mention of Bonifacius, let us prosecute a few more of his acts, not yet spoken of. At another time, upon the feast-day of St. Proculus the martyr, one Fortunatus, a noble man that dwelt in that town, did heartily entreat the Bishop |34 that, after he had done the solemnity of mass, he would vouchsafe to come unto his house, to bless his meat and dine with him. The man of God was content to satisfy his request, so charitably was he invited: and therefore, when mass was done, he went thither: but before the table was yet blessed, suddenly (as some men by such means get their living) one came to the gate with an ape, who began to play upon an instrument, which the holy man hearing, was discontented, and said: "Alas, alas, this wretched man is dead, this wretched man is dead. Behold, I am come hither to dinner, and have not yet opened my lips to praise God, and he is here with his ape, playing upon his instrument." Then he desired them to give him some meat and drink: "Yet I would have you know," quoth he, "that he is a dead man." When the unhappy wretch had filled himself and was going out at the gate, a great stone fell from the house, and brake his head. Of which blow he fell down, and was taken up half dead, and being carried away the next day, as the man of God had before said, he departed this life; wherein, Peter, we have to consider how holy men are with fear to be reverenced: for they no question be the temples of God, and when an holy man is enforced to anger, who is then moved but he that dwelleth in that temple? wherefore we have so much the more cause to fear how we provoke such kind of persons to wrath, seeing we know that he is present in their souls, who hath power and might sufficient to inflict what punishment himself best pleaseth.
At another time, the aforesaid Priest Constantius, his nephew, had sold his horse for twelve crowns, which money he laid up in his chest; and being abroad about other business, it so happened, that certain poor people pitifully begged of the holy Bishop, that he would vouchsafe to bestow something upon them for the relief of their necessity. The man of God, not having anything |35 to give them, was much, grieved to send them away empty: whiles he was thus troubled, suddenly it came to his mind how his nephew had sold his horse, and that the money was in his chest; whereupon, in his absence, by virtuous violence, he brake open the lock, took away the twelve crowns, and bestowed them as best pleased himself upon the poor people. Constantius, returning home and finding his chest open, locked for his money, and finding it not, he began to exclaim, and with great noise and fury to cry out against his uncle, saying: "All other can live here in quiet, only I can not." The Bishop, hearing him crying out in that manner, came unto him, as also the rest of his family; and when he began with sweet speech to mitigate his fury, in great anger he replied, saying: "All other can live with you, only I can not be suffered to be in quiet: give me my money, which you have taken out of my chest." The Bishop, moved at his words, departed away, and went into the church of the blessed virgin Mary, where, lifting up his hands with his vestment upon them, he began standing to pray, that she would help him to so much money, that he might quiet the fury of the mad Priest: and casting suddenly his eyes upon the garment that lay between his arms stretched out, he found twelve crowns lying there, so fair and bright, as though they had then newly come from the mint; who forthwith going out of the church, cast them to the raging Priest with these words: "Lo, there is your money which you have kept such a stir for; but know you that after my death you shall never be Bishop of this place, and that for your covetous mind." By which true censure of his we gather that the Priest provided that money for the getting of the Bishopric. But the words of the man of God did prevail: for the same Constantius ended his life without any further promotion than to the dignity of Priesthood. At another time, two Goths came unto him for |36 hospitality, saying that they were travelling to Ravenna; unto whom he gave with his own hands a little wooden bottle full of wine, enough, haply, for their dinner; of which, notwithstanding, they drank until they came to Ravenna, and though they stayed some days in that city, yet they had no other wine than that which the holy man bestowed upon them: and so likewise they continued until they returned back again to the same venerable Bishop, drinking daily of the same, and yet never lacking wine to serve their necessity: as though, in that wooden bottle which he gave them, wine had grown, and not there increased.
Not long sithence, there came from the same country a certain old man that is a clerk, who reporteth divers notable things of him, which must not be passed over with silence. For he saith that going upon a day into his garden, he found it all full of caterpillars, and seeing all his worts spoiled, turning himself to them, he spake thus: "I adjure you, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to depart from hence, and not to eat any more of these worts ": after which words, those worms did forthwith so vanish away, that there was not one to be found in all the whole garden. But what great marvel is it, to hear such things reported of him that was now a Bishop, being then, both by reason of his orders, and also holy conversation of life, grown into favour with almighty God, seeing those are more to be admired which this old clergyman said that he did, being yet but a little boy? For he affirmeth, that at such time as Bonifacius dwelt with his mother, and went abroad, that sometime he came home without his shirt, and oftentimes without his coat: for no sooner did he see a naked man, but he gave away his clothes, and put them upon him, to the end that himself might be clothed with a reward in the sight of God. His mother rebuked him often for doing so, and told him that it was no reason |37 that, being poor himself, he should give away his apparel to other. Upon another day, going into the barn, she found almost all her wheat, which she had provided for the whole year, given away by her son to the poor: and as she was, for very grief thereof, beating and tearing of herself, the child of God, Bonifacius, came, and with the best words he could began to comfort his afflicted mother; but when by no means she would be quieted, he entreated her to go out of the barn where the little wheat that remained was. When she was departed, the virtuous youth fell straightway to his prayers; and after a little while, going out, he brought his mother back again, where she found it as full of wheat as before it was: at the sight of which miracle, she, being touched in soul, exhorted him to give as he pleased, seeing he could so soon obtain at God's hands what he asked. His mother also kept hens before her door, which a fox, that had his berry not far off, used to carry away: and upon a certain day, as the youth Bonifacius was standing in the entry, the fox, after his old manner, came and took away one of the hens; whereupon in all haste he ran to the church, and prostrate there in prayer, with loud voice he spake thus: "Is it thy pleasure, O Lord, that I shall not eat of my mother's hens? for behold, the fox doth devour them up ": and rising from his prayers, he went out of the church, and straightways the fox came back again with the hen in his mouth, leaving it where he found it, and forthwith fell down dead in the presence of Bonifacius.
PETER. It seemeth strange unto me, that God vouchsafeth in such small things to hear the prayers of them that put their trust in him.
GREGORY. This falleth out, Peter, by the great providence of our Creator, to the end that by little things which we receive at his hands, we should hope for greater: for the holy and simple lad was heard in |38 praying for small matters, that by them he should learn how much he ought to trust in God, when he prayed for things of greater importance. PETER. What you say pleaseth me very well.
Chapter Ten: of Fortunatus, Bishop of the City of Tuderti.24
GREGORY. Another man also there was in the same parts, called Fortunatus, Bishop of Tuderti, who had a most singular grace in casting out of devils, in so much that sometime he did cast out of possessed bodies whole legions; and by the continual exercise of prayer, he overcame all their temptations. Julianus, who had an office here in our church, and not long since died in this city, was familiarly acquainted with him, by whose relation I learned that which I will now tell you: for by reason of his great and inward familiarity, often was he present at such miracles as he wrought, and did divers times talk of him to our instruction and his own comfort.
A certain noble matron there was, dwelling in the hither parts of Tuscania, that had a daughter-in-law, which, not long after the marriage of her son, was, together with her mother-in-law, invited to the dedication of the oratory of the blessed martyr, St. Sebastian: and the night before this solemnity, overcome with carnal pleasure, she could not abstain from her husband; and though in the morning her former delight troubled her conscience, yet shame drave her forth to the procession, being more ashamed of men than fearing the judgment of God, and therefore thither she went together with her mother-in-law. And behold, straight upon the bringing of the relics of St. Sebastian the martyr into the oratory, a wicked spirit possessed the foresaid matron's daughter-in-law, and pitifully tormented her before all the people. The Priest of the oratory, beholding her so terribly vexed and lifted up, took a white linen cloth and cast upon her; and forthwith the devil also entered |39 into him, and because he presumed above his strength, enforced also he was by his own vexation, to know what himself was. Those that were present took up the young gentlewoman in their hands, and carried her home to her own house. And for as much as she was by the enemy continually and cruelly tormented, her kinsfolk that carnally loved her, and with their love did persecute her, cause her to be carried for help to certain witches; so utterly to cast away her soul, whose body they went about by sorcery for a time to relieve. Coming into their hands, she was by them brought to a river, and there washed in the water, the sorcerers labouring a long time by their enchantments to cast out the devil, that had possessed her body: but by the wonderful judgment of almighty God, it fell out that whiles one by unlawful art was expelled, suddenly a whole legion did enter in. And from that time forward, she began to be tossed with so many varieties of motions, to shriek out in so many sundry tunes, as there were devils in her body. Then her parents, consulting together, and confessing their own wickedness, carried her to the venerable Bishop Fortunatus, and with him they left her: who, having taken her to his charge, fell to his prayers many days and nights, and he prayed so much the more earnestly, because he had against him, in one body, an whole army of devils: and many days passed not, before he made her so safe and sound, as though the devil had never had any power or interest in her body.
At another time, the same servant of almighty God cast forth a devil out of one that was possessed: which wicked spirit, when it was now night and saw few men stirring in the streets, taking upon him the shape of a stranger, began to go up and down the city, crying out: "O holy Bishop Fortunatus, behold what he hath done; he hath turned a stranger out of his lodging, and now |40 I seek for a place to rest in, and in his whole city can find none." A certain man, sitting in his house by the fire, with his wife and his little son, hearing one to cry out in that manner, went forth, and enquired what the Bishop had done, and withal invited him to his house, where he caused him to sit with them by the fire: and as they were among themselves discoursing of divers matters, the same wicked spirit on a sudden entered into his little child, cast him into the fire, and forthwith killed him: then the wretched father, by the loss of his son in this manner, knew full well whom he had entertained, and the Bishop turned out of his lodging.
PETER. What was the cause, that the old enemy presumed to kill his son in his own house: who, thinking him to be a stranger, vouchsafed him of lodging and entertainment?
GREGORY. Many things, Peter, seem to be good and yet are not, because they be not done with a good mind and intention; and therefore our Saviour saith in the gospel: If thy eye be naughty all thy body shall be dark.1 For when the intention is wicked, all the work that followeth is naught, although it seem to be never so good; and therefore this man who lost his child, though he seemed to give hospitality, yet I think that he took not any pleasure in that work of mercy, but rather in the detraction and infamy of the Bishop: for the punishment which followed did declare that his entertainment going before, was not void of sin. For some there be, which are careful to do good works, to the end they may obscure the virtue of another man's life; neither take they pleasure in the good thing which they do, but in the conceit of that hurt which thereby they imagine re-doundeth to others; and therefore I verily suppose that this man, which gave entertainment to the devil, was more desirous to seem to do a good work than to do
1 Matt. 6, 23.
|41 it indeed; to the end that he might seem more charitable than the Bishop, in that he entertained him whom the man of God, Fortunatus, had thrust out of his house
PETER. It is verily so, as you say: for the end of the work declared that the intent of the doer was not good.
GREGORY. At another time, likewise, one that had lost his eyesight was brought unto him, who craved his intercession and obtained it: for so soon as the man of God had prayed for him, and made the sign of the cross upon his eyes, straightways he received his sight. Beside this, a certain soldier's horse became so mad, that he could scant be holden by many, and so cruel he was, that he rent and tare the flesh of all such as he could reach with his teeth. At length, as well as they could, they tied him with ropes, and so brought him to the man of God; who putting forth his hand, made upon his head the sign of the cross, and forthwith all his madness departed, in such sort that he became more gentle than ever he was before. Then the soldier, seeing his horse so miraculously cured, determined to bestow him upon the Bishop: which because he refused, and yet the other instantly entreated that he would not reject his poor gift, the holy man took the middle way, and yielded so to the soldier's request, that yet he would not take any reward for the doing of that miracle; for he gave him first so much money as the horse was worth, and then received him; for perceiving that the soldier would have been grieved, if he had refused his courteous offer, upon charity he bought that whereof he had then no need.
Neither must I pass over with silence that which I heard almost twelve days since: for a certain poor old man was brought unto me (because I loved always to talk with such kind of men), of whom I enquired his country; and understanding that he was of the city of |42 Tuderti, I asked him whether he knew the good old father, Bishop Fortunatus; to which he answered that he knew him, and that very well. "Then I beseech you," quoth I, "tell me whether you know of any miracles which he did, and because I am very desirous, let me understand what manner of man he was." "This man," quoth he, "was far different from all those which live in our days; for he obtained at God's hands whatsoever he requested. One of his miracles which cometh to my mind, I will now tell you.
"Certain Goths, upon a day, travelling not far from the city of Tuderti, as they were in their journey to Ravenna, carried away with them two little boys from a place which belonged to the said city. News hereof being brought to the holy Bishop Fortunatus, he sent straightways, desiring those Goths to come unto him: to whom he spake very courteously, being willing by fair speech to pacify their fierce and cruel natures; and afterward told them that they should have what money they desired, so they would make restitution of the children: 'and therefore, I beseech you,' quoth he, 'gratify my request in this one thing.' Then he which seemed to be the chief of them two told him, that whatsoever else he commanded they were ready to perform, but as for the boys, by no means they would let them go. To whom the venerable man (threatening in sweet sort) spake unto him in this manner: 'You grieve me, good son, to see that you will not be ruled by your father; but give me not any such cause of grief, for it is not good that you do.' But for all this the Goth, continuing still hard-hearted, denied his request, and so went his way, yet coming again the next day, the holy man renewed his former suit concerning the children; but when he saw that by no means he could persuade him, in sorrowful manner he spake thus: 'Well I know that it is not good for you to depart in this |43 manner, and leave me thus afflicted.' But the Goth, not esteeming his words, returned to his inn, set those children on horseback, and sent them before with his servants, and straightways himself took horse and followed after; and as he was riding in the same city by the church of St. Peter the Apostle, his horse stumbling, fell down, and brake his thigh in such sort that the bone was quite asunder: up was he taken, and carried back again to his inn; who in all haste sent after his servants, and caused the boys to be brought back again. Then he sent one to venerable Fortunatus with this message: 'I beseech you, father, to send unto me your deacon'; who when he was come unto him lying in his bed, he made those boys, which before upon no entreaty he would restore, to be brought forth, and delivered them to him, saying: 'Go and tell my Lord the Bishop: Behold you have cursed me, and I am punished, but I have now sent you those children which before you required, take them, and I beseech you to pray for me.' The deacon received the children, and carried them to the Bishop; whereupon the holy man forthwith gave his deacon some holy water, saying: 'Go quickly and cast it upon him where he lieth '; who went his way, and coming to the Goth, he sprinkled all his body with holy water: and O strange and admirable thing! the holy water no sooner touched his thigh but all the rupture was so healed, and himself so perfectly restored to his former health, that he forsook his bed that very hour, took his horse, and went on his journey, as though he had never been hurt at all: and thus it fell out, that he which refused for money and upon obedience to restore the children, was by punishment enforced to do it for nothing." When the old man had told me this strange story, ready he was to proceed unto other; but because I was at that time to make an exhortation to some that expected me, and the day was well spent, I |44 could not at that time hear any more of the notable acts of venerable Fortunatus; and yet if I might, never would I do any thing else, than give ear to such excellent stories.
The next day, the same old man reported a thing far more wonderful: for he said that in the same city of Tuderti, there dwelt a good virtuous man called Marcellus, together with two of his sisters, who, falling sick, somewhat late upon Easter even departed this life: and because he was to be carried far off, he could not be buried that day. His sisters having now longer respite for his burial, with heavy hearts ran weeping unto the Bishop; where they began to cry out aloud in this manner: "We know that thou leadest an Apostolical life, that thou dost heal lepers, restore sight to the blind: come, therefore, we beseech you, and raise up our dead brother." The venerable man, hearing of their brother's death, began himself likewise to weep, desired them to depart, and not to make any such petition unto him: "for it is our Lord's pleasure," quoth he, "which no man can resist." When they were gone, the Bishop continued still sad and sorrowful for the good man's death; and the next day being the solemn feast of Easter, very early in the morning he went with two of his deacons to Marcellus' house, and coming to the place where his dead body lay, he fell to his prayers; and when he had made an end, he rose up and sat down by the corpse, and with a low voice called the dead man by his name, saying: "Brother Marcellus "; whereat, as though he had been lightly asleep, and awaked with that voice, he rose up, opened his eyes, and looking upon the Bishop, said: "O what have you done? O what have you done?" To whom the Bishop answered, saying: "What have I done?" "Marry," quoth he, "yesterday there came two unto me, and discharged my soul out of my body, and carried me away to a good place, and this day one was |45 sent, who bade them carry me back again, because Bishop Fortunatus was gone to mine house." And when he had spoken these words, straightways he recovered of his sickness, and lived long after. And yet for all this we must not think that he lost that place which he had, because there is no doubt, but that he might, by the prayers of his intercessor, live yet more virtuously after his death, who had a care before he died to please almighty God.
But why do I spend so many words in discoursing of his wonderful life, when as we have so many miracles, even at these days, wrought at his body? for, as he was wont to do when he lived upon earth, so doth he now continually at his dead bones dispossess devils, and heal such as be sick, so often as men pray for such graces with faith and devotion. But I mean now to return to the province of Valeria, of which I have heard most notable miracles from the mouth of venerable Fortunatus, of whom long before I have made mention, who, coming often to visit me, whiles he reporteth old stories, continually he bringeth me new delight.
Chapter Eleven: of Martirius, a Monk in the Province of Valeria.
A certain man lived in that province, called Martirius, who was a very devout servant of almighty God, and gave this testimony of his virtuous life. For, upon a certain day, the other monks, his brethren, made a hearth-cake, forgetting to make upon it the sign of the cross: for in that country they use to make a cross upon their loaves, dividing them so into four parts: when the servant of God came, they told him that it was not marked: who, seeing it covered with ashes and coals, asked why they did not sign it, and speaking so, he made the sign of the cross with his hand against the coals: which thing whiles he was in doing, the cake gave a great crack, as though the pan had been broken with the fire: after it was baked and |46 taken out, they found it marked with the sign of the cross, which yet not any corporal touching, but the faith of Martirius had imprinted.
Chapter Twelve: of Severus, a Priest in the same Province.
In the same country there is a valley, which is called of the plain people Interocrina 25; in which there lived a certain man of a rare life, called Severus, who was a parish priest of the church of our blessed Lady the mother of God and perpetual virgin. One that lay at the point of death sent for him in great haste, desiring him to come with all speed, and by his prayers to make intercession for him, that doing penance for his wickedness, and loosed from his sins, he might depart this life. So it chanced, that the Priest at that time was busy in pruning of his vines; and therefore he bade them that came for him to go on before: "and I will," quoth he, "come after by and by." For seeing he had but a little to do, he stayed a pretty while to make an end of that, and when it was dispatched, away he went to visit the sick man; but as he was going, the former messengers met with him, saying: "Father, why have you stayed so long? go not now any further, for the man is dead." At which news the good man fell a trembling, and cried out aloud that he had killed him; whereupon he fell a weeping, and in that manner came to the dead corpse, where before the bed he fell prostrate upon the earth, pouring out of tears. Lying there weeping very pitifully, beating his head against the ground, and crying out that he was guilty of his death, suddenly the dead man returned to life: which many that were present beholding cried out, and began to weep more plentifully for joy, demanding of him where he had been, and by what means he came back again; to whom he said: "Certain cruel men," quoth he, "did carry me away; out of whose mouth and nostrils fire came forth, which I could not endure; and as they were leading me |47 through dark places, suddenly a beautiful young man with others met us, who said unto them that were drawing me forward: 'Carry him back again; for Severus the Priest lamenteth his death, and our Lord, for his tears, hath given him longer life.'" Then Severus rose up from the earth, and by his intercession did assist him in doing of penance. And when the sick man that revived had done penance for his sins by the space of seven days, upon the eighth with a cheerful countenance he departed this life. Consider, Peter, I pray you, how dearly our Lord loved this Severus, that would not suffer him to be grieved for a little time.
PETER. They be marvellous strange things which you report, and which before this time I never heard of: but what is the reason that in these days there be not any such men now living?
GREGORY. I make no doubt, Peter, but that there be many such holy men now living; for though they work not the like miracles, yet for all that, may they be as virtuous and as holy. For true judgment of one's life is to be taken from his virtuous conversation, and not from the working of miracles, for many there be who, although they do not any such strange things, yet are they not in virtue inferior to them that do them.
PETER. How, I beseech you, can it be maintained for true, that there be some that work not any miracles, and yet be as virtuous as they which work them?
GREGORY. Sure I am that you know very well that the Apostle St. Paul is brother to St. Peter, chief of the Apostles in Apostolical principality.
PETER. I know that indeed, for no doubt can be made thereof: for though he were the least of the Apostles, yet did he labour more than all they.
GREGORY. Peter, as you well remember, walked with his feet upon the sea; Paul in the sea suffered ship-wreck. And in one and the same element, where Paul |48 could not pass with a ship, Peter went upon his feet; by which apparent it is, that though their virtue in working of miracles was not alike, yet their merit is alike in the kingdom of heaven.
PETER. I confess that I am well pleased with that you say, for I know most assuredly that the life, and not the miracles, are to be considered; but yet, seeing such miracles as be wrought do give testimony of a good life, I beseech you, if any more be yet remaining, that you would, with the examples and virtuous lives of holy men, feed mine hungry soul.
GREGORY. Desirous I am, to the honour of our blessed Saviour, to tell you some things now concerning the miracles of the man of God, venerable St. Benedict: but to do it as it ought, this day is not sufficient; wherefore we will here make a pause, and to handle this matter more plentifully, take another beginning.
The End of the First Book
[Footnotes moved to the end and combined with editorial notes]
1. Introduction, p. 4. Similarly in the letter addressed to Leander of Seville, prefixed to the Moralia, or Exposition of the Book of Job (composed before his elevation to the papacy), St. Gregory had written: "Now that the times are disturbed through multiplied evils, the end of the world being at hand, we ourselves, who are believed to be devoted to the inner mysteries, are involved in external cares." Cf. below, Bk. III. chap. 38; Bk. IV. chap. 41.
2. Chapter I. p. 7. Funda, more correctly Fundi (the translator is somewhat casual in his rendering of the Latin names of places), is the modern Fondi, in the province of Caserta, between Terracina and Formia. Cf. Horace, Sat. I. 5, 34-36. Honoratus is celebrated in the Roman Martyrology on January 16.
3. Chapter II. p. 9. For Totila, see below, Bk. II. chap. 14. He was king of the Ostrogoths in Italy from 541 to 552.
4. Ibid, p. 10. In 553, after the death of Totila's successor, Teias, Leutharand Butilin (here called Buccellinus), chiefs of the Alamanni, who were subject to the king of the Franks, invaded Italy in support of the scattered remnants of the Goths. Butilin ravaged Campania in 554, until defeated and slain by Narses at the battle of Capua. See Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, V. bk. vi. chap. I.
5. 1 4 Kings 2. 12
6. Chapter IV. p. 15. The province of Valeria included the cities of Reate (Rieti) and Tibur (Tivoli), and the modern province of Aquila (Abruzzi). St. Equitius is commemorated on March 7. It is uncertain whether the monastery quod appellatur Balneum Ciceronis was at Tusculum, or (as seems more probable from the context) on the site of the present abbey of San Domenico Abbate near Isola del Liri in the diocese of Sora.
7. Ibid. p. 16. Amiternum, an ancient Sabine town, the birthplace of Sallust, is some five miles from the modern city of Aquila; its site is occupied by the village of San Vittorino. Two letters of Cassiodorus, written in the name of King Theodoric, refer to this Basilius, who, together with another Roman noble named Praetextatus, was imprisoned for practising magical arts, but made his escape. Theodoric ordered that he should be recaptured, and examined by a board of five persons, one of whom was the patrician Symmachus (Cf. Bk. IV. chaps. 13 and 30). See Hodgkin, The Letters of Cassiodorus, pp. 246, 247. Baronius places these events in the year 504 or thereabouts. Nothing is known of the subsequent fate of Basilius, to which St. Gregory refers; he is evidently not the same person as the Basilius mentioned by Boe'thius, in the De Consolatione Philosophiae, as one of his accusers.
8. 1 John 4, 53.
9. Ibid. p. 18. Castorius (or Castus) was a military officer (magister militum), who shared in the defence of Rome against the Lombards, and is mentioned with high praise by St. Gregory himself in a letter of 595 to the Emperor Mauritius (Registrum, Epist. v. 36, ed. Ewald and Hartmann, i. p. 317). For "Bishop of Reatino" (Reatinae antistes ecclesiae) read "Bishop of Reate" (Rieti). The Bishop of Rome mentioned in this chapter is probably Pope Symmachus I. (498-514), for whom see below, Bk. IV. chap. 40.
10. Ibid. p. 19. Julianus is described in the Latin text as being then defensor (of the Church of Rome). The Defenders of the various Churches were ecclesiastical lawyers, clerics appointed to look after the interests of the Church. See Moroni, Dizionario di Erudiziotie storico-ecclesiastica, xx. pp. 38 et seq., and St. Gregory, Registrum, Epist. v. 26, ed. Ewald and Hartmann, i. p. 307.
11. 1 Luke 16, 15.
12. 2 2 Kings, 16 and 19.
13. Ibid. p. 22. Valentinus was the second Abbot of Sant' Andrea, the monastery into which St. Gregory converted his palace on the Caelian Hill.
14. Ibid. p. 23. The Lombards came into the province of Valeria in 571, three years after their first appearance in Italy.
15. Chapter VII. pp. 26, 27. For Maximianus, Bishop of Syracuse, see Bk. III. chap. 36. The "Abbey which is hard by the city of Nepi" is the monastery "called Suppentonia," mentioned in the next chapter. There were a number of early mediaeval monasteries on Mount Soracte; the one presided over by Nonnosus was, perhaps, that traditionally associated with St. Sylvester, which was afterwards in the eighth century refounded by Carloman the Frank.
16. 1 John 5, 17. 28
17. Chapter VIII. p. 29. Suppentonia is the modern Castel Sant' Elia, between Nepi and Civita Castellana. Anastasius is commemorated on January n.
18. 1 Gen. 21, 12.
19. 2 Gen. 27, 29.
20. 3 Gen. 22, 17.
21. 4 Gen. 25, 21.
22. Ibid. p. 31. Tuscania, more properly Tuscia, is, of course, the modern Tuscany.
23. Chapter IX. p. 31. The place meant is apparently Ferentinum (Ferentino), near Frosinone, which, however, is in Latium not Tuscany. Bonifacius is commemorated on May 14.
24. Chapter X. p. 38. Tuder is now Todi in Umbria. Fortunatus died in 537, and is commemorated on October 14. The Julianus here mentioned, nostrae ecclesiae defensor, is not the same person as the Julianus connected with St. Equitius (Bk. I. chap. 4), who previously held the same office of "defender."
25. Chapter XII. p. 46. "In eo etiam loco Interorina vallis dicitur, quae a multis verbo rustico Interocrina nominatur." The place is apparently Interocrea, or Intocrium, the modern Antrodoco, between Rieti and Aquila.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: gregory_02_dialogues_book .htm
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 2. pp. 51-101
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 2. pp. 51-101
Chapter One: how he made a broken sieve whole and sound.
Chapter Two: how he overcame a great temptation of the flesh.
Chapter Three: how Benedict, by the sign of the holy cross, broke a drinking-glass in pieces.
Chapter Four: how Benedict reformed a monk that would not stay at his prayers.
Chapter Five: of a fountain that sprung forth in the top of a mountain, by the prayers of the man of God.
Chapter Six: how the iron head of a bill, from the bottom of the water, returned to the handle again.
Chapter Seven: how Maurus walked upon the water.
Chapter Eight: how a loaf was poisoned, and carried far off by a crow.
Chapter Nine: how venerable Benedict, by his prayer, removed a huge stone.
Chapter Ten: of the fantastical fire, which burnt the kitchen.
Chapter Eleven: how venerable Benedict revived a boy, crushed to death with the ruin of a wall.
Chapter Twelve: how by revelation venerable Benedict knew that his monks had eaten out of the monastery.
Chapter Thirteen: of the brother of Valentinian the Monk, whom the man of God blamed for eating in his journey.
Chapter Fourteen: how the dissimulation of king Totila was discovered and found out by venerable Benedict.
Chapter Fifteen: how venerable Benedict prophesied to king Totila, and also to the Bishop of Camisina, such things as were afterwards to happen.
Chapter Sixteen: of a certain clergyman, whom venerable Benedict for a time delivered from a devil.
Chapter Seventeen: how the man of God, Benedict, did foretell the suppression of one of his own Abbeys.
Chapter Eighteen: how blessed Benedict knew the hiding away of a flagon of wine.
Chapter Nineteen: how the man of God knew that one of his Monks had received certain handkerchiefs.
Chapter Twenty: how holy Benedict knew the proud thought of one of his Monks.
Chapter Twenty-one: of two hundred bushels of meal, found before the man of God's cell.
Chapter Twenty-two: how, by vision, venerable Benedict disposed the building of the Abbey of Taracina.
Chapter Twenty-three: of certain Nuns absolved after their death.
Chapter Twenty-four: of a boy that after his burial was cast out of his grave.
Chapter Twenty-five: how a Monk, forsaking the Abbey, met with a dragon in the way.
Chapter Twenty-six: how holy Benedict cured a boy of Leprosy.
Chapter Twenty-seven: how Benedict found money miraculously to relieve a poor man.
Chapter Twenty-eight: how a cruet of glass was thrown upon the stones, and not broken.
Chapter Twenty-nine: how an empty barrel was filled with oil.
Chapter Thirty: how Benedict delivered a Monk from the devil.
Chapter Thirty-one: of a country fellow, that, with the only sight of the man of God, was loosed from his bands.
Chapter Thirty-two: how by prayer venerable Benedict raised up a dead child.
Chapter Thirty-three: of a miracle wrought by his sister Scholastica.
Chapter Thirty-four: how Benedict saw the soul of his sister ascend into heaven.
Chapter Thirty-five: how he saw the whole world represented before his eyes: and also the soul of Germanus, Bishop of Capua, ascending to heaven.
Chapter Thirty-six: how holy Benedict wrote a rule for his monks.
Chapter Thirty-seven: how venerable Benedict did prophesy to his monks, the time of his own death.
Chapter Thirty-eight: how a mad woman was cured in his cave.
The Second Book
Of the Life and Miracles of St. Benedict 1
There was a man of venerable life, blessed by grace, and blessed in name, for he was called "Benedictus" or Benedict: who, from his younger years, carried always the mind of an old man; for his age was inferior to his virtue: all vain pleasure he contemned, and though he were in the world, and might freely have enjoyed such commodities as it yieldeth, yet did he nothing esteem it, nor the vanities thereof. He was born in the province of Nursia, of honourable parentage, and brought up at Rome in the study of humanity. But for as much as he saw many by reason of such learning to fall to dissolute and lewd life, he drew back his foot, which he had as it were now set forth into the world, lest, entering too far in acquaintance therewith, he likewise might have fallen into that dangerous and godless gulf: wherefore, giving over his book, and forsaking his father's house and wealth, with a resolute mind only to serve God, he sought for some place, where he might attain to the desire of his holy purpose: and in this sort he departed, instructed with learned ignorance, and furnished with unlearned wisdom. All the notable things and acts of his life I could not learn; but those few, which I mind now to report, I had by the relation of four of his disciples: to wit, of |52 Constantinus, a most rare and reverent man, who was next Abbot after him; of Valentinianus, who many years had the charge of the Lateran Abbey; of Simplicius, who was the third General of his order; and lastly of Honoratus, who is now Abbot of that monastery in which he first began his holy life.
Chapter One: how he made a broken sieve whole and sound.
Benedict having now given over the school, with a resolute mind to lead his life in the wilderness: his nurse alone, which did tenderly love him, would not by any means give him over. Coming, therefore, to a place called Enside 2 and remaining there in the church of St. Peter, in the company of other virtuous men, which for charity lived in that place, it fell so out that his nurse borrowed of the neighbours a sieve to make clean wheat, which being left negligently upon the table, by chance it was broken in two pieces: whereupon she fell pitifully a-weeping, because she had borrowed it. The devout and religious youth Benedict, seeing his nurse so lamenting, moved with compassion, took away with him both the pieces of the sieve, and with tears fell to his prayers; and after he had done, rising up he found it so whole, that the place could not be seen where before it was broken; and coming straight to his nurse, and comforting her with good words, he delivered her the sieve safe and sound: which miracle was known to all the inhabitants thereabout, and so much admired, that the townsmen, for a perpetual memory, did hang it up at the church door, to the end that not only men then living, but also their posterity might understand, how greatly God's grace did work with him upon his first renouncing of the world. The sieve continued there many years after, even to these very troubles of the Lombards, where it did hang over the church door.
But Benedict, desiring rather the miseries of the world than the praises of men: rather to be wearied with labour |53 for God's sake, than to be exalted with transitory commendation: fled privily from his nurse, and went into a desert place called Sublacum,3 distant almost forty miles from Rome: in which there was a fountain springing forth cool and clear water; the abundance whereof doth first in a broad place make a lake, and afterward running forward, cometh to be a river. As he was travelling to this place, a certain monk called Romanus met him, and demanded whither he went, and understanding his purpose, he both kept it close, furthered him what he might, vested him with the habit of holy conversation, and as he could, did minister and serve him.
The man of God, Benedict, coming to this foresaid place, lived there in a strait cave, where he continued three years unknown to all men, except to Romanus, who lived not far off, under the rule of Abbot Theodacus,4 and very virtuously did steal certain hours, and likewise sometime a loaf given for his own provision, which he did carry to Benedict. And because from Romanus' cell to that cave there was not any way, by reason of an high rock which did hang over it, Romanus, from the top thereof, upon a long rope, did let down the loaf, upon which also with a band he tied a little bell, that by the ringing thereof the man of God might know when he came with his bread, and so be ready to take it. But the old enemy of mankind, envying at the charity of the one and the refection of the other, seeing a loaf upon a certain day let down, threw a stone and brake the bell; but yet, for all that, Romanus gave not over to serve him by all the possible means he could.
At length when almighty God was determined to ease Romanus of his pains, and to have Benedict's life for an example known to the world, that such a candle, set upon a candlestick, might shine and give light to the Church of God, our Lord vouchsafed to appear unto a certain Priest dwelling a good way off, who had made ready his dinner |54 for Easter day, and spake thus unto him: "Thou hast provided good cheer for thyself, and my servant in such a place is afflicted with hunger": who, hearing this forthwith rose up, and upon Easter day itself, with such meat as he had prepared, went to the place, where he sought for the man of God amongst the steep hills, the low valleys and hollow pits, and at length found him in his cave: where, after they had prayed together, and sitting down had given God thanks, and had much spiritual talk, then the Priest said unto him: "Rise up, brother, and let us dine, because today is the feast of Easter." To whom the man of God answered, and said: "I know that it is Easter with me and a great feast, having found so much favour at God's hands as this day to enjoy your company" (for by reason of his long absence from men, he knew not that it was the great solemnity of Easter). But the reverent Priest again did assure him, saying: "Verily, to-day is the feast of our Lord's Resurrection, and therefore meet it is not that you should keep abstinence, and besides I am sent to that end, that we might eat together of such provision as God's goodness hath sent us." Whereupon they said grace, and fell to their meat, and after they had dined, and bestowed some time in talking, the Priest returned to his church.
About the same time likewise, certain shepherds found him in that same cave: and at the first, when they espied him through the bushes, and saw his apparel made of skins, they verily thought that it had been some beast: but after they were acquainted with the servant of God, many of them were by his means converted from their beastly life to grace, piety, and devotion. And thus his name in the country there about became famous, and many after this went to visit him, and for corporal meat which they brought him, they carried away spiritual food for their souls. |55
Chapter Two: how he overcame a great temptation of the flesh.
Upon a certain day being alone, the tempter was at hand: for a little black bird, commonly called a merle or an ousel, began to fly about his face, and that so near as the holy man, if he would, might have taken it with his hand: but after he had blessed himself with the sign of the cross, the bird flew away: and forthwith the holy man was assaulted with such a terrible temptation of the flesh, as he never felt the like in all his life.
A certain woman there was which some time he had seen, the memory of which the wicked spirit put into his mind, and by the representation of her did so mightily inflame with concupiscence the soul of God's servant, which did so increase that, almost overcome with pleasure, he was of mind to have forsaken the wilderness. But, suddenly assisted with God's grace, he came to himself; and seeing many thick briers and nettle bushes to grow hard by, off he cast his apparel, and threw himself into the midst of them,5 and there wallowed so long that, when he rose up, all his flesh was pitifully torn: and so by the wounds of his body, he cured the wounds of his soul, in that he turned pleasure into pain, and by the outward burning of extreme smart, quenched that fire which, being nourished before with the fuel of carnal cogitations, did inwardly burn in his soul: and by this means he overcame the sin, because he made a change of the fire.
From which time forward, as himself did afterward report unto his disciples, he found all temptation of pleasure so subdued, that he never felt any such thing. Many after this began to abandon the world, and to become his scholars. For being now freed from the vice of temptation, worthily and with great reason is he made a master of virtue: for which cause, in Exodus, commandment is given by Moses that the Levites from five-and-twenty years and upward should serve, but, after they came to fifty, |56 that they should be ordained keepers of the holy vessels. 6
PETER. Somewhat I understand of this testimony alleged: but yet I beseech you to tell me the meaning thereof more fully.
GREGORY. It is plain, Peter, that in youth the temptation of the flesh is hot: but after fifty years the heat of the body waxeth cold, and the souls of faithful people become holy vessels. Wherefore necessary it is that God's elect servants, whiles they are yet in the heat of temptation, should live in obedience, serve, and be wearied with labour and pains. But when, by reason of age, the heat of temptation is past, they become keepers of holy vessels; because they then are made the doctors of men's souls.
PETER. I cannot deny, but that your words have given me full satisfaction: wherefore, seeing you have now expounded the meaning of the former text alleged, prosecute, I pray, as you have begun, the rest of the holy man's life.
Chapter Three: how Benedict, by the sign of the holy cross, broke a drinking-glass in pieces.
GREGORY. When this great temptation was thus overcome, the man of God, like unto a piece of ground well tilled and weeded, of the seed of virtue brought forth plentiful store of fruit: and by reason of the great report of his wonderful holy life, his name became very famous. Not far from the place where he remained there was a monastery,7 the Abbot whereof was dead: whereupon the whole Convent came unto the venerable man Benedict, entreating him very earnestly that he would vouchsafe to take upon him the charge and government of their Abbey: long time he denied them, saying that their manners were divers from his, and therefore that they should never agree together: yet |57 at length, overcome with their entreaty, he gave his consent.
Having now taken upon him the charge of the Abbey, he took order that regular life should be observed, so that none of them could, as before they used, through unlawful acts decline from the path of holy conversation, either on the one side or on the other: which the monks perceiving, they fell into a great rage, accusing themselves that ever they desired him to be their Abbot, seeing their crooked conditions could not endure his virtuous kind of government: and therefore when they saw that under him they could not live in unlawful sort, and were loath to leave their former conversation, and found it hard to be enforced with old minds to meditate and think upon new things: and because the life of virtuous men is always grievous to those that be of wicked conditions, some of them began to devise, how they might rid him out of the way: and therefore, taking counsel together, they agreed to poison his wine: which being done, and the glass wherein that wine was, according to the custom, offered to the Abbot to bless, he, putting forth his hand, made the sign of the cross, and straightway the glass, that was holden far off, brake in pieces, as though the sign of the cross had been a stone thrown against it: upon which accident the man of God by and by perceived that the glass had in it the drink of death, which could not endure the sign of life: and therefore rising up, with a mild countenance and quiet mind, he called the monks together, and spake thus unto them: "Almighty God have mercy upon you, and forgive you: why have you used me in this manner? Did not I tell you before hand, that our manner of living could never agree together? Go your ways, and seek ye out some other father suitable to your own conditions, for I intend not now to stay any longer amongst you." When he had thus discharged himself, he returned back to the |58 wilderness which so much he loved, and dwelt alone with himself, in the sight of his Creator, who beholdeth the hearts of all men.
PETER. I understand not very well what you mean, when you say that he dwelt with himself.GREGORY. If the holy man had longer, contrary to his own mind, continued his government over those monks, who had all conspired against him, and were far unlike to him in life and conversation: perhaps he should have diminished his own devotion, and somewhat withdrawn the eyes of his soul from the light of contemplation; and being wearied daily with correcting of their faults, he should have had the less care of himself, and so haply it might have fallen out, that he should both have lost himself, and yet not found them: for so often as by infectious motion we are carried too far from ourselves, we remain the same men that we were before, and yet be not with ourselves as we were before: because we are wandering about other men's affairs, little considering and looking into the state of our own soul. For shall we say that he was with himself, who went into a far country, and after he had, as we read in the Gospel, prodigally spent that portion which he received of his father, was glad to serve a citizen, to keep his hogs, and would willingly have filled his hungry belly with the husks which they did eat: who notwithstanding afterward, when he thought with himself of those goods which he had lost, it is written of him that, returning into himself, he said: How many hired men in my father's house do abound with bread? 8
If then, before he were with himself, from whence did he return home unto himself? and therefore I said that this venerable man did dwell with himself, because carrying himself circumspectly and carefully in the sight of his Creator, always considering his own actions, always examining |59 himself, never did he turn the eyes of his soul from himself, to behold aught else whatsoever.
PETER. Why, then, is it written of the Apostle, St. Peter, after he was by the Angel delivered out of prison, that, returning to himself, he said: Now I know verily, that our Lord hath sent his Angel, and hath delivered me from the hand of Herod, and from all the expectation of the people of the Jews. 9
GREGORY. We are two manner of ways, Peter, carried out of ourselves: for either we fall under ourselves by sinful cogitation, or else we are, by the grace of contemplation, lifted above ourselves: for he that kept hogs, through wandering of his mind and unclean thoughts, fell under himself: but he whom the Angel delivered out of prison, being also rapt by the Angel into an ecstasy, was in truth out of himself, but yet above himself. Both of them, therefore, did return unto themselves; the one when he recollected himself, and forsook his lewd kind of life; and the other from the top of contemplation, to have that usual judgment and understanding, which before he had: wherefore venerable Benedict in that solitary wilderness dwelt with himself, because he kept himself, and retired his cogitations within the closet of his own soul: for when the greatness of contemplation rapt him up aloft, out of all question he did then leave himself under himself.
PETER. Your discourse doth very well content me: yet I beseech you to answer me this question, whether he could in conscience give over those monks, whose government he had now taken upon him?
GREGORY. In mine opinion, Peter, evil men may with good conscience be tolerated in that community, where there be some good that may be holpen, and reap commodity. But where there be none good at all, that receive spiritual profit, often times all labour is lost, that |60 is bestowed in bringing of such to good order, especially if other occasions be offered of doing God presently better service elsewhere: for whose good, then, should the holy man have expected, seeing them all to persecute him with one consent? and (that which is not to be passed over with silence) those that be perfect carry always this mind, that when they perceive their labour to be fruitless in one place, to remove straight to another, where more good may be done. And for this cause, that notable preacher of the word,10 who was desirous to be dissolved, and to be with Christ, unto whom to live is Christ, and to die is gain 11: and who not only desired himself to suffer persecution, but did also animate and encourage others to suffer the same; yet being himself in persecution at Damascus, got a rope and a basket to pass over the wall, and was privily let down. What then? shall we say that Paul was afraid of death, when as himself said, that he desired it for Christ's sake? not so: but when he perceived that in that place little good was to be done by great labour, he reserved himself to further labour, where more fruit and better success might be expected: and therefore the valiant soldier of Christ would not be kept within walls, but sought for a larger field where he might more freely labour for his master. And so, in like manner, you shall quickly perceive, if you mark well, that venerable Benedict forsook not so many in one place, that were unwilling to be taught, as he did in sundry other places raise up from the death of soul many more, that were willing to be instructed.
PETER. It is so as you say, and plain reason teacheth it, and the example of St. Paul alleged doth confirm it. But I beseech you to return unto your former purpose, and to prosecute the life of the holy man.
GREGORY. When as God's servant daily increased in |61 virtue, and became continually more famous for miracles, many were by him in the same place drawn to the service of almighty God, so that by Christ's assistance he built there twelve Abbeys; over which he appointed governors, and in each of them placed twelve monks, and a few he kept with himself, namely, such as he thought would more profit, and be better instructed by his own presence. At that time also many noble and religious men of Rome came unto him, and committed their children to be brought up under him, for the service of God. Then also Evitius delivered him Maurus,12 and Tertullius the Senator brought Placidus, being their sons of great hope and towardness: of which two, Maurus, growing to great virtue, began to be his master's coadjutor; but Placidus, as yet, was but a boy of tender years.
Chapter Four: how Benedict reformed a monk that would not stay at his prayers.
In one of the monasteries which he had built in those parts, a monk there was, which could not continue at prayers; for when the other monks knelt down to serve God, his manner was to go forth, and there with wandering mind to busy himself about some earthly and transitory things. And when he had been often by his Abbot admonished of this fault without any amendment, at length he was sent to the man of God, who did likewise very much rebuke him for his folly; yet notwithstanding, returning back again, he did scarce two days follow the holy man's admonition; for, upon the third day, he fell again to his old custom, and would not abide within at the time of prayer: word whereof being once more sent to the man of God, by the father of the Abbey whom he had there appointed, he returned him answer that he would come himself, and reform what was amiss, which he did accordingly: and it fell so out, that when the singing of psalms was ended, and the hour come in which the monks betook themselves |62 to prayer, the holy man perceived that the monk, which used at that time to go forth, was by a little black boy drawn out by the skirt of his garment; upon which sight, he spake secretly to Pompeianus, father of the Abbey, and also to Maurus saying Do you not see who it is, that draweth this monk from his prayers?" and they answered him, that they did not. "Then let us pray," quoth he, "unto God, that you also may behold whom this monk doth follow": and after two days Maurus did see him, but Pompeianus could not.
Upon another day, when the man of God had ended his devotions, he went out of the oratory, where he found the foresaid monk standing idle, whom for the blindness of his heart he strake with a little wand, and from that day forward he was so freed from all allurement of the little black boy, that he remained quietly at his prayers, as other of the monks did: for the old enemy was so terrified, that he durst not any more suggest any such cogitations: as though by that blow, not the monk, but himself had been strooken.
Chapter Five: of a fountain that sprung forth in the top of a mountain, by the prayers of the man of God.
Amongst the monasteries which he had built in those parts, three of them were situated upon the rocks of a mountain, so that very painful it was for the monks to go down and fetch water, especially because the side of the hill was so steep that there was great fear of danger: and therefore the monks of those Abbeys with one consent came unto the servant of God, Benedict, giving him to understand, how laborious it was for them daily to go down unto the lake for water: and therefore they added, that it was very necessary to have them removed to some other places. The man of God, comforting them with sweet words, caused them to return back again; and the next night, having with him only the little boy Placidus (of whom we spake before), he ascended up to the rock |63 of that mountain, and continued there a long time in prayer; and when he had done, he took three stones, and laid them in the same place for a mark, and so, none of them being privy to that he had done, he returned back to his own Abbey. And the next day, when the foresaid monks came again about their former business, he said thus unto them: "Go your way to the rock, and in the place where you find three stones laid one upon another, dig a little hole, for almighty God is able to bring forth water in the top of that mountain, and so to ease you of that great labour which you take in fetching it so far." Away they went, and came to the rock of the mountain according to his direction, which they found as it were sweating drops of water, and after they had with a spade made an hollow place, it was straightways filled, and water flowed out so abundantly, that it doth plentifully, even to this day, spring out and run down from the top to the very bottom of that hill.
Chapter Six: how the iron head of a bill, from the bottom of the water, returned to the handle again.
At another time, a certain Goth, poor of spirit, that gave over the world, was received by the man of God; whom on a day he commanded to take a bill, and to cleanse a certain plot of ground from briers, for the making of a garden, which ground was by the side of a lake. The Goth as he was there labouring, by chance the head of the bill slipped off, and fell into the water, which was so deep, that there was no hope ever to get it again.13 The poor Goth, in great fear, ran unto Maurus and told him what he had lost, confessing his own fault and negligence: Maurus forthwith went to the servant of God, giving him to understand thereof, who came straightways to the lake: and took the handle out of the Goth's hand, and put it into the water, and the iron head by and by ascended from the bottom, and |64 entered again into the handle of the bill, which he delivered to the Goth, saying: "Behold here is thy bill again, work on, and be sad no more."
Chapter Seven: how Maurus walked upon the water.
On a certain day, as venerable Benedict was, in his cell, the foresaid young Placidus, the holy man's monk, went out to take up water at the lake, and putting down his pail carelessly, fell in himself after it, whom the water forthwith carried away from the land so far as one may shoot an arrow. The man of God, being in his cell, by and by knew this, and called in haste for Maurus, saying: "Brother Maurus, run as fast as you can, for Placidus, that went to the lake to fetch water, is fallen in, and is carried a good way off."
A strange thing, and since the time of Peter the Apostle never heard of! Maurus, craving his father's blessing, and departing in all haste at his commandment, ran to that place upon the water, to which the young lad was carried by force thereof, thinking that he had all that while gone upon the land: and taking fast hold of him by the hair of his head, in all haste he returned back again: and so soon as he was at land, coming to himself he looked behind him, and then knew very well that he had before run upon the water: and that which before he durst not have presumed, being now done and past, he both marvelled, and was afraid at that which he had done.
Coming back to the father, and telling him what had happened, the venerable man did not attribute this to his own merits, but to the obedience of Maurus: but Maurus on the contrary, said that it was done only upon his commandment, and that he had nothing to do in that miracle, not knowing at that time what he did. But the friendly contention proceeding of mutual humility, the young youth himself that was saved from drowning did determine: for he said that he saw when he was drawn out of the water the Abbot's garment upon his |65 head, affirming that it was he that had delivered him from that great danger.
PETER. Certainly they be wonderful things which you report, and such as may serve for the edification of many: for mine own part, the more that I hear of his miracles, the more do I still desire.
Chapter Eight: how a loaf was poisoned, and carried far off by a crow.
GREGORY. When as the foresaid monasteries were zealous in the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and their fame dispersed far and near, and many gave over the secular life, and subdued the passions of their soul, under the light yoke of our Saviour: then (as the manner of wicked people is, to envy at that virtue which themselves desire not to follow) one Florentius, Priest of a church hardby, and grandfather to Florentius our sub-deacon, possessed with diabolical malice, began to envy the holy man's virtues, to back-bite his manner of living, and to withdraw as many as he could from going to visit him: and when he saw that he could not hinder his virtuous proceedings, but that, on the contrary, the fame of his holy life increased, and many daily, upon the very report of his sanctity, did betake themselves to a better state of life: burning more and more with the coals of envy, he became far worse; and though he desired not to imitate his commendable life, yet fain he would have had the reputation of his virtuous conversation.
In conclusion so much did malicious envy blind him, and so far did he wade in that sin, that he poisoned a loaf and sent it to the servant of almighty God, as it were for an holy present. The man of God received it with great thanks, yet not ignorant of that which was hidden within. At dinner time, a crow daily used to come unto him from the next wood, which took bread at his hands; coming that day after his manner, the man of God threw him the loaf which the Priest had sent him, giving him this charge: |66 "In the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, take up that loaf, and leave it in some such place where no man may find it." Then the crow, opening his mouth, and lifting up his wings, began to hop up and down about the loaf, and after his manner to cry out, as though he would have said that he was willing to obey, and yet could not do what he was commanded. The man of God again and again bade him, saying: "Take it up without fear, and throw it where no man may find it." At length, with much ado, the crow took it up, and flew away, and after three hours, having dispatched the loaf, he returned back again, and received his usual allowance from the man of God.
But the venerable father, perceiving the Priest so wickedly bent against his life, was far more sorry for him than grieved for himself. And Florentius, seeing that he could not kill the body of the master, laboureth now what he can, to destroy the souls of his disciples; and for that purpose he sent into the yard of the Abbey before their eyes seven naked young women, which did there take hands together, play and dance a long time before them, to the end that, by this means, they might inflame their minds to sinful lust: which damnable sight the holy man beholding out of his cell, and fearing the danger which thereby might ensue to his younger monks, and considering that all this was done only for the persecuting of himself, he gave place to envy; and therefore, after he had for those abbeys and oratories which he had there built appointed governors, and left some under their charge, himself, in the company of a few monks, removed to another place.
And thus the man of God, upon humility, gave place to the other's malice; but yet almighty God of justice did severely punish [Florentius'] wickedness. For when the foresaid Priest, being in his chamber, understood of the departure of holy Benedict, and was very glad of that news, behold (the whole house besides continuing safe and sound) that |67 chamber alone in which he was, fell down, and so killed him: which strange accident the holy man's disciple Maurus understanding, straightways sent him word, he being as yet scarce ten miles off, desiring him to return again, because the Priest that did persecute him was slain; which thing when Benedict heard, he was passing sorrowful, and lamented much: both because his enemy died in such sort, and also for that one of his monks rejoiced thereat; and therefore he gave him penance, for that, sending such news, he presumed to rejoice at his enemy's death.
PETER. The things you report be strange, and much to be wondered at: for in making the rock to yield forth water, I see Moses; and in the iron, which came from the bottom of the lake, I behold Eliseus; in the walking of Maurus upon the water, I perceive Peter; in the obedience of the crow, I contemplate Elias; and in lamenting the death of his enemy, I acknowledge David: and therefore, in mine opinion, this one man was full of the spirit of all good men.GREGORY. The man of god, Benedict, had the spirit of the one true God, who, by the grace of our redemption, hath filled the hearts of his elect servants; of whom St. John saith: He was the true light, which doth lighten every man coming into this world, 14. Of whom, again, we find it written: Of his fulness we have all received, 15. For God's holy servants might receive virtues of our Lord, but to bestow them upon others they could not; and therefore it was he that gave the signs of miracles to his servants, who promised to give the sign of Jonas to his enemies 16: so that he vouchsafed to die in the sight of the proud, and to rise again before the eyes of the humble: to the end, that they might behold what they contemned, and those see that which they ought to worship and love: by reason of which mystery it cometh to pass that, whereas |68 the proud cast their eyes upon the contempt of his death, the humble contrariwise, against death, lay hold of the glory of his power and might.
PETER. To what places, I pray you, after this, did the holy man go: and whether did he afterward in them work any miracles, or no?
GREGORY. The holy man, changing his place, did not for all that change his enemy. For afterward he endured so much the more grievous battles, by how much he had now the master of all wickedness fighting openly against him. For the town, which is called Cassino, standeth upon the side of an high mountain, which containeth, as it were in the lap thereof, the foresaid town, and afterward so riseth in height the space of three miles, that the top thereof seemeth to touch the very heavens: in this place there was an ancient chapel in which the foolish and simple country people, according to the custom of the old gentiles, worshipped the god Apollo. Round about it likewise upon all sides, there were woods for the service of the devils, in which even to that very time, the mad multitude of infidels did offer most wicked sacrifice. The man of God coming thither, beat in pieces the idol, overthrew the altar, set fire to the woods, and in the temple of Apollo, he built the oratory of St. Martin, and where the altar of the same Apollo was, he made an oratory of St. John: and by his continual preaching, he brought the people dwelling in those parts to embrace the faith of Christ.17
The old enemy of mankind, not taking this in good part, did not privily or in a dream, but in open sight present himself to the eyes of that holy father, and with great outcries complained that he had offered him violence. The noise which he made, the monks did hear, but himself they could not see: but, as the venerable father told them, he appeared visibly unto him most fell and cruel, and as though, with his fiery mouth and flaming eyes, he would have torn him in pieces: what the devil |69 said unto him, all the monks did hear; for first he would call him by his name, and because the man of God vouchsafed him not any answer, then would he fall a-reviling and railing at him: for when he cried out, calling him "Blessed Benedict," and yet found that he gave him no answer, straightways he would turn his tune, and say: "Cursed Benedict, and not blessed: what hast thou to do with me? and why dost thou thus persecute me?" Wherefore new battles of the old enemy against the servant of God are to be looked for, against whom willingly did he make war, but, against his will, did he give him occasion of many notable victories.
Chapter Nine: how venerable Benedict, by his prayer, removed a huge stone.
Upon a certain day, when the monks were building up the cells of the same Abbey, there lay a stone which they meant to employ about that business: and when two or three were not able to remove it, they called for more company, but all in vain, for it remained so immovable as though it had grown to the very earth: whereby they plainly perceived that the devil himself did sit upon it, seeing so may men's hands could not so much as once move it: wherefore, finding that their own labours could do nothing, they sent for the man of God, to help them with his prayers against the devil, who hindered the removing of that stone. The holy man came, and after some praying, he gave it his blessing, and then they carried it away so quickly, as though it had been of no weight at all.
Chapter Ten: of the fantastical fire, which burnt the kitchen.
Then the man of God thought good that they should presently before his departure dig up the ground in the same place; which being done, and a deep hole made, the monks found there an idol of brass, which being for a little while by chance cast into the kitchen, they beheld fire suddenly to come from it, which |70 to all their sight seemed to set the whole kitchen on fire; for the quenching whereof, the monks by casting on of water made such a noise, that the man of God, hearing it, came to see what the matter was: and himself beholding not any fire at all,which they said that they did, he bowed down his head forthwith to his prayers, and then he perceived that they were deluded with fantastical fire, and therefore bad them bless their eyes, that they might behold the kitchen safe and sound, and not those fantastical flames, which the devil had falsely devised.
Chapter Eleven: how venerable Benedict revived a boy, crushed to death with the ruin of a wall.
Again, as the monks were making of a certain wall somewhat higher, because that was requisite, the man of God in the meantime was in his cell at his prayers. To whom the old enemy appeared in an insulting manner, telling him, that he was now going to his monks, that were a-working: whereof the man of God, in all haste, gave them warning, wishing them to look unto themselves, because the devil was at that time coming amongst them. The message was scarce delivered, when as the wicked spirit overthrew the new wall which they were a building, and with the fall slew a little young child, a monk, who was the son of a certain courtier.18 At which pitiful chance all were passing sorry and exceedingly grieved, not so much for the loss of the wall, as for the death of their brother: and in all haste they sent this heavy news to the venerable man Benedict; who commanded them to bring unto him the young boy, mangled and maimed as he was, which they did, but yet they could not carry him any otherwise than in a sack: for the stones of the wall had not only broken his limbs, but also his very bones. Being in that manner brought unto the man of God, he bad them to lay him in his cell, and in that place upon which he used to pray; and then, putting them all forth, he shut |71 the door, and fell more instantly to his prayers than he used at other times. And O strange miracle! for the very same hour he made him sound, and as lively as ever he was before; and sent him again to his former work, that he also might help the monks to make an end of that wall, of whose death the old serpent thought he should have insulted over Benedict, and greatly triumphed.
Chapter Twelve: how by revelation venerable Benedict knew that his monks had eaten out of the monastery. 19
Among other miracles which the man of God did, he began also to be famous for the spirit of prophecy: as to foretell what was to happen, and to relate unto them that were present, such things as were done in absence. The order of his Abbey was, that when the monks went abroad (to deliver any message) never to eat or drink anything out of their cloister: and this being diligently observed, according to the prescription of their rule, upon a certain day some of the monks went forth upon such business: and being enforced about the dispatch thereof to tarry somewhat long abroad, it fell so out that they stayed at the house of a religious woman, where they did eat and refresh themselves. And being late before they came back to the Abbey, they went as the manner was, and asked their father's blessing: of whom he demanded where they had eaten: and they said nowhere. "Why do you," quoth he, "tell an untruth? for did you not go into such a woman's house? and eat such and such kind of meat, and drink so many cups?" When they heard him recount so in particular, both where they had stayed, what kind of meat they had eaten, and how often they had drunk, and perceived well that he knew all whatsoever they had done, they fell down trembling at his feet, and confessed that they had done wickedly: who straightways pardoned them for that fault, persuading himself |72 that they would not any more in his absence presume to do any such thing, seeing they now perceived that he was present with them in spirit.
Chapter Thirteen: of the brother of Valentinian the Monk, whom the man of God blamed for eating in his journey.20
A brother also of Valentinian the monk, of whom I made mention before, was a layman, but devout and religious: who used every year, as well to desire the prayers of God's servant, as also to visit his natural brother, to travel from his own house to the Abbey: and his manner was, not to eat anything all that day before he came thither. Being therefore upon a time in his journey, he lighted into the company of another that carried meat about him to eat by the way: who, after the day was well spent, spake unto him in this manner: "Come, brother," quoth he, "let us refresh ourselves, that we faint not in our journey": to whom he answered: "God forbid: for eat I will not by any means, seeing I am now going to the venerable father Benedict, and my custom is to fast until I see him." The other, upon this answer, said no more for the space of an hour. But afterward, having travelled a little further again he was in hand with him to eat something: yet then likewise he utterly refused, because he meant to go through fasting as he was. His companion was content, and so went forward with him, without taking anything himself. But when they had now gone very far, and were well wearied with long travelling, at length they came unto a meadow, where there was a fountain, and all such other pleasant things as use to refresh men's bodies. Then his companion said to him again: "Behold here is water, a green meadow, and a very sweet place, in which we may refresh ourselves and rest a little, that we may be the better able to dispatch the rest of our journey." Which kind words bewitching his ears, and the pleasant place flattering his eyes, content he was to yield unto |73 the motion, and so they fell to their meat together: and coming afterward in the evening to the Abbey, they brought him to the venerable father Benedict, of whom he desired his blessing. Then the holy man objected against him what he had done in the way, speaking to him in this manner: "How fell it out, brother," quoth he, "that the devil talking to you, by means of your companion, could not at the first nor second time persuade you: but yet he did at the third, and made you do what best pleased him?" The good man, hearing these words, fell down at his feet, confessing the fault of his frailty; was grieved, and so much the more ashamed of his sin, because he perceived that though he were absent, that yet he did offend in the sight of that venerable father.
PETER. I see well that the holy man had in his soul the spirit of Heliseus, who was present with his servant Giezi, being then absent from him.
Chapter Fourteen: how the dissimulation of king Totila was discovered and found out by venerable Benedict.21
GREGORY. You must, good Peter, for a little while be silent, that you may know matters yet far more important. For in the time of the Goths, when Totila, their king, understood that the holy man had the spirit of prophecy, as he was going towards his monastery, he remained in a place somewhat far off, and beforehand sent the father word of his coming: to whom answer was returned, that he might come at his pleasure. The king, as he was a man wickedly disposed, thought he would try whether the man of God were a prophet, as it was reported, or no. A certain man of his guard he had, called Riggo, upon whom he caused his own shoes to be put, and to be apparelled with his other princely robes, commanding him to go as it were himself to the man of God; and to give the better colour to this device, he sent three to attend upon him, who especially were |74 always about the king: to wit, Vultericus, Rudericus, and Blindinus; charging them that in the presence of the servant of God, they should be next about him, and behave themselves in such sort as though he had been king Totila indeed: and that diligently they should do unto him all other services, to the end that both by such dutiful kind of behaviour, as also by his purple robes, he might verily be taken for the king himself. Riggo, furnished with that brave apparel, and accompanied with many courtiers, came unto the Abbey: at which time the man of God sat a little way off, and when Riggo was come so near that he might well understand what the man of God said, then, in the hearing of them all, he spake thus: "Put off, my good son, put off that apparel, for that which thou hast on, is none of thine." Riggo, hearing this, fell straightways down to the ground, and was very much afraid, for presuming to go about to mock so worthy a man, and all his attendants and servitors fell down likewise to the earth, and after they were up again, they durst not approach any nearer to his presence: but returned back to their king, telling him with fear, how quickly they were discovered.
Chapter Fifteen: how venerable Benedict prophesied to king Totila, and also to the Bishop of Camisina, such things as were afterwards to happen.
Then Totila himself in person went unto the man of God; and seeing him sitting afar off, he durst not come near, but fell down to the ground: whom the holy man (speaking to him twice or thrice) desired to rise up and at length came unto him, and with his own hands lifted him up from the earth, where he lay prostrate: and then, entering into talk, he reprehended him for his wicked deeds, and in few words told him all that which should befall him, saying: "Much wickedness do you daily commit, and many great sins have you done: now at length give over your sinful life. Into the city of |75 Rome shall you enter, and over the sea shall you pass: nine years shall you reign, and in the tenth shall you leave this mortal life." The king, hearing these things, was wonderfully afraid, and desiring the holy man to commend him to God in his prayers, he departed: and from that time forward he was nothing so cruel as before he had been. Not long after he went to Rome, sailed over into Sicily, and, in the tenth year of his reign, he lost his kingdom together with his life.
The Bishop also of Camisina 22 used to visit the servant of God, whom the holy man dearly loved for his virtuous life. The Bishop, therefore, talking with him of King Totila, of his taking of Rome, and the destruction of that city, said: "This city will be so spoiled and ruined by him, that it will never be more inhabited." To whom the man of God answered: "Rome," quoth he, "shall not be utterly destroyed by strangers: but shall be so shaken with tempests, lightnings, whirlwinds, and earthquakes, that it will fall to decay of itself." The mysteries of which prophecy we now behold as clear as the day: for we see before our eyes in this very city, by a strange whirlwind the world shaken, houses ruined, and churches overthrown, and buildings rotten with old age we behold daily to fall down. True it is that Honoratus, by whose relation I had this, saith not that he received it from his own mouth, but that he had it of other monks, which did hear it themselves.
Chapter Sixteen: of a certain clergyman, whom venerable Benedict for a time delivered from a devil.
At the same time a certain clergyman, that served in the church of Aquinum, was possessed: whom the venerable man Constantius,23 Bishop of the same city, sent unto many places of holy martyrs for help: but God's holy martyrs would not deliver him, to the end that the world might know what great grace was in the servant of God, Benedict: wherefore at length he was brought unto him, |76 who, praying for help to Jesus Christ our Lord, did forthwith cast the old enemy out of the possessed man's body, giving him this charge: "Go your way, and hereafter abstain from eating of flesh, and presume not to enter into holy orders, for whensoever you shall attempt any such thing, the devil again will have power over you." The man departed safe and sound, and because punishment fresh in memory useth to terrify the mind, he observed for a time what the man of God had given him in commandment. But after many years, when all his seniors were dead, and he saw his juniors preferred before him to holy orders, he neglected the words of the man of God, as though forgotten through length of time, and took upon him holy orders: whereupon straightways the devil that before had left him entered again, and never gave over to torment him, until he had separated his soul from his body.
PETER. This holy man, as I perceive, did know the secret counsel of God: for he saw that this clergyman was delivered to the power of the devil, to the end he should not presume to enter into holy orders.GREGORY. Why should he not know the secrets of God, who kept the commandments of God: when as the scripture saith: He that cleaveth unto our Lord, is one spirit with him? 24PETER. If he that cleaveth unto our Lord, be one spirit with our Lord, what is the meaning of that which the Apostle saith: Who knoweth the sense of our Lord, or who hath been his counsellor? 25, for it seemeth very inconvenient to be ignorant of his sense, to whom being so united he is made one thing.
GREGORY. Holy men, in that they be one with our Lord are not ignorant of his sense: for the same Apostle saith 26: For what man knoweth those things which belong to man, but the spirit of man which is in him? Even so, |77 the things which belong to God, no man knoweth, but the spirit of God. And to show also that he knew such things as belong to God, he addeth straight after: But we have not received the spirit of this world, but the spirit which is of God. And for this cause, again he saith: that eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor it hath ascended into the heart of man, those things which God hath prepared for them that love him, but God hath revealed to us by his spirit.PETER. If, then, the mysteries of God were revealed to the same Apostle by the spirit of God, why did he then, entreating of this question, set down these words beforehand, saying: O the depth of the riches of the wisdom and knowledge of God: how incomprehensible be his judgments, and his ways investigable? 2 And again, whiles I am thus speaking of this matter, another question cometh to my mind: for the prophet David said to our Lord: With my lips have I uttered all the judgments of thy mouth. Wherefore, seeing it is less to know, than to utter: what is the reason that St. Paul affirmeth the judgments of God to be incomprehensible; and yet David saith that he did not know only them, but also with his lips pronounce them?
GREGORY. To both these questions I have already briefly answered, when I said that holy men, in that they be one with our Lord, are not ignorant of the sense of our Lord. For all such, as do devoutly follow our Lord, be also by devotion one with our Lord; and yet for all this, in that they are laden with the burthen of their corruptible flesh, they be not with God: and so in that they be joined with him, they know the secret judgments of God, and in that they be separated from God, they know them not: for seeing they do not as yet perfectly penetrate his secret mysteries, they give testimony that his judgments be incomprehensible. But those that do with their soul adhere unto him, and cleaving unto the sayings of the holy scripture, or to secret revelations, acknowledge what they receive: such persons both know |78 these things and do utter them: for those judgments which God doth conceal they know not, and those which he doth utter they know: and therefore the prophet David, when he had said: I have with my lips uttered all the judgments; 27 he addeth immediately, of thy mouth: as though he should plainly say: Those judgments I may both know and utter, which I knew thou didst speak, for those things which thou dost not speak, without all question, thou dost conceal from our knowledge.
Wherefore the saying of David and St. Paul agree together: for the judgments of God are incomprehensible; and yet those which himself with his own mouth vouchsafeth to speak, are uttered with men's tongues: because men may come to the knowledge of them, and being revealed, they may be uttered, and by no means can be kept secret.
PETER. Now I see the answer to my question. But I pray you to proceed, if anything yet remaineth to be told of his virtue and miracles.
Chapter Seventeen: how the man of God, Benedict, did foretell the suppression of one of his own Abbeys.28
GREGORY. A certain noble man called Theoprobus was by the good counsel of holy Benedict converted: who, for his virtue and merit of life, was very intrinsical and familiar with him. This man upon a day, coming into his cell, found him weeping very bitterly. And having expected a good while, and yet not seeing him to make an end (for the man of God used not in his prayers to weep, but rather to be sad), he demanded the cause of that his so great heaviness, to whom he answered straightway, saying: "All this Abbey which I have built, and all such things as I have made ready for my brethren, are by the judgment of almighty God delivered to the gentiles, to be spoiled and overthrown: and scarce could I obtain of God to have their lives spared, that should then live in it." His words Theoprobus then heard, |79 but we see them to be proved most true, who know that very Abbey to be now suppressed by the Lombards. For not long since, in the night time, when the monks were asleep, they entered in, and spoiled all things, but yet not one man could they retain there, and so almighty God fulfilled what he promised to his faithful servant: for though he gave them the house and all the goods, yet did he preserve their lives. In which thing I see that Benedict imitated St. Paul: whose ship 29 though it lost all the goods, yet, for his comfort, he had the lives of all that were in his company bestowed upon him, so that no one man was cast away.
Chapter Eighteen: how blessed Benedict knew the hiding away of a flagon of wine.
Upon a certain time, Exhilaratus our monk, a lay-brother, whom you know, was sent by his master to the monastery of the man of God, to carry him two wooden bottles, commonly called flagons, full of wine: who in the way, as he was going, hid one of them in a bush for himself, and presented the other to venerable Benedict: who took it very thankfully, and, when the man was going away, he gave him this warning: "Take heed, my son," quoth he, "that thou drinkest not of that flagon which thou hast hidden in the bush: but first be careful to bow it down, and thou shalt find what is within it." The poor man, thus pitifully confounded by the man of God, went his way, and coming back to the place where the flagon was hidden, and desirous to try the truth of that was told him, as he was bowing it down, a snake straightways leaped forth. Then Exhilaratus perceiving what was gotten into the wine, began to be afraid of that wickedness which he had committed.
Chapter Nineteen: how the man of God knew that one of his Monks had received certain handkerchiefs.30
Not far from his Abbey, there was a |80 village, in which very many men had, by the sermons of Benedict, been converted from idolatry to the true faith of Christ. Certain Nuns also there were in the same town, to whom he did often send some of his monks to preach unto them, for the good of their souls. Upon a day, one that was sent, after he had made an end of his exhortation, by the entreaty of the Nuns took certain small napkins, and hid them for his own use in his bosom: whom, upon his return to the Abbey, the man of God very sharply rebuked, saying: "How cometh it to pass, brother, that sin is entered into your bosom?" At which words the monk was much amazed for he had quite forgotten what he had put there; and therefore knew not any cause why he should deserve that reprehension: whereupon the holy man spake to him in plain terms, and said: "Was not I present when you took the handkerchiefs of the Nuns, and put them up in your bosom for your own private use?" The monk, hearing this, fell down at his feet, and was sorry that he had behaved himself so indiscreetly: forth he drew those napkins from his bosom, and threw them all away.
Chapter Twenty: how holy Benedict knew the proud thought of one of his Monks.31
Upon a time, whiles the venerable Father was at supper, one of his monks, who was the son of a great man, held the candle: and as he was standing there, and the other at his meat, he began to entertain a proud cogitation in his mind, and to speak thus within himself: " Who is he, that I thus wait upon at supper, and hold him the candle? and who am I, that I should do him any such service?" Upon which thought straightways the holy man turned himself, and with severe reprehension spake thus unto him: "Sign your heart, brother, for what is it that you say? Sign your heart": and forthwith he called another of the monks, and bad him take the |81 candle out of his hands, and commanded him to give over his waiting, and to repose himself: who being demanded of the monks, what it was that he thought, told them, how inwardly he swelled with pride, and what he spake against the man of God, secretly in his own heart. Then they all saw very well that nothing could be hidden from venerable Benedict, seeing the very sound of men's inward thoughts came unto his ears.
Chapter Twenty-one: of two hundred bushels of meal, found before the man of God's cell.
At another time, there was a great dearth in the same country of Campania: so that all kind of people tasted of the misery: and all the wheat of Benedict's monastery was spent, and likewise all the bread, so that there remained no more than five loaves for dinner. The venerable man, beholding the monks sad, both rebuked them modestly for their pusillanimity, and again did comfort them with this promise: "Why," quoth he, "are you so grieved in your minds for lack of bread? Indeed, today some want there is, but tomorrow you shall have plenty": and so it fell out, for the next day two hundred bushels of meal was found in sacks before his cell door, which almighty God sent them: but by whom, or what means, that is unknown to this very day: which miracle when the monks saw, they gave God thanks, and by this learned in want, not to make any doubt of plenty.
PETER. Tell me, I pray you, whether this servant of God had always the spirit of prophecy, when himself pleased, or only at certain times?GREGORY. The spirit of prophecy doth not always illuminate the minds of the prophets; because, as it is written of the Holy Ghost that he breatheth where he will 32, so we are also to know that he doth breathe likewise for what cause, and when he pleaseth. And |82 hereof it cometh, that when king David demanded of Nathan 33 whether he might build a temple for the honour of God, the prophet Nathan gave his consent; and yet afterward utterly forbad it. From hence likewise it proceedeth that, when Heliseus saw the woman weeping, and knew not the cause, he said to his servant that did trouble her: Let her alone, for her soul is in grief, and God hath concealed it from me, and hath not told me. 34 Which thing almighty God of great piety so disposeth: for giving at some times the spirit of prophecy, and at other times withdrawing it, he doth both lift up the prophets minds on high, and yet doth preserve them in humility: that by the gift of the Spirit, they may know what they are by God's grace: and at other times, destitute of the same Spirit, may understand what they are of themselves.
PETER. There is very great reason for that you say. But, I pray you, let me hear more of the venerable man Benedict, if there be anything else that cometh to your remembrance.
Chapter Twenty-two: how, by vision, venerable Benedict disposed the building of the Abbey of Taracina.35
GREGORY. At another time he was desired by a certain virtuous man, to build an Abbey for his monks upon his ground, not far from the city of Taracina. The holy man was content, and appointed an Abbot and Prior, with divers monks under them: and when they were departing, he promised that, upon such a day, he would come and shew them in what place the oratory should be made, and where the refectory should stand, and all the other necessary rooms: and so they, taking his blessing, went their way; and against the day appointed, which they greatly expected, they made all such things ready as were necessary to entertain him, and those that should come in his company. But the very night before, the man of God in sleep appeared to |83 the Abbot and the Prior, and particularly described unto them where each place and office was to be builded. And when they were both risen, they conferred together what either of them had seen in their sleep: but yet not giving full credit to that vision, they expected the man of God himself in person, according to his promise. But when they saw that he came not, they returned back unto him very sorrowfully, saying: "We expected, father, that you should have come according to promise, and told us where each place should have been built, which yet you did not." To whom he answered: "Why say you so, good brethren? Did not I come as I promised you?" And when they asked at what time it was: "Why," quoth he, "did not I appear to either of you in your sleep, and appointed how and where every place was to be builded? Go your way, and according to that platform which you then saw, build up the abbey." At which word they much marvelled, and returning back, they caused it to be builded in such sort as they had been taught of him by revelation.
PETER. Gladly would I learn, by what means that could be done: to wit, that he should go so far to tell them that thing in their sleep, which they should both hear and know by vision.
GREGORY. Why do you, Peter, seek out and doubt, in what manner this thing was done? For certain it is, that the soul is of a more noble nature than the body. And by authority of scripture we know that the prophet Habaccuc was carried from Judea with that dinner which he had, and was suddenly set in Chaldea 36; by which meat the prophet Daniel was relieved: and presently after was brought back again to Judea. If, then, Habaccuc could in a moment with his body go so far, and carry provision for another man's dinner: what marvel is it, if the holy father Benedict obtained grace to go in spirit |84 and to inform the souls of his brethren that were asleep, concerning such things as were necessary: and that as Abacuck about corporal meat went corporally, so Benedict should go spiritually about the dispatch of spiritual business?
PETER. I confess that your words have satisfied my doubtful mind. But I would know what manner of man he was in his ordinary talk and conversation.
Chapter Twenty-three: of certain Nuns absolved after their death.
GREGORY. His common talk, Peter, was usually full of virtue: for his heart conversed to above in heaven, that no words could in vain proceed from his mouth. And if at any time he spake aught, yet not as one that determined what was best to be done, but only in a threatening manner, his speech in that case was so effectual and forcible, as though he had not doubtfully or uncertainly, but assuredly pronounced and given sentence.
For not far from his Abbey, there lived two Nuns in a place by themselves, born of worshipful parentage: whom a religious good man did serve for the dispatch of their outward business. But as nobility of family doth in some breed ignobility of mind, and maketh them in conversation to show less humility, because they remember still what superiority they had above others: even so was it with these Nuns: for they had not yet learned to temper their tongues, and keep them under with the bridle of their habit: for often did they by their indiscreet speech provoke the foresaid religious man to anger; who having borne with them a long time, at length he complained to the man of God, and told him with what reproachful words they entreated him: whereupon he sent them by and by this message, saying: "Amend your tongues, otherwise I do excommunicate you"; which sentence of excommunication notwithstanding, he did not then presently pronounce against them, but only threatened if they amended not |85 themselves. But they, for all this, changed their conditions nothing at all: both which not long after departed this life, and were buried in the church: and when solemn mass was celebrated in the same church, and the Deacon, according to custom, said with loud voice: "If any there be that do not communicate, let them depart": the nurse, which used to give unto our Lord an offering for them, beheld them at that time to rise out of their graves, and to depart the church. Having often times, at those words of the Deacon, seen them leave the church, and that they could not tarry within, she remembered what message the man of God sent them whiles they were yet alive. For he told them that he did deprive them of the communion, unless they did amend their tongues and conditions. Then with great sorrow, the whole matter was signified to the man of God, who straightways with his own hands gave an oblation, saying: "Go your ways, and cause this to be offered unto our Lord for them, and they shall not remain any longer excommunicate": which oblation being offered for them, and the Deacon, as he used, crying out, that such as did not communicate should depart, they were not seen any more to go out of the church: whereby it was certain that, seeing they did not depart with them which did not communicate, that they had received the communion of our Lord by the hands of his servant.
PETER. It is very strange that you report: for how could he, though a venerable and most holy man, yet living in mortal body, loose those souls which stood now before the invisible judgment of God?GREGORY. Was he not yet, Peter, mortal, that heard from our Saviour: Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shall be bound also in the heavens: and whatsoever thou shalt loose in earth, shall be loosed also in the heavens? 37 whose place of binding and loosing those have at this time, |86 which by faith and virtuous life possess the place of holy government: and to bestow such power upon earthly men, the Creator of heaven and earth descended from heaven to earth: and that flesh might judge of spiritual things, God, who for man's sake was made flesh, vouchsafed to bestow upon him: for from thence our weakness did rise up above itself, from whence the strength of God was weakened under itself.
PETER. For the virtue of his miracles, your words do yield a very good reason.
Chapter Twenty-four: of a boy that after his burial was cast out of his grave.
GREGORY. Upon a certain day, a young boy that was a monk, loving his parents more than reason would, went from the Abbey to their house, not craving the father's blessing beforehand: and the same day that he came home unto them, he departed this life. And being buried, his body, the next day after, was found cast out of the grave; which they caused again to be put in, and again, the day following, they found it as before. Then in great haste they went to the man of God, fell down at his feet, and with many tears beseeched him that he would vouchsafe him that was dead of his favour. To whom the man of God with his own hands delivered the holy communion of our Lord's body, saying: "Go, and lay with great reverence this our Lord's body upon his breast, and so bury him": which when they had done, the dead corpse after that remained quietly in the grave. By which you perceive, Peter, of what merit he was with our Lord Jesus Christ, seeing the earth would not give entertainment to his body, who departed this world out of Benedict's favour.
PETER. I perceive it very well, and do wonderfully admire it.
Chapter Twenty-five: how a Monk, forsaking the Abbey, met with a dragon in the way.
GREGORY. A certain monk there was so inconstant and fickle of mind, |87 that he would needs give over the Abbey; for which fault of his, the man of God did daily rebuke him, and often times gave him good admonitions: but yet, for all this, by no means would he tarry amongst them, and therefore continual suit he made that he might be discharged. The venerable man upon a time, wearied with his importunity, in anger bad him depart; who was no sooner out of the Abbey gate, but he found a dragon in the way expecting him with open mouth, which being about to devour him, he began in great fear and trembling to cry out aloud, saying: "Help, help! for this dragon will eat me up." At which noise the monks running out, dragon they saw none, but finding him there shaking and trembling, they brought him back again to the Abbey, who forthwith promised that he would never more forsake the monastery, and so ever after he continued in his profession: for by the prayers of the holy man, he saw the dragon coming against him, whom before, when he saw not, he did willingly follow.
Chapter Twenty-six: how holy Benedict cured a boy of Leprosy.
But I must not here pass over with silence that which I had by relation of the honourable man, Anthony, who said that his father's boy was so pitifully punished with a leprosy, that all his hair fell off, his body swelled, and filthy corruption did openly come forth. Who being sent by his father to the man of God, he was by him quickly restored to his former health.
Chapter Twenty-seven: how Benedict found money miraculously to relieve a poor man.
Neither is that to be omitted, which one of his disciples called Peregrinus used to tell: for he said that, upon a certain day, an honest man, who was in debt, found no other means to help himself, but thought it his best way to acquaint the man of God with his necessity: whereupon he came to the Abbey, and finding the servant of almighty God, gave him to understand, how he was |88 troubled by his creditor for twelve shillings which he did owe him. To whom the venerable man said that himself had not so much money, yet giving him comfortable words, he said: "Go your ways, and after two days come to me again, for I can not presently help you": in which two days, after his manner, he bestowed himself in prayer: and when upon the third day the poor man came back there were found suddenly upon the chest of the Abbey, which was full of corn, thirteen shillings: which the man of God caused to be given to him that required but twelve, both to discharge his debt, and also to defray his own charges.
But now will I return to speak of such things as I had from the mouth of his own scholars, mentioned before in the beginning of this book. A certain man there was who had an enemy that did notably spite and malign him, whose damnable hatred proceeded so far that he poisoned his drink, which, although it killed him not, yet did it change his skin in such sort that it was of many colours, as though he had been infected with a leprosy: but the man of God restored him to his former health: for so soon as he touched him, forthwith all that variety of colours departed from his body.
Chapter Twenty-eight: how a cruet of glass was thrown upon the stones, and not broken.
At such time as there was a great dearth in Campania, the man of God had given away all the wealth of the Abbey to poor people, so that in the cellar there was nothing left but a little oil in a glass. A certain sub-deacon called Agapitus came unto him, instantly craving that he would bestow a little oil upon him. Our Lord's servant, that was resolved to give away all upon earth that he might find all in heaven, commanded that oil to be given him: but the monk that kept the cellar heard what the father commanded, yet did he not perform it: who inquiring not long after whether he had given that which he willed, the monk told him that he had not, |89 adding that if he had given it away, that there was not any left for the Convent. Then in an anger he commanded others to take that glass with the oil, and to throw it out at the window, to the end that nothing might remain in the Abbey contrary to obedience. The monks did so, and threw it out at a window, under which there was an huge downfall, full of rough and craggy stones upon which the glass did light, but yet continued for all that so sound as though it had never been thrown out at all, for neither the glass was broken nor any of the oil shed. Then the man of God did command it to be taken up again, and, whole as it was, to be given unto him that desired it, and in the presence of the other brethren he reprehended the disobedient monk, both for his infidelity, and also for his proud mind.
Chapter Twenty-nine: how an empty barrel was filled with oil.
After which reprehension, with the rest of his brethren he fell to praying, and in the place where they were, there stood an empty barrel with a cover upon it: and as the holy man continued in his prayers, the oil within did so increase, that the cover began to be lifted up, and at length fell down, and the oil, that was now higher than the mouth of the barrel, began to run over upon the pavement, which so soon as the servant of God, Benedict, beheld, forthwith he gave over his prayers, and the oil likewise ceased to overflow the barrel. Then he did more at large admonish that mistrusting and disobedient monk, that he would learn to have faith and humility, who upon so wholesome an admonition was ashamed, because the venerable father had by miracle shown the power of almighty God, as before he told him when he did first rebuke him: and so no cause there was why any should afterward doubt of his promise, seeing at one and the same time, for a small glass almost empty which he gave away, he bestowed upon them an whole barrel full of oil. |90
Chapter Thirty: how Benedict delivered a Monk from the devil.
Upon a certain time, as he was going to the oratory of St. John, which is in the top of the mountain, the old enemy of mankind upon a mule, like a physician, met him, carrying in his hand an horn and a mortar. And when he demanded whither he was going: "To your monks," quoth he, "to give them a drench" [i.e. a large dose of veterinary medicine].
The venerable father went forward to his prayers, and when he had done, he returned in all haste, but the wicked spirit found an old monk drawing of water, into whom he entered, and straightways cast him upon the ground, and grievously tormented him. The man of God coming from his prayers, and seeing him in such pitiful case gave him only a little blow with his hand, and at the same instant he cast out that cruel devil, so that he durst not any more presume to enter in.
PETER. I would gladly know, whether he obtained always by prayer, to work such notable miracles; or else sometimes did them only at his will and pleasure.GREGORY. Such as be the devout servants of God, when necessity requireth, use to work miracles both manner of ways: so that sometime they effect wonderful things by their prayers, and sometime only by their power and authority: for St. John saith: So many as received him, he gave them power to be made the sons of God. 38 They, then, that by power be the sons of God, what marvel is it, if by power they be able to do wonderful things? And that both ways they work miracles, we learn of St. Peter: who by his prayers did raise up Tabitha; and by his sharp reprehension did sentence Ananias and Sapphira to death for their lying.39 For we read not, that in the death of them he prayed at all, but only rebuked them for that sin which they had committed. Certain therefore it is that sometimes they do these things by power, and sometimes by prayer: for Ananias and Sapphira by a severe |91 rebuke, St. Peter deprived of life: and by prayer restored Tabitha to life. And for proof of this, I will now tell you of two miracles, which the faithful servant of God, Benedict, did, in which it shall appear most plainly that he wrought the one by that power which God gave him, and obtained the other by virtue of his prayers.
Chapter Thirty-one: of a country fellow, that, with the only sight of the man of God, was loosed from his bands.
A certain Goth there was called Galla,40 an Arian heretic, who, in the time of King Totila, did with such monstrous cruelty persecute religious men of the Catholic church, that what priest or monk soever came in his presence, he never departed alive. This man on a certain day, set upon rapine and pillage, pitifully tormented a poor country man, to make him confess where his money and wealth was: who, overcome with extremity of pain, said that he had committed all his substance to the custody of Benedict, the servant of God: and this he did, to the end that his tormentor, giving credit to his words, might at least for a while surcease from his horrible cruelty. Galla hearing this tormented him no longer: but binding his arms fast with strong cords, drave him before his horse, to bring him unto this Benedict, who, as he said, had his wealth in keeping. The country fellow, thus pinioned and running before him, carried him to the holy man's Abbey, where he found him sitting before the gate, reading upon a book. Then turning back to Galla that came raging after, he said: "This is father Benedict, of whom I told you": who looking upon him, in a great fury, thinking to deal as terribly with him as he had with others, cried out aloud to him, saying: "Rise up, sirrah, rise up, and deliver me quickly such wealth as thou hast of this man's in keeping." The man of God, hearing such a noise, straightways lifted up his eyes from reading, and beheld both him and the country |92 fellow; and turning his eyes to his bands, very strangely they fell from his arms, and that so quickly as no man with any haste could have undone them. Galla, seeing him so wonderfully and quickly loosed, fell straight a-trembling, and prostrating himself upon the earth bowed down his cruel and stiff neck to the holy man's feet, and with humility did commend himself to his prayers. But the venerable man for all this rose not up from his reading, but calling for some of his monks commanded them to have him in, and to give him some meat. And when he was brought back again, he gave him a good lesson, admonishing him not to use any more such rigour and cruel dealing. His proud mind thus taken down, away he went, but durst not demand after that anything of the country fellow, whom the man of God, not with hands, but only with his eyes, had loosed from his bands. And this is that, Peter, which I told you, that those which in a more familiar sort serve God, do sometime, by certain power and authority bestowed upon them, work miracles. For he that sitting still did appease the fury of that cruel Goth, and unloose with his eyes those knots and cords which did pinion the innocent man's arms, did plainly shew by the quickness of the miracle, that he had received power to work all that which he did. And now will I likewise tell you of another miracle, which by prayer he obtained at God s hands.
Chapter Thirty-two: how by prayer venerable Benedict raised up a dead child.
Being upon a day gone out with his monks to work in the field, a country man carrying the corpse of his dead son came to the gate of the Abbey, lamenting the loss of his child: and inquiring for holy Benedict, they told him that he was abroad with his monks in the field. Down at the gate he laid the dead body, and with great sorrow of soul ran in haste to seek out the venerable father. At the |93 same time, the man of God was returning homeward from work with his monks: whom so soon as he saw, he [the country man] began to cry out: "Give me my son, give me my son!"
The man of God, amazed at these words, stood still, and said: "What, have I taken away your son?" "No, no," quoth the sorrowful father, " but he is dead: come for Christ Jesus' sake and restore him to life."
The servant of God, hearing him speak in that manner, and seeing his monks upon compassion to solicit the poor man's suit, with great sorrow of mind he said: "Away, my good brethren, away: such miracles are not for us to work, but for the blessed Apostles: why will you lay such a burthen upon me, as my weakness cannot bear?" But the poor man, whom excessive grief enforced, would not give over his petition, but swore that he would never depart, except he did raise up his son.
"Where is he, then?" quoth God's servant.
He answered that his body lay at the gate of the Abbey: to which place when the man of God came with his monks, he kneeled down and lay upon the body of the little child, and rising, he held up his hands towards heaven, and said: "Behold not, O Lord, my sins, but the faith of this man, that desireth to have his son raised to life, and restore that soul to the body, which thou hast taken away."
He had scarce spoken these words, and behold the soul returned back again, and therewith the child's body began to tremble in such sort that all which were present did behold it in strange manner to pant and shake. Then he took it by the hand and gave it to his father, but alive and in health. Certain it is, Peter, that this miracle was not in his own power, for which prostrate upon the ground he prayed so earnestly.
PETER. All is most true that before you said, for what you affirmed in words, you have now verified by examples and works. But tell me, I beseech you, whether holy |94 men can do all such things as they please, and obtain at God's hands whatsoever they desire.
Chapter Thirty-three: of a miracle wrought by his sister Scholastica.41
GREGORY. What man is there, Peter, in this world, that is in greater favour with God than St. Paul was: who yet three times desired our Lord to be delivered from the prick of the flesh, and obtained not his petition? Concerning which point also I must needs tell you, how there was one thing which the venerable father Benedict would have done, and yet he could not.
For his sister called Scholastica, dedicated from her infancy to our Lord, used once a year to come and visit her brother. To whom the man of God went not far from the gate, to a place that did belong to the Abbey, there to give her entertainment. And she coming thither on a time according to her custom, her venerable brother with his monks went to meet her, where they spent the whole day in the praises of God and spiritual talk: and when it was almost night they supped together, and as they were yet sitting at the table, talking of devout matters, and darkness came on, the holy Nun his sister entreated him to stay there all night, that they might spend it in discoursing of the joys of heaven. But by no persuasion would he agree unto that, saying that he might not by any means tarry all night out of his Abbey.
At that time, the sky was so clear that no cloud was to be seen. The Nun, receiving this denial of her brother, joining her hands together, laid them upon the table: and so, bowing down her head upon them, she made her prayers to almighty God: and lifting her head from the table, there fell suddenly such a tempest of lightning and thundering, and such abundance of rain, that neither venerable Benedict, nor his monks that were with him, could put their head out of door: for the holy Nun, |95 resting her head upon her hands, poured forth such a flood of tears upon the table, that she drew the clear air to a watery sky, so that after the end of her devotions, that storm of rain followed: and her prayer and the rain did so meet together, that as she lifted up her head from the table, the thunder began, so that in one and the very same instant, she lifted up her head and brought down the rain. The man of God, seeing that he could not by reason of such thunder and lightning and great abundance of rain return back to his Abbey, began to be heavy and to complain of his sister, saying: "God forgive you, what have you done?" to whom she answered: "I desired you to stay, and you would not hear me, I have desired our good Lord, and he hath vouchsafed to grant my petition: wherefore if you can now depart, in God's name return to your monastery, and leave me here alone." But the good father, being not able to go forth, tarried there against his will, where willingly before he would not stay. And so by that means they watched all night, and with spiritual and heavenly talk did mutually comfort one another: and therefore by this we see, as I said before, that he would have had that thing, which yet he could not: for if we respect the venerable man's mind, no question but he would have had the same fair weather to have continued as it was, when he set forth, but he found that a miracle did prevent his desire, which, by the power of almighty God, a woman's prayers had wrought. And it is not a thing to be marvelled at, that a woman which of long time had not seen her brother, might do more at that time than he could, seeing, according to the saying of St. John, God is charity 42 and therefore of right she did more which loved more.
PETER. I confess that I am wonderfully pleased with that which you tell me.|96
Chapter Thirty-four: how Benedict saw the soul of his sister ascend into heaven.
GREGORY. The next day the venerable woman returned to her Nunnery, and the man of God to his Abbey: who three days after, standing in his cell, and lifting up his eyes to heaven, beheld the soul of his sister (which was departed from her body), in the likeness of a dove to ascend into heaven: who rejoicing much to see her great glory, with hymns and lauds gave thanks to almighty God, and did impart the news of this her death to his monks, whom also he sent presently to bring her corpse to his Abbey, to have it buried in that grave which he had provided for himself: by means whereof it fell out that, as their souls were always one in God whiles they lived, so their bodies continued together after their death.
Chapter Thirty-five: how he saw the whole world represented before his eyes: and also the soul of Germanus, Bishop of Capua, ascending to heaven.
At another time, Servandus, the Deacon, and Abbot of that monastery, which in times past was founded by the noble man Liberius 43 in the country of Campania, used ordinarily to come and visit the man of God: and the reason why he came so often was, because himself also was a man full of heavenly doctrine: and so they two had often together spiritual conference, to the end that, albeit they could not perfectly feed upon the celestial food of heaven, yet, by means of such sweet discourses, they might at least, with longing and fervent desire, taste of those joys and divine delights. When it was time to go to rest, the venerable Father Benedict reposed himself in the top of a tower, at the foot whereof Servandus the Deacon was lodged, so that one pair of stairs went to them both: before the tower there was a certain large room in which both their disciples did lie.
The man of God, Benedict, |97 being diligent in watching, rose early up before the time of matins (his monks being yet at rest) and came to the window of his chamber, where he offered up his prayers to almighty God. Standing there, all on a sudden in the dead of the night, as he looked forth, he saw a light, which banished away the darkness of the night, and glittered with such brightness, that the light which did shine in the midst of darkness was far more clear than the light of the day. Upon this sight a marvellous strange thing followed, for, as himself did afterward report, the whole world, gathered as it were together under one beam of the sun, was presented before his eyes, and whiles the venerable father stood attentively beholding the brightness of that glittering light, he saw the soul of Germanus, Bishop of Capua, in a fiery globe to be carried up by Angels into heaven.44
Then, desirous to have some witness of this so notable a miracle, he called with a very loud voice Servandus the Deacon twice or thrice by his name, who, troubled at such an unusual crying out of the man of God, went up in all haste, and looking forth saw not anything else, but a little remnant of the light, but wondering at so great a miracle, the man of God told him all in order what he had seen, and sending by and by to the town of Cassino, he commanded the religious man Theoprobus to dispatch one that night to the city of Capua, to learn what was become of Germanus their Bishop: which being done, the messenger found that reverent Prelate departed this life, and enquiring curiously the time, he understood that he died at that very instant, in which the man of God beheld him ascending up to heaven.
PETER. A strange thing and very much to be admired. But whereas you say that the whole world, as it were under one sunbeam, was presented before his eyes, as I must needs confess that in myself I never had experience of any such thing, so neither can I conceive |98 by what means the whole world can be seen of any one man.
GREGORY. Assure yourself, Peter, of that which I speak: to wit, that all creatures be as it were nothing to that soul which beholdeth the Creator: for though it see but a glimpse of that light which is in the Creator, yet very small do all things seem that be created: for by means of that supernatural light, the capacity of the inward soul is enlarged, and is in God so extended, that it is far above the world: yea and the soul of him that seeth in this manner, is also above itself; for being rapt up in the light of God, it is inwardly in itself enlarged above itself, and when it is so exalted and looketh downward, then doth it comprehend how little all that is, which before in former baseness it could not comprehend. The man of God, therefore, who saw the fiery globe, and the Angels returning to heaven, out of all doubt could not see those things but in the light of God: what marvel, then, is it, if he saw the world gathered together before him, who, rapt up in the light of his soul, was at that time out of the world? But albeit we say that the world was gathered together before his eyes, yet were not heaven and earth drawn into any lesser room than they be of themselves, but the soul of the beholder was more enlarged, which, rapt in God, might without difficulty see that which is under God, and therefore in that light which appeared to his outward eyes, the inward light which was in his soul ravished the mind of the beholder to supernal things, and shewed him how small all earthly things were.
PETER. I perceive now that it was to my more profit that I understood you not before: seeing, by reason of my slow capacity, you have delivered so notable an exposition. But now, because you have made me thrughly to understand these things, I beseech you to continue on your former narration.|99
Chapter Thirty-six: how holy Benedict wrote a rule for his monks.45
GREGORY. Desirous I am, Peter, to tell you many things of this venerable father, but some of purpose I let pass, because I make haste to entreat also of the acts of other holy men: yet I would not have you to be ignorant, but that the man of God amongst so many miracles, for which he was so famous in the world, was also sufficiently learned in divinity: for he wrote a rule for his monks, both excellent for discretion and also eloquent for the style. Of whose life and conversation, if any be curious to know further, he may in the institution of that rule understand all his manner of life and discipline: for the holy man could not otherwise teach, than himself lived.
Chapter Thirty-seven: how venerable Benedict did prophesy to his monks, the time of his own death.
The same year in which he departed this life, he told the day of his holy death to his monks, some of which did live daily with him, and some dwelt far off, willing those that were present to keep it secret, and telling them that were absent by what token they should know that he was dead. Six days before he left this world, he gave order to have his sepulchre opened, and forthwith falling into an ague, he began with burning heat to wax faint, and when as the sickness daily increased, upon the sixth day he commanded his monks to carry him into the oratory, where he did arm himself with receiving the body and blood of our Saviour Christ; and having his weak body holden up betwixt the hands of his disciples, he stood with his own lifted up to heaven, and as he was in that manner praying, he gave up the ghost. Upon which day two monks, one being in his cell, and the other far distant, had concerning him one and the self-same vision: for they saw all the way from the holy man's cell, towards the east even up to heaven, hung and adorned with tapestry, and shining with an infinite |100 number of lamps, at the top whereof a man, reverently attired, stood and demanded if they knew who passed that way, to whom they answered saying, that they knew not. Then he spake thus unto them: "This is the way," quoth he, "by which the beloved servant of God, Benedict, is ascended up to heaven." And by this means, as his monks that were present knew of the death of the holy man, so likewise they which were absent, by the token which he foretold them, had intelligence of the same thing. Buried he was in the oratory of St. John Baptist which himself built, when he overthrew the altar of Apollo; who also in that cave in which he first dwelled, even to this very time, worketh miracles, if the faith of them that pray requireth the same.
Chapter Thirty-eight: how a mad woman was cured in his cave.
For the thing which I mean now to rehearse fell out lately. A certain woman falling mad, lost the use of reason so far, that she walked up and down, day and night, in mountains and valleys, in woods and fields, and rested only in that place where extreme weariness enforced her to stay. Upon a day it so fell out, that albeit she wandered at random, yet she missed not the right way: for she came to the cave of the blessed man Benedict: and not knowing anything, in she went, and reposed herself there that night, and rising up in the morning, she departed as sound in sense and well in her wits, as though she had never been distracted in her whole life, and so continued always after, even to her dying day.
PETER. What is the reason that in the patronage of martyrs we often times find, that they do not afford so great benefit by their bodies, as they do by other of their relics: and do there work greater miracles, where themselves be not present?
GREGORY. Where the holy martyrs lie in their bodies, there is no doubt, Peter, but that they are able to work |101 many miracles, yea and also do work infinite, to such as seek them with a pure mind. But for as much as simple people might have some doubt whether they be present, and do in those places hear their prayers where their bodies be not, necessary it is that they should in those places shew greater miracles, where weak souls may most doubt of their presence. But he whose mind is fixed in God, hath so much the greater merit of his faith in that he both knoweth that they rest not there in body, and yet be there present to hear our prayers. And therefore our Saviour himself, to increase the faith of his disciples, said: If I do not depart, the Comforter will not come unto you 46: for, seeing certain it is that the comforting Spirit doth always proceed from the Father and the Son, why doth the Son say that he will depart that the Comforter may come, who never is absent from the Son? But because the disciples, beholding our Lord in flesh, did always desire to see him with their corporal eyes, very well did he say unto them: "Unless I do go away, the Comforter will not come:" as though he had plainly told them: If I do not withdraw my body, I cannot let you understand what the love of the spirit is: and except you give over [cease] to love my carnal presence, never will you learn to affect me with true spiritual love.
PETER. That you say pleaseth me very well.
GREGORY. Let us now for a while give over our discourse, to the end that if we mean to prosecute the miracles of other Saints, we may through silence be the more able to perform it.
The end of the Second Book
[Footnotes moved to the end and combined with editorial notes]
1. Introduction, p. 51. St. Benedict was born at Nursia about 480. The date of his leaving Rome is disputed; it was probably a few years before 500. Constantinus and Simplicius were his two immediate successors, the second and third Abbots of Monte Cassino; Honoratus presided over the Abbey of Subiaco in St. Gregory's own days.
2. Chapter I., p. 52. For "Enside," read Enfide, which is identified with the mountain-village of Affile, between Olevano and Subiaco.
3. Ibid. p. 53. Sublacum, or Sublaqueum, now Subiaco, in the Apennines, above the river Anio. Here Nero had built a villa, with three artificial lakes, and it was over the ruins of the Emperor's "sylvan retreat" that the order of the Benedictines thus sprang into being. Cf. Lanciani, Wanderings in the Roman Campagna, pp. 350-352. The "strait cave," in which St. Benedict lived, is now the famous Sagro Speco, on the mountain-side, high above the town.
4. Ibid. p. 53. The name of this Abbot is variously given as Theodacus or Adeodatus.
5. Chapter II. p. 55. These thorns and nettles are piously said to have turned into the roses, the descendants of which are still seen in the garden of the monastery of the Sagro Speco.
6. 1 Numbers 8:24-26
7. Chapter III. p. 56. The monastery in question is said to have been at Varia (the modern Vicovaro), near Mandela. In the second chapter of the Rule of St. Benedict, we read that the Abbot "shall be acquitted in so far as he shall have shown all the watchfulness of a shepherd over a restless and disobedient flock; and if as their pastor he shall have employed every care to cure their corrupt manners, he shall be declared guiltless in the Lord's judgment, and he may say with the prophet, I have not hidden Thy justice in my heart; I have told Thy truth and Thy salvation; but they contemned and despised me" (Gasquet's translation.)
8. 1 Luke 15
9. 1 Acts 12:11
10. Ibid. p. 60. "That notable preacher of the world." This is, perhaps, a misprint in the edition of 1608 for "word." The Latin has simply: ille quoque egregius praedicator.
11. 1 Phil. 1:21
12. Ibid. p. 61. The name of the father of Maurus is variously written: Equitius, Evitius, Euticius; "Tertullius the senator" is simply Tertullus patricius. For the reception of children into the order, cf. chap. 59 of the Rule. According to the tradition, Maurus became the Benedictine apostle of France, and died in 584, while Placidus died a martyr's death in Sicily in 541, a few years before the death of St. Benedict himself. 13. Chapter VI. p. 63. "If any one whilst engaged in any work, either in the kitchen, in the cellar, in serving others, in the bakehouse, in the garden, or in any other occupation or place, shall do anything amiss, break or lose anything, or offend in any way whatsoever, and do not come at once to the abbot and community of his own accord to confess his offence and make satisfaction, if afterwards it shall become known by another he shall be more severely punished." (Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 46, Gasquet's translation.)
14. 1 John 1:915. 2 John 1:1616. 3 Matt. 12:40 17. Chapter VIII. p. 68. St. Benedict thus founded the great Abbey of Monte Cassino in 528 or 529. Dante translates St. Gregory's words in the Paradiso (xxii. 37-45), where he puts them into the mouth of St. Benedict himself:
"Quel monte, a cui Cassino e nella costa,
Fu frequentato gia in sulla cima
Dalla gente ingannata e mal disposta.
E quel son io che su vi portai prima
Lo nome di Colui, che in terra addusse
La verita che tanto ci sublima;
E tanta grazia sopra me rilusse,
Ch'io ritrassi le ville circostanti
Dall' empio culto che il mondo sedusse."
18. Chapter XI. p. 70. "The son of a certain courtier" is hardly the equivalent of cujusdam curialis filius. A curialis, or decurio, was member of the municipal council of some provincial town. See Hodgkin, II. pp. 577 et seq.
19. Chapter XII. p. 71. "The brother who is sent on an errand, and expects to return to his monastery the same day, shall not presume to eat outside his house, even though he be asked to do so by any one, unless he be so ordered by his abbot. If he do otherwise, let him be excommunicated." (Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 51, Gasquet's translation.)
20. Chapter XIII. p. 72. This Valentinian is probably the Abbot of the Lateran mentioned on p. 52.
21. Chapters XIV. and XV. pp. 73-75. Totila (Baduila) became king of the Ostrogoths in Italy in 541, when Belisarius had won back for Justinian and the Empire all the peninsula south of the Po. His interview with St. Benedict took place probably in the following year, 542. Of his four Gothic attendants here mentioned—Riggo, Vult, Ruderic, and Bleda—the last two are also known in history as having been sent by the king to besiege Florence in this same year. (Cf. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, II. p. 433). Totila reconquered almost all Italy, except Ravenna and Ancona; he captured Rome twice (546 and 549), and overran Sicily; but in 552 was defeated by Narses and killed in the rout of his army. It was naturally impossible for St. Gregory to take an impartial view of the Goths, and modern historians depict Totila in far more favourable colours. According to Dr. Hodgkin, he was "upon the whole one of the best types of the still future age of chivalry that the Downfall of the Empire can exhibit."
22. Chapter XV. p. 75. "Camisina" is Canusium, the modern Canosa di Puglia. The Bishop is the Sabinus spoken of below, Bk. III. chap. 5. Honoratus is the Abbot of Subiaco already mentioned on p. 52.
23. Chapter XVI. p. 75. Constantius, Bishop of Aquinum (Aquino), is commemorated on September 1.
24. 1 1 Cor. 6:17
25. 2 Rom. 11:34
26. 31 Cor. 2:9-12
27. 1 Ps. 119:13
28. Chapter XVII. p. 78. The Abbey of Monte Cassino was destroyed by the Lombards of the duchy of Beneventum in 589.
29. 1Acts 27, 22-44.
30. Chapter XIX. p. 80. "No one, without leave of the abbot, shall presume to give, or receive, or keep as his own, anything whatever.... All things are to be common to all, as it is written, Neither did any one say or think that aught was his own." (Rule of St. Benedict, chapter 33, Gasquet's translation; Cf. also chapter 54.) 31. Chapter XX. p. 80. In chapter iv. of the Rule, among the instruments of good works, we read: "To dash at once against Christ (as against a rock) evil thoughts which rise up in the mind." According to the Latin text, this monk cujusdam defensoris filius fuerat. The Defensores Civitatum were the chief municipal authorities of the provinces, originally instituted to protect the people from the unjust extortions of the imperial officials. Cf. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, I. pp. 625-628.
32. 1 John 3:8
33. 1 1 Chr. 17, 2-4
34. 2 4 Kings 4:27
35. Chapter XXII. p. 82. Tarracina, the Volscian city of Anxur, now Terracina, the last town of the former Papal States before crossing the Neapolitan frontier.
36. 1 Daniel 14, 32-38 (Vulgate)37. 1 Matt. 16:1938. 1 John 1:12.39. 2 Acts 9 and 5.
40. Chapter XXXI. p. 91. The name of this Goth is more usually written Zalla. 41. Chapter XXXIII. p. 94. According to the tradition, St. Scholastica died on February 10, 543, and St. Benedict a month later, March 21, 543. Their bodies are supposed to lie together under the high altar of the abbey church at Monte Cassino; but this is a little uncertain, as they are said to have been at one time translated (perhaps temporarily) to France.
42. 1 1 John 4:8
43. Chapter XXXV. p. 96. This Liberius quondam patricius is probably the Liberius mentioned in the letters of Cassiodorus (Hodgkin, The Letters of Cassiodorus, pp. 178, 179) as a Roman noble who had been Praetorian Prefect under Theodoric. The monastery is referred to in St. Gregory's letters, Registrum, Epist. ix. 162, 164 (Ewald and Hartmann, ii. pp. 162, 163). St. Germanus, Bishop of Capua, died in 540 or 541, and is commemorated on October 30. 44. Ibid. pp. 97, 98. This vision of the whole world, and St. Gregory's explanation, deeply impressed the mediaeval mind. It was imitated by Marcus, the Irish Benedictine who wrote the Vision of Tundal (Visio Tnugdali, ed. Wagner, p. 52), and by Dante (Par. xxii. 133-153). St. Thomas Aquinas discusses it with a view to showing that St. Gregory's words do not imply that St. Benedict, still living in the present life, saw God in that vision per essentiam, in His Essence. (Summa Theologica, II. ii. Q. 108, A. 5 ad 3.)
45. Chapter XXXVI. p. 99. "For he wrote a rule for his monks, both excellent for discretion and also eloquent for the style." The Latin runs: Nam scripsit monachorum regulam, discretione praecipuam, sermone luculentam. St. Gregory himself, in the epistle to Bishop Leander prefixed to the Moralia, professes to despise "literary style" (ipsam loquendi artem, quam magisteria disciplinae exterioris insinuant); "for I deem it most unworthy," he says, "to restrict the words of the heavenly oracle under the rules of Donatus" (Epistola missoria ad Leandrum Hispalensem, cap. 5). For the style and Latinity of the Rule, cf. especially E. Wolfflin, Die Latinitat des Benedikt von Nursia in Archiv fur lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik, ix. Munich, 1896.
46. 1 John 16:7
This text was originally transcribed by the St. Pachomius Orthodox Library. Have mercy, O Lord, on Thy servants the translator P.W., the editor Edmund, and the scribes Boris, Deborah, Demetrios, Edward, Gerald, Jeff, Larry, Mary, Matthew, Paul, Robert, Steven, Susan, Timothy, and Walter.
This version reedited by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: gregory_03_dialogues_book .htm
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 3. pp. 105-174
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 3. pp. 105-174
Chapter One: of St. Paulinus, Bishop of the City of Nola.
Chapter Two: of St. John, the Pope.
Chapter Three; of St. Agapitus, the Pope.
Chapter Four: of Datius, Bishop of Milan.
Chapter Five; of Sabinus, Bishop of Camisina.
Chapter Six: of Cassius, Bishop of Narni.
Chapter Seven: of Andrew, Bishop of Funda.
Chapter Eight: of Constantius, Bishop of Aquinum.
Chapter Nine: of Frigidianus, Bishop of Lucca.
Chapter Ten; of Sabinus, Bishop of Placentia.
Chapter Eleven: of Cerbonius, Bishop of Populonium.
Chapter Twelve: of Fulgentius, Bishop of Otricoli.
Chapter Thirteen: of Herculanus, Bishop of Perusium.
Chapter Fourteen: of the servant of God, Isaac.
Chapter Fifteen: of the servants of God Euthicius and Florentius.
Chapter Sixteen: of Marcius, the Monk of Mount Marsico.
Chapter Seventeen: how a Monk of Mount Argentario raised up a dead man.
Chapter Eighteen: of Benedict the Monk.
Chapter Nineteen: of the church of blessed Zeno the Martyr: in which the water ascended higher than the door, and though it were open, yet entered not in.
Chapter Twenty: of a priest called Stephen, in the province of Valeria: whose stockings the devil would have drawn off.
Chapter Twenty-one: of a Nun that, by her only commandment, dispossessed a devil.
Chapter Twenty-two: of a Priest in the province of Valeria, who detained a thief at his grave.
Chapter Twenty-three: of the Abbot of Mount Preneste, and his Priest.
Chapter Twenty-four: of Theodorus, Keeper of St. Peter'sChurch, in the City of Rome.
Chapter Twenty-five: of Abundius, Keeper of the same Church of St. Peter.
Chapter Twenty-six: of a solitary Monk called Menas.
Chapter Twenty-seven: of forty country husbandmen that were slain by the Lombards, because they would not eat flesh sacrificed to idols.
Chapter Twenty-eight: of a great number of prisoners that were slain, because they would not adore a goat's head.
Chapter Twenty-nine: of an Arian Bishop that was miraculously struck blind.
Chapter Thirty: how a church of the Arians in Rome was hallowed according to the Catholic manner.
Chapter Thirty-one: of King Hermigildus, son to Leuigildus, King of the Visigoths; who was, for the Catholic faith, put to death by his father.
Chapter Thirty-two: of certain Bishops of Africa, who had their tongues cut out by the Vandals, that were Arian heretics, for the defence of the Catholic faith; and yet spake still as perfectly as they did before.
Chapter Thirty-three: of the servant of God, Eleutherius.
Chapter Thirty-four: of the divers kinds of compunction.
Chapter Thirty-five: of Amantius, a Priest in the Province of Tuscania.
Chapter Thirty-six: of Marimianus, Bishop of Syracusis.
Chapter Thirty-seven: of Sanctulus, a Priest in the Province of Nursia.
Chapter Thirty-eight: of the vision of Redemptus, Bishop of the City of Ferenti.
St. Gregory's Dialogues.
The Third Book
Being careful to entreat of such fathers as lived not long since, I passed over the worthy acts of those that were in former times: so that I had almost forgot the miracle of Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, who both for time was more ancient, and for virtue more notable, than many of those which I have spoken of: wherefore I will now speak of him, but as briefly as I can. For as the life and actions of good men are soonest known to such as be like them, so the famous name of venerable Paulinus became known to mine holy elders, and his admirable fact served for their instruction: who, for their gravity and old years, are as well to be credited, as if that which they reported they had seen with their own eyes.
Chapter One: of St. Paulinus, Bishop of the City of Nola.1
When as in the time of the cruel Vandals, that part of Italy which is called Campania was overrun and sacked, and many were from thence carried captive into Africa: then the servant of God, Paulinus, bestowed all the wealth of his Bishopric upon prisoners and poor people. And not having now anything more left, a certain widow came unto him, lamenting how her son was taken prisoner by one that was son-in-law to the king of the Vandals, and by him carried away to be his slave: and therefore she besought him, that he would vouchsafe to help her with a ransom for the redeeming of her son. But the man of God, seeking what he had |106 to give the poor woman, found nothing left but himself alone, and therefore he answered her in this manner: "Good woman, nothing have I to help thee withal but myself, and therefore take me, and a God's name say that I am your servant, and see whether he will receive me for his slave, and so set your son at liberty": which words she hearing from the mouth of so notable a man, took them rather for a mock, than to proceed indeed from true compassion. But as he was an eloquent man, and passing well learned in humanity, so did he quickly persuade the doubtful woman to give credit to his words, and not to be afraid to offer a Bishop for the ransom of her son; whereupon awaythey travelled both into Africa. And when the king's son-in-law came abroad, the widow put up her petition concerning her son, humbly beseeching him that he would vouchsafe to set him now at liberty, and bestow him upon his mother. But the barbarous man, swelling with pride and puffed up with the joy of transitory prosperity, refused not only to do it, but disdained also to give any ear to her petition. This way therefore taking no success, the desolate widow tried the next, and said unto him: "Behold, I give you here this man instead of him, only take compassion on me, and restore to me mine only son." At which words he, casting his eyes upon Paulinus, and seeing him to have an honest and good face, asked him of what occupation he was: to whom the man of God answered: "Trade or occupation I can none, but some skill I have in keeping of a garden." This pleased the Pagan very well, whereupon he admitted him for his servant, and restored the widow her son, with whom she departed out of Africa, and Paulinus took charge of the garden. The king's son-in-law coming often into the garden, demanded certain questions of his new man, and perceiving him to be very wise and of good judgment, he began to give over the company of his old familiar friends, and conversed much with his gardener, |107 taking great pleasure in his talk. Every day Paulinus brought him to his table divers sorts of green herbs, and after dinner returned to his garden. After he had used this a long time, upon a day, as his master and he were in secret talk together, Paulinus spake unto him in this manner: "Consider, my Lord, what is your best course, and how the kingdom of the Vandals shall be disposed of, for the king is to die shortly": which news, because he was in special grace with the king, he gave him to understand, adding that his gardener, who was a passing wise man, had told him so much. The king, hearing this, was desirous to see the man he spake of: "Your Majesty," quoth he, "shall see him, for his manner is to bring me in daily fresh herbs for my dinner, and I will give orders that he shall do it in your presence": which direction being given, as the king sat at dinner, Paulinus came in, bringing with him divers sallettes and fresh herbs: whom so soon as the king beheld, he fell a trembling, and sending for Paulinus' master (who by the marriage of his daughter was so near allied unto him), acquainted him with that secret which before he had concealed, saying: "It is very true that which you have heard, for the last night, in a dream, I saw certain judges in their seats sitting upon me, amongst whom this man also sat for one: and by their sentence that whip was taken from me, which for the punishment of others some time I had. But inquire, I pray you, what he is, for I do not think one of so great merit to be an ordinary man, as he outwardly seemeth." Then the king's son-in-law took Paulinus in secret, and asked him what he was: to whom the man of God answered: "Your servant I am," quoth he, "whom you took for the ransom of the widow's son "; but when he would not be satisfied with that answer, but did instantly press him to tell, not what he was now, but what he had been in his own country, and did urge him very often to answer to this point: the man of God, |108 adjured so strictly, not being able any longer to deny his request, told him that he was a Bishop; which his master and lord hearing became wonderfully afraid, and humbly offered him, saying: "Demand what you will, that you may be well rewarded of me, and so return home to your country." To whom the man of God, Paulinus, said: "One thing there is wherein you may much pleasure me, and that is, to set at liberty all those that be of my city": which suit he obtained, for straightways throughout Africa all were sought out, their ships laden with wheat, and to give venerable Paulinus satisfaction, they were all discharged, and in his company sent home: and not long after the king of the Vandals died, and so he lost that whip and severe government, which to his own destruction and the punishment of Christians by God's providence he had before received. And thus it came to pass that Paulinus, the servant of almighty God, told truth, and he that voluntarily alone made himself a bondman, returned not back alone, but with many from captivity: imitating him who took upon him the form of a servant, that we should not be servants to sin: for Paulinus, following his example, became himself for a time a servant alone, that afterward he might be made free with many.
PETER. When I hear that which I cannot imitate, I desire rather to weep than to say anything.
GREGORY. Concerning this holy man's death, it remaineth yet in the records of his own church, how that he was with a pain of his side brought to the last cast: and that, whiles all the rest of the house stood sound, the chamber only in which he lay sick was shaken with an earthquake, and so his soul was loosed from his body: and by this means it fell out, that they were all stricken with a great fear that might have seen Paulinus departing this life. But because his virtue by that which I spoke of before is sufficiently handled, now, if you please, we will come |109 to other miracles, which are both known to many, and which I have heard by the relation of such persons, that I can make no doubt but that they be most true.
Chapter Two: of St. John, the Pope.
In the time of the Goths, when the most blessed man John, Bishop of this church of Rome, travelled to the Emperor Justinian the elder,2 he came into the country of Corinth, where he lacked an horse to ride upon: which a certain noble man understanding, lent him that horse which, because he was gentle, his wife used for her own saddle, with order that when he came where he could provide himself of another, his wife's horse should be sent back again. And so the Bishop rode upon him, until he came to a certain place where he got another, and then he returned that which he had borrowed. But afterward, when his wife came to take his back, as before she used, by no means could she do it, because the horse, having carried so great a Bishop, would not suffer a woman to come any more upon his back, and therefore he began with monstrous snorting, neighing, and continual stirring, as it were in scorn, to shew that he could not bear any woman, upon whom the Pope himself had ridden: which thing her husband wisely considering, straightways sent him again to the holy man, beseeching him to accept of that horse, which by riding he had dedicated to his own service. Of the same man, another miracle is also reported by our ancestors: to wit, that in Constantinople, when he came to the gate called Aurea, where he was met with great numbers of people, in the presence of them all, he restored sight to a blind man that did instantly crave it: for laying his hand upon him, he banished away that darkness which possessed his eyes.
Chapter Three; of St. Agapitus, the Pope.3
Not long after, about business concerning the Goths, the most blessed man Agapitus, Bishop of this holy church of Rome (in which by God's providence I do now serve), |110 went to the Emperor Justinian. And, as he was travelling through Greece, a dumb and lame man was brought unto him for help. The holy man carefully demanded of his kinsfolk, that brought him thither and stood there weeping, whether they did believe that it was in his power to cure him: who answered, that they did firmly hope that he might help him in the virtue of God by the authority of St. Peter: upon which words forthwith the venerable man fell to his prayers, and beginning solemn mass, he offered sacrifice in the sight of almighty God: which being ended, he came from the altar, took the lame man by the hand, and straightways, in the presence and sight of all the people, he restored him to the use of his legs: and after he had put our Lord's body into his mouth, that tongue, which long time before had not spoken, was loosed. At which miracle all did wonder, and began to weep for joy: and forthwith both fear and reverence possessed their minds, beholding what Agapitus could do in the power of our Lord, by the help of St. Peter.
Chapter Four: of Datius, Bishop of Milan.4
In the time of the same Emperor, Datius, Bishop of Milan, about matters of religion, travelled to Constantinople. And coming to Corinth, he sought for a large house to receive him and his company, and could scarce find any: at length he saw afar off a fair great house, which he commanded to be provided for him: and when the inhabitants of that place told him that it was for many years haunted by the devil, and therefore stood empty: "so much the sooner," quoth the venerable man, "ought we to lodge in it, if the wicked spirit hath taken possession thereof, and will not suffer men to dwell in it." Whereupon he gave order to have it made ready: which being done, he went without all fear to combat with the old enemy. In the dead of the night, when the man of God was asleep, the devil began, with an huge noise and great outcry, to imitate the roaring of lions, the bleating of |111 sheep, the braying of asses, the hissing of serpents, the grunting of hogs, and the screeching of rats. Datius, suddenly awaked with the noise of so many beasts, rose up, and in great anger spake aloud to the old serpent, and said: "Thou art served well, thou wretched creature: thou art he that diddest say: I will place my seat in the north, and I will be like to the highest:5 and now through thy pride, see how thou art become like unto hogs and rats; and thou that wouldest needs unworthily be like unto God, behold how thou dost now, according to thy deserts, imitate brute beasts." At these words the wicked serpent was, as I may well term it, ashamed, that he was so disgraciously and basely put down, for well may I say that he was ashamed, who never after troubled that house with any such terrible and monstrous shapes as before he did: for ever after that time, Christian men did inhabit the same; for so soon as one man that was a true and faithful Christian took possession thereof, the lying and faithless spirit straightways did forsake it. But I will now surcease from speaking of things done in former times, and come to such miracles as have happened in our own days.
Chapter Five; of Sabinus, Bishop of Camisina.6
Certain religious men, well known in the province of Apulia, do report that which many both far and near know to be most true, and that is of Sabinus, Bishop of Camisina: who, by reason of his great age, was become so blind that he saw nothing at all. And for as much as Totila, King of the Goths, hearing that he had the gift of prophecy, and would not believe it, but was desirous to prove whether it were so or no, it fell so out, that coming into those parts, the man of God did invite him to dinner. And when the meat was brought in, the King would not sit at the table, but sat beside at the right hand of venerable Sabinus: and when |112 the Bishop's man brought him, as he used to do, a cup of wine, the King softly put forth his hand, took the cup, and gave it himself to the Bishop, to try whether he could tell who he was that gave him the wine. Then the man of God taking the cup, but not seeing him that did deliver it, said: "Blessed be that hand." At which words the King very merrily blushed, because, albeit he was taken, yet did he find that gift in the man of God which before he desired to know. The same reverent man, to give good example of life to others, lived until he was passing old: which nothing pleased his Archdeacon, that desired his Bishopric: and therefore upon ambition he sought how to dispatch him with poison, and for that purpose corrupted his cup-bearer, who, overcome with money, offered the Bishop at dinner that poison in his wine which he had received of the Archdeacon. The holy man, knowing what he brought, willed himself to drink that which he offered him. The wretch trembled at those words, and perceiving his villany to be detected, thought better to drink it, and so quickly dispatch himself, than with shame to suffer torments for the sin of so horrible a murder: but as he was putting the cup to his mouth, the man of God hindered him, saying: "Do not take it, but give it me, and I will drink it myself, but go thy way, and tell him that gave it thee, that I will drink the poison, but yet shall he never live to be Bishop": and so blessing the cup with the sign of the cross, he drunk it without any harm at all; at which very time the Archdeacon, being in another place, departed this life; as though that poison had by the Bishop's mouth passed to his Archdeacon's bowels: for although he had no corporal poison to kill him, yet the venom of his own malice did destroy him in the sight of the everlasting Judge.
PETER. These be strange things, and much in our days to be wondered at: yet the life of the man is such, that |113 he which knoweth his holy conversation hath no such cause to marvel at the miracle.
Chapter Six: of Cassius, Bishop of Narni.
GREGORY. Neither can I, Peter, pass over with silence that thing, which many of the city of Narni, which be here present, affirm to be most true. For in the time of the same Goths, the foresaid King Totila coming to Narni, Cassius, a man of venerable life, Bishop of the same city, went forth to meet him, whom the king utterly contemned, because his face was high-coloured, thinking that it proceeded not from any other cause than drinking. But almighty God, to show how worthy a man was despised, permitted a wicked spirit before his whole army, in the fields of Narni, where the king also himself was, to possess one of his guard, and cruelly to torment him. Straight ways was he brought to the venerable man Cassius, in the presence of the king: who praying to God for him, and making the sign of the cross, forthwith he cast out the devil, so that never after he durst presume any more to enter into his body. And by this means it fell out that the barbarous king, from that day forward, did with his heart much reverence the servant of God, whom before by his face he judged to be a man of no account: for seeing him now to be one of such power and virtue, he gave over those proud thoughts which before he had conceived.
Chapter Seven: of Andrew, Bishop of Funda.
But as I am thus busied in telling the acts of holy men, there cometh to my mind what God of his great mercy did for Andrew, Bishop of the city of Funda: which notable story I wish all so to read, that they which have dedicated themselves to continency, presume not in any wise to dwell amongst women: lest in time of temptation their soul perish the sooner, by having that at hand which is unlawfully desired. |114 Neither is the story which I report either doubtful or uncertain: for so many witnesses to justify the truth thereof may be produced, as there be almost inhabitants in that city. When, therefore, this venerable man Andrew lived virtuously, and with diligent care, answerable to his priestly function, led a continent and chaste life: he kept in his house a certain Nun, which also had remained with him before he was preferred to that dignity; for assuring himself of his own continency, and nothing doubting of hers, content he was to let her remain still in his house: which thing the devil took as an occasion to assault him with temptation: and so he began to present before the eyes of his mind the form of that woman, that by such allurements he might have his heart wholly possessed with ungodly thoughts. In the meantime it so fell out, that a Jew was travelling from Campania to Rome, who drawing nigh to the city of Funda, was so overtaken with night, that he knew not where to lodge, and therefore, not finding any better commodity, he retired himself into a temple of the god Apollo, which was not far off, meaning there to repose himself: but much afraid he was, to lie in so wicked and sacrilegious a place: for which cause, though he believed not what we teach of the cross, yet he thought good to arm himself with that sign. About midnight, as he lay waking for very fear of that forlorn and desert temple, and looked suddenly about him, he espied a troop of wicked spirits walking before another of greater authority: who coming in took up his place, and sat down in the body of the temple: where he began diligently to inquire of those his servants, how they had bestowed their time, and what villany they had done in the world. And when each one told what he had done against God's servants, out stepped a companion, and made solemn relation, with a notable temptation of carnality he had put into the mind of |115 Bishop Andrew, concerning that Nun which he kept in his palace: whereunto whiles the master devil gave attentive ear, considering with himself what a notable gain it would be, to undo the soul of so holy a man; the former devil went on with his tale, and said that the very evening before he assaulted him so mightily, that he drew him so far forth, that he did merrily strike the said Nun upon the back. The wicked serpent and old enemy of mankind hearing this joyful news, exhorted his agent with very fair words, diligently to labour about the effecting of that thing which he had already so well begun, that for so notable a piece of service, as the contriving the spiritual ruin of that virtuous Prelate, he might have a singular reward above all his fellows. The Jew who all this while lay waking, and heard all that which they said, was wonderfully afraid: at length the master devil sent some of his followers to see who he was, and how he durst presume to lodge in their temple. When they were come, and had narrowly viewed him, they found that he was marked with the mystical sign of the cross: whereat they marvelled and said: "Alas, alas, here is an empty vessel, but yet it is signed": which news the rest of those hell-hounds hearing, suddenly vanished away. The Jew, who had seen all that which then passed among them, presently rose up, and in all haste sped himself to the Bishop, whom he found in the church: and taking him aside, he demanded with what temptation he was troubled: but shame so prevailed, that by no means he would confess the truth. Then the Jew replied and told him, that he had cast his eyes wickedly upon such a one of God's servants; but the Bishop would not acknowledge that there was any such thing. "Why do you deny it," quoth the Jew, "for is it not so true that yesternight you were brought so far by sinful temptation, that you did strike her on the back?" When the Bishop, by these particulars, |116 perceived that the matter was broken forth, he humbly confessed what before he obstinately denied. Then the Jew, moved with compassion to his soul, and tendering his credit, told him by what means he came to the knowledge thereof, and what he heard of him in that assembly of wicked spirits. The Bishop, hearing this, fell prostrate upon the earth, and betook himself to his prayers: and straight after he discharged out of his house, not only that Nun, but all other women that attended upon her. And not long after, he converted the temple of Apollo into an oratory of the blessed Apostle, St. Andrew: and never after was he troubled with that carnal temptation: and the Jew, by whose means he was so mercifully preserved, he brought to everlasting salvation: for he baptized him, and made him a member of holy Church, And thus, by God's providence, the Jew having care of the spiritual health of another, attained also himself the singular benefit of the same: and almighty God by the same means brought one to embrace piety and virtue, by which he preserved another in an holy and godly life.
PETER. This history which I have heard worketh in me fear, and yet withal giveth me cause of hope.
GREGORY. That is not amiss, Peter, for necessary it is that we should both trust upon the mercy of God, and yet, considering our own frailty, be afraid: for we have now heard how one of the cedars of Paradise was shaken, and yet not blown down, to the end that, knowing our own infirmity, we should both tremble at his shaking, and yet conceive hope, in that he was not overthrown, but kept his standing still.
Chapter Eight: of Constantius, Bishop of Aquinum.
Constantius, likewise a man of holy life, was Bishop of Aquinum, who not long since died, in the time of Pope John of blessed memory,7 my predecessor: many that knew him familiarly, say that he had |117 the gift of prophecy. And amongst divers other things which he did, religious and honest men then present report that, lying upon his deathbed, the citizens that stood about him wept bitterly, and asked him with tears, who should be their father and Bishop after him. To whom by the spirit of prophecy he answered, saying: "After Constantius, you shall have a muleteer, and after a muleteer, a fuller of cloth: and these men," quoth he, "be now in the city of Aquinum": and having spoken these prophetical words, he gave up the ghost. After whose departure one Andrew, his Deacon, was made Bishop: who in times past had kept mules and post horses. And when he died, one Jovinus was preferred to that dignity, who in former times had been a fuller in the same city: in whose days all the citizens were so wasted, some by the sword of barbarous people, and some by a terrible plague, that after his death neither could any be found to be made Bishop, nor yet any people for whose sake he should be created. And so the saying of the man of God was fulfilled, in that his church, after the death of two that followed him, had no Bishop at all.
Chapter Nine: of Frigidianus, Bishop of Lucca.8
But I must not forget to tell you what I heard of the reverent man Venantius, Bishop of Luna, some two days ago: who said that there was, nigh unto him, a man of rare virtue called Frigidianus, Bishop of Lucca, who wrought a strange miracle, which, as he saith, all the inhabitants of that place do speak of, and it was this. Hard by the walls of the city, there runneth a river called Anser, which divers times doth so swell and overflow the banks, that it drowneth many acres of ground, and spoileth much corn and fruit. The inhabitants, enforced by necessity, seeing that this did often happen, went about by all means possible to turn the stream another way: but when they had bestowed |118 much labour, yet could they not cause it to leave the old channel. Whereupon the man of God, Frigidianus, made a little rake, and came to the river, where all alone he bestowed some time in prayer; and then he commanded the river to follow him, and going before, he drew his rake over such places as he thought good, and the whole river, forsaking the old channel, did follow him, and kept possession of that which the holy man by that sign of his rake had appointed: and so never afterward did it hurt any more either corn or other things planted for the maintenance of men.
Chapter Ten; of Sabinus, Bishop of Placentia.
The same Venantius told me likewise another miracle, done as he said in the city of Placentia,9 which one John, the servant of God, and a man of credit living now here amongst us, and who was born and brought up in that city, affirmeth also to be most true. For in that town of Placentia, they say that there was a Bishop of wonderful virtue, called Sabinus: who understanding by one of his Deacons, that the great river of Po was broken forth, and had overflowed the land which belonged to the church, and done much harm, he bad him go unto the river, and deliver it this message from him: "The Bishop commandeth you to retire, and keep yourself within your own bounds." His Deacon, hearing these words, scornfully contemned to be employed in any such business. Then the man of God, Sabinus, sent for a notary, and willed him to write these words: "Sabinus, the servant of our Lord Jesus Christ, sendeth admonition to Po. I command thee, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou come not out of thy channel, nor presume any more to hurt the lands of the church." This short letter he bad the notary write, and when he had so done, to go and cast it into the river. The notary did as he bad him, and the river obeyed the precept of the holy man, for straightways it withdrew |119 itself from the church-lands, returned to his own channel, and never presumed any more to overflow those grounds. By which fact, Peter, the pride of disobedient men is confounded, seeing that the very senseless element, in the name of Jesus, obeyed the holy man's commandment.
Chapter Eleven: of Cerbonius, Bishop of Populonium.10
Cerbonius, also a man of holy life, Bishop of Populonium, hath made great proof in our time of his rare virtue. For being much given to hospitality, upon a certain day he gave entertainment to divers soldiers, which, for fear of the Goths (that passed likewise by his house), he conveyed out of the way, and so saved their lives from those wicked men. Totila, their impious king, having intelligence thereof, in great rage and cruelty commanded him to be brought unto a place called Merulis (eight miles from Populonium), where he remained with his whole army, and in the sight of the people to be cast unto wild bears to be devoured. And because the wicked king would needs be present himself, to behold the Bishop torn in pieces, great store of people were likewise assembled, to see that pitiful pageant. The Bishop was brought forth, and a terrible bear provided, that might in cruel manner tear his body in pieces, so to satisfy the mind of that bloody king. Out of his den was the beast let loose, who in great fury and haste set upon the Bishop: but suddenly, forgetting all cruelty, with bowed neck and humbled head, he began to lick his feet: to give them all to understand that men carried towards the man of God the hearts of beasts, and the beasts as it were the heart of a man. At this sight the people, with great shouting and outcries, declared how highly they did admire the holy man: and the king himself was moved to have him in great reverence: and so by God's providence it fell out, that he which before refused to obey and follow God by saving |120 the Bishop's life, was brought to do it by the miraculous meekness of a cruel bear. Many of them which were then present, and saw it, be yet living, who do all affirm this to be most true.
Another miracle concerning the same man I heard of Venantius, Bishop of Luna, and it was this. Cerbonius had in the church of Populonium a tomb provided for himself; but when the Lombards invaded Italy, and spoiled all that country, he retired himself into the island of Elba. Where falling sore sick, before his death he commanded his chaplains to bury his body in the foresaid tomb at Populonium: and when they told him how hard a thing it was by reason of the Lombards, which were lords of the country, and did range up and down in all places: "Carry me thither," quoth he, "securely, and fear nothing, but bury me in all haste, and that being done, come away as fast as you can." For performing of this his will they provided a ship, and away they went with his body towards Populonium: in which journey there fell great store of rain, but that the world might know whose body was transported in that ship, in that twelve miles' space which is betwixt the island and Populonium, a great storm of rain fell upon both sides of the ship, but not one drop within. When they were come to the place, they buried his body, and, according to his commandment, returned to their ship with all speed: and they were no sooner aboard, than there entered into the church, where the Bishop was buried, a most cruel captain of the Lombards called Gunmar. By whose sudden coming to that place, it appeared plainly that the man of God had the spirit of prophecy, when he willed them in all haste to depart from the place of his burial.
Chapter Twelve: of Fulgentius, Bishop of Otricoli.11
The very same miracle, which I told you concerning the division of the rain, happened likewise to the great veneration of another Bishop. For a certain |121 old Priest, who yet liveth, was then present when it happened, and saith that Fulgentius, Bishop of Otricoli, was in disgrace with that cruel tyrant Totila: and therefore, as he was passing that way with his army, the Bishop did carefully beforehand by his chaplains send him certain presents, by that means, if it were possible, to mitigate his furious mind. But the tyrant contemned them, and in great rage commanded his soldiers hardly to bind the Bishop, and to keep him safe until he had heard his examination. The merciless Goths executed his cruel commandment: and setting him upon a piece of ground, they made a circle round about him, out of which they commanded him not to stir his foot. Whiles the man of God stood there in great extremity of heat, environed round about with those Goths, suddenly there fell such thunder and lightning, and such plenty of rain, that his keepers could not endure that terrible storm: and yet for all that, not one drop fell within the circle, where the man of God, Fulgentius, stood. Which strange news being told to that tyrannical king, his barbarous mind was brought to have him in great reverence, whose torment before he desired and so cruelly thirsted after his blood. Thus almighty God, to bring down the lofty minds of carnal men, doth work miracles by such as they most contemn: that truth, proceeding from the mouths of his humble servants, may subdue those, which of pride do extol and advance themselves against the doctrine of truth.
Chapter Thirteen: of Herculanus, Bishop of Perusium.12
Not long since, the virtuous Bishop Floridus told me a notable miracle, which was this. "The great holy man," quoth he, "Herculanus, who brought me up, was Bishop of Perusium, exalted to that dignity from the state of a monk: in whose time the perfidious king Totila besieged it for seven years together, and the famine within was so great that many of the townsmen |122 forsook the place: and before the seventh year was ended, the army of the Goths took the city. The commander of his camp dispatched messengers to Totila, to know his pleasure what he should do with the Bishop, and the rest of the citizens: to whom he returned answer, that he should, from the top of the Bishop's head to his very foot, cut off a thong of his skin, and that done, to strike off his head: and as for the rest of the people, to put them all to the sword. When he had received this order, he commanded the reverent Bishop Herculanus to be carried to the walls, and there to have his head strooken off, and when he was dead, that his skin should be cut from the very crown down to the very foot, as though indeed a thong had been taken from his body; after which barbarous fact they threw his dead corpse over the wall. Then some upon pity, joining the head to the body, did bury him, together with an infant that was there found dead. Forty days after, Totila making proclamation that the inhabitants, which were gone, should without all fear come back again: those, which upon extremity of hunger departed, returned home to their houses, and calling to mind the holy life of their Bishop, they sought for his body, that it might, as he deserved, be buried in the church of St. Peter. And when they came to the place where it lay, they digged, and found the body of the infant that was buried together with him, putrefied and full of worms: but the Bishop's body was so sound as though it had been newly put into the earth, and that which is more to be admired, and deserveth greater reverence, his head was so fast joined to his body as though it had never been cut off, neither did any sign of his beheading appear at all. Then they viewed likewise his back, whether that were also whole and sound, and they found it so perfect and well, as though never any knife had touched the same."
PETER. Who would not wonder at such miracles of them |123 that be dead: wrought, no question, for the spiritual good of the living?
Chapter Fourteen: of the servant of God, Isaac.13
GREGORY. At such time as the Goths first invaded Italy, there was, near to the city of Spoleto, a virtuous and holy man called Isaac: who lived almost to the last days of the Goths, whom many did know, and especially the holy virgin Gregoria, which now dwelleth in this city, hard by the church of the blessed and perpetual Virgin Mary: which woman, in her younger years, desiring to live a nun's life, fled to the church from marriage, already agreed upon by her friends, and was by this man defended: and so, through God's providence, obtained to have that habit which so much she desired, and so,leaving her spouse upon earth, she merited a spouse in heaven. Many things also I had by the relation of the reverent man Eleutherius,who was familiarly acquainted with him; and his virtuous life doth give credit to his words. This holy man Isaac was not born in Italy; and therefore I will only speak of such miracles as he did living here in our country. At his first coming out of Syria to the city of Spoleto, he went to the church, and desired the keepers that he might have free leave to pray there, and not to be enforced to depart when night came. And so he began his devotions, and spent all that day in prayer, and likewise the night following. The second day and night he bestowed in the same manner, and remained there also the third day: which when one of the keepers of the church perceived, who was a man of a proud spirit, he took scandal by that, whereof he ought to have reaped great profit. For he began to say that he was an hypocrite and cozening companion, who in the sight of the world remained at his prayers three days and three nights together: and forthwith running upon the man of God, he strook him, to make him by that means with shame to depart the church as an hypocrite, and one that desired |124 to be reputed an holy man. But to revenge this injury, a wicked spirit did presently possess his body, who cast him down at the feet of the man of God, and began by his mouth to cry out: "Isaac doth cast me forth, Isaac doth cast me forth." For what name the strange man had, none at that time did know, but the wicked spirit told it, when he cried out that he had power to cast him out. Straightways the man of God laid himself upon his body, and the cursed devil that was entered in, departed in all haste. News of this was by and by blown over the whole city, and men and women, rich and poor, came running, every one striving to bring him home to their own house: some for the building of an Abbey, did humbly offer him lands, others money, and some such other helps as they could. But the servant of almighty God, refusing to accept any of their offers, departed out of the city, and not far off he found a desert place, where he built a little cottage for himself: to whom many repairing began by his example to be inflamed with the love of everlasting life, and so, under his discipline and government, gave themselves to the service of almighty God. And when his disciples would often humbly insinuate, that it were good for the necessity of the Abbey to take such livings as were offered, he, very careful to keep poverty, told them constantly, saying: "A monk that seeketh for livings upon earth is no monk": for so fearful he was to lose the secure state of his poverty, as covetous rich men are careful to preserve their corruptible wealth.
In that place, therefore, he became famous for the spirit of prophecy: and his life was renowned far and near, for the notable miracles which he wrought. For upon a day, towards evening, he caused his monks to lay a certain number of spades in the garden. The night following, when according to custom they rose up to their prayers, he commanded them, saying: "Go your ways, and make pottage for our workmen, that it may be ready very early |125 in the morning." And when it was day, he bad them bring the pottage which they had provided; and going with his monks into the garden, he found there so many men working as he had commanded them to lay spades: for it fell so out, that certain thieves were entered in to spoil and rob it; but God changing their minds, they took the spades which they found there, and so wrought from the time of their first entrance, until the man of God came unto them: and all such parts of the ground as before were not manured, they had digged up and made ready. When the man of God was come, he saluted them in this wise: "God save you, good brethren: you have laboured long, wherefore now rest yourselves ": then he caused such provision as he had brought to be set before them, and so after their labour and pains refreshed them. When they had eaten that was sufficient, he spake thus unto them: "Do not hereafter any more harm: but when you desire anything that is in the garden, come to the gate, quietly ask it, and take it a God's blessing, but steal no more": and so bestowing upon them good store of worts, he sent them away. And by this means it fell out that they which came into the garden to do harm, departed thence not doing any damage at all, and besides had the reward of their pains, and somewhat also of charity bestowed upon them.
At another time, there came unto him certain strange men a begging, so torn and tattered, that they had scant any rags to cover them, humbly beseeching him to help them with some clothes. The man of God, hearing their demand, gave them no answer: but secretly calling for one of his monks, bad him go into such a wood, and in such a place of the wood to seek for an hollow tree, and to bring unto him that apparel which he found there. The monk went his way, and brought closely to his master that which he had found. Then the man of God called for those poor naked men, and gave them that apparel, |126 saying: "Put on these clothes to cover your naked bodies withal." They, seeing their own garments, were wonderfully confounded: for thinking by cunning to have gotten other men's apparel, with shame they received only their own.
Again, at another time, one there was that commended himself to his prayers, and sent him by his servant two baskets full of meat: one of the which, as he was in his journey, he took away, and hid in a bush till his return back again; and the other he presented to the man of God, telling him how his master had sent him that, heartily commending himself to his prayers. The holy man took that which was sent very kindly, giving the messenger this good lesson: "I pray thee, my friend, to thank thy master, and take heed how thou dost lay hand upon the basket, for a snake is crept in, and therefore be careful, lest otherwise it doth sting thee.'' At these words the messenger was pitifully confounded, and though glad he was that by this means he escaped death, yet somewhat grieved that he was put to that shame. Coming back to the basket, very diligent and careful he was in touching it; for as the man of God had told him, a snake in very deed was got in. This holy man, therefore, albeit he were incomparably adorned with the virtue of abstinence, contempt of worldly wealth, the spirit of prophecy, and perseverance in prayer: yet one thing there was in him which seemed reprehensible, to wit, that sometime he would so exceed in mirth, that if men had not known him to have been so full of virtue, none would ever have thought it.
PETER. What, I beseech you, shall we say to that? for did he willingly give himself sometime to such recreation: or else excelling in virtue, was he, contrary to his own mind, drawn sometime to present mirth?
GREGORY. God's providence, Peter, in bestowing of his gifts, is wonderful: for often it falleth out, that upon |127 whom he vouchsafeth the greater, he giveth not the less: to the end that always they may have somewhat to mis-like in themselves: so that desiring to arrive unto perfection and yet can not: and labouring about that which they have not obtained, and can not prevail: by this means they become not proud of those gifts which they have received, but do thereby learn that they have not those greater graces of themselves, who of themselves cannot overcome small faults. And this was the cause that, when God had brought his people into the land of promise, and destroyed all their mighty and potent enemies, yet did he long time after reserve the Philistines and Caananites, that, as it is written, He might in them try Israel.14 For sometime as hath been said, upon whom he bestoweth great gifts, he leaveth some small things that be blameworthy, that always they may have somewhat to fight against, and not to be proud, though their great enemies be vanquished, seeing other adversaries in very small things do put them to great trouble: and therefore it falleth out strangely, that one and the self same man is excellent for virtue, and yet of infirmity sometime doth offend, so that he may behold himself on the one side strong and well furnished, and on another open and not defended: that by the good thing which he seeketh for, and is not able to procure, he may with humility preserve that virtue which already he hath in possession. But what wonder is it that we speak this concerning man, when as heaven itself lost some of his citizens, and other some continued sound in God's grace: that the elect Angels of God, seeing others through pride to fall from heaven, might stand so much the more steadfast, by how much with humility they preserved God's grace received? They, therefore, took profit by that loss which heaven then had, and were thereby made to persevere more constantly in God's service for all eternity. In like manner |128 it fareth with each man's soul, which sometime for preserving of humility, by a little loss it attaineth to great spiritual perfection.
PETER. I am very well pleased with that you say.
Chapter Fifteen: of the servants of God Euthicius and Florentius.15
GREGORY. Neither will I pass over that with silence, which I heard from the mouth of that reverent Priest, Sanctulus, one of the same country: and of whose report I am sure you make no doubt, for you know very well his life and fidelity.
At the same time, in the province of Nursia there dwelt two men, observing the life and habit of holy conversation: the one was called Euthicius and the other Florentius; of which Euthicius bestowed his time in spiritual zeal and fervour of virtue, and laboured much by his exhortations, to gain souls to God; but Florentius led his life in simplicity and devotion. Not far from the place where they remained, there was an Abbey, the governor whereof was dead, and therefore the monks made choice of Euthicius, to take the charge thereof: who, condescending to their petition, governed the Abbey many years. And not to have his former oratory utterly destitute, he left the reverent man Florentius to keep the same; who dwelt there all alone, and upon a day, being at his prayers, he besought almighty God to vouchsafe him of some comfort in that place; and having ended his devotions, he went forth, where he found a bear standing before the door, which by the bowing down of his head to the ground, and shewing in the gesture of his body no sign or cruelty, gave the man of God to understand that He was come thither to do him service, and himself likewise did forthwith perceive it. And because he had in the house four or five sheep which had no keeper, he commanded the bear to take charge of them, saying: "Go and lead these sheep to the field, and at twelve of the clock come back again ": which charge he |129 took upon him, and did daily come home at that hour: and so he performed the office of a good shepherd, and those sheep, which before time he used to devour, now fasting himself, he took care to have them safely kept. And when God's servant determined to fast until three of the clock, then he commanded the bear to return with his sheep at the same hour; but when he would not fast so long, to come at twelve. And whatsoever he commanded his bear, that he did, so that bidden to return at three of the clock, he would not come at twelve; and commanded to return at twelve, he would not tarry till three. And when this had continued a good while, he began to be famous far and near for his virtue and holy life. But the old enemy of mankind by that means which he seeth the good to come unto glory, by the same doth he draw the wicked through hatred to procure their own misery; for four of Euthicius' monks, swelling with envy that their master wrought not any miracles, and that he who was left alone by him was famous for so notable a one, upon very spite went and killed his bear. And therefore, when the poor beast came not at his appointed hour, Florentius began to suspect the matter: but expecting yet until the evening, very much grieved he was that the bear, whom in great simplicity he called his brother, came not home. The next day, he went to the field, to seek for his sheep and his shepherd, whom he found there slain; and making diligent inquisition, he learned quickly who they were that had committed that uncharitable fact. Then was he very sorry, bewailing yet more the malice of the monks than the death of his bear; whom the reverent man Euthicius sent for, and did comfort him what he might; but the holy man Florentius, wonderfully grieved in mind, did in his presence curse them, saying: "I trust in almighty God, that they shall in this life, and in the sight of the world, receive the reward of their malice, that have thus killed my bear which did |130 them no harm"; whose words God's vengeance did straight follow, for the four monks that killed the poor beast were straight so stricken with a leprosy, that their limbs did rot away, and so they died miserably: whereat the man of God, Florentius, was greatly afraid, and much grieved, that he had so cursed the monks; and all his life after he wept, for that his prayer was heard, crying out that himself was cruel, and that he had murdered those men. Which thing I suppose almighty God did, to the end that he should not, being a man of great simplicity, upon any grief whatsoever, afterward presume to curse any.
PETER. What? is it any great sin, if in our anger we curse others?
GREGORY. Why do you ask me whether it be a great sin, when as St. Paul saith: Neither cursers shall possess the kingdom of God?16 Think, then, how great the sin is, which doth exclude a man out of heaven.
PETER. What if a man, haply not of malice, but of negligence in keeping his tongue, doth curse his neighbour?
GREGORY. If before the severe judge idle speech is reprehended, how much more that which is hurtful. Consider, then, how damnable those words be, which proceed of malice, when that talk shall be punished which proceedeth only from idleness.
PETER. I grant it be most true.
GREGORY. The same man of God did another thing which I must not forget. For, the report of his virtue reaching far and near, a certain Deacon, that dwelt many miles off, travelled unto him, to commend himself to his prayers. And coming to his cell, he found it round about full of innumerable snakes; at which sight being wonderfully afraid, he cried out, desiring Florentius to pray: who came forth, the sky being then very clear, |131 and lifted up his eyes and his hands to heaven, desiring God to take them away in such sort as he best knew. Upon whose prayers, suddenly it thundered, and that thunder killed all those snakes. Florentius, seeing them all dead, said unto God: "Behold, O Lord, thou hast destroyed them all, but who shall now carry them away?" And straight as he had thus spoken, so many birds came as there were snakes killed, which took them all up, and carried them far off, discharging his habitation from those venomous creatures.
PETER. Certainly he was a man of great virtue and merit, whose prayers God did so quickly hear.
GREGORY. Purity of heart and simplicity, Peter, is of great force with almighty God, who is in purity most singular, and of nature most simple. For those servants of his, which do retire themselves from worldly affairs, avoid idle words, labour not to lose their devotion, nor to defile their soul with talking, do especially obtain to be heard of him, to whom, after a certain manner, and as they may, they be like in purity and simplicity of heart. But we that live in the world, and speak oftentimes idle words, and that which is worse, sometime those that be hurtful: our words and prayers are so much the farther off from God, as they be near unto the world: for we are drawn too much down towards the earth, by continual talking of secular business: which thing the prophet Esaye did very well reprehend in himself, after he had beheld the King and Lord of armies, and was penitent, crying out: Woe be to me for being silent, because I am a man that have defiled lips: and he sheweth straight after the reason why his lips were defiled, when he saith: I dwell in the midst of a people that hath defiled lips.17 For sorry he was that his lips were defiled, yet concealeth not from whence he had them, when he saith, that he dwelt in the midst of a people |132 that had defiled lips. For very hard it is that the tongues of secular men should not defile their souls, with whom they talk; for when we do sometime condescend to speak with them of certain things, by little and little we get such a custom, that we hear that spoken with pleasure which is not meet to be heard at all, so that afterward we are loath to give that over, to which at the first, to gratify others, we were brought against our wills. And by this means we fall from idle words to hurtful speeches, and from talk of small moment to words of great importance: and so it cometh to pass that our tongue is so much the less respected of God when we pray, by how much we are more defiled with foolish speech, because, as it is written: He that turneth away his ear that he hear not the law, his prayer shall be execrable.18 What marvel, then, is it, if, when we pray, God doth slowly hear us, when as we hear God's commandments, either slowly or not at all? And what marvel if Florentius, when he prayed, was quickly heard, who obeyed God in observing his commandments?
PETER. The reason alleged is so plain, that nothing with reason can be said against it.
GREGORY. But Euthicius, who was companion to Florentius in serving of God, was famous also for miracles after his death. For the inhabitants of that city do speak of many: but the principal is that which, even to these times of the Lombards, almighty God hath vouchsafed to work by his coat: for when they had any great drougth the citizens, gathering themselves together, did carry that, and together with their prayers offer it in the sight of our Lord. And when they went with that through the fields, praying to God, forthwith they had such plenty of rain as the dryness of the ground required: whereby it was apparent, what virtue |133 and merits were in his soul, whose garment shewed outwardly did pacify the anger of almighty God.
Chapter Sixteen: of Marcius, the Monk of Mount Marsico.19
Not long since, there was a reverent man in Campania, called Marcius, who lived a solitary life in the mountain of Marsico: and many years together did he continue in a narrow and straight cave: whom many of our acquaintance knew very well, and were present at such miracles as he did, and many things concerning him have I heard from the mouth of Pope Pelagius of blessed memory, my predecessor, and also of others, who be very religious men. His first miracle was that, so soon as he made choice of that cave for his habitation, there sprung water out of the hollow rock, which was neither more nor less than served for his necessity: by which almighty God did shew what great care he had of his servant, seeing miraculously, as in ancient time he had before done to the children of Israel, he caused the hard rock to yield forth water. But the old enemy of mankind, envying at his virtues, went about by his ancient slight to drive him from that place: for he entered into a serpent, his old friend, and so thought to have terrified him from thence. For the serpent alone would come into the cave where he lived also alone, and when he was at his prayers, it would cast itself before him, and when he took his rest, it would lie down by his side. The holy man was nothing at all dismayed at this: for sometime he would put his hand or leg to his mouth, saying: "If thou hast leave to sting me, I hinder thee not ": and when he had lived thus continually the space of three years, upon a day the old enemy, overcome with his heavenly courage, made a great hissing, and tumbling himself down by the side of the mountain, he consumed all the bushes and shrubs with fire: in which fact by the power of God he was enforced to shew of what force he was, that |134 departed with loss of the victory. Consider, I pray you then, in the top of what mountain this man of God stood, that continued three years together with a serpent, without taking any harm at all.
PETER. I do consider it, and do tremble at the very hearing of the story.
GREGORY. This reverent man, when he first shut himself up, was determined never to behold women any more: not because he contemned them, but for that he feared lest their sight might be the occasion of sinful temptation: which resolution of his a certain woman understanding, up she went boldly to the mountain, and forgetting all modesty, impudently approached to his cave. He seeing her a good way off, and perceiving by the apparel that it was a woman, he fell straight to his prayers, with his face upon the earth, and there he lay prostrate, until the shameless creature, wearied with staying at his window, departed: and that very day after she was descended the mountain, she ended her lire; to give all the world to understand how highly she displeased almighty God, in offending his servant with that her bold enterprise.
At another time, many of devotion going to visit him, a young boy, taking little heed to his feet, and by reason the path was so straight upon the side of the mountain, fell down, and tumbled until he came to the bottom of the valley, which was very deep: for the mountain is so high, that huge trees growing beneath seem to them that be above nothing else but little shrubs. The people present were at this chance much dismayed, and very diligently did they seek, to see where they could find his dead body: for who would have thought any otherwise but that he was slain, or once imagined that his body could ever have come safe to the ground, so many rocks being in the way to tear it in pieces? yet for all this, he was found in the valley, not only alive, but also without |135 any harm at all. Then they perceived very well, that the reason why he was not hurt was because Marcius' prayers did preserve him in his falling.
Over his cave there was a great rock, which seemed to hang but by a little piece unto the mountain, and therefore daily was it feared that it would fall, and so kill the servant of God. For preventing of which mischief, the honourable man Mascatus, nephew to Armentarius, came thither with a great number of country people, desiring him to leave his cave so long until they had removed that rock, to the end he might afterward continue there without any danger: but the man of God could not by any means be persuaded to come forth, bidding them notwithstanding do what they thought convenient, only he retired himself to the farthest part of his cell: yet none made any doubt, but that if so huge a rock as that was did fall, but that it would both spoil his cave and kill himself. Wherefore they laboured what they might, to see if they could remove that mighty stone without any danger to the man of God, and forthwith, in the sight of them all, a strange thing happened: for that rock, severed by their labour from the rest of the mountain, not touching Marcius' cave, did skip clean over, and avoiding, as it were, to hurt God's servant, it fell far off: which thing no man can doubt but that it was done by the hands of Angels, at the commandment of almighty God.
At such time as this holy man came first to inhabit that mountain, and had not yet made any door for his cave, he fastened the one end of an iron chain to the stony wall, and the other he tied to his leg, to the end he might go no farther than the length of that chain did give him leave: which thing the reverent man Benedict hearing of, sent him this word by one of his monks: "If thou be God's servant, let the chain of Christ, and not any chain of iron, hold thee": upon this message Marcius forthwith loosed his chain, yet did he keep still the same |136 compass, and go no farther than he did before. Living afterward in the same cave, he began to entertain certain disciples, which dwelt apart from his cell, who, having no other water but that which with a rope and a bucket they drew out of a well, great trouble they had, because their rope did often break: and therefore they came unto him, craving that chain which he had loosed from his leg, that they might tie the rope to that, and fasten the bucket upon it: and from that time forward, though the rope was daily wet with water, yet did it break no more; for having touched the holy man's chain, it became strong like unto iron, so that the water did not wear it, nor do it any harm.
PETER. These worthy acts of his do please me, seeing they are strange, and that very much, because they were so lately done, and be yet fresh in memory.
Chapter Seventeen: how a Monk of Mount Argentario raised up a dead man.
GREGORY. Not long since in our time, a certain man called Quadragesimus was subdeacon in the church of Buxentin,20 who in times past kept a flock of sheep in the same country of Aurelia: by whose faithful report I understood a marvellous strange thing, which is this. At such time as he led a shepherd's life, there was an holy man that dwelt in the mountain of Argentario: whose religious conversation and inward virtue was answerable to the habit of a monk, which outwardly he did wear. Every year he travelled from his mountain to the church of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles: and in the way took this Quadra-gesimus' house for his lodging, as himself did tell me. Coming upon a day to his house, which was hard by the church, a poor woman's husband died not far off, whom when they had, as the manner is, washed, put on his garments, and made him ready to be buried, yet it was so late, that it could not be done that day: wherefore the desolate widow sat by the dead corpse, weeping all night long, and to satisfy her grief she did continually lament |137 and cry out. The man of God, seeing her so pitifully to weep and never to give over, was much grieved, and said to Quadragesimus the subdeacon: "My soul taketh compassion of this woman's sorrow, arise, I beseech you, and let us pray": and thereupon they went to the church, which, as I said, was hard by, and fell to their devotions. And when they had prayed a good while, the servant of God desired Quadragesimus to conclude their prayer; which being done, he took a little dust from the side of the altar: and so came with Quadragesimus to the dead body; and there he began again to pray, and when he continued so a long time, he desired him not, as he did before, to conclude their prayers, but himself gave the blessing, and so rose up: and because he had the dust in his right hand, with his left he took away the cloth that covered the dead man's face; which the woman seeing, earnestly withstood him, and marvelled much what he meant to do: when the cloth was gone, he rubbed the dead man's face a good while with the dust, which he had taken up; and at length, he that was dead received his soul again, began to open his mouth and his eyes, and to sit up, and as though he had awakened from a deep sleep, marvelled what they did about him; which when the woman, that had wearied herself with crying, beheld, she began then afresh to weep for joy, and cry out far louder than she did before: but the man of God modestly forbad her, saying: "Peace, good woman, and say nothing, and if any demand how this happened, say only, that our Lord Jesus Christ hath vouchsafed to work his pleasure." Thus he spake, and forthwith he departed from Quadragesimus, and never came to his house again. For, desirous to avoid all temporal honour, he so handled the matter, that they which saw him work that miracle, did never see him more so long as he lived.
PETER. What others think I know not: but mine opinion is, that it is a miracle above all miracles, to raise |138 up dead men, and secretly to call back their souls, to give life unto their bodies again.
GREGORY. If we respect outward and visible things, of necessity we must so believe; but if we turn our eyes to invisible things, then certain it is that it is a greater miracle, by preaching of the word and virtue of prayer, to convert a sinner than to raise up a dead man: for in the one, that flesh is raised up which again shall die: but in the other, he is brought from death which shall live for ever. For I will name you two, and tell me in which of them, as you think, the greater miracle was wrought. The first is Lazarus, a true believer, whom our Lord raised up in flesh; the other is Saul, whom our Lord raised in soul. For of Lazarus' virtues after his resurrection we read nothing: but after the raising up of the other's soul, we are not able to conceive what wonderful things be in holy scripture spoken of his virtues: as that his most cruel thoughts and designments were turned into the bowels of piety and compassion; that he desired to die for his brethren, in whose death before he took much pleasure; that knowing the holy scriptures perfectly, yet professed that he knew nothing else but Jesus Christ and him crucified; that he did willingly endure the beating of rods for Christ, whom before with sword he did persecute; that he was exalted to the dignity of an Apostle, and yet willingly became a little one in the midst of other disciples; that he was rapt to the secrets of the third heaven, and yet did turn his eye of compassion to dispose of the duty of married folks, saying: Let the husband render debt to the wife, and likewise the wife to the husband;21 that, he was busied in contemplating the quires of Angels, and yet contemned not to think and dispose of the facts of carnal men; that he rejoiced in his infirmities, and took pleasure in his reproaches; that for him to live is Christ, and gain to die; that although he lived |139 in flesh, yet was he wholly out of the flesh. Behold how this blessed Apostle lived, who from hell returned in his soul to the life of virtue: wherefore less it is for one to be raised up in body, except perchance, by the reviving thereof, he be also brought to the life of his soul, and that the outward miracle do serve for the giving of life to the inward spirit.
PETER. I thought that far inferior, which I perceive now to be incomparably superior: but prosecute, I beseech you, your former discourse, that we spend no time without some spiritual profit to our souls.
Chapter Eighteen: of Benedict the Monk.22
GREGORY. A certain monk lived with me in mine Abbey, passing cunning in holy scripture, who was elder than I, and of whom I learned many things which before I knew not. By his report I understood that there was in Campania, some forty miles from Rome, a man called Benedict, young in years, but old for gravity: one that observed the rule of holy conversation very strictly. When the Goths in the time of King Totila found him, they went about to burn him, together with his cell; and fire for that end was put to, which consumed all things round about, but no hold would the fire take upon his cell: which when the Goths saw, they became more mad, and with great cruelty drew him out of that place, and espying not far off an oven made hot to bake bread, into those flames they threw him, and so stopped the mouth. But the next day he was found so free from all harm, that not only his flesh, but his very apparel also, was not by the fire anything touched at all.
PETER. I hear now the old miracle of the three children, which were thrown into the fire, and yet were preserved from those furious flames.23
GREGORY. That miracle, in mine opinion, was in some thing unlike to this: for then the three children were |140 bound hand and foot, and so thrown into the fire, for whom the King looking the next day, found them walking in the furnace, their garments being nothing hurt by those flames: whereby we gather that the fire into which they were cast, and touched not their apparel, did yet consume their bands, so that at one and the same time, for the service of the just, the fire had force to bring them comfort, and yet had none to procure them torment.
Chapter Nineteen: of the church of blessed Zeno the Martyr: in which the water ascended higher than the door, and though it were open, yet entered not in.24
Like unto this ancient miracle we had in our days another, but yet in a divers element: for not long since John the Tribune told me that, when the Earl Pronulphus was there, and himself also with Antharicus the king, how there happened at that time a strange miracle, and he affirmeth that himself doth know it to be true. For he said that, almost five years since, when the river of Tiber became so great that it ran over the walls of Rome, and overflowed many countries: at the same time in the city of Verona, the river Athesis did so swell, that it came to the very church of the holy martyr and Bishop Zeno; and though the church doors were open, yet did it not enter in. At last it grew so high, that it came to the church windows, not far from the very roof itself, and the water standing in that manner, did close up the entrance into the church, yet without running in: as though that thin and liquid element had been turned into a sound wall. And it fell so out, that many at that time were surprised in the church, who not finding any way how to escape out, and fearing lest they might perish for want of meat and drink, at length they came to the church door, and took of the water to quench their thirst, which, as I said, came up to the windows, and yet entered not in; and so for their necessity they took water, which yet, according to the nature of water, ran not in: and in that manner it |141 stood there before the door, being water to them for their comfort, and yet not water to invade the place: and all this to declare the great merit of Christ's martyr. Which miracle I said truly, that it was not unlike to that ancient one of the fire: which burnt the three children's bands, and yet touched not their garments.
PETER. Marvellous strange are these acts of God's saints which you tell; and much to be admired of us weak men, that live in these days. But because I understand now, by your relation, what a number of excellent and virtuous men have been in Italy, desirous I am to know whether they endured any assaults of the devil, and did thereby more profit in the service of God.
GREGORY. Without labour and fighting, none can obtain the crown of victory: whence, then, come so many conquerors but from this, that they fought valiantly, and resisted the assaults of the old enemy? For the wicked spirit doth continually watch our thoughts, words, and works: to find something whereof to accuse us before the eternal Judge. For proof whereof I will now let you understand, how ready he is always to entrap and deceive us.
Chapter Twenty: of a priest called Stephen, in the province of Valeria: whose stockings the devil would have drawn off.
Some that are yet living with me, affirm this to be true which 1 will now speak of. A man of holy life there was, called Stephen, who was a Priest in the province of Valeria, nigh of kindred to my deacon Bonifacius: who, coming home upon a time from travel, spake somewhat negligently to his servant, saying: "Come, sir devil, and pull off my hose": at which words, straightways his garters began to loose in great haste, so that he plainly perceived that the devil indeed, whom he named, was pulling off his stocking: whereat being much terrified, he cried out aloud, and said: "Away, wretched caitiff, away; I spake not to thee, |142 but to my servant." Then the devil gave over, leaving his garters almost quite off. By which we may learn, that if the devil be so officious in things concerning our body, how ready and diligent he is to observe and note the cogitations of our soul.
PETER. A very painful thing it is and terrible, always to strive against the temptations of the devil, and, as it were, to stand continually armed ready to fight.
GREGORY. Not painful at all, if we attribute our preservation not to ourselves, but to God's grace; yet so notwithstanding, that we be careful what we may for our parts, and always vigilant under God's protection. And it falleth out sometime by God's goodness, that when the devil is expelled from our soul, that he is so little of us to be feared, that contrariwise he is rather terrified by the virtuous and devout life of good people.
Chapter Twenty-one: of a Nun that, by her only commandment, dispossessed a devil.
For the holy man, old father Eleutherius, of whom I spake before, told me that which I will now tell you: and he was himself a witness of the truth thereof: this it was. In the city of Spoleto, there was a certain worshipful man's daughter, for years marriageable, which had a great desire to lead another kind of life: whose purpose her father endeavoured to hinder: but she, not respecting her father's pleasure, took upon her the habit of holy conversation: for which cause her father did disinherit her, and left her nothing else but six little pieces of ground. By her example many noble young maids began under her to be converted, to dedicate their virginity to almighty God, and to serve him. Upon a time, the virtuous Abbot Eleutherius went to bestow upon her some good exhortation: and as he was sitting with her, discoursing of spiritual matters, a country man came from that piece of ground which her father had left her, bringing a certain present: and as he was |143 standing before them, suddenly a wicked spirit possessed his body; so that straightways he fell down before them, and began pitifully to cry and roar out. At this the Nun rose up, and with angry countenance and loud voice, commanded him to go forth, saying: "Depart from him, thou vile wretch, depart." "If I depart," quoth the devil, speaking by the mouth of the possessed man, "into whom shall I go?" By chance there was at that time a little hog hard by: into which she gave him leave to enter, which he did, and so, killing it, went his way.
PETER. I would gladly be informed, whether she might bestow so much as that hog upon the devil.
GREGORY. The actions of our Saviour be a rule for us, according to which we may direct our life: and we read in the scripture, how the legion of devils that possessed a man said unto our Saviour: If thou dost cast us forth, send us into the herd of swine:25 who cast them out, and permitted them to enter in as they desired, and to drown that herd in the sea. By which fact of our Saviour we learn also this lesson, that, except almighty God giveth leave, the devil cannot have any power against man, seeing he cannot so much as enter into hogs, without our Saviour's permission. Wherefore, necessary it is that we be obedient to him, unto whom all our enemies be subject, that we may so much the more be stronger than our enemies, by how much through humility we become one with the author of all things. And what marvel is it, if God's chosen servants, living yet upon earth, can do many strange things, when as their very bones, after they be dead, do oftentimes work miracles?
Chapter Twenty-two: of a Priest in the province of Valeria, who detained a thief at his grave.
For, in the province of Valeria, this strange thing happened: which I had from the mouth of Valentius, mine Abbot,26 who was a blessed man. In that country |144 there was a Priest, who in the company of divers other clerks served God, and led a virtuous and holy life: who, when his time was come, departed this life, and was buried before the church. Not far off, there belonged to the church certain sheep-cotes: and the place where he lay buried was the way to go unto the sheep. Upon a night, as the Priests were singing within the church, a thief came to the said place, took up a wether, and so departed in all haste: but as he passed where the man of God was buried, there he stayed, and could go no farther. Then he took the wether from his shoulders, and would fain have let it go, but by no means could he open his hand: and therefore, poor wretch, there he stood fast bound, with his prey before him; willingly would he have let the wether go, and could not; willingly also have carried it away, and was not able. And so very strangely the thief, that was afraid to be espied of living men, was held there against his will by one that was dead; for his hands and feet were bound in such sort, that away he could not go. When morning was come, and the Priests had ended their service, out they came: where they found a stranger, with a wether in his hand. And at the first they were in doubt, whether he had taken away one of theirs, or else came to give them one of his own: but he that was guilty of the theft told them in what manner he was punished: whereat they all wondered, to see a thief, with his prey before him, to stand there bound by the merits of the man of God. And straightways they offered their prayers for his delivery, and scarce could they obtain that he, which came to steal away their goods, might at least find so much favour as to depart empty as he came: yet in conclusion, the thief that had long stood there with his stolen wether, was suffered to go away free, leaving his carnage behind him. |145
PETER. By such facts almighty God doth declare, in what sweet manner he doth tender us, when he vouchsafeth to work such pleasant miracles.
Chapter Twenty-three: of the Abbot of Mount Preneste, and his Priest.27
GREGORY. Above the city of Preneste there is a mountain, upon which standeth an Abbey of the blessed Apostle, St. Peter: of the monks of which place, whiles I lived in an Abbey myself, I heard this miracle: which, those religious men said, they knew to be very true. In that monastery they had an Abbot of holy life, who brought up a certain monk, that became very virtuous, whom he perceiving to increase in the fear of God, he caused him in the same monastery to be made Priest: who, after his taking of orders, understood by revelation that his death was not far off; and therefore desired leave of the Abbot to make ready his sepulchre, who told him that himself should die before him: "but yet for all that," quoth he, "go your way, and make your grave at your pleasure." Away he went, and did so. Not many days after, the old Abbot fell sick of an ague, and drawing near to his end, he bad the foresaid Priest that stood by him, to bury his body in that grave which he had made for himself: and when the other told him that he was shortly to follow after, and that the grave was not big enough for both, the Abbot answered him in this wise: "Do as I have said, for that one grave shall contain both our bodies." So he died, and according to his desire, was buried in that grave which the Priest had provided for himself. Straight after, the Priest fell sick, and lay not long before he departed this life; and when his body was by the monks brought to the grave, which he had provided for himself, they opened it, and saw that there was not any room, because the Abbot's corpse filled the whole place: then one of them, with a loud voice, said: "O father, where is your promise, that this grave should hold you |146 both?" No sooner had he spoken those words, than the Abbot's body, which lay with the face upward, did, in all their sight, turn itself upon one side, and so left place enough for the burial of the Priest: and so after his death he performed what he promised alive, concerning the lying of both their bodies in that one grave. But because we have now made mention of St. Peter's Abbey in the city of Preneste, where this miracle happened, are you content to hear something of the keepers of his church which is in this city where his most holy body remaineth?
PETER. Most willing I am, and beseech you that it may be so.
Chapter Twenty-four: of Theodorus, Keeper of St. Peter'sChurch, in the City of Rome.
GREGORY. There be yet some alive that knew Theodorus, keeper of that church: by whose report a notable thing that befell him came to my knowledge. For rising somewhat early one night to mend the lights that hung by the door, and was upon the ladder (as he used) to pour oil into the lamps, suddenly St. Peter the Apostle in a white stole, standing beneath upon the pavement, appeared unto him, and spake to him in this manner: "Theodorus, why hast thou risen so early?" and when he had said so, he vanished out of his sight: but such a fear came upon him, that all the strength of his body did forsake him, so that he was not able to rise up from his bed for many days after. By which apparition what meant the blessed Apostle else, but to give those which serve him to understand by that his presence, that whatsoever they do for his honour, himself for their reward doth always behold it?
PETER. I marvel not so much at his apparition: as that being before very well, he fell sick upon that sight.
GREGORY. What reason have you, Peter, to marvel at that? for have you forgotten how the prophet Daniel, when he beheld that great and terrible vision at which |147 he trembled, speaketh thus of himself: I became weak, and was sick for very many days;28 for the flesh cannot conceive such things as pertain to the spirit, and therefore sometimes when a man's mind is carried to see somewhat beyond itself, no remedy but this earthly and frail vessel of ours, not able to bear such a burthen, must fall into weakness and infirmity.
PETER. Your reason hath taken away that scruple which troubled my mind.
Chapter Twenty-five: of Abundius, Keeper of the same Church of St. Peter.
GREGORY. Not very many years since (as old men say) there was another keeper of the same church, called Abundius, a grave man, and of great humility: who served God so faithfully, that the blessed Apostle St. Peter did by miracle declare what opinion he had of his virtue. For a certain young maid, that frequented his church, was so pitifully sick of the palsy, that she crept upon her hands, and, for very weakness, drew her body upon the ground. Long time had she prayed to St. Peter for help of this her infirmity: who upon a night in a vision, stood by her and spake thus: "Go unto Abundius, and desire his help, and he shall restore thee to thine health." The maid, as she made no doubt of the vision, so not knowing this Abundius, up and down she crept through the church, enquiring for the man, and suddenly met with him whom she sought for; and asking for him of himself, he told her that he was Abundius. Then quoth she: "Our pastor and patron, blessed St. Peter the Apostle, hath sent me, that you should help me of this my disease." "If you be sent by him," quoth Abundius, "then rise up": and taking her by the hand, he forthwith lifted her up upon her feet: and from that very hour, all the sinews and parts of her body became so strong, that no sign of her former malady remained. But if I should recount all the miracles in |148 particular, which are known to have been done in his church, questionless no time would be left for the relation of any other; wherefore I will speak no more of them, but come to such holy men as have been famous in divers other places of Italy.
Chapter Twenty-six: of a solitary Monk called Menas.
Not long since, in the province of Samnium, there was a reverent man called Menas, who some ten years since led a solitary life, and was known to many of our friends: and for the truth of such his notable acts as I shall report, I will not name any one author, because I have so many witnesses as there be men that know that province of Samnium. This holy man had no other wealth to live upon, but a few hives of bees, which a certain Lombard would needs have taken away: for which cause the holy man reprehended him, and by and by he fell down before him, and was tormented of a devil: upon which accident his name became famous, both to his neighbours and also to that barbarous nation: so that none durst after that but in humility come into his cell. Oftentimes also there came certain bears out of the wood which was hard by, to devour up his honey, whom he strook with a little stick which he carried in his hand; and the bears so feared his stripes, that they would roar out and run away, and they which little feared naked swords were now afraid to be beaten by him with a small wand. He desired not to possess aught in this world, nor to seek for any thing; and his manner was, by heavenly talk to inflame all such as of charity came to visit him, with the desire and love of eternal life. And if at any time he understood that others had committed any great sin, he would never spare them, but with true love to their souls reprehend them for their faults. His neighbours, and others also that dwelt farther off, used upon a custom, every one upon certain days in the week, to send him their presents and offerings, to the end |149 he might have somewhat to bestow upon such as came to visit him. A certain man there was, called Carterius, who, overcome of filthy concupiscence, violently took away a Nun, and by unlawful matrimony made her his wife: which thing so soon as the man of God understood, he sent him by such as he could that message which his fact deserved. The man, guilty in his conscience of that wickedness which he had committed, durst not himself go unto God's servant, fearing lest, as his manner was, he would sharply have rebuked him: and therefore he sent his offerings among others, that at least through ignorance he might receive what he sent him. But when all the offerings were brought before him, he sat still, viewing them all in particular, and laying the rest aside, he took those which Carterius sent, and cast them away, saying: "Go and tell him: Thou hast taken away God's offering, and dost thou send me thine? I will none of thy offering, because thou hast taken from God that which was his." By which fact all that were present fell into a great fear, perceiving that he could certainly tell what they did which were absent.
PETER. Many such men as he was might, in mine opinion, have been martyrs, if they had lived in times of persecution.
GREGORY. There be, Peter, two kinds of martyrdoms, the one secret, the other open: for if a man hath a burning zeal in his mind to suffer death for Christ, although he endureth not any external persecution, yet hath he in secret the merit of martyrdom. For that one may be a martyr without suffering death openly, our Lord doth teach us in the Gospel: who said unto the sons of Zebedeus, desiring as then, through infirmity of soul, the principal places to sit upon in his kingdom: Can you drink the chalice which I shall drink? and when they answered that they could, he said to them both: My chalice verily shall you drink, but to sit at my right hand |150 or left, is not mine to give you:29 in which words what is signified else, by the name of chalice, but the cup of passion and death? And seeing we know that James was put to death for Christ, and that John died when the Church enjoyed peace: undoubtedly we do gather that one may be a martyr without open suffering: for as much as he is said to have drunk our Lord's chalice, who yet in persecution was not put to death. But concerning those notable and excellent men of whom I have made mention before, why may we not truly say, that if they had fallen into a time of persecution, they might have been martyrs, when as by enduring the secret assaults of the devil, and by loving their enemies in this world, by resisting all carnal desires, and in that they did in their heart sacrifice themselves to almighty God, they were also martyrs in the time of peace? seeing that now in our days we see that mean men and of secular life, yea, and even those of whom one would have supposed that they did little think of heaven, have by occasion of persecution obtained the glorious crown of martyrdom.
Chapter Twenty-seven: of forty country husbandmen that were slain by the Lombards, because they would not eat flesh sacrificed to idols.30
For about fifteen years since, as they report who might very well have been present, forty husbandmen of the country were taken prisoners by the Lombards, whom they would needs have enforced to eat of that which was sacrificed to idols: but when they utterly refused so to do, or so much as once to touch that wicked meat, then they threatened to kill them, unless they would eat it: but they, loving more eternal than transitory life, continued constant, and so they were all slain. What then were these men? what else but true martyrs, that made choice rather to die than, by eating of that which was unlawful, to offend their Creator? |151
Chapter Twenty-eight: of a great number of prisoners that were slain, because they would not adore a goat's head.
At the same time, the Lombards, having almost four hundred prisoners in their hands, did, after their manner, sacrifice a goat's head to the devil: running round about with it in a circle, and by singing a most blasphemous song did dedicate it to his service. And when they had themselves with bowed heads adored it, then would they also have enforced their prisoners to do the like. But a very great number of them choosing rather by death to pass unto immortal life, than by such abominable adoration to preserve their mortal bodies, refused utterly to do what they commanded them; and so would not by any means bow down their heads to a creature, having always done that service to their Creator: whereat their enemies, in whose hands they were, fell into such an extreme rage, that they slew all them with their swords, which would not join with them in that sacrilegious fact. What marvel then is it, that those notable men before mentioned might have come to martyrdom, had they lived in the days of persecution, who in the time of peace, by continual mortification, walked the straight way of martyrdom: when as we see that, in the storm of persecution, they merited to obtain the crown of martyrdom, who, the Church being quiet, seemed to walk the broad way of this world? Yet that which we say concerning the elect servants of God, is not to be holden for a general rule in all. For when open persecution afflicteth the Church, as most true it is that many may arrive to martyrdom, who, when no such tempest did blow, seemed contemptible, and of no account: so likewise sometimes they fall away for fear, who before persecution, and when all was quiet, seemed to stand very constant: but such holy men as before have been mentioned, I dare boldly say that they might have been |152 martyrs, because we gather so much by their happy deaths: for they could not have fallen in open persecution, of whom it is certain that, to the very end of their lives, they did continue in the profession of piety and virtue.
PETER. It is as you say: but I much wonder at the singular providence of God's mercy, which he sheweth to us unworthy wretches, in that he doth so moderate and temper the cruelty of the Lombards, that he suffereth not their wicked priests to persecute the faith of Christians: when as they see themselves, as it were, the conquerors and rulers of Christian people.
Chapter Twenty-nine: of an Arian Bishop that was miraculously struck blind.
GREGORY. Many, Peter, have attempted that, but miracles from heaven have stayed the course of their cruelty: and one will I now tell you, which I heard three days since of Bonifacius, a monk of my Abbey, who, until these four years last past, remained amongst the Lombards. An Arian Bishop of theirs coming to the city of Spoleto, and not having any place where to exercise his religion, demanded a church of the Bishop of that town: which when he constantly denied him, the Arian prelate told him, that the next day he would by force take possession of St. Paul's church, which was hard by his lodging. The keeper of the church, understanding this news, in all haste ran thither, shut the doors, and with locks and bolts made them as fast as he could: and when it was night he put out all the lamps, and hid himself within. The next morning, very early, the Arian Bishop came thither with many in his company: meaning by force to break open the doors. But suddenly by miracle the locks were cast far off, and the doors of themselves, making a great noise, flew open: and all the lamps, before put out, were lightened again by fire descending from heaven: and the Arian Bishop that came to |153 enter the church by violence, was suddenly struck blind, so that other men were fain to lead him back again to his own lodging. Which strange accident when the Lombards there about understood, they durst not any more presume to violate Catholic places: and so it fell out wonderfully, by God's providence, that for as much as the lamps in St. Paul's church were by reason of him put out: that at one and the self same time, both he lost the light of his eyes, and the church received her former light again.
Chapter Thirty: how a church of the Arians in Rome was hallowed according to the Catholic manner.31
Neither is that to be passed over in silence which God of his mercy vouchsafed, two years since, to shew in this city, to the great condemnation of the Arian heresy: for part of that which I intend now to speak of, many of the people know to be true: part the Priest and keepers of the church affirm that they saw and heard. A church of the Arians, in that part of the city which is called Subura, remained until two years since with the doors shut up; at which time, being desirous thatdt should be hallowed in the Catholic faith, we brought with us thither the relics of the blessed martyrs St. Stephen and St. Agatha: and so with great multitudes of people, singing of praises to almighty God, we entered the church: and when the solemnity of mass was in celebrating, and the people, by reason of the straight place, thrust one another, some of them that stood without the chancel heard an hog running up and down through their legs, and each one perceiving it told it to his next fellow: but the hog made towards the church door to go forth, striking all those into great admiration by whom he passed; but though they heard him, yet none there was that saw him: which strange thing God of piety vouchsafed to shew, to the end we should understand how that the unclean spirit, which before possessed that place, was now departed and |154 gone. When mass was done we went away, but the night following such a noise was heard in the top of the church, as though somebody had there run up and down; and the next night after that a far greater, and withal, of a sudden, such a terrible crack there was, as though the whole church had been quite falling down: which forthwith vanished away, and never after was the church troubled any more by the old enemy: but by the great stir which he kept before his departure, he made it apparent that he went very unwillingly from that place, which so long time he had possessed.
Not many days after, in a passing fair and clear day, a cloud miraculously descended upon the altar of the same church: covering it as it had been with a canopy: and filled the church with such a kind of terror and sweetness, that though the doors were wide open, yet none durst presume to enter in. The Priest also and the keepers of the church, and those which were come thither to say mass, beheld the selfsame thing, yet could they not go in, although they felt the sweetness of that strange perfume.
Likewise upon another day, the lamps hanging without light, fire came from heaven and set them a burning: and a few days after, when mass was ended, and the keeper of the church had put out the lamps, and was departed, yet returning back again, he found them burning which before he had put forth; but thinking that he had done it negligently, he did it now more carefully the second time, and so departed the church and shut the door; but returning three hours after, he found them again burning as before: to the end that by the very light the world might manifestly know, how that place was from darkness translated to light.
PETER. Although we be in great miseries and tribulations, yet these strange miracles, which God vouchsafeth to work, do plainly declare that he hath not utterly forsaken and given us over. |155
GREGORY. Albeit I was determined to recount unto you only such strange things as were done in Italy, are you for all that content, to the further condemnation of the said Arian heresy, that I turn a little my speech to Spain, and so by Africa return back again to Italy?
PETER. Go whither you will, willingly will I travel with you, and joyfully return home again.
Chapter Thirty-one: of King Hermigildus, son to Leuigildus, King of the Visigoths; who was, for the Catholic faith, put to death by his father.32
GREGORY. Not long since, as I have learned of many which came from Spain, king Hermigildus, son of Leuigildus, king of the Visigoths, was from Arian heresy lately converted to the Catholic faith by the most reverent man Leander, Bishop of Seville, with whom I was not long since familiarly acquainted; which young Prince, upon his conversion, his father, being an Arian, laboured both by large promises and terrible threats to draw again to his former error: but when most constantly his son answered, that he would never forsake the true faith which he had once embraced, his father in great anger took away his kingdom, and beside deprived him of all wealth and riches; and perceiving that, with all this, his mind was nothing moved, he committed him to straight prison, laying irons both upon his neck and hands. Upon this, the young king Hermigildus began now to contemn his earthly kingdom, and to seek with great desire after the kingdom of heaven: and lying in prison fast bound, he prayed to almighty God in hair-cloth to send him heavenly comfort: and so much the more did he despise the glory of this transitory world, by how much he knew himself in that case that he had now nothing that could be taken from him.
When the solemn feast of Easter was come, his wicked father sent unto him in the dead of the night an Arian Bishop, to give him the communion of a sacrilegious |156 consecration, that he might thereby again recover his father's grace and favour: but the man of God, as he ought, sharply reprehended that Arian Bishop which came unto him, and giving him such entertainment as his deserts required, utterly rejected him; for albeit outwardly he lay there in bands, yet inwardly to himself he stood secure in the height of his own soul. The father, at the return of the Arian prelate, understanding these news, fell into such a rage that forthwith he sent his officers of execution to put to death that most constant confessor, in the very prison where he lay: which unnatural and bloody commandment was performed accordingly: for so soon as they came into the prison, they clave his brains with an hatchet, and so bereaved him or mortal life, having only power to take that from him which the holy martyr made small account of. Afterward, for the publishing of his true glory to the world, there wanted not miracles from heaven: for in the night time singing was heard at his body: some also report that, in the night, burning lamps were seen in that place: by reason whereof his body, as of him that was a martyr, was worthily worshipped of all Christian people. But the wicked father and murtherer of his own son, albeit he was sorry that he had put him to death, yet was not his grief of that quality that it brought him to the state of salvation. For although he knew very well that the Catholic faith was the truth, yet, for fear of his people, he never deserved to be a professor thereof.
At length, falling sick, a little before his death, he commended his son Recharedus, who was to succeed him in the kingdom, and was yet an heretic, unto Bishop Leander, whom before he had greatly persecuted: that by his counsel and exhortation, he might likewise make him a member of the Catholic Church, as he had before made his brother Hermigildus; and when he had thus done, he departed this life. After whose death, |157 Recharedus the king, not following the steps of his wicked father, but his brother the martyr, utterly renounced Arianism: and laboured so earnestly for the restoring of religion, that he brought the whole nation of the Visigoths to the true faith of Christ, and would not suffer any that was an heretic in his country to bear arms and serve in the wars. And it is not to be admired that he became thus to be a preacher of the true faith, seeing he was the brother of a martyr, whose merits did help him to bring so many into the lap of God's Church: wherein we have to consider that he could never have effected all this, if king Hermigildus had not died for the testimony of true religion; for, as it is written: Unless the grain of wheat falling into the earth doth die, itself remaineth alone; but if it diey it bringeth forth much fruit. 33 This we see to prove true in the members, which before was verified in the head: for one died amongst the Visigoths that many might live, and of one grain that was sown for the faith, a great crop of faithful people sprung up.
PETER. A wonderful thing, and much to be admired in these our days.
Chapter Thirty-two: of certain Bishops of Africa, who had their tongues cut out by the Vandals, that were Arian heretics, for the defence of the Catholic faith; and yet spake still as perfectly as they did before.34
GREGORY. Likewise, in the time of Justinian the Emperor, when as the Vandals, that were Arian heretics, did grievously persecute the Catholic faith, certain Bishops, continuing constant, were openly examined: whom when the king of the Vandals saw that he could neither by any words or rewards draw to embrace his heretical religion, yet he thought that by torments he might do it: and therefore, when he commanded them not to speak in defence of truth, and they |158 refused to obey his precept, lest by silence they might seem to give consent unto wicked heresy, in a great fury he commanded their tongues to be cut out by the roots. A miraculous thing, and yet known to many old men: they did as perfectly afterward speak in defence of true religion, as they did before, when they had their tongues safe and sound.
PETER. You tell me of a marvellous strange thing, and greatly to be admired.
GREGORY. It is written, Peter, of the only Son of the eternal Father: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God.35 Of whose virtue and power it straightways followeth: All things were made by him. Why then should we marvel, if that eternal Word could speak without a tongue, which made the tongue?
PETER. What you say pleaseth me very well.
GREGORY. These Bishops, therefore, flying at that time from the persecution, came unto the city of Constantinople: and at such time as myself, about the affairs of the Church, was sent thither unto the Emperor, I found there a Bishop of good years, who told me that he saw them himself speak without tongues: for they opened their mouths, and said: "Behold and see how we have no tongues, and yet do speak"; for, as he said, their tongues being cut off by the roots, there seemed as it were a deep hole in their throat: and yet, though their mouths were empty, they pronounced their words very plain and distinctly. One of which, falling afterward in that place into carnal sin, was forthwith deprived of that supernatural gift: and that by the just judgment of almighty God, seeing reason requireth that he which was careless to preserve the continency of his body which he had, should not any longer utter the words of truth without the tongue of his body which he had not. But because I have now spoken sufficient for the |159 condemnation of Arianism, therefore I will return to entreat of such other miracles as have lately fallen out here in Italy.
Chapter Thirty-three: of the servant of God, Eleutherius.
Eleutherius, of whom I made mention before, father of the Abbey of the Evangelist St. Mark, which is in the suburbs of the city of Spoleto, lived long time together with me in this city in my monastery, and there ended his days. Of whom his monks do report that by his tears he raised up one that was dead: for he was a man of such simplicity and compunction, that no doubt but those tears, coming from his humble and simple soul, were of force to obtain many things of almighty God. One miracle of his I will now tell you, which himself, being demanded by me, did with great simplicity confess. As he was travelling upon a certain day, and not finding at night any other place to lodge in, he went to a Nunnery, wherein there was a little boy which the wicked spirit did usually every night torment. The Nuns, giving entertainment to the man of God, desired him that the said little boy might remain with him all night: wherewith he was well content. In the morning, the Nuns diligently enquired of the father, if the child had not been sore troubled and tormented that night: who, marvelling why they asked that question, answered that he perceived not any such thing. Then they told him how a wicked spirit did every night pitifully afflict the child, and earnestly desired him that he would take him home to his own Abbey, because their hearts could not endure to behold any such misery. The old man yielded to their request, and so carried away the boy home to his own monastery: where he remained long time safe and sound, the devil not presuming to touch him. Whereupon the old man, seeing him to continue so well, was immoderately glad thereof, and therefore, in |160 the presence of the monks, he spake thus: "The devil did dally with those sisters: but now he hath to do with the servants of God, he dare not come near this boy." He had scarce uttered these words, when as in that very instant the poor child was, in the presence of them all, possessed, and pitifully tormented: which the old man beholding, straightways lamented and fell a weeping, and persevering so a long time, the monks came to comfort him; but he answered them, saying: "Believe me," quoth he, "none of you shall this day eat any bread, unless this boy be dispossessed." Then, with the rest of the brethren, he fell prostrate to his prayers, and there they continued so long, until the boy was delivered from his former torments, and besides so perfectly cured, that the wicked spirit never after presumed to molest him any more.
PETER. I verily suppose that he sinned a little in vain glory: and that God's pleasure was, that the other monks should co-operate to the dispossessing of the devil.
GREGORY. It is even so as you say: for seeing he could not alone bear the burthen of that miracle, it was divided amongst the rest of his brethren. Of what force and efficacy this man's prayers were, I have found by experience in myself: for being upon a time, when I lived in the Abbey, so sick that I often swooned: and was by means thereof, with often pangs, continually at death's door, and in such case that, unless I did continually eat something, my vital spirit was going away: Easter day was at hand, and therefore when I saw that upon so sacred a vigil I could not refrain from often eating, in which not only old persons, but even children use to fast, I was more afflicted with grief, than grieved with mine infirmity: yet at length my sorrowful soul quickly found out a device, and that was, to carry the man of God secretly into the oratory, and there to |161 entreat him that he would by his prayer obtain for me of God so much strength and ability as to fast that day: which fell out accordingly: for so soon as we came into the oratory, with humility and tears he fell to his prayers, and after a while (having made an end) he came forth, and upon the words of his blessed prayers, my stomach grew so strong, that I did not so much as think of any meat, nor feel any grief at all. Then I began to marvel at myself, and to think in what case I was before, and how I felt myself now: and when I thought upon my former sickness, I found none of those pangs with which before I was troubled: and when my mind was busied about the affairs of the Abbey, my sickness was quite out of my memory; yea, and as I said, if I did think thereof, yet feeling myself so well and strong, I began to doubt whether I had eaten or no. When evening was come, I found myself so lusty that I could very well have fasted until the next day. And by this means, having experience of his prayers in myself, I made no doubt but those things also were true which in other places he did, though myself was not then present.
PETER. Seeing you told me that he was a man of great compunction, desirous I am to be better informed touching the efficacy of compunction and tears: and therefore I pray you, let me understand how many kinds of compunction there be.
Chapter Thirty-four: of the divers kinds of compunction.
GREGORY. Compunction is divided into many kinds: to wit, when every sin is of penitent men in particular bewailed: whereof the prophet Jeremy, in the person of penitent sinners, speaketh thus: Mine eye hath brought forth divisions of waters.36 But speaking more properly, there be especially two kinds of compunction: for the soul that thirsteth after God is first sorrowful in |162 heart for fear, and afterward upon love. For first it is grieved and weepeth, because, calling to mind former sins committed, it feareth to endure for punishment of them everlasting torments: but when long anxiety and sorrow hath banished away that fear, then a certain security of the hope of pardon doth follow: and so the soul is inflamed with the love of heavenly delights, and whereas before it did weep for fear of eternal pain, afterward it poureth out tears, that it is kept from everlasting joys. For the soul doth then contemplate those glittering quires of Angels, that heavenly company of those blessed spirits, that great majesty of the eternal beholding the face of God; and doth lament so much more now, because it wanteth that everlasting felicity, than it wept before at the fear of eternal punishment. Which thing in scripture is mystically set down, in an holy and true history: for there we read how Axa, the daughter of Caleb, riding upon an ass, did sigh: and when her father demanded what the matter was, she answered him thus: Give me your blessings a southern and dry land you have given me, join also a watery: and he gave her a watery ground above and beneath.37 For Axa then rideth upon the ass, when our soul doth subdue and govern the sensual motions of the flesh: which sighing doth crave wet ground of her father, when it doth with contrition and sorrow of heart desire of our Creator the grace of tears and weeping. For some there be, upon whom God hath bestowed such a gift, that they will speak freely in defence of justice, help them that be oppressed, give alms to the poor, and be zealous in religion, but yet have they not obtained the grace of tears: these be they, that have ground towards the south, and that which is dry: but yet do they want that which is moist and wet: because, albeit they be diligent and fervent in good works, yet requisite it is |163 that they should also, either for fear of hell or the love of heaven, bewail the sins of their life past. But because, as I said, there be two kinds of compunction, therefore her father gave her that which was wet above and also wet beneath: for our soul doth then receive that which is wet above, when it is grieved, and doth weep for the desire of heaven; and it doth then possess that which is wet beneath, when it is afraid, and poureth forth tears for the fear of hell fire: and albeit that which is wet beneath is bestowed upon our soul, before that which is wet above, yet because the compunction of love is the more excellent, convenient it was that the ground which was wet above should be first named, and afterward that which was wet beneath.
PETER. Your discourse pleaseth me very well: but seeing you have now told me of that reverent man Eleutherius, and his great grace of compunction, desirous I am to know whether there be now any such men living in the world.
Chapter Thirty-five: of Amantius, a Priest in the Province of Tuscania.
GREGORY. Floridus, Bishop of Tivoli, a man (as yourself knoweth very well) of holy life, and worthy to be credited, told me that he had dwelling with him a certain Priest called Amantius, of marvellous simplicity: who, like unto the Apostles, had such a grace given him of God, that, laying his hand upon them that were sick, he restored them to their former health; and although the disease were very great and dangerous, yet upon his touching did it forthwith depart. Moreover he said that he had also this miraculous gift, that wheresoever he found any serpents or snakes, though never so cruel, yet did he with the sign of the cross dispatch and kill them: for by virtue of the cross, which the man of God made with his hand, their bowels did break, and they suddenly die: and if by chance the snake gat into any hole, then did he with the sign of the cross bless |164 the mouth thereof, and it wrought the same effect; for any might straightways find it there dead. Myself having understanding of this great grace bestowed upon him, was desirous to see him: and when he was brought unto me, I caused him to be lodged in a chamber amongst the sick men: thereby to try what his gift was in curing of diseases. At that time, there was one amongst them beside himself, being fallen into a phrensy: who one night did so cry out like a mad man, that with his noise he disquieted all the rest that were sick, so that they could not sleep or take any rest: and so it fell out very strangely that, one being ill, all the rest fared the worse. But as I had before learned of the reverent Bishop Floridus, who was at that time there present with the said Priest, and afterward also plainly understood of him that attended that night upon the sick persons, the foresaid venerable Priest, rising out of his bed, went softly to the place where the mad man lay, and there prayed, laying his hands upon him; whereupon the man became somewhat better. Then he carried him away unto the higher part of the house, into the oratory: where more plentifully he prayed unto God for his recovery: and straight after he brought him back again to his own bed safe and sound, so that he cried out no more, neither troubled any of the other sick persons. By which one fact of his, I had sufficient reason to give credit to all the rest that before had been told me.
PETER. A great edification it is, to see men working such notable miracles: and to behold, as it were upon earth, heavenly Jerusalem in her citizens.
Chapter Thirty-six: of Marimianus, Bishop of Syracusis.38
GREGORY. Neither is that miracle to be passed over with silence, which almighty God vouchsafed to work by his servant Maximianus, now Bishop of Syracusis, but then the father and governor of mine Abbey. For at such time as I was, upon the |165 commandment of my Bishop, sent to Constantinople to the Emperor, about affairs of the Church, the same reverent man, Maximianus upon charity, with other of his monks, came thither unto me: who in his return homeward to Rome, fell into a great tempest upon the Adriake sea: in which both himself and all those that were in his company, after a most strange and miraculous manner, tasted both of the indignation and favour of almighty God. For the sea did so rage with the fury of the winds, that they had spent their mast: the sails floated upon the waves: and the ship, beaten and torn with boisterous billows, did leak water so fast, that it was now come to the upper deck, in such sort that the ship seemed not so much to be in the waters, as the waters in the ship.
The mariners and passengers, troubled with the fear of death, not as a thing far off, but even present before their eyes, void of all hope of this life, prepared themselves for the next: and so, mutually giving the pax or kiss of peace one to another, they received the body and blood of our Saviour: commending themselves to almighty God, that he would vouchsafe mercifully to receive their souls, who had delivered their bodies to so fearful a death: but God, who had wonderfully terrified their minds, did more wonderfully preserve their lives. For the same ship although full of water, yet did it hold on her course for eight days together, and upon the ninth, it arrived at the port of Cothronum:39 and when all the rest were safely gone out, then last of all the reverent man Maximianus went also forth: and no sooner was he upon land, than the ship sunk in the haven: as though, by their departure, it had wanted that which did preserve it: and whereas before, being at sea, it was full of men, and carried also abundance of water, and yet sailed onward: now when Maximianus with his monks were landed, it could not in the haven carry the waters alone: whereby God gave them to understand, that, when it was laden, himself |166 with his divine hand did govern and preserve it: seeing when it was empty it could not for a small time continue above the water.
Chapter Thirty-seven: of Sanctulus, a Priest in the Province of Nursia.
About forty days since, you saw with me one called Sanctulus, a reverent Priest, who every year came unto me out of Nursia: but three days ago, a certain monk, coming from those parts, brought me very heavy news of his death. The holy life and virtue of which man was such, that although I can not but fetch sweet sighs when I remember it, yet now I may without all fear report and publish to the world such miracles as I have learned by the relation of very virtuous and holy Priests, that were his neighbours: and as amongst dear friends familiarity causeth one to presume much in charity, oftentimes myself did so courteously urge him, that he was enforced to tell me some small miracles which himself had done.
Certain Lombards being upon a time pressing of olives to make oil, Sanctulus, as he was both merry in countenance and heart, came unto them, and saluted them pleasantly: and shewing them his bottle which he brought, rather willed than desired them to fill it with oil. But they being infidels, and having laboured all day in vain, and not pressed out any oil at all, took his words in ill part, and gave him very bad speech: but the man of God, notwithstanding this, spake unto them yet with a more merry countenance, and said: "If you desire to do me a good turn, you will fill this bottle for Sanctulus, and so he will depart from you very well contented." But they, seeing no oil to run forth, and hearing him yet for all that so earnest to have his bottle filled, fell into a great rage, and railed mightily upon him. Then the man of God, seeing that no oil came from the press, called for water, which he blessed before them all, and with his own hands cast it upon the press: and forthwith, by virtue |167 of that benediction, such plenty of oil ran forth, that the Lombards, who before had long laboured in vain, did not only fill their own vessels, but also his bottle: giving him thanks for that, coming to beg oil, by his blessing he bestowed that upon them which himself had demanded.
At another time, when a great dearth was in the country, the man of God being desirous to repair the church of St. Lawrence, burnt before by the Lombards, he hired for that end many cunning workmen and divers other labourers, who of necessity were daily to be maintained: but so great was the scarcity, that he wanted bread to relieve them; whereupon his workmen cried out for meat, because they were faint and could not labour. The man of God, hearing this, gave them comfortable words, promising to supply their want; yet inwardly very much was he grieved, being not able to perform what he had said. Going therefore up and down in great anxiety, he came to an oven, wherein the neighbours that dwelt by had the day before baked bread: and stooping down, he looked in, to see whether they had by chance left any bread behind them, where he found a loaf both greater and whiter than commonly they used: which he took away, but yet would he not by and by give it to his workmen, lest perhaps it belonged to some other body, and so might as it were, of compassion to other, have committed a sin himself: and therefore he did first shew it to all the women there about, enquiring whether it were any of theirs: but all denied it, saying that they had all received their just number of loaves. Then the man of God in great joy went with that one loaf to many workmen, wishing them to give thanks to almighty God, telling them how his goodness had provided them of necessary food; and forthwith he set that loaf before them, whereof, when they had satisfied themselves, he gathered up more pieces of bread which remained, than the whole loaf itself was before in quantity. The day |168 following, again he set it before them, and again the pieces remaining were far more than the former fragments: and so, for the space of ten days together, all those artificers and workmen lived upon that one loaf, and were very well satisfied: some thing remaining every day for the next, as though the fragments had by eating increased.
PETER. A strange thing, and not unlike to that notable miracle of our Saviour; and therefore worthy to be admired of all.
GREGORY. Our Saviour at this time, Peter, vouchsafed by his servant to feed many with one loaf, who in times past, by himself, fed five thousand with five loaves: and doth daily of a few grains of corn produce innumerable ears of wheat: who also out of the earth brought forth those very grains; and more than all this, created all things of nothing. But to the end you should not marvel any longer, what by God's assistance the venerable man Sanctulus wrought outwardly: I will now tell you what, by our Lord's grace, he was inwardly in his soul. Upon a certain day, the Lombards had taken a Deacon, whom they kept in prison, with a purpose to put him to death. When evening was come, the man of God, Sanctulus, entreated them to set him at liberty, and to grant him his life: but when he saw that he could not obtain that favour at their hands, but that they were fully resolved to have his life: then he beseeched them, that they would at least commit him to his keeping: wherewith they were content, but with this condition, that if he scaped away, that then himself should die for him. The man of God was very well content, and so he received the Deacon into his own charge and custody.
The midnight following, when he saw all the Lombards fast asleep, he called up the Deacon, willing him quickly to rise up and to run away as fast as he could: "and almighty God," quoth he, "deliver thee out of their |169 hands." To whom the Deacon (knowing what he had promised) said: "Father, I can not run away, for if I do, out of all doubt they will put you to death." Yet for all this, Sanctulus enforced him to be gone with all speed, saying: "Up, and away: and God of his goodness defend and protect you: for I am in his hands, and they can do no more unto me than his divine Majesty shall give them leave." Upon these words away went the Deacon; and he that had undertaken his safe keeping, as one that had been deceived, remained behind.
In the morning the Lombards demanded of Sanctulus for their prisoner: who told them that he was run away. "Then," quoth they, "you best know what is convenient for you to have." "Yea, marry, that do I," answered the servant of God, with great constancy. "Well," quoth they, "thou art a good man, and therefore we will not by divers torments take away thy life; but make choice of what death thou wilt." To whom the man of God answered in this manner: "Here I am, at God's disposition and pleasure, kill me in such sort, as he shall vouchsafe to give you leave." Then all the Lombards that were present agreed to have him beheaded: to the end an easy and quick death might soon dispatch him. When it was given out abroad that Sanctulus was to die, whom for his virtue and holiness they greatly honoured, all the Lombards that were in those parts repaired thither, being glad (such cruel minds they have) to behold him put to death: and when all the army was gathered together, they brought him forth to execution, and the strongest man amongst them was chosen out, to cut off his head at one blow.
The venerable man, beset with armed soldiers, betook himself to his usual weapons: for he desired them to give him a little leave to pray: which when he had obtained, he cast himself prostrate upon the earth, and fell to his devotions: in which after he had continued for a good |170 space, the executioner spurned him up with his foot, bidding him rise, kneel down, and to prepare himself for death. The man of God rose up, bowed down his knee, and held forth his head, and beholding the drawn sword ready to dispatch him, these only words they said that he spake aloud: "O Saint John, hold that sword." Then the foresaid executioner, having the naked weapon in his hand, did with all his force lift up his arm to strike off his head; but by no means could he bring it down again, for it became suddenly so stiff that it remained still above, the man being not able once to bend it downward. Then all the Lombards who came to feed their eyes with the lamentable sight of his death, began with admiration to praise God's name, and with fear to reverence the man of God: for they now saw apparently of what great holiness he was, that did so miraculously stay the arm of his executioner above in the air.
Then they desired him to rise up, which he did; but when they required him to restore his executioner's arm to his former state, he utterly refused, saying: "By no means will I once pray for him, unless beforehand he swear unto me, that he will never with that arm offer to kill any Christian more." The poor Lombard, who, as we may truly say, had stretched out his arm against God, enforced with this necessity, took an oath never more to put any Christian to death. Then the man of God commanded him to put down his arm, which forthwith he did; he commanded him also to put up his sword, which in like manner he performed. All the Lombards, by this perceiving him to be a man of rare virtue, began in all haste to present him with the gifts of such oxen and other cattle as before they had taken from others: but the man of God utterly refused all such kind of presents, desiring them rather, if they meant to bestow anything upon him worth the giving, that they would deliver unto him all such prisoners as they had in their |171 keeping: that he might have some cause in his prayers to commend them to almighty God. To which request of his they condescended, and so all the poor captives were discharged: and thus, by God's sweet providence, one offering himself to die for another, many were delivered from death.
PETER. A strange thing it was: and although I have heard the same story by the relation of others, yet I cannot deny, but so often as I hear it repeated, it seemeth still unto me as though it were fresh news.
GREGORY. There is no cause why you should admire Sanctulus for this thing: but ponder with yourself, if you can, what manner of spirit that was, which possessed his simple soul, and did advance it to so high a perfection of virtue. For where was his mind, when he offered himself with such constancy to die for his neighbour; and to save the temporal life of his brother, contemned his own, and put his head under the executioner's sword? What force of true love did then harbour in that heart, when he nothing feared death to preserve the life of another? Ignorant I am not, that this venerable man Sanctulus could scant read well, and that he knew not the precepts of the law: yet because charity is the fulfilling of the law, by loving God and his neighbour, he kept the whole law: and that which outwardly lacked in knowledge, did inwardly by charity live in his soul. And he, perhaps, who never read that which St. John the Apostle said of our Saviour, to wit, that as he yielded his life for us, so we likewise should yield our lives for our brethren:40 yet that great and high precept of the Apostle he knew more by action than by speculation. Let us here, if you please, compare his learned ignorance with our unlearned knowledge: where our kind of learning is nothing worth, his is of great price and estimation: we, destitute of virtue, do speak thereof, and, as it were in the midst of plentiful |172 trees smell of the fruit, but do not eat thereof. He knew full well how to gather and taste of the fruit itself, although he lacked the smell of words and vain speech.
PETER. What, I pray, do you think, is the cause that good men are still taken away; and such as for the benefit and edification of many, might live still in this world, either are not to be found at all, or at least very few can be heard of?
GREGORY. The malice and wickedness of them that remain behind in the world deserveth that those should quickly be taken away, who by their life might much help us: and for as much as the world draweth towards an) end, God's chosen servants are taken out of it, that they fall not into more wicked times: and therefore from hence it cometh that the prophet saith: The just man doth perish, and there is none that doth ponder it in his heart: and men of mercy are gathered together, because there is none that hath understanding.41 And from hence also it proceedeth that the scripture saith: Open ye, that they may go forth which do tread it under foot.42 Hence, likewise, it is that Solomon saith: There is a time of casting stones abroad, and a time of gathering them together.43 And therefore the nearer that the world draweth to an end, so much the more necessary it is that the living stones should be gathered together, for the heavenly building: that our celestial Jerusalem may arrive to the full measure of his whole perfection. And yet do I not think that all God's elect servants are so taken out of the world, that none but the wicked remain behind: for sinners would never be converted to the sorrow of true penance, if they had not the examples of some good people to provoke them forward.
PETER. Without cause do I complain of the death of good men, when as daily I see them also that be wicked in great numbers to depart this life. |173
Chapter Thirty-eight: of the vision of Redemptus, Bishop of the City of Ferenti.44
GREGORY. Wonder nothing at this, Peter, for you knew very well Redemptus, Bishop of the city of Ferenti, a man of venerable life, who died almost seven years since: with whom I had familiar acquaintance, by reason that he dwelt not far from the Abbey in which I lived. This man, when I asked him (for the matter was very well known far and near), told me that which by divine revelation he had learned concerning the end of the world, in the time of John the younger, who was my predecessor. For he said that upon a certain day, as he was, according to his manner, visiting of his diocese, he came to the church of the blessed martyr Euthicius: and when it was night he would needs be lodged nigh to the sepulchre of the martyr, where after his travel he reposed himself. About midnight, being, as he said himself, neither perfectly waking, nor yet sleeping, but rather heavy of sleep, he felt his waking soul oppressed with great sorrow: and being in that case, he saw the same blessed martyr Euthicius standing before him, who spake thus: "Art thou waking, Redemptus?" to whom he answered, that he was. Then the martyr said: "The end of all flesh is come: the end of all flesh is come": which words after he had repeated thus three times, he vanished out of his sight.
Then the man of God rose up, and fell to his prayers with many tears: and straight after, those fearful sights in heaven followed; to wit, fiery lances, and armies appearing from the north. Straight after likewise the barbarous and cruel nation of the Lombards, drawn as a sword out of a sheath, left their own country, and invaded ours: by reason whereof the people, which before for the huge multitude were like to thick corn-fields, remain now withered and overthrown: for cities be wasted, towns and villages spoiled, churches burnt, monasteries of men and women destroyed, farms left desolate, and the country |174 remaineth solitary and void of men to till the ground, and destitute of all inhabitants: beasts possessing those places, where before great plenty of men did dwell. And how it goeth in other parts of the world I know not, but here in this place where we live, the world doth not foretell any end, but rather sheweth that which is present and already come. Wherefore so much the more zealously ought we to seek after eternal things, by how much we find all temporal so quickly to be fled and gone. Surely this world were to be contemned, although it did flatter us, and with pleasant prosperity contented our mind: but now, seeing it is fraught with so many miseries and divers afflictions, and that our sorrows and crosses do daily increase and be doubled, what doth it else but cry unto us that we should not love it?
Many more things yet remain of the worthy acts of God's servants, but because I have resolved now upon another course, I will now pass them over with silence.
PETER. For as much as I perceive that many Christians do doubt of the immortality of the soul, after the dissolution of the body: I beseech you for the spiritual good or many, to set down some reasons for proof thereof: or the examples of some souls which have testified the same, if you remember any: to the end that those which be troubled with any such temptations, may learn that the soul doth not die together with the body.
GREGORY. This is a work of great labour, especially for one that is busied with other affairs, and hath other things to attend unto: yet if any profit by my means may redound to others, willingly do I prefer that before mine own will and pleasure: and therefore, God's grace assisting me, in this fourth book following, I will clearly show that the soul doth live after the death of the body.
The end of the Third Book
[Footnotes moved to the end and combined with editorial notes]
1. Chapter I. pp. 105-108. St. Paulinus (Meropius Pontius Anicius Paulinus) was born at Bordeaux in 353 or 354, of a noble house with vast estates in Gaul, Italy, and Spain. In middle life he left the world, and from 409 until his death in 431 was Bishop of Nola in Campania (a province of which he had been governor in early manhood). Many of his letters and poems (he had been a pupil of Ausonius) have been preserved. His feast is on June 22. The story here told by St. Gregory presents various chronological difficulties. The Vandals established their kingdom in Africa between 429 and 439 (in which latter year Gaiseric, or Genseric, took Carthage); their ravages in Italy (culminating in the sack of Rome by Gaiseric in 455) did not begin in the lifetime of Paulinus; and Gaiseric himself, who is evidently the king here referred to, did not die until 477, more than forty years after the death of Paulinus. As a matter of fact, Alaric took Nola in 410, after his sack of Rome, and Paulinus, then newly appointed Bishop, was made prisoner. "Our Paulinus, Bishop of Nola," writes St. Augustine, "who from one most wealthy had become voluntarily poor and most abundantly holy, when the Barbarians sacked Nola, and he was held captive, prayed thus in his heart, as we afterwards learned from him: Lord, let me not be tormented on account of gold and silver, for Thou knowest where all I have is" (De Civitate Dei, i. 10). Alaric died within the year. It seems not impossible, as M. Andr Baudrillart suggests (Saint Paulin Ev que de Nole, pp. 167-170), that the foundation for St. Gregory's story is some tradition connected with the taking of St. Paulinus in 410, and that the Vandals have been confused with the Visigoths, Gaiseric with Alaric. There is no evidence that St. Paulinus was ever a prisoner in Africa.
2. Chapter II. p. 109. For "Justinian the elder" read "Justin the elder " (the mistake is not the translator's, but due to the Latin text that he used). John I., a Tuscan by birth, was elected Pope in 523, in succession to Pope Hormisdas, whose reconciliation of the Roman See with the Eastern Empire, as represented by Justin I., had weakened the power of Theodoric in Italy. In 525 he was compelled by the Gothic king to go on an embassy to Justin, here recorded by St. Gregory, with a view of persuading the Emperor to adopt less vigorous methods against the Arians. At Constantinople he crowned the Emperor. On his return to Ravenna, Theodoric threw him into a dungeon, where he died in May, 526. He is the last Pope whom the Church of Rome venerates as a martyr. Cf. below, Bk. IV. chap. 30.
3. Chapter III. p. 109. Agapitus I., a Roman noble, was elected Pope in 535, when Justinian, the nephew and successor of Justin, was preparing to reconquer Italy from the Goths. He went to Constantinople, at once to make peace (in which he was unsuccessful) and to procure the deposition of the patriarch Anthimus, who adhered to the Monophysite heresy and was supported by the Empress Theodora. There the Pope suddenly died in April 536. Dante (Par. vi. 10-21) makes Justinian represent himself as converted from the Monophysites by the words of Agapitus:
" Cesare fui, e son Giustiniano,
Che, per voler del primo amor ch'io sento,
D'entro le leggi trassi il troppo e il vano.
E prima ch'io all'opra fossi attento,
Una natura in Cristo esser, non piue,
Credeva, e di tal fede era contento;
Ma il benedetto Agapito, che fue
Sommo pastore, alia fede sincera
Mi dirizz con le parole sue.
Io gli credetti, e ci che in fede sua era
Veggio ora chiaro, si come tu vedi
Ogni contraddizion e falsa e vera."
4. Chapter IV. p. 110. Datius, Archbishop of Milan, a great champion of orthodoxy and an active ecclesiastical politician, was closely associated with Pope Vigilius in his struggle with Justinian and Theodora. He died at Constantinople in 552. This legend probably refers to his earlier visit to the Byzantine Court, circa 544.
5. 1 Isai. 14, 13, 14.
6. Chapter V. p. 111. Sabinus, Bishop of Canosa in Apulia, has been already mentioned, Bk. II. chap. 15. This story shows Totila in a different light from that in which he usually appears in Gregory's pages.
7. Chapter VIII. p. 116. The Pope in question is usually identified with John III. (561-574); but the previous reference to Constantius, Bishop of Aquino, as a contemporary of St. Benedict (cf. Bk. II. chap. 16), seems to point to John II. (533-535).
8. Chapter IX. p. 117. Frigidianus or Frigdianus (in Italian, San Frediano) was an Irishman. He died in 588, and is celebrated on March 18 and November 18. For "Anser" read Auser, now called the Serchio.
9. Chapter X. p. 118. Placentia is the modern Piacenza, in Lombardy.
10. Chapter XI. p. 119. Cerbonius died about 575. Populonium, or Populonia, a few miles from Piombino in the Maremma of Tuscany, was an important place in antiquity by reason of the smelting of the iron from Elba. It was the chief Etruscan seaport.
11. Chapter XII. p. 120. Otricoli (Ocriculum) is near Orte in Umbria. This St. Fulgentius (d. 540) is not to be confused with his contemporary, St. Fulgentius, Bishop of Ruspe (d. 533).
12. Chapter XIII. p. 121. The capture of Perusia (the modern Perugia) by the Goths and the martyrdom of St. Herculanus (Sant' Ercolano) took place in 549, after a siege of three years, during which the city was gallantly defended by a Greek imperial garrison under Cyprian. According to the legend, when the defenders were reduced to extremities, Herculanus ordered a lamb or an ox to be fed with all the store of grain that remained, and then hurled down from the walls, in order that the besiegers might suppose that supplies abounded, and abandon their hope of reducing the city by starvation. A young ecclesiastic, either accidentally or by treachery, revealed the trick to the Goths, who straightway took the city by storm.
13. Chapter XIV. p. 123. There were a number of Syrian monks in Italy during the sixth century (Herculanus of Perugia is said to have been a Syrian). Nothing more is known concerning this Isaac of Spoleto, who, if he lived "almost to the last days of the Goths," must have died about the middle of the century (Teias, the successor of Totila, and the last king of the Goths in Italy, was slain in 553). He is not to be confused with two other Syrians of the same name, the presbyter Isaac of Antioch (middle of fifth century) and Isaac of Nineveh, the Nestorian bishop of that city in the latter half of the seventh century. For the last-named, see J. B. Chabot, De S. Isaaci Ninivitae vita, scriptis, et doctrina (Paris, 1892), and a more recent article by J. P. Arendzen in the Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. viii. (New York, 1910). The Latin Liber de contemptu mundi is a kind of collection from the writings of Isaac of Nineveh (translated from a Greek version of the Syriac original); upon this is based an Italian work of the fourteenth century, variously entitled De la perfectione de la vita contemplativa and Collazione dell' Abate Isaac, erroneously attributed to St. Gregory's Isaac of Spoleto, which has been several times reprinted (the latest edition is that of Bartolommeo Sorio, published at Rome in 1845, together with the letters of Giovanni dalle Celle).
14. 1 Judges 3, 1. 127
15. Chapter XV. p. 128. Euthicius (better, Eutychius) died about 540; Florentius about 547.
16. 1 1 Cor. 6, 10.
17. 1 Isai. 6, 5.
18. 1 Prov. 28, 9. 132
19. Chapter XVI. p. 133. Marcius is called Martinus in the Latin text. Mons Marsicus is either Monte Marsicano in the Abruzzi, or the mountain of the same name near Marsico Nuovo in Basilicata. Pope Pelagius II., Gregory's immediate predecessor, reigned from 579 to 590.
20. Chapter XVII. p. 136. Buxentum, in Lucania, is either Pisciotta or Policastro on the coast of Calabria. Monte Argentario, in the Tuscan province of Grosseto (formerly a part of the republic of Siena) is famous in the annals of the order of the Passionists.
21. 1 I Cor. 7, 3. 138
22. Chapter XVIII. p. 139. This monk Benedict (who, of course, is not the same person as his more famous contemporary, St. Benedict of Nursia) is commemorated on March 23.
23. 1 Daniel 3.
24. Chapter XIX. p. 140. For "Antharicus" read Autharicus. Authari, king of the Lombards, reigned from 584 to 590. These great floods were in 589. Athesis is the modern Adige. St. Zeno, whose feast is on April 12, was Bishop of Verona in the fourth century, and, according to the legend, delivered the daughter of the Emperor Galienus from an unclean spirit. Nothing is known about his having suffered martyrdom. Cf. Acta Sanctorum, Aprilis Tom II., pp. 68-78. Two books of Tractatus, or Sermones, attributed to him are in Migne, P.L., XI.
25. 1 Matt. 8,31.
26. Chapter XXII. p. 143. Valentius is the same person as the Valentinus mentioned on pp. 22, 202. He is variously called Valentinus, Valentius, or Valentio.
27. Chapter XXIII. p. 145. Praeneste is the mediasval Palestrina, near which St. Gregory's own ancestral lands lay. The mountain, upon the side of which the city stands, is crowned by Castel San Pietro, with a church probably occupying the site of the abbey here mentioned and a ruined castle of the Colonna.
28. 1 Daniel 8, 27.
29. 1 Matt. 20, 22-23.
30. Chapters XXVII. and XXVIII. pp. 150-151. Dr. Hodgkin (VI. p. 97) conjectures that these atrocities were not committed by the Lombards properly so called, who were Arians, but by their barbarian auxiliaries, Bulgarians, Sarmatians, and Gepidae, who had come with them into Italy, and who were idolaters.
31. Chapter XXX. p. 153. The church in question is Sancta Agatha in Subura, now known as Santa Agata de' Goti. It had been built (or, perhaps, restored) as a church of the Arians by Ricimer, the Visigothic patrician, shortly before 472, and was taken for Catholic worship by St. Gregory in 591 or 592, and dedicated to St. Agatha, to whom he had a special devotion. In a letter written early in 594, St. Gregory commends the church to the acolyth Leo: "ecclesia sanctae Agathae sita in Subora, quae spelunca fuit aliquando pravitatis hereticae, ad catholicae fidei culturam, Deo propitiante, reducta est." (Registrum, Epist. iv. 19, ed. Ewald and Hartmann, i. p. 253); but makes no mention of any miracle. Subura is the district between the Esquiline, Quirinal, and Viminal hills, and had a bad repute in classical times. Cf. Horace, Epod. v., 57. For "St. Stephen," read "St. Sebastian." The Latin runs: "introductis illic beati Sebastiani et sanctae Agathae martyrum reliquiis."
32. Chapter XXXI. pp. 155-157. Leander, Bishop of Seville (to whom St. Gregory dedicated his Moralia), was the brother of Theodosia, the first wife of King Leovigild, the mother of Hermenigild and Rechared. Hermenigild, who had been converted from Arianism by his young wife Ingunthis (a Catholic Frank princess), was associated with his father in the kingdom, ruling at Seville, while Leovigild held his court at Toledo. He rebelled against his father in 583, and was either murdered or put to death by the latter (the circumstances are not clear) in 585. Leovigild died in 586, and his successor, Hermenigild's brother Rechared, became a Catholic in the following year. St. Leander died in 599, and was succeeded in the see of Seville by his more famous brother, St. Isidore, the great apostle of Latin culture and Catholic orthodoxy among the Visigoths of Spain.
33. 1 John 12, 24.
34. Chapter XXXII. p. 157. St. Gregory's chronology is here at fault. The great persecutor of the Catholics in Africa, King Hunneric of the Vandals (the son and successor of Gaiseric), reigned from 477 to 484, in the time of the Emperor Zeno. Justinian did not ascend the imperial throne until 527.
35. 1 John 1, 1.
36. 1 Lamentations 3, 48.
37. 1 Joshua 15, 19.
38. Chapter XXXVI. p. 164. Maximianus, Bishop of Syracuse and formerly abbot of St. Gregory's abbey of Sant' Andrea on the Caelian Hill, was a constant friend and correspondent of the latter; he died in 594. St. Gregory was sent to Constantinople as apocrisiarius or papal legate, by Pope Pelagius II., in 579, and stayed there until about 585. While there he composed his great Moralia.
39. Ibid, p, 165. "Cothronum" is Cotrone, on the east coast of Calabria.
40. 1 1 John 3,16.
41. 1 Isai. 57, 1.
42. 2 Jerem. 50, 26.
43. 3 Eccles. 3, 5.
44. Chapter XXXVIII. p. 173. For "Ferenti" (Ferentino), cf. Bk. I. chap. 9. "John the younger" is apparently Pope John III, who was Bishop of Rome from 561 to 574. The Lombards entered Italy in 568. Eutychius is the more usual form of this martyr's name.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 4. pp. 177-258.
Gregory the Great, Dialogues (1911) Book 4. pp. 177-258.
Chapter One; how carnal men give the less credit to those things which be eternal and spiritual; because they know not by experience, what they hear others to speak of.
Chapter Two: that an infidel liveth not without faith.
Chapter Three: that God creates three kinds of spirits with life.
Chapter Four: of Solomon's question, to wit: The death of men and beasts is all one.
Chapter Five: of a question concerning the soul, which goeth invisibly out of the body: to wit, whether there be any such thing, seeing it can not be seen.
Chapter Six: that as the life of the soul remaining in the body, is gathered by the motion of the members: so the life of the soul, after death in holy men, is to be found out by the virtue of miracles.
Chapter Seven: of the Departure of men's souls.
Chapter Eight: of the Departure of the soul of Speciosus, a Monk.
Chapter Nine: of the soul of a certain anchoret.
Chapter Ten: of the departure of abbot Hope's soul.
Chapter Eleven: of the Departure of a Priest's soul, called Ursinus.
Chapter Twelve: of the soul of Probus, Bishop of the City of Reati.
Chapter Thirteen: of the death of a Nun called Galla.
Chapter Fourteen: of the departure of a poor man, sick of the palsy, called Servulus.
Chapter Fifteen: of the departure of a Nun called Romula.
Chapter Sixteen: of the departure of the holy virgin Tarsilla.
Chapter Seventeen: of the departure of a young maid called Musa.
Chapter Eighteen: how certain young children are hindered from heaven by their parents' wicked education: as is shown by the example of a blasphemous young boy.
Chapter Nineteen: of the departure of the man of God called Stephen.
Chapter Twenty: how sometime the merit of the soul is not so truly declared at the time of the departure as afterward.
Chapter Twenty-one: of the two Monks of Abbot Valentinus.
Chapter Twenty-two: of the departure of abbot Suranus.
Chapter Twenty-three: of the departure of a Deacon belonging to the church of the Marsori.
Chapter Twenty-four: of the death of the man of God, that was sent to Bethel.
Chapter Twenty-five: whether the souls of just men be received into heaven, before the general resurrection of our bodies.
Chapter Twenty-six: By what means it happens, that those which lie dying do prophesy of things to come: and of the death of a certain advocate: of that also which was revealed to the monks Gerontius and Mellitus: of the death of a boy called Armentatius, and of the diversity of tongues.
Chapter Twenty-seven: of the death of Count Theophanius.
Chapter Twenty-eight: that, as we believe the souls of just and perfect men to be in heaven; so we ought also to believe that the souls of the wicked, after their departure from the body, be in hell.
Chapter Twenty-nine: the reason why we ought to believe, that corporal fire can hold and torment the spirits that be without bodies.
Chapter Thirty: of the death of King Theodoricus, who was an Arian heretic.
Chapter Thirty-one: of the death of Reparatus.
Chapter Thirty-two: of the death of a Courtier: whose grave burned with fire.
Chapter Thirty-three: that in heaven the good know the good: and in hell the wicked have knowledge of the wicked.
Chapter Thirty-four: of a certain religious man, that at his death saw the Prophets.
Chapter Thirty-five: how sometime souls ready to depart this world, that know not one another, know yet what torments for their sins, or like rewards for their good deeds, they shall receive. And of the death of John, Ursus, Eumorphius, and Stephen.
Chapter Thirty-six: of those souls which seem as it were through error to be taken out of their bodies: and of the death and reviving of a monk calleo Peter: of the death, likewise, and raising up again of one Stephen: and of the strange vision of a certain soldier.
Chapter Thirty-seven: who the souls of some men, being yet in their bodies, do see some spiritual punishment: and of that which happened to the boy Theodorus.
Chapter Thirty-eight: of the death of Chrisorius: and of a certain Monk of Iconia.
Chapter Thirty-Nine: whether there be any fire of purgatory in the next world.
Chapter Forty: of the soul of Paschasius the Deacon.
Chapter Forty-one: why in latter times so many things be known, concerning men's souls: which in former ages were not heard of.
Chapter Forty-two: in what place of the world we ought to believe that hell is.
Chapter Forty-three: whether there is one fire in hell, or many.
Chapter Forty-four: whether those that be in hell shall burn there for ever.
Chapter Forty-five: how the soul is said to be immortal and never to die: if it be punished with the sentence of death.
Chapter Forty-six: of a certain holy man that was afraid when he came to die.
Chapter Forty-seven: how some by divine revelation are discharged from fear at their death. And of the manner how the monks Anthony, Merulus, and John departed this life.
Chapter Forty-eight: whether dreams are to be believed: and how many kinds of dreams there be.
Chapter Forty-nine: of one who in his dream had long life promised him, and yet died shortly after.
Chapter Fifty: Whether the souls receive any benefit, if their bodies be buried in the church.
Chapter Fifty-one: of a certain Nun that was buried in the church, which appeared with her body half burnt
Chapter Fifty-two: of the burial of Valerianus.
Chapter Fifty-three: of the body of Valentinus, that was after his burial cast out of the church.
Chapter Fifty-four: of the body of a dyer buried in the church, which afterward could not be found.
Chapter Fifty-five: what is available for the soul after death: and of a Priest of Centumcellis, who was desired bv a certain man's spirit, to be helped after his death, by the holy sacrifice: and of the soul of a monk called Justus.
Chapter Fifty-six: of the life and departure of Bishop Cassius.
Chapter Fifty-seven: of one that was taken by his enemies and put in prison, whose irons fell off at the time of the sacrifice: and of one Baraca, a mariner, that was by the holy sacrifice delivered from drowning.
Chapter Fifty-eight: of the virtue and mystery of the holy sacrifice.
Chapter Fifty-nine: how we ought to procure sorrow of heart, at the time of the holy mysteries: and of the custody of our soul after contrition.
St. Gregory's Dialogues.
The Fourth Book
Chapter One; how carnal men give the less credit to those things which be eternal and spiritual; because they know not by experience, what they hear others to speak of.
After that the first Parent of mankind was for his sin banished from the joys of Paradise, he fell into the misery of this ignorance and banishment, which to this very day we do all endure: for his sin was the cause that he could not any longer see those joys of heaven, which before by contemplation he possessed: for during the time of his residence in Paradise, he usually heard God talking with him, and by purity of heart and heavenly vision, was present with the quires of the blessed Angels. But after his fall he lost that light of soul, which before abundantly he enjoyed. From whom we being by carnal propagation derived, that live now in this dark ignorance of banishment, do hear indeed of an heavenly country, and how it is inhabited by the Angels of God; and that the souls of just and perfect men do there keep them company. But yet such as be carnal, because they can not by experience know those invisible creatures, doubt whether there be any such, seeing with their corporal eyes they cannot behold them: from which doubt our first Parent was altogether free: for although he was exiled from the joys of Paradise, yet did he still keep in memory what he had lost, because he had before beheld the same: but these |178 men can not by any means call to mind such things as they hear others speak of, because they never had of them any former experience as our first father Adam had. For it is in this case as if a woman big with child should be put in prison, and be there delivered of a son, which never went forth, but were there continually brought up: for if his mother should tell him of the sun, moon, stars, mountains: and speak of the fields, the flying of birds, and running of horses; her child, that had continually been brought up in the prison, and acquainted with nothing else but black darkness, might well hear what she said, but with a doubt whether it were true or no, because experience taught him not any such thing. Even so, men that are born in this dark world, the place of their banishment, do hear that there be wonderful, strange, and invisible things: but because they are not acquainted with any else but terrestrial creatures, which only be visible, they doubt whether there be any such invisible things as are reported of, or no: for which cause the Creator himself of all things both visible and invisible, and the only begotten Son of the eternal Father, came into this world, for the redemption of mankind: and sent the holy Ghost unto our hearts, that quickened by him and his grace, we should believe those things which as yet by sense or experience we cannot possibly understand: and therefore so many of us as have received this spirit, the heavenly pledge of our inheritance, make no doubt of God's invisible and immortal creatures: and whosoever as yet is not settled in this belief, out of all question, he ought of reason to give credit to the words of them that be more learned and holy, and believe them that, through the grace of God's holy Spirit, have experience of those things that be invisible: for he were a very foolish child, that thought his mother lied, when she spake of light in other places, because himself, where he was, beheld nothing else but the darkness of the prison.1 |179
PETER. That you say doth wonderfully content me: yet he who believeth not that there be any invisible things, out of question in mine opinion is an infidel: and he that is an infidel, in that thing whereof he doubteth seeketh not for faith, but for reason.
Chapter Two: that an infidel liveth not without faith.
GREGORY. I speak boldly yet truly, that an infidel liveth not without faith: for if I demand of him, who is his father or mother, straightways he will tell me, such a man and such a woman: and if I press him further, whether he doth remember the time when he was first conceived, or the hour when he was born into this world, he will answer me, that he never knew or saw any such thing: and yet for all this doth he believe that which he never beheld, seeing he believeth, without all doubt, that such a man was his father, and such a woman his mother.
PETER. I must needs confess, that I never knew before this time that an infidel had any faith.
GREGORY. Infidels have faith, but not in God, for then they were not infidels: but worthily are they by the former reason to be blamed, and thereby also to be provoked to embrace true faith: for if concerning their visible body, they believe that which they never saw, why do they not also believe some things which with their corporal eyes they cannot behold?
Chapter Three: that God creates three kinds of spirits with life.
For that our soul doth live after the death of the body, reason doth teach us, assisted and holpen with faith: for almighty God created three kinds of spirits having life. One altogether spiritual without body: another with a body, but yet which dieth not with the body: the third that which is both joined with the body, and also together with the body doth die. The spirits that have no bodies be the Angels: they that have bodies but die not with them, be the souls of men: those |180 that have bodies and die together with them, be the souls of cattle and brute beasts. Man, therefore, as he is created in the middle state,2 inferior to Angels and superior to beasts, so doth he participate of both: having immortality of soul with the Angels, and mortality of body with beasts, until the day of doom: for then the glory of the resurrection shall take away and consume the mortality of the body: for being then reunited to the soul, it shall be preserved for ever: as the soul joined to the body is preserved for God. Neither shall the bodies of the damned, lying in torments, ever perfectly perish: for though they always decay, yet for ever shall they continue: and as they sinned both with soul and body, so living always in body and soul, they shall always die without end.
PETER. All your discourse is consonant to that reason which Christian religion teacheth: but I beseech you, if there be so great difference betwixt the souls of men and beasts as you affirm, why doth Solomon speak in this manner? I have said in mine heart of the sons of men, that God would prove them, and shew them to be like unto beasts: therefore there is one death of men and beasts, and their state is both alike: and prosecuting afterward more exactly that opinion of his, thus he writeth: As a man dieth, so do beasts die: all things breathe alike, and man hath nothing more than beasts. After which words, he addeth also this general conclusion: All things are subject to vanity, and all things go to one place: of the earth they were made, and into the earth they return again.3
Chapter Four: of Solomon's question, to wit: The death of men and beasts is all one.
GREGORY. Solomon's book, in which these sayings are found, is called Ecclesiastes: as much to say properly as The Preacher. And in a sermon the manner is to have an opinion set down, by means whereof the tumultuous |181 sedition of common people may be appeased: and whereas divers have divers opinions, yet are they all, by the Preacher's arguments and reasons, brought to unity and agreement: and therefore this book is called The Preacher: because in it Solomon doth as it were take upon him the person and words of the unruly vulgar sort, and by way of inquisition speaketh those things, which haply ignorant men through temptation do verily think: and therefore so many questions as he doth by way of enquiry propound, so many divers persons doth he in a manner take upon himself: but the true Preacher doth, as it were with his hand, compound all their doubts and disagreements, and bring them all to concord and unity of opinion, when as in the end of his book he saith: Let us all together hear an end of speaking: Fear God, keep his commandments, for this is every man.4 For if in that book he had not by his discourse taken upon him the person of divers, why did he admonish all to make an end of speaking, together with him, and to hear?
He, therefore, that in the conclusion of the book saith: Let us all together hear: doth give evident testimony of himself, that he took many persons upon him, and that he spake not at all as of himself: and therefore some things there be in that book, which are moved by way of disputation, and other some which by reason give satisfaction: some things which he uttereth in the person of one that is tempted, and who as yet followeth the pleasures of the world: and some other things, in which he disputeth them according to the rule of reason, and to draw the mind from vain pleasure and delight: for as there he saith: This, therefore, seemeth unto me good, that a man should eat and drink, and take joy of his labour 5: so afterward he addeth: It is better to go unto the house of mourning, than to the house of feasting.6 For if it be good to eat and drink, it seemeth better to go unto the house of feasting |182 than to the house of mourning: and therefore by this it is evident, that he uttered that former saying in the person of frail men, and pronounced this latter according to the rule of reason: and therefore doth he straight-ways set down the grounds of his reason, and sheweth what commodity is gotten by going to the house of mourning, saying thus: For in that we are put in mind of the end of all men, and the living man thinketh what he shall be.7 Again there we find it written: O young man, rejoice in thy youth:8 and yet a little after is added: for youth and pleasure be vain things.
Seeing, therefore, he doth afterward reprove that for vain, which before he seemed to allow: plainly doth he declare that he spake those words as it were of carnal concupiscence, and the other of a right and true judgment. Therefore as he doth, in the first place, express the delight of carnal things, and pronounceth it to be good to cast away all care, and to eat and drink: so afterward, with reason and judgment doth he reprove that, when he saith that it is better to go unto the house of mourning, than to the house of feasting: and though he saith that a young man ought to rejoice in his youth, yet doth he utter that as proceeding from the resolution of a carnal mind; seeing afterward, by definitive sentence, he reproveth both youth and pleasure, as vain things. Even so and in like manner, doth our Preacher set down the opinion of man's suspicion, as it were in the person of those that be weak, and subject to temptation, when he saith: The death of man and beasts is one, and their condition both alike: as man dieth, so they also die: all things do breathe alike, and a man hath not any more than beasts: who, notwithstanding, afterward putteth down his own opinion, proceeding from judgment and reason, in these words: What hath a wise man more than a fool, and what a poor man, but that he may go thither where life is?9 He |183 therefore that said: A man hath no more than beasts: said also with mature deliberation, that a wise man hath not only more than a beast, but also more than a foolish man, to wit, that he goeth to that place where life is: in which words he doth also teach us, that man's life is not in this world, seeing he affirmeth it to be elsewhere: wherefore man hath this more than beasts, because they after death do not live: but he doth then begin truly to live, when by mortal death he maketh an end of this transitory life: and therefore long after he saith: Whatsoever thy hand can do, instantly work: because with them in hell whither thou goest, there shall be neither work, nor reason, nor knowledge, nor wisdom:10 how then is the death of man and beasts all one, and how is their condition and state alike? or how hath not a man more than beasts, when as they after death live not, and the souls of men, after the death of their bodies, be for their wicked deeds carried to hell, and do not die when they depart this life? But in both these sayings, which seem contrary each to other, it is made manifest that the Preacher speaketh the truth: uttering the one of carnal temptation, and yet afterward, upon deliberation and according to truth, resolutely setteth down and defineth the contrary.
PETER. Glad I am, that ignorant I was of that question which I demanded: seeing I have, by means thereof, come to so exact an understanding of that which before I knew not. But I beseech you to take it patiently, if I also, like to this our Preacher, take upon me the person of weak and frail men: that I may the better, as it were by their demanding of questions, be profitable to them in their weakness and infirmities.
GERGORY. Why should I not bear with you, condescending to the infirmities of your neighbours? when as Paul saith: To all men I became all things, that I might save all:11 and surely you are the more to be reverenced, for |184 condescending to their weakness upon charity, and therein do you imitate the steps of an excellent preacher.
Chapter Five: of a question concerning the soul, which goeth invisibly out of the body: to wit, whether there be any such thing, seeing it can not be seen.
PETER. It chanced so, that I was present when one departed this life. Who suddenly, as he was a speaking, gave up the ghost; and whom before I heard talking with me, in an instant I saw dead: but whether his soul went out of the body or no, that I did not see: and it seemeth very hard to believe that thing, which no man can behold.
GREGORY. What marvel is it, Peter, that you saw not the soul departing out of the body, seeing you behold it not when it remaineth in the body? What? do you believe me to have no soul, because, whiles you now talk with me, you can not see it? The nature of the soul is invisible, and therefore invisibly doth it depart out of the body, as it doth invisibly remain in the body.
PETER. That the soul hath life, so long as it remaineth in the body, easily do I perceive by the motion thereof: for if the body were destitute of the soul, the members could not possibly move at all: but that the soul liveth when it is out of the body, by what motions or actions I should gather, desirous I am to be informed by you: to the end that by such things as I do see, I may know that thing which I can not see.
GREGORY. Though not with any great subtlety of discourse, yet confidently do I affirm it to be most true, that as the power of the soul doth quicken and move the body, so the power of God doth fill all things which he hath created; and to some things doth he give life by breathing it into them; to other things he vouchsafeth life in another manner: and upon some other things he bestoweth only a being, without any life at all. Seeing, therefore, you doubt not but that God is the creator and |185 preserver of all things, that he doth fill and embrace all things, that he doth excel all things, and also maintaineth them, that he is incircumscriptible and invisible: so neither ought you to doubt, but that he is served with invisible creatures, seeing they that serve ought to be somewhat like unto him upon whom they attend, and so, consequently, that we ought not to doubt, but for as much as he is invisible in himself, that they also be of the same nature: and what creatures can these be else but his holy Angels, and the souls of just men? Wherefore, as you know, when you see the body move, that the soul remaineth in the body, and you gather this from the body which is lowest: so ought you to think of the life of the soul that departeth from the body, deducing a reason from God who is the highest: to wit, that the soul liveth invisibly, seeing it is to remain in the service of the invisible Creator.
PETER. All this is very well said: yet our mind can hardly be brought to believe that, which with our corporal eyes we can not behold.
GREGORY. Seeing St. Paul saith, that faith is the substance of things to be hoped for, the argument of things not appearing:12 truly are we said to believe that which can not be seen, and by no means to believe that which with our eyes we do behold: yet in few words to bring you home again to yourself, I say, that no visible things be seen but by the means of invisible: for although your bodily eye beholdeth all sensible creatures, yet could it not behold any such thing, did it not receive force from that which is invisible: for take away the soul, which none doth see, and in vain be the eyes opened to look upon anything. Take away the soul from the body, and the eyes, out of all question, may remain still open as before. If, then, our eyes did see of themselves, how cometh it to pass, that now the soul is gone, they see nothing at all? Learn |186 then by this, that visible things themselves are, not seen, but by means of them that be invisible. Let us also imagine that we saw before us the building of houses, huge timber and stones to be lifted up, great pillars to hang upon engines: what, I pray you, effecteth all this? the visible body that with hands draweth and moveth those huge and massy things, or the invisible soul that giveth life to the body? for take away that which is not seen in the body, and straightways all those things, which before did move, will remain without any motion at all. By which we may easily gather, that nothing can be disposed of in this visible world, but by another creature which is invisible: for as almighty God either by inspiration, or by replenishing those creatures which have reason, doth both quicken and move those things which be invisible, so, in like manner, those things which be invisible do give motion and sense to carnal bodies which are visible.
PETER. Willingly overcome with these reasons alleged, I confess that I am enforced almost to think that these visible things are nothing: whereas before, taking upon me the person of weak and unlearned men, I doubted whether there were any invisible creatures or no; wherefore your whole discourse doth very well please me: yet, as 1 am assured of the life of the soul by the motion of the body, so desirous I am to know by some sure and certain demonstrations, that the soul doth also live, after it is departed from the body.
Chapter Six: that as the life of the soul remaining in the body, is gathered by the motion of the members: so the life of the soul, after death in holy men, is to be found out by the virtue of miracles.
GREGORY. Herein most ready I am to satisfy your request; and for proof of this point, no difficulty do I find: for think you that the holy Apostles and martyrs of Christ would have contemned this present life, and |187 offered their bodies to death, had they not known that their souls did most assuredly live for ever? You confess that you know the life of the soul remaining in the body by the motion thereof: behold, then, how these that lost their lives for Christ, and believed that souls lived after death, be renowned for their daily miracles. For sick persons come unto their dead bodies, and be cured: perjured persons repair thither, and be possessed with devils: possessed with devils visit them, and are delivered: lepers come, and be cleansed: dead folk are brought, and they be raised up again. Consider then in what sort their souls do live in those places where they live, whose dead bodies live also in this world by so many miracles. If then you gather the life of the soul remaining in the body by the motion of the members: why do you not likewise, by the dead bones which work miracles, infer that the soul doth live after the death of the body?
PETER. No solution, as I think, can overthrow the force of this reason alleged: by which we are constrained through visible things to believe those which we see not and be invisible.
Chapter Seven: of the Departure of men's souls.
GREGORY. A little before, you complained for that you could not see the soul of one when it departed out of his body: but that was your fault, who desired with corporal eyes to behold an invisible thing, for many of us, that by sincere faith and plentiful prayer, have had the eye of our soul purified, have often seen souls going out of their bodies: and therefore now I think it necessary to set down both how, and in what sort, men's souls departing out of their bodies have been seen: and also what wonderful things have been revealed unto them, at the time of their departure: that by this means examples may satisfy our wavering and doubtful minds, which reason can not so fully persuade. Wherefore to begin. I remember that, in the second book of this work, |188 I told you how venerable Benedict (as by relation of his own monks I learned) being far distant from the city of Capua, beheld the soul of Germanus (Bishop of the same place) at midnight to be carried to heaven in a fiery globe: who, seeing the soul as it was ascending up, beheld also, in the largeness of his own soul, within the compass of one sunbeam, the whole world as it were gathered together.
Chapter Eight: of the Departure of the soul of Speciosus, a Monk.
By the relation also of the same monks, his disciples, I understood how two noble men that were brethren, and very well learned in humanity, the one called Speciosus, the other Gregory, entered into religion, there to live virtuously under the direction of his rule: whom the venerable father placed in a Monastery of his, hard by the city of Teracina.13 These men, whiles they remained in the world, were very rich, but for the redemption of their own souls, they had given all to the poor, and led their life in the same Monastery. One of these twain, to wit Speciosus, being sent upon business of the Monastery to the city of Capua: his natural brother Gregory in the meantime, sitting at table at dinner amongst the other monks, rapt in spirit, beheld his brother's soul, though so far distant, departing out of his body: which forthwith he told unto the other monks, and straight after in all haste took his journey to Capua, where he found his brother newly buried; and there understood how he died at that very hour, in which he saw his soul going out of his body.
Chapter Nine: of the soul of a certain anchoret.
A certain religious man, and one of great credit (at such time as I lived in the Monastery), told me that certain sailing from Sicily to Rome, as they were in the midst of the sea, beheld the soul of a certain servant of God carried to heaven, who had been an Anchoret in the land of Samnium. Landing afterward in the same |189 place, and making enquiry of that thing, they understood that holy man to have departed this life upon that very day in which they saw his soul ascending to heaven.
Chapter Ten: of the departure of abbot Hope's soul.
Whiles I lived as yet in my Monastery, I understood, by the relation of a very reverent man, a certain thing which I will now tell you. A venerable father there was, called Hope, who had built an Abbey in a place called Cample,14 distant almost six miles from the old city of Nursia. This man almighty and merciful God, by temporal affliction, preserved from everlasting misery, and gave him great grace and quiet of mind: for how dearly he loved him, yea, at that very time when he sent him affliction, was afterward made apparent to the world, when he vouchsafed perfectly to restore him to his former health. This man therefore was, for the space of forty years, punished with such a continual blindness of his eyes, that he could not so much as behold any light at all. But because none in adversity can without the help of God's grace stand: and unless the same merciful father, who sendeth punishment, giveth also patience: straightways his chastising of our sins doth by impatience more increase them: and so it pitifully falleth out, that our sin is by that very thing made greater, by which an end of all sin might very well have been expected. God therefore seeing our infirmity, together with affliction, by his sweet providence keepeth and preserveth us; and is in his correction which he sendeth his chosen children in this world, so just with mercy, that they may become such to whom afterward he may justly shew mercy: and therefore, though he did lay his cross of blindness upon this venerable man, yet did he not leave him destitute of inward light: for as his body was wearied with pain, so, by the providence of God's holy Spirit, his soul was refreshed with heavenly comfort. |190
At length when he had continued forty years in this kind of blindness, our good Lord restored him to his former sight, giving him also to understand that he was shortly to leave this world: and therefore admonished him to preach the word of life unto all such Abbeys as were about him; and that for as much as himself had received the light of his body, he would go and open unto them the spiritual light of the soul: who forthwith obeying God's commandment, visited the foresaid Abbeys, and preached unto them such precepts of good life as himself before had in conversation practised. Returning after fifteen days to his own Abbey, he called his monks together, and in their presence received the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, and straightways began, together with them, the mystical hymns of the Psalms: afterward, falling with attention to his prayers, whiles they continued on their singing, he gave up the ghost: at which very time all the monks saw a dove coming out of his mouth, which in their sight flying forth through the top of the oratory being then opened, ascended up into heaven. And surely it is to be thought, that his soul, by divine providence, did in that manner appear in the likeness of a dove, that almighty God might thereby shew with what a true and simple heart that holy man had always served him.
Chapter Eleven: of the Departure of a Priest's soul, called Ursinus.
Neither must I forget that which the reverent Abbot Stephen (who not long since died in this city, and whom you knew very well) told me to have happened in the same province of Nursia. For he said that a Priest dwelt in that country, who in the fear of God governed the church committed to his charge: and although, after he had taken orders, he did still love his old wife as his sister, yet did he avoid her as his enemy: and never would he permit her to come near him upon any occasion, abstaining wholly from all |191 intercourse of familiarity. For this is a thing proper to holy men, oftentimes to deprive themselves of those things which be lawful, to the end they may remain the more free from such as be unlawful: and therefore this man, not to fall into any sin, utterly refused all necessary and requisite service at her hands.
When this reverent man had long lived in this world, the fortieth year after he was made priest, by a great and vehement ague [he] was brought to the last cast: his old wife, beholding him so far spent, and to lie as though he had been dead, put her head near unto him, to see whether he did breathe or no: which he perceiving, having yet a little life left, enforced himself to speak as well as he could, and in great fervour of spirit brake out into these words: "Get thee away, woman: a little fire is yet left, away with the straw." After she was gone, his strength somewhat increasing, he began with great joy to cry out: "Welcome, my Lords, welcome, my Lords: why have you vouchsafed to visit me, your unworthy servant? I come, I come: I thank you, I thank you": and when he did often repeat these and the like words, his friends that were present asked him to whom he spake, to whom with a kind of admiration he answered: "What? do you not here behold the holy Apostles? Do you not see the chief of them, St. Peter and St. Paul?" And so, turning himself again towards them, he said: "Behold I come, behold I come": and in speaking those words, he gave up his happy ghost. And that he did indeed verily behold the holy Apostles, he testified by that his departure with them. And thus it doth often fall out, by the sweet providence of God, that good men at their death do behold his Saints going before them, and leading as it were the way, to the end they should not be afraid at the pangs thereof; and that whiles their souls do see the Saints in heaven, they may be discharged from the prison of this body, without all fear and grief. |192
Chapter Twelve: of the soul of Probus, Bishop of the City of Reati.
Concerning which thing I must also tell you that which the servant of God, Probus (who now in this city liveth in an Abbey), gave me to understand of an uncle of his, called also Probus, who was Bishop of the city of Reati.15 For he said that, being grievously sick and in great extremity of death, his father, whose name was Maximus, caused many physicians to be sent for, to see whether by their skill he could any ways be helped; who all upon the feeling of his pulse, gave sentence of speedy death. When dinner time was come, and the day somewhat far spent, the venerable Bishop, more careful of their health than of his own, desired them that they would go up with his old father into the higher part of his palace; and after their great pains, to refresh themselves with a poor dinner. Whereupon all went up, and none remained with him, but a little young boy, who, as Probus saith, is yet living. The little boy, standing by his bedside, suddenly saw certain men coming in to the man of God, apparelled in white stoles, whose faces were far more beautiful and bright than the whiteness of their garments: whereat being amazed and afraid, he began to cry out, and ask who they were: at which noise the Bishop also looking up, beheld them coming in and knew them, and thereupon comforted the little boy, bidding him not to cry, or be afraid, saying that they were the holy martyrs St. Juvenal and St. Eleutherius that came to visit him: but he, not acquainted with any such strange visions, ran out at the doors as fast as he could, carrying news hereof both to his father and the physicians; who, going down in all haste, found the Bishop departed: for those Saints, whose sight the child could not endure, had carried his soul away in their company.
Chapter Thirteen: of the death of a Nun called Galla.16
Neither will I conceal that which I |193 received by the relation of those that are grave and of good credit. In the time of the Goths, an honourable young maid called Galla, daughter to Symmachus the Consul, was bestowed in marriage: whose husband, before the year came about, departed this life: and though both plenty of wealth and her young years were great allurements to a second marriage, yet she made choice rather to be married spiritually to God, in which after mourning everlasting joy doth follow: than to become again subject to carnal matrimony, which always beginneth with joy, and in conclusion endeth with sorrow. But because she had a passing high colour, the physicians told her that, unless she did marry again, that she would through abundance of heat, contrary to nature, have a beard like unto men: which afterward fell so out indeed: but the holy woman little regarded outward deformity, which inwardly in her soul was enamoured with the beauty of the heavenly spouse; and feared not if that in her became foul, which she knew that her celestial spouse did nothing love. Wherefore straight upon the death of her husband, casting off her secular habit and attire, she rendered herself for the service of God to that Nunnery which is by the church of the blessed Apostle St. Peter; where she lived for the space of many years in prayer and simplicity of heart, and bestowed alms plentifully upon needy and poor people. At length, when almighty God determined to bestow upon her an everlasting reward, he sent her a cancer in one of her breasts. Two candles she had usually in the night time burning before her bed; for loving light, she did not only hate spiritual darkness, but also corporal. One night, lying sore afflicted with this her infirmity, she saw St. Peter standing before her bed, betwixt the two candlesticks, and being nothing afraid, but glad, love giving her courage, thus she spake unto him: "How is it, my Lord? what? are my sins forgiven |194 me?" To whom (as he hath a most gracious countenance) he bowed down a little his head, and said: "Thy sins are forgiven thee; come and follow me." But because there was another Nun in the Monastery which Galla loved more than the rest, she straightways beseeched him that sister Benedicta might go with her: to whom he answered that she could not then come, but another should: "and as for her," quoth he, "whom you now request, thirty days hence shall she follow you": and when he had thus said, he vanished out of her sight. After whose departure, she straightways called for the mother of the Convent, and told her what she had seen and heard: and the third day following, both she and the other before mentioned departed this life: and she also, whose company Galla desired, the thirtieth day after did follow them. The memory of which thing continueth still fresh in that Monastery, so that the Nuns which now live there (receiving it by tradition from their predecessors) can tell every little point thereof, as though they had been present at that time when the miracle happened.
Chapter Fourteen: of the departure of a poor man, sick of the palsy, called Servulus.17
Here also we have to know that oftentimes, at the death of God's servants, heavenly musick is heard, to the end that whiles they give willing ear to that melody, the soul may have no leisure to feel, when it departeth from the body. For I remember that, in my Homilies 18 upon the Gospel, I told how in that porch which is in the way to St. Clement's Church, there lay a certain man called Servulus, whom I doubt not but you also do remember: who, as he was poor in wealth, so rich in merits. This man had long been afflicted with sickness: for from the first time that I knew him, to the very last hour of his life, never can I remember but that he was sick of the palsy, and that |195 so pitifully, that he could not stand, nor sit up in his bed: neither was he ever able to put his hand unto his mouth, or to turn from one side to the other. His mother and brethren did serve and attend him, and what he got in alms, that by their hands he bestowed upon other poor people. Read he could not, yet did he buy the holy scriptures, which very carefully he caused such religious men as he entertained to read unto him: by means whereof, according to his capacity, though, as I said, he knew not a letter of the book, yet did he fully learn the holy scripture. Very careful he was in his sickness always to give God thanks, and day and night to praise his holy name.
When the time was come, in which God determined to reward this his great patience: the pain of his body strook inwardly to his heart, which he feeling, and knowing as his last hour was not far off, called for all such strangers as lodged in his house, desiring them to sing hymns with him, for his last farewell and departure out of this life: and as he was himself singing with them, all on a sudden he cried out aloud, and bad them be silent, saying: "Do ye not hear the great and wonderful musick which is in heaven?" and so whiles he lay giving of ear within himself to that divine harmony, his holy soul departed this mortal life: at which time, all that were there present felt a most pleasant and fragrant smell, whereby they perceived how true it was that Servulus said. A monk of mine, who yet liveth, was then present, and with many tears useth to tell us, that the sweetness of that smell never went away, but that they felt it continually until the time of his burial.
Chapter Fifteen: of the departure of a Nun called Romula.
In the same Homilies, I remember likewise, how I told a certain thing, which Speciosus, my fellow-Priest, doth also verify to be most true.19 At such time as I entered into religion, there dwelt in this city, |196 near to the church of our blessed Lady, a certain old woman, called Redempta, living in the habit of a Nun, a disciple of that Hirundina, which was famous for virtue, and led an eremitical life (as they say) in the mountains by the city of Praeneste.20 This foresaid Redempta had two scholars, which wore the same habit that she did: the one called Romula, and the name of the other, which yet liveth, I can not tell, though by sight I know her very well. These three together in, one little house lived a poor life, yet rich for piety and virtue: and of these twain Romula far excelled the other in merit of life: for she was a woman of marvellous patience, passing obedient, a great observer of silence, and one that with great zeal bestowed her time in continual prayer.
But because it often falleth out, that they whom the world think to be perfect, have yet in the eyes of almighty God some imperfection (as many times unskilful men do commend seals of arms as excellently well engraven, which yet the cunning workman doth better consider, and laboureth to make more perfect), this foresaid Romula fell into such a pitiful palsy, that she was fain to keep her bed: where she lay, deprived almost of all the use of her members: which great cross, notwithstanding, drew her not to any impatience, but rather the sickness of her body was the health of her soul, and the cause of her greater increase in virtue: for the less she could do in other things, the more she did in prayer and devotion. Upon a certain night she called for Redempta (who, as I said, brought them both up as her daughters), saying: "Come, mother, come, mother": who straightways with her other disciple rose up, and (as myself and many more have heard it from their own mouths) when they were about midnight by her bedside, suddenly there came a light from heaven, which filled all that cell: and such a brightness there appeared, that it put them both into a |197 wonderful fear, and, as themselves did afterward report, all their body became cold, in such sort, that there they stood amazed: for they heard a noise, as it were of many that came in, and the cell door shaken and thrust open, as though there had been a great press of people: and as they said, they heard a great company come in, yet they saw nobody, and that by reason of great fear and much light: for both fear did make them to hold their eyes downward, and the brightness of such plenty of light did so dazzle them, that they could not behold anything. Straight after that light followed a wonderful pleasant smell, which did greatly comfort their fearful hearts. Romula, perceiving that they could not endure that abundance of light, with sweet words comforted Redempta, that stood trembling by her bedside, saying: "Be not afraid, mother; for I shall not die at this time": and when she had often repeated those words, by little and little the light vanished away, but yet the sweet smell remained still, and so continued both the next and the third day after. Upon the fourth night, again she called for that her mother, and when she was come, she desired to receive the Sacrament, and so she did; and behold, before Redempta or her other disciple departed from her bedside, suddenly they heard two quires singing before the door without: and as they said, they perceived by their voices that the one was of men, that began the psalms, and the other of women that answered: and whiles these heavenly funerals were in celebrating before the cell door, that holy soul departed this life, and was carried in that manner up into heaven: and the higher those two quires did ascend, the less did they hear that celestial musick, until at length they heard no more: and beside that sweet and odoriferous smell, which before they felt, vanished quite away.
Chapter Sixteen: of the departure of the holy virgin Tarsilla.21
Sometime also for the comfort of |198 the soul that departeth, there appeareth unto it the author himself of life, and rewarder of all virtue: for proof whereof I will here report that which I remember also to have spoken of in mine Homilies, concerning mine aunt Tarsilla: who, in the company of two others of her sisters, had for continuance in prayer, gravity of life, singularity in abstinence, arrived to the top of perfection. To this woman, Felix, my great-grandfather, sometime Bishop of this see of Rome, appeared in vision, and shewed her the habitation of everlasting light, speaking thus: "Come with me, and I will entertain you in this dwelling place of light." Shortly after, taken with an ague, she was brought to the last cast: and as when noble men and women lie a dying, many do visit them for the comfort of their friends: so divers both men and women, at the time of her departure, were come, which stood round about her bed: at what time she, suddenly casting her eyes upward, beheld our Saviour coming: whereupon, looking earnestly upon him, she cried out to them that were present: "Away, away: my Saviour Jesus is come": and so, fixing her eyes upon him, whom she beheld, her holy soul departed this life: and such a wonderful fragrant smell ensued, that the sweetness thereof gave evident testimony that the author of all sweetness was there present. Afterward, when her dead body, according to the manner, was made ready to be washed, they found that, with long custom of prayer, the skin of her arms and knees was, like a camel's, become hard: and so her dead body gave sufficient testimony, what her living spirit had continually practised.
Chapter Seventeen: of the departure of a young maid called Musa.
Neither must that be forgotten, which the servant of God before mentioned, called Probus, used to tell of a little sister which he had, called Musa: for he said that one night our blessed Lady |199 appeared unto her in vision, shewing her sundry young maids of her own years, clothed all in white: whose company she much desiring, but yet not presuming to go amongst them, the Blessed Virgin asked her whether she had any mind to remain with them, and to live in her service: to whom she answered that willingly she would. Then our blessed Lady gave her in charge, not to behave herself lightly, nor to live any more like a girl, to abstain also from laughing and pastime, telling her that after thirty days she should, amongst those virgins which she then saw, be admitted to her service. After this vision, the young maid forsook all her former behaviour: and with great gravity reformed the levity of her childish years: which thing her parents perceiving, and demanding from whence that change proceeded, she told them what the blessed Mother of God had given her in commandment, and upon what day she was to go unto her service. Five and twenty days after, she fell sick of an ague; and upon the thirtieth day, when the hour of her departure was come, she' beheld our blessed Lady, accompanied with those virgins which before in vision she saw to come unto her, and being called to come away, she answered with her eyes modestly cast downward, and very distinctly spake in this manner: "Behold, blessed Lady, I come, behold, blessed Lady, I come": in speaking of which words she gave up the ghost, and her soul departed her virgin's body, to dwell for ever with the holy virgins in heaven.
PETER. Seeing mankind is subject to many and innumerable vices, I think that the greatest part of heaven is replenished with little children and infants.
Chapter Eighteen: how certain young children are hindered from heaven by their parents' wicked education: as is shown by the example of a blasphemous young boy.
GREGORY. Although we ought not to doubt, but believe that all infants which be |200 baptized, and die in their infancy, go to heaven; yet no point of our belief it is, that all little ones which can speak do come unto that holy place: because some little children are kept from heaven by their parents, which bring them up wickedly and in lewd life. For a certain man in this city, well known to all, some three years since had a child, as I think five years old, which upon too much carnal affection he brought up very carelessly: in such sort that the little one (a lamentable case to speak of) so soon as anything went contrary to his mind, straightways used to blaspheme the name of God.
This child, in that great mortality which happened three years since,22 fell sick, and came to the point of death: and his father holding him at that time in his arms, the child (as they say, which were then present) beheld with trembling eyes certain wicked spirits coming towards him: at which sight he began to cry out in this manner: "Keep them away, father, keep them away": and crying so out, he turned away his face, and would have hid himself in his father's bosom: who demanding why he was so afraid, and what he saw: "O father," quoth he, "there be blackamoors come to carry me away ": after which words straightways he blasphemed God, and so gave up the ghost. For to the end God might make it known to the world for what sin he was delivered to such terrible executioners, he permitted him at his very death to iterate that sin, for which his father, whiles he lived, would not correct him: so that he which through God's patience had long lived a blasphemer, did at length, by his just judgment, blaspheming end his life, that the father might both know his own sin, and also how, by neglecting the soul of his little son, he nourished and brought up not a little sinner for hell fire. But now to surcease from further speech of this sad and melancholy matter, let us prosecute, as we have begun, our former joyful narration. |201
Chapter Nineteen: of the departure of the man of God called Stephen.23
By the relation of the same Probus, and other religious men, I came to the knowledge of such things as in my Homilies I told to mine auditors, concerning the venerable father Stephen. For he was a man, as Probus and many more affirm, who had no wealth in this world, nor cared for any, loving only poverty for God's sake: in adversity always did he keep patience: secular men's company did he avoid: and his desire was always to pray and serve God: of whom I will here report one excellent virtuous act, that by one, many other which he likewise did, each man may ponder with himself. This man, therefore, having upon a time carried his corn, which he reaped with his own hands, into the barn, being the only substance upon which he and his disciples were to live all the year: a certain wicked wretch, pricked forward by the devil, set it all on fire: which another perceiving, ran in all haste and told it to the servant of God: and after he had done his message, he added these words, saying: "Alas and woe, father Stephen, what an ill chance hath befallen you." To whom straight ways, with a pleasant countenance and quiet mind, he answered: "Nay, what an ill chance and misery is befallen him that hath done this: for to me what hath happened?" By which words of his it appeareth, to what great perfection he was arrived, that took so quietly the loss of all his worldly wealth, and was more sorry for the other's sin than grieved for his own loss; and more thought what his neighbour had inwardly lost in his soul, than what himself had outwardly lost in his substance. When this man lay a dying, many came to visit him, and to commend their souls to his, that was now leaving this world: and standing about his bed, some of them beheld Angels coming in, but yet were not able to tell it unto others then present: others there were that saw nothing, but yet such a great fear fell |202 upon them all, that none could endure to remain in that place, when his soul departed the body: and therefore all of them, terrified and wholly possessed with fear, fled away: by which they perceived of what power he was, that received his soul going out of this world: seeing at that time no mortal creature could endure to be there present.
Chapter Twenty: how sometime the merit of the soul is not so truly declared at the time of the departure as afterward.
But here we have to understand, that sometime the merit of the soul is not so truly known at the time of the departure, as it is afterward: and therefore divers holy martyrs have suffered many great torments at the hands of infidels: who afterwards, at their dead bones, were famous for signs and miracles, as before hath been noted.
Chapter Twenty-one: of the two Monks of Abbot Valentinus.24
For the virtuous man Valentinus, who afterward, as you know, was in this city Abbot of my Monastery, having had before in the province of Valeria the government of another Abbey: into which, as he told me, the cruel Lombards entered in, and hung up two of his monks upon a tree, who in that manner ended their life. When evening was come, both their souls began in that place to sing so plainly and distinctly, that they also who had killed them, hearing that kind of musick, became wonderfully afraid. All the prisoners likewise that were there present heard it, and afterward witnessed the same: which strange melody God's providence would have known, to the end that mortal men living yet upon earth might thereby learn how that, if they serve him truly in this world, that they shall after death verily live with him in the world to come.
Chapter Twenty-two: of the departure of abbot Suranus.
At such time as I yet lived in the |203 Monastery, I understood by the relation of certain religious men, that in the time of the Lombards, in this very province called Sura 25 and not far off, there was an holy Abbot called Suranus, who bestowed upon certain prisoners, which had escaped their hands, all such things as he had in his Monastery: and when he had given away in alms all his own apparel, and whatsoever he could find either in the monks' cells or in the yards, and nothing was left: suddenly the Lombards came thither, took him prisoner, and demanded where his gold was: and when he told them that he had nothing, they carried him to an hill hard by, where there was a mighty great wood in which a certain prisoner that ran away from them had hid himself in an hollow tree. There one of the Lombards, drawing out his sword, slew the foresaid venerable Abbot, whose body as it fell to the ground, suddenly all the hill together with the wood did shake, as though the earth by that trembling had said, that it could not bear the weight of his holiness and virtue.
Chapter Twenty-three: of the departure of a Deacon belonging to the church of the Marsori.26
Another Deacon also there was in the province of the Marsori, a man of holy life, whom the Lombards had taken, and one with his sword had cut off his head. But as his body fell to the ground, he that slew him was possessed by a devil, and so he fell down at the holy man's feet, shewing thereby that he was delivered to the enemy of God, because he had so cruelly slain the friend of God.
PETER. What is the reason, I beseech you, that almighty God suffereth them to be put to death: whom afterward he doth make known to the world, that they were holy men and his dear servants?
Chapter Twenty-four: of the death of the man of God, that was sent to Bethel.
GREGORY. Seeing we find it written, that what death soever the just man |204 dieth, that his justice shall not be taken from him: what hurt cometh to God's elect servants (walking no question the way to everlasting life), if for a little while they have some pitiful end? and perhaps it proceedeth from some small sin of theirs, which by such kind of death God's pleasure is that it should be purged. And hereof it cometh that reprobates receive superiority and power over others, who at their death be so much the more punished, for that they used their cruel authority against God's servants: as the foresaid wicked and wretched man, whom God suffered not to triumph over that venerable Deacon, though he permitted him to kill his body: which thing to be true we learn also out of holy scriptures. For that man of God which was sent against Samaria, because contrary to God's commandment he did eat in his journey, was slain by a lion; and yet in the same place we read, that the lion stood by the man's ass, and did not touch his dead body.27 By which we perceive that his sin of disobedience was by that his death pardoned: because the same lion that feared not to kill him, presumed not yet to touch his dead carcass: for licence he had for the one, but no leave was granted for the other, because he that was culpable in his life, having his sin of disobedience now punished, was just by his death; and therefore the lion that before slew the body of a sinner, preserved afterward the corpse of a just man.
PETER. Your discourse pleaseth me very well: yet willing I am to know whether, before the resurrection, the souls of just men do enter into the kingdom of heaven.
Chapter Twenty-five: whether the souls of just men be received into heaven, before the general resurrection of our bodies.
GREGORY. This thing, speaking generally of all just men, can neither be |205 affirmed nor denied: for the souls pf some just men, remaining as yet in certain mansions, be deferred from heaven; by which stay of theirs, what else do we learn, but that they lacked somewhat of perfect justice? And yet is it more clear than day that the souls of them that be perfect, do, straight after death, possess the joys of heaven: the truth whereof Christ himself assureth us, when he saith: Wheresoever the body shall be, thither will the eagles be gathered together; 28 for where our Saviour is present in body, thither, without all question, do the souls of just men assemble themselves; and St. Paul saith: I desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ.29 He, therefore, that doubteth not Christ to be in heaven, how can he doubt that St. Paul's soul is in the same place? which Apostle speaketh also of the dissolution of his body, and his dwelling in heaven in these words: We know that if our terrestrial house of this habitation be dissolved, that we have a building of God; an house not made with hands, but everlasting in heaven.30
PETER. If just men's souls be already in heaven: what then shall they receive for a reward of their virtuous and just life at the day of judgment?
GREGORY. Whereas now their souls be only in heaven, at the day of judgment this further increase of joy shall they have, that their bodies also shall be partakers of eternal bliss, and they shall in their flesh receive joy: in which, for Christ's sake, they suffered grief and torments. In respect of this their double glory, the scripture saith: In their land, they shall possess double things; 31 and it is written of the souls of the just, that, before the day of resurrection: To every one of them white stoles were given; and it was said to them: that they should rest yet a little time, until the number of their fellow-servants and brethren were complete.32,33 They, therefore, that now receive but |206 one stole, in the day of judgment shall every one have two: because now they rejoice only for the felicity of their souls, but then shall they enjoy the endless glory of body and soul together.
PETER. I grant it to be as you say: but what, I beseech you, is the reason that oftentimes those which lie a dying do prophesy and tell of many things to come?
Chapter Twenty-six: By what means it happens, that those which lie dying do prophesy of things to come: and of the death of a certain advocate: of that also which was revealed to the monks Gerontius and Mellitus: of the death of a boy called Armentatius, and of the diversity of tongues.
GREGORY. Sometime the soul itself by reason of the spiritual nature which it hath, doth foresee some thing which will so fall out; and sometime souls, before their departure, come to the knowledge of future things by revelation; sometime also, when they are straightways to leave the body, by heavenly inspiration they penetrate with their spiritual eyes the secrets of heaven. For that the soul, by reason of the spiritual nature which it hath, doth know things to come, certain it is, by that which happened to a certain advocate in this city, who died two days ago of a pain in his side. For a little before his death, he called for his boy, to give him his apparel, that he might rise up and walk: who, supposing him not to know what he said, refused to do what he willed him. Whereupon he rose up, put on his clothes, and said that he would go to the church of St. Sixtus, which is on the Appian way:34 and when not long after, his sickness increasing, he departed this life, determined it was, that his body should be buried in the church of St. Januarius the martyr, which standeth upon the way called Praenestine. But because they which had the care of his burial thought it too far off, suddenly they resolved upon a new course: and so, going forth |207 with his corpse by the Appian way, not knowing what he had said, they buried him in that church which before he had mentioned: and seeing it is well known that he was a man given to the world, and one that sought after earthly gain, how could he know that which fell out, but that the force and spiritual nature of his soul did foresee what should become of his body?
That those also, which lie a dying, do oftentimes by divine revelation foretell what shall happen afterward, we may learn by such things as have fallen out amongst us in divers Abbeys. For ten years since, there was a monk in my Monastery, called Gerontius, who, lying sore sick, saw by vision in the night time, certain white men beautifully apparelled to descend from above into the Monastery, and standing by his bed-side, one of them said: "The cause of our coming hither is to choose out certain of Gregory's monks, to send them abroad unto the wars": and forthwith he commanded another to write in a bill the names of Marcellus, Valentinian, Agnellus, and divers others, whose names I have now forgotten: that being done, he said further: "Put down also the name of him that now beholdeth us." By which vision he being assured of that which would come to pass, the next morning he told the monks, who they were that should shortly die out of the Monastery, adding also that himself was to follow them. The next day the foresaid monks fell more dangerously sick, and so died all in that very order which they were named in the bill. Last of all, himself also departed this life, who had foretold the departure of the other monks before him.
Likewise in that mortality which, three years since, lamentably afflicted this town, there was in the Monastery of the city of Portus,35 a young monk called Mellitus, a man of wonderful simplicity and humility, whose last day being come, he fell desperately sick or the common |208 disease: which when venerable Felix, Bishop of the same place, understood (by whose relation myself have learned this story), very careful he was to visit him, and with sweet words to comfort him against death: adding, notwithstanding, that by God's grace he might live long in this world. To whom the sick man answered that his time was at hand, saying that there came unto him a young man with letters, willing him to open and read them: which when he had done, he said that he found both his own name, and all the rest of them which, the Easter before, had been baptized by that Bishop, written in letters of gold: and first of all he said that he found his own name, and afterward the rest of them that were christened at that time: by which he made no doubt but that both himself and the rest should shortly depart this life, and so it fell out, for he died that very day: and after him followed all those which had before been baptized, so that, within the space of a few days, no one of them was left alive. Of whom no question can be made, but that the reason why the foresaid servant of God saw them written in gold, was because their names were written in heaven in the everlasting sight of God. And as these men, by divine revelation, knew and foretold such things as were to come: so sometimes souls, before their departure, not in a dream but waking, may have some taste of heavenly mysteries. For you were well acquainted with Ammonius, a monk of my Monastery, who whiles he lived in a secular weed and was married to the daughter of Valerianus, a lawyer in this city, continually and with all diligence he followed his business: by reason whereof he knew whatsoever was done in his father-in-law's house. This man told me, how, in that great mortality which happened in this city, in the time of that noble man Narses,36 there was a boy in the house of the foresaid Valerianus, called Armentarius, who was very simple and passing humble: when, |209 therefore, that mortal disease entered that lawyer's house, the foresaid boy fell sick thereof, and was brought to the point of death: who suddenly falling into a trance, and afterward coming to himself again, caused his master to be sent for, to whom he told that he had been in heaven, and did know who they were that should die out of his house. "Such and such," quoth he, "shall die, but as for yourself, fear nothing, for at this time die you shall not. And that you may be assured that I have verily been in heaven, behold I have there received the gift to speak with all tongues: you know well enough that ignorant I am of the Greek tongue, and yet will I speak Greek, that you may see whether it be true that I say or no." Then his master spake Greek, and he so answered him in that tongue, that all which were present did much marvel. In the same house there was a Bulgar, servant to the foresaid Narsus, who in all haste, being brought to the sick person, spake unto him in the Bulgarian tongue; and the boy that was born and brought up in Italy, answered him so in that barbarous language, as though he had been born and bred in that country. All that heard him thus talking wondered much, and by experience of two tongues which they knew very well that before he knew not, they made no doubt of the rest, though they could make no trial thereof. After this he lived two days, and upon the third, by what secret judgment of God none can tell, he tare and rent with his teeth his own hands and arms, and so departed this life. When he was dead, all those whom before he mentioned did quickly follow after; and besides them, none in that house died at that time.
PETER. A very terrible thing it is, that he which merited so great a grace, should be punished with so pitiful a death.
GREGORY. Who is able to enter into the secret judgments of God? Wherefore those things which in divine |210 examination we cannot comprehend, we ought rather to fear than curiously to discuss.
Chapter Twenty-seven: of the death of Count Theophanius.37
And to prosecute what we have already begun, concerning the prophetical knowledge of those that die, I will now tell you that which, when I was in the city of Centumcellis, I understood by the relation of many, touching Theophanius, Count of that place. For he was a man of great mercy and compassion, and one that did many good works, but especially he was given to good housekeeping and hospitality. True it is that, following the affairs of his earldom, he spent much time about earthly and worldly business, but that rather of necessity and duty than according to his own mind and desire, as his virtuous end afterward declared. For when the time of his death was come, there arose a great tempest, which was likely to hinder the funerals; whereat his wife, pitifully weeping, asked him in this manner: "What shall I do? or how shall we carry you to be buried, seeing the tempest is so terrible, that none can stir out of doors?" To whom he answered thus: "Weep not, good wife, for so soon as I am dead you shall have fair weather": and when he had so said, he gave up the ghost: and straightways the air became clear, and the tempest ceased. After this miracle one or two more followed. For whereas his hands and feet were with the gout before swollen and festered, and by reason of much corrupt matter, did savour and smell: yet when he was dead, and his body after the manner came to be washed, they found his hands and feet so sound and whole, as though they had never been troubled with any such sores at all. Four days after his burial, his wife was desirous to have the marble stone that lay upon him changed: which being done, such a fragrant and pleasant smell came from his body, as though, instead of worms, spices had sprung out of that corrupt carcass: of which |211 strange thing when I did in my Homilies make public mention, and certain incredulous persons doubted thereof: upon a day, as I was sitting in the company of divers noble men, those very workmen, which had changed the tombstone, came unto me about business of their own: whom in the presence of the clergy, nobility, and common people, I examined, touching that miracle: and they all affirmed it to be most true, saying that they were in a strange manner replenished with that sweet smell: and they added also certain other things concerning his sepulchre, that made the miracle greater, which, not to be over long, I mean to pass over with silence.
PETER. I perceive now that my former question is sufficiently satisfied: yet another remaineth which troubleth my mind, and that is, seeing you affirmed before that holy men's souls which depart this life be now in heaven, it followeth consequently that the souls of the wicked be also in hell: and yet ignorant I am whether it be so or no, for man's imagination cannot conceive how the souls of sinners can be tormented before the day of judgment.
Chapter Twenty-eight: that, as we believe the souls of just and perfect men to be in heaven; so we ought also to believe that the souls of the wicked, after their departure from the body, be in hell.
GREGORY. If, by the testimony of holy scripture, you believe that the souls of holy and perfect men be in heaven: by the same reason ought you also to believe that the souls of the wicked be in hell: for as just men do rejoice and be glad at the retribution qf eternal justice, so necessary it is that the wicked at the same justice should be grieved and tormented: for as heavenly felicity doth glad the elect, so we ought to believe that, from the day of their departure, fire doth afflict and burn the reprobate.
PETER. With what reason can we believe, that corporal fire can hold and torment an incorporal thing? |212
Chapter Twenty-nine: the reason why we ought to believe, that corporal fire can hold and torment the spirits that be without bodies.
GREGORY. If a spirit without a body can be holden and kept in the body of a living man: why, likewise, after death, may not an incorporal spirit be holden and kept in corporal fire?
PETER. The reason why an incorporal spirit in every living man is kept in the body, is, because it doth quicken and give life to the body.
GREGORY. If an incorporal spirit, Peter, may be kept in that to which it giveth life: why also, for punishment, may it not be kept there, where it continually dieth? And we say that a spirit is holden by fire, to the end that, in the torment thereof, it may both by seeing and feeling be punished: for the soul by seeing of the fire is afflicted, and burned it is, in that it seeth itself to be burned: and so it falleth out, that a corporal thing may burn that which hath no body, whiles that an invisible burning and sorrow is drawn from visible fire, and the incorporal soul by means of corporal fire may be tormented with a spiritual and incorporal flame: although out of the Gospel we also learn that the soul is not only tormented by seeing the fire, but also by the feeling thereof: for the rich glutton, as our Saviour saith, was buried in hell. And he giveth us to understand that his soul was kept in fire, in that he telleth us how he did beseech Abraham, speaking to him in this manner: Send Lazarus, that he may dip the top of his finger into the water and may refresh my tongue: because I am tormented in this flame.38 Seeing, then, truth itself assureth us that the sinful rich man was condemned into fire, what wise man can deny that the souls of the reprobate be detained in fire?
PETER. Both reason and testimony of scripture draweth my mind to believe what you say: but yet, when I think |213 not of them, it returneth again to his former opinion: for I neither see, nor can perceive, how a corporal thing can hold and torment that which is incorporal and without body.
GREGORY. Tell me, I pray you, whether do you think that those Angels which fell from heaven have bodies or no?
PETER. What man that hath his wits will say that they have any bodies?
GREGORY. And whether do you think that the fire of hell is corporal or spiritual?
PETER. I make no doubt but that it is corporal, seeing most certain it is that bodies be burned therewith.
GREGORY. And as certain it is that, at the day of judgment, our Saviour shall say to the reprobate: Go into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the devil and his angels.39 If, then, the devil and his angels, though without bodies, shall be tormented with corporal fire, what marvel is it that the souls after their departure, and before they be united again to their bodies, may in like manner suffer corporal torments?
PETER. The reason you give is very plain, and therefore now there is not any further doubt touching this question, that doth trouble my mind.
Chapter Thirty: of the death of King Theodoricus, who was an Arian heretic.
GREGORY. Seeing with such difficulty you are brought to believe, I think it worth my labour to let you understand such things concerning this very point, as I have received from them that be of good credit. Julian, who died almost seven years since, and had a worshipful office in this church of Rome,40 in which now by God's providence I serve, used often to visit me (living as yet in my Monastery) and to talk with me of spiritual things for the good of both our souls. This man, upon a day, told me this story. |214
"In the time of king Theodoricus 41," quoth he," my wife's father, being then in Sicily, was to return into Italy. The ship in which he came arrived at the island of Liparis: where he understood that there dwelt a certain solitary man of great virtue, whom he thought good, whiles the mariners were occupied about mending of their ship and tackling, to visit, to talk with him, and to commend himself to his prayers: and so he did in the company of others. When they were come to the man of God, amongst other talk which they had, he asked them this question: 'Do you,' quoth he, 'hear that king Theodoricus is dead?' to whom they quickly answered: 'God forbid: we left him alive at our departure from Rome; and before this present we never heard of any such thing.' Then the servant of God told them that certainly he was dead: 'for yesterday,' quoth he, 'at nine of the clock, he was without shoes and girdle, and his hands fast bound, brought betwixt John the Pope and Symmachus the Senator, and thrown into Vulcan's gulph, which is not far from this place.' When they heard this news, carefully they wrote down the time, and at their return into Italy, they understood that king Theodoricus died upon that very day, in which his unhappy passage out of this world and punishment was revealed to the servant of God." And for as much as he had, by miserable imprisonment, been the death of Pope John, and also killed Symmachus, justly did he appear to be thrown of them into fire, whom before in this life he had unjustly condemned.
Chapter Thirty-one: of the death of Reparatus.
At the same time, when I first desired to lead a solitary life, a certain old man called Deusdedit, passing well beloved of the whole city, and one also that was my friend and familiar acquaintance, told me that, in the time of the Goths, a certain worshipful man, called Reparatus, came to die; who lying a long while with |215 his countenance changed, and his body stiff, many thought in very deed that he had been dead: and when divers of his friends and family wept for his departure, all on a sudden he came to himself, to the great admiration of his mourning household. Being returned thus to life, he bad them in all haste to send a boy to the church of St. Lawrence in Damaso 42 (so called of him that built it) and quickly to bring word what was become of Tiburtius the Priest. This Tiburtius, as the speech went, was much given to a dissolute and wanton life; and Florentius, who at that time was a Priest in the same church, remembereth full well his conversation and manner of life. When the messenger was gone, Reparatus, that was returned to life, told them that in the place where he was, he saw a great wood-pile made ready, and Tiburtius brought forth and laid upon it, and there to have been burnt with fire. "Then another fire," quoth he, "was prepared, which was so high that it reached from earth to heaven": but although they demanded for whom it was, yet did he not tell them: for when he had spoken these words straightways he died: and the boy, which was sent to see what was become of Tiburtius, returned with news, that he found him, a little before his coming, departed this life. By which we may learn that, seeing this Reparatus was carried to the places of torments to see them, returned afterward to life to tell what he had there beheld, and straight after left this world: that he saw not all these things for himself, but for us that yet live, and have time granted to amend our wicked lives. And the reason why Reparatus saw that great wood-pile burning, was not that we should think that the fire of hell is nourished with any wood: but because he was to make relation of these things to them that remained still in this world, he saw that fire prepared for the wicked, to be made of the same matter of which our fire is, to the end that, by |216 those things which we know and be acquainted with, we should learn to be afraid of those, which yet we have not seen nor have any experience.
Chapter Thirty-two: of the death of a Courtier 43: whose grave burned with fire.
Maximianus, Bishop or Syracusis, a man of holy life, who for a long time in this city had the government of my Monastery, often told me a terrible story, which fell out in the province of Valeria. A certain courtier, upon Easter even, was godfather to a young maid, who, after the fast was ended, returned home to his house: where drinking more wine than enough, he desired that his god-daughter might tarry with him: whom that night, which is horrible to speak of, he did utterly undo. In the morning, up he rose, and with guilty conscience thought good to go unto the bath, as though the water of that place could have washed away the filthiness of his sin, yet he went and washed himself. Then he began to doubt, whether it were best to go unto the church or no; fearing, on the one side, what men would say, if he went not upon that so great a festival day; and on the other, if he did go, he trembled to think of God's judgment. In conclusion, shame of the world overcame him, and therefore to the church he went: where yet he remained with great fear and horror, looking every instant that he should have been delivered to the devil, and tormented before all the people. At that solemn mass, though he did wonderfully shake for fear, yet he scaped free from all punishment: and so he departed very joyfully from church: and the next day after, came thither without any fear at all: and so merrily and securely he continued for six days together, thinking with himself that either God saw not that his abominable sin, or else that mercifully he had pardoned the same. Upon the seventh day, by sudden death he was taken out of this world. And being buried, for a long time after, in the sight of the |217 whole town, a flame of fire came out of his grave, which burnt his bones so long, until it consumed the very grave itself, in such sort that the earth which was raised up with a little bank, appeared lower than the rest of the ground. By which fact almighty God declared what his soul suffered in the other world, whose dead body flaming fire consumed in this. To us also he hath left a fearful example, that we may thereby learn what the living and sensible soul suffereth for sin committed, when as the sensible bones by such a punishment of fire were burnt to nothing.
PETER. Desirous I am to know whether in heaven the good know the good, and the wicked in hell know one another.
Chapter Thirty-three: that in heaven the good know the good: and in hell the wicked have knowledge of the wicked.
GREGORY. The truth of this question we find most clearly resolved in those words of our Saviour before alleged: in which, when it is said that: There was a certain rich man, and he was clad with purple and silk, and he fared every day magnifically: and there was a certain beggar called Lazarus, that lay at his gate full of sores, desiring to be filled of the crumbs that fell from the rich mans table, and none did give him, but the dogs also came and licked his sores; straightways it is there also said, that: Lazarus died, and was carried of the Angels into Abrahams bosom: and the rich man also died, and was buried in hell: who, lifting up his eyes, being in torments, saw Abraham afar off, and Lazarus in his bosom, and he cried saying: Father Abraham, have mercy on me, and send Lazarus that he may dip the tip of his finger into water for to cool my tongue, because I am tormented in this flame. To whom Abraham answered: Son, remember that thou diddest receive good things in thy lifetime, and Lazarus likewise evil.44 By which words, the rich man, having no hope of |218 salvation for himself, beginneth to make suit for his friends, saying: Father, I beseech thee, that thou wouldest send him unto my father s house, for I have five brethren, for to testify unto them, lest they also come into this place of torments. In which words we see plainly, that the good do know the good, and the bad have knowledge of the bad. For if Abraham had not known Lazarus, never would he have spoken to the rich man being in torments, and made mention of his affliction and misery past, saying: that he had received evil things in his life. And if the bad did not know the bad, never would the rich man in torments have remembered his brethren that were absent: for shall we think that he knew not them that were present with him, who was so careful to pray for them that were absent?
By which we learn also the answer to another question, which you demanded not: and that is, that the good do know the bad, and the bad the good. For Abraham knew the rich man, to whom he said: Thou hast received good things in thy life: and Lazarus, God's elect servant, was also known to the rich reprobate, whom by name he desired that he might be sent unto him, saying: Send Lazarus that he may dip the tip of his finger into water, and cool my tongue: by which mutual knowledge on both sides, the reward likewise to both parts increaseth, for the good do more rejoice, when they behold them also in felicity whom before they loved: and the wicked seeing them, whom in this world not respecting God they did love, to be now punished in their company, tormented they are, not only with their own pains, but also with the pains of their friends. Beside all this, a more wonderful grace is bestowed upon the Saints in heaven: for they know not only them with whom they were acquainted in this world, but also those whom before they never saw, and converse with them in such familiar sort as though in times past they had seen and known one another: |219 and therefore when they shall see the ancient fathers in that place of perpetual bliss, they shall then know them by sight, whom always they knew in their lives and conversation. For seeing they do in that place with unspeakable brightness (common to all) behold God, what is there that they know not, that know him who knoweth all things? 45
Chapter Thirty-four: of a certain religious man, that at his death saw the Prophets.
For a certain religious man of my Monastery, that lived a virtuous life, dying some four years since, saw at the very time of his departure (as other religious men do report, that were present) the Prophet Jonas, Ezechiel, and Daniel, and by their names called them his Lords, saying that they were come unto him: and as he was bowing his head downward to them for reverence, he gave up the ghost: whereby we perceive what perfect knowledge shall be in that immortal life, when as this man, being yet in corruptible flesh, knew the Prophets whom he never saw.
Chapter Thirty-five: how sometime souls ready to depart this world, that know not one another, know yet what torments for their sins, or like rewards for their good deeds, they shall receive. And of the death of John, Ursus, Eumorphius, and Stephen.
And sometime it happens that the soul, before it departeth, knoweth them with whom, by reason of equality of sins or rewards, it shall in the next world remain in one place. For old Eleutherius, a man of holy life, of whom in the former book I spake much, saith that he had a natural brother 46 of his, called John, who lived together with him in his Monastery, who, fourteen days beforehand, told the monks when he was to die: and three days before he departed this life, he fell into an ague, and when his time was come, he received the mystery of our Lord's |220 body and blood: and calling for the monks about him, he willed them to sing in his presence, prescribing them a certain anthem concerning himself, saying: Open unto me the gates of justice, and being gone into them, I will confess unto our Lord: this is the gate of our Lord, just men shall enter in by it;47 and whiles the monks about him were singing this anthem, suddenly with a loud and long voice he cried out, saying: "Come away, Ursus": straight after which words his soul departed this mortal life. The monks marvelled, because they knew not the meaning of that, which at his death he so cried for: and therefore after his departure, all the Monastery was in sorrow and affliction. Four days after, necessary business they had, to send some of their brethren to another Monastery far distant: to which place when they came,, they found all the monks in great heaviness, and demanding the reason, they told them that they did lament the desolation of their house: "for four days since," quoth they, "one of our monks died, whose life kept us all in this place": and when they inquired his name, they understood that it was Ursus: asking also at what hour he left this world, they found that it was at that very instant, when he was called by John who died with them. Out of which we may learn that the merits of either were alike; and that in the next world they live familiarly together in one mansion, who at one time like fellows departed this life.
Here also will I tell you what I heard from the mouths of my neighbours, at such time as I was yet a layman, and dwelled in my father's house, which descended to me by inheritance. A certain widow there was not far from me, called Galla, which had a young man to her son, whose name was Eumorphius: not far from whom dwelt one Stephen called also Optio.48 This Eumorphius, lying sick at the point of death, called for |221 his man, commanding him in all haste to go unto Stephen Optio, and to desire him without all delay to come unto him, because there was a ship ready, to carry them both into Sicily.49 But because his man refused to go, supposing that through extremity of sickness he knew not what he spake, his master very earnestly urged him forward, saying: "Go thy way, and tell him what I say, for I am not mad, as thou thinkest." Hereupon away he went towards Stephen, but as he was in the midst of his journey, he met one that asked him whither he was going, and when he told him, that he was by his master sent to Stephen Optio: "You lose your labour," quoth the other, "for I come now from thence: and he died this very hour." Back again upon this news he returned to his master, Eumorphius: but before he could get home, he found him dead. And so, by conferring their meeting together, and the length of the way, apparent it was that both of them, at one and the self same instant, departed this mortal life.
PETER. Very terrible it is that you say: but what, I pray you, is the reason, that he saw a ship at his departure? Or why did he say that he was to go into Sicily?
GREGORY. The soul needeth not anything to carry it: yet no wonder it is, if that appeared to the soul being yet in the body, which by means of the body it had oftentimes before seen: to the end that we should thereby understand whither his soul might spiritually be carried. And in that he said he was to go into Sicily, what else can be meant thereby, but that there be in the islands of that country more than in any place else, certain gaping gulfs of torments, casting out fire continually? and as they say that know them, daily do they wax greater, and enlarge themselves: so that the world drawing to an end, and so, consequently, more coming thither to be burnt in those flaming dungeons, so much the more do those places of torments open and become wider. Which |222 strange thing almighty God, for the terror and amendment of the living, would have extant in this world, that infidels which believe not the unspeakable pains of hell, may with their eyes see the places of torments, which they list not to credit when it is told them. And that both the elect and reprobate, whose life and conversation hath been alike, shall after death be carried to like places, the saying of our Saviour doth teach us, though we had no examples to prove the same; for of the elect himself saith in the Gospel: In the house of my Father there be many mansions.50 For if there were not inequality of rewards in the everlasting felicity of heaven, then were there not many mansions, but rather one: wherefore there be many mansions, in which divers orders and degrees of God's saints be distinguished, who in common do all rejoice of the society and fellowship of their merits, and yet all they that laboured receive one penny, though they remain in distinct mansions: because the felicity and joy which there they possess is one, and the reward, which by divers and unequal good works they receive is not one but divers: which to be true our Saviour assureth us, when, talking of his coming to judgment, he saith: Then I will say to the reapers: Gather up the cockle, and bind it into bundles to burn.51 For the Angels, which be the reapers, do then bind up in bundles the cockle to burn, when like with like are put together in torment: as the proud to burn in hell with the proud, carnal with the carnal, covetous with the covetous, deceitful with the deceitful, envious with the envious, and infidels with infidels: when therefore those that were like in sinful life, be condemned to like torments, then be they as it were cockle bound together in bundles to be burnt.
PETER. You have given a sufficient reason for satisfaction to my demand: yet I beseech you to inform me |223 further, what the cause is, that some be called out of this world, as it were through error: who afterward return again to life, saying that they heard how they were not the men which were sent for out of this life.
Chapter Thirty-six: of those souls which seem as it were through error to be taken out of their bodies: and of the death and reviving of a monk calleo Peter: of the death, likewise, and raising up again of one Stephen: and of the strange vision of a certain soldier.
GREGORY. When this happeneth, Peter, it is not, if it be well considered, any error, but an admonition. For God of his great and bountiful mercy so disposeth, that some after their death do straightways return again to life, that having seen the torments of hell, which before when they heard they would not believe, they may now at least tremble at, after they have with their eyes beheld them. For a certain Sclavonion, who was a monk and lived with me here in this city in my Monastery, used to tell me that at such time as he dwelt in the wilderness, that he knew one Peter, a monk born in Spain, who lived with him in the vast desert called Evasa 52: which Peter (as he said) told him how, before he came to dwell in that place, by a certain sickness he died, and was straightways restored to life again, affirming that he had seen the torments and innumerable places of hell, and divers, who were mighty men in this world, hanging in those flames; and that as himself was carried to be thrown also into the same fire, suddenly an Angel in a beautiful attire appeared, who would not suffer him to be cast into those torments: but spake unto him in this manner: "Go thy way back again, and hereafter carefully look unto thyself, how thou leadest thy life": after which words his body by little and little became warm, and himself, waking out of the sleep of everlasting death, reported all such things as happened about him: after which time he bound |224 himself to such fasting and watching, that though he had said nothing, yet his very life and conversation did speak what torments he had seen and was afraid of: and so God's merciful providence wrought in his temporal death that he died not everlastingly.53
But because man's heart is passing obdurate and hard, hereof it cometh that though others have the like vision, and see the same pains, yet do they not always reap the like profit. For the honourable man Stephen, whom you knew very well, told me of himself, that at such time as he was upon business resident in the city of Constantinople, that he fell sick and died; and when they sought for a surgeon to bowel him, and to embalm his body, and could not get any, he lay unburied all the night following: in which space his soul was carried to the dungeon of hell, where he saw many things, which before when he heard he little believed. But when he was brought before the judge that sat there, he would not admit him to his presence, saying: "I commanded not this man to be brought, but Stephen the smith ": upon which words he was straightway restored to life, and Stephen the smith, that dwelled hard by, at that very hour departed this life: whose death did show that the words which he heard were most true. But though the foresaid Stephen escaped death in this manner at that time, yet three years since, in that mortality which lamentably wasted this city (and in which, as you know, men with their corporal eyes did behold arrows that came from heaven, which did strike divers), the same man ended his days: at which time a certain soldier being also brought to the point of death, his soul was in such sort carried out of his body, that he lay void of all sense and feeling, but coming quickly again to himself, he told them that were present, what strange things he had seen. For he said (as many report that know it very well) that he saw a bridge, under which a black and |225 smoky river did run, that had a filthy and intolerable smell: but upon the farther side thereof there were pleasant green meadows full of sweet flowers, in which also there were divers companies of men apparelled in white: and such a delicate savour there was, that the fragrant odour thereof did give wonderful content to all them that dwelt and walked in that place. Divers particular mansions also there were, all shining with brightness and light, and especially one magnificent and sumptuous house which was a building, the brick whereof seemed to be of gold, but whose it was, that he knew not.
There were also upon the bank of the foresaid river certain houses, but some of them the stinking vapour which rose from the river did touch, and some other it touched not at all. Now those that desired to pass over the foresaid bridge, were subject to this manner of trial: if any that was wicked attempted to go over, down he fell into that dark and stinking river; but those that were just and not hindered by sin, securely and easily passed over to those pleasant and delicate places. There he said also that he saw Peter, who was steward of the Pope's family, and died some four years since, thrust into a most filthy place, where he was bound and kept down with a great weight of iron: and inquiring why he was so used, he received that answer, which all we that knew his life can affirm to be most true: for it was told him that he suffered that pain, because when himself was upon any occasion to punish other, that he did it more upon cruelty than to shew his obedience; of which his merciless disposition none that knew him can be ignorant. There also he said that he saw a Priest whom he knew: who coming to the foresaid bridge, passed over with as great security, as he lived in this world sincerely.
Likewise, upon the same bridge he said that he did |226 see this Stephen, whom before we spake of, who being about to go over, his foot slipped, and half his body hanging beside the bridge, he was of certain terrible men, that rose out of the river, drawn by the legs downward: and by certain other white and beautiful persons, he was by the arms pulled upward: and whiles they strove thus, the wicked spirits to draw him downward, and the good to lift him upward, he that beheld all this strange sight returned to life, not knowing in conclusion what became of him. By which miraculous vision we learn thisvthing concerning the life of Stephen, to wit, that in him the sins of the flesh did strive with his works of alms. For in that he was by the legs drawn downward, and by the arms plucked upward, apparent it is, that both he loved to give alms, and yet did not perfectly resist the sins of the flesh, which did pull him downward: but in that secret examination of the supreme judge, which of them had the victory, that neither we know, nor he that saw it. Yet most certain it is, that the same Stephen, after that he had seen the places of hell, as before was said, and returned again to his body, did never perfectly amend his former wicked life, seeing many years after he departed this world, leaving us in doubt whether he were saved or damned. Whereby we may learn, that when any have the torments of hell shewn them, that to some it is for their commodity, and to others for their testimony: that the former may see those miseries to avoid them, and these other to be so much the more punished, in that they would not take heed of those torments, which they both knew and with their eyes beheld.
PETER. What, I beseech you, was meant by the building of that house in those places of delight, with bricks of gold? For it seemeth very ridiculous, that in the next life we should have need of any such kind of metal. |227
What is meant by the building of the house in those pleasant places. And of one Deusdedit, whose house was seen to be built upon the Saturday.54
GREGORY. What man of sense can think so? but by that which was shewn there, whosoever he was, for whom that house was built, we learn plainly what virtuous works he did in this world: for he that by plenty of alms doth merit the reward of eternal light, certain it is, that he doth build his house with gold. For the same soldier who had this vision said also, which I forgot before to tell you, that old men, and young, girls, and boys, did carry those bricks of gold for the building of that house: by which we learn that those to whom we shew compassion in this world, do labour for us in the next. There dwelt also hard by us a religious man, called Deusdedit, who was a shoemaker, concerning whom another saw by revelation that he had in the next world an house a building; but the workmen thereof laboured only upon the Saturday. Who afterward enquiring more diligently how he lived, found that whatsoever he got by his labour all the week, and was not spent upon necessary provision of meat and apparel, all that upon the Saturday he bestowed upon the poor in alms at St. Peter's church: and therefore see what reason there was, that his building went forward upon the Saturday.
PETER. You have given me very good satisfaction touching this one point: yet desirous I am further to know, what the reason was that some of those habitations were touched, by the stinking vapour, and some were not; and what is meant by the bridge and river which he saw.
GREGORY. By the representation of these things, Peter, are expressed the causes which they do signify. For the bridge, by which he beheld God's servants to pass unto those pleasant places, doth teach us that the path is very |228 strait which leadeth to everlasting life:55 and the stinking river, which he saw running beneath, signifieth that the filthy corruption of vice in this world doth daily run to the downfall of carnal pleasure. And that some of the habitations were touched with the stinking vapour, and some were not, what is meant else, but that there be divers which do many good works, yet in their soul they are touched with the delight of carnal sins? and therefore very great reason there is, that in the next world such should taste of a stinking vapour, whom filthy carnality did delight in this; and therefore blessed Job, perceiving the pleasure of the flesh to be stinking, pronounceth this sentence of the wanton and carnal man: His sweetness be worms.56 But those that do preserve their heart free from all pleasure of carnal thoughts, have not their houses touched with any such stinking vapour: and here we have also to note, that he saw one and the same thing both to be a vapour and also to have an ill savour, because carnal delight doth so obscure the soul which it hath infected, that it can not see the brightness of true light: for the more pleasure it hath in the inferior part, the more darkness it hath in the superior, which doth hinder it from the contemplation of heavenly mysteries.
PETER. Is there any text of holy scripture, to prove that carnal sins be punished with stinking and bad savours?
Of the punishment of the men of Sodom.
GREGORY. There is: for in Genesis 57 we read that our Lord rained fire and brimstone upon the city of Sodom: that both fire might burn them, and the stench of brimstone smother and kill them: for seeing they burnt with the unlawful love of corruptible flesh, by God's just judgment they perished both by fire and an unsavoury smell; to the end they might know that they |229 had, by the pleasure of their stinking life, incurred the sorrows of eternal death.
PETER. Concerning those things which before I doubted of, I find myself now so fully satisfied, that I have not any further question to move.
Chapter Thirty-seven: who the souls of some men, being yet in their bodies, do see some spiritual punishment: and of that which happened to the boy Theodorus.58
GREGORY. We have also to know that sometime the souls, whiles they are in their bodies, do behold some spiritual punishment: which yet happeneth to some for their own good, and to others for the edification of them that hear thereof. For there was one Theodorus (which story I remember that in mine Homilies to the people I have also spoken of) who was a very unruly lad, and, more upon necessity than of his own good will, in the company of his brother entered into my Monastery: and so little pleasure he took in spiritual talk, that it was death to him to hear anything tending to the good of his own soul, for he was so far from doing any good work, that he could not endure to hear thereof: and he would openly protest, sometimes by swearing, sometimes in anger, and sometimes in scoffing sort, that he never meant to take upon him the habit of a religious life. This untoward boy, in the late mortality which consumed the greatest part of this city, was grievously strooken: whereof he lay sore sick: and being at last come to the point of death, all the monks repaired to his chamber, to pray for the happy departure of his soul, which seemed not to be far off: for the one half of his body was already dead, and only in his breast a little life remained, and therefore the nearer they saw him to his end, the more fervently did they commend him to God's mercy. Whiles they were thus busied, suddenly he cried out to them, and with great clamour went about |230 to interrupt their devotions, saying: "Depart and away, for behold I am delivered over to a dragon to be devoured, and your presence doth let him, that he can not dispatch me. My head he hath already swallowed up in his mouth, and therefore go your ways, that my torments be not the longer, and that he may effect that which he is about to do: for if I be given him to devour, why do you keep me here in longer pain?" At these fearful words the monks said unto him: "Why do you speak thus, good brother? Bless yourself with the sign of the holy cross": to whom he answered: "Willingly I would, but I can not, I am so loaden with this dragon's scales." Upon these words the monks fell prostrate upon the earth, and in great zeal with tears they prayed to God for his delivery out of the enemy's hands, who mercifully heard them, for upon a sudden the sick person began to cry out, and say: "God be thanked, behold the dragon that had me to devour, is fled away, and overcome with your prayers, here he could not tarry. Now, I beseech you, make intercession for my sins, for I am ready to turn unto God, and wholly to renounce all kind or secular life ": and thus he that was half dead, as before was said, reserved now to a longer life, turned to God with his whole heart: and so, after he had put on a new mind, and was a long time punished with affliction, then his soul departed from the miseries of this mortal life.
Chapter Thirty-eight: of the death of Chrisorius 59: and of a certain Monk of Iconia.
But Chrisorius on the contrary (as his kinsman Probus, of whom I made mention before, told me) was a substantial man in this world, but as full of sin as of wealth: for he was passing proud, given to the pleasures of the flesh, covetous, and wholly set upon scraping of riches together. But when God determined to make an end of so many sins, he sent him a great sickness; and when |231 his last time drew near, in that very hour in which his soul was to leave the body, lying with his eyes open, he saw certain cruel men and black spirits stand before him, pressing upon him to carry him away to the pit of hell: at which fearful sight he began to tremble, to wax pale, to sweat, and with pitiful outcries to crave for truce: and often with faltering tongue to call for his son Maximus (whom, when I was a monk, I knew also to profess the same kind of life), saying: "Come away, Maximus, with all speed. Never in my life did I any harm to thee, receive me now in thy faith." His son, greatly moved at these outcries, came unto him in all haste: and his whole family lamenting and crying out, repaired also to his chamber: none of all which beheld those wicked spirits, which did so urge and vex him: but by his trouble of mind, by his paleness and trembling, they made no doubt of their presence: for he was so affrighted with their terrible looks, that he turned himself every way in his bed. Lying upon his left side, he could not endure their sight: and turning to the wall, there also he found them: at last, being very much beset, and despairing of all means to escape their hands, he cried out with a loud voice: "O truce till to-morrow, O truce till to-morrow": and crying out in this sort he gave up the ghost. This being the manner of his death, certain it is that he saw this fearful sight not for himself, but for us: that his vision might do us good, whom God's patience doth yet with fatherly long sufferance expect to amendment. For what profit reaped he by seeing those foul spirits before his death, and by craving for that truce which he could not obtain?
There is also now dwelling amongst us a Priest of Isauria called Athanasius, who telleth a very fearful story which in his time happened, as he saith, at Iconium. For there was in that place, as he reporteth, a Monastery |232 called Thongolaton 60, in which there lived a monk that was had in great account: for he was of good conversation, and in his life very orderly: but, as the end declared, he was far otherwise than he outwardly appeared: for though he did seem to fast with the rest of the monks, yet did he secretly take his meat: which vice of his none of the other monks ever understood. But at length it came forth by this means: for falling grievously sick, so that no hope of life remained, he caused all the monks of the Convent to be called together, who all willingly came, verily thinking that, at the departure of so notable a man, they should have heard some sweet and good exhortation: but it fell out far otherwise, for with great trouble of mind, and trembling of body, he was enforced to tell them that he died in a damnable state, saying: "When you thought that I fasted with you, then had I my meat in secret corners: and behold, now I am delivered to a dragon to be devoured, who with his tail hath enwrapped fast my hands and feet: and his head he hath thrust into my mouth, and so he lieth sucking and drawing out of my breath ": and speaking these words he departed this life, and had not any time given to deliver himself by penance from that dragon which he saw. By which we learn, that he had this vision only for the commodity of them that heard it, seeing himself could not escape from the enemy which he beheld, and into whose hands he was given to be devoured.
PETER. Desirous I am to be informed, whether we ought to believe that after death there is any fire of Purgatory.
Chapter Thirty-Nine: whether there be any fire of purgatory in the next world.
GREGORY. Our Lord saith in the Gospel: Walk whiles you have the light:61 and by his Prophet he saith: In time accepted have I heard thee, and in the day of salvation have I holpen thee:62 which the Apostle St. Paul expounding, saith: Behold, |233 now is the time acceptable; behold, now the day of salvation.63 Solomon, likewise, saith: Whatsoever thy hand is able to do, work it instantly: for neither work, nor reason, nor knowledge, nor wisdom shall be in hell, whither thou dost hasten.64 David also saith: Because his mercy is for ever.65 By which sayings it is plain, that in such state as a man departeth out of this life, in the same he is presented in judgment before God. But yet we must believe that before the day of judgment there is a Purgatory fire for certain small sins: because our Saviour saith, that he which speaketh blasphemy against the holy Ghost, that it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world, nor in the world to come.66 Out of which sentence we learn, that some sins are forgiven in this world, and some other may be pardoned in the next: for that which is denied concerning one sin, is consequently understood to be granted touching some other. But yet this, as I said, we have not to believe but only concerning little and very small sins, as, for example, daily idle talk, immoderate laughter, negligence in the care of our family (which kind of offences scarce can they avoid, that know in what sort sin is to be shunned), ignorant errors in matters of no great weight: all which sins be punished after death, if men procured not pardon and remission for them in their lifetime: for when St. Paul saith, that Christ is the foundation: and by and by addeth: And if any man build upon this foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble: the work of every one, of what kind it is, the fire shall try. If any man's work abide which he built thereupon, he shall receive reward; if any mans work burn, he shall suffer detriment, but himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire.67 For although these words may be understood of the fire of tribulation, which men suffer in this world: yet if any will interpret them of the fire of Purgatory, which |234 shall be in the next life: then must he carefully consider, that the Apostle said not that he may be saved by fire, that buildeth upon this foundation iron, brass, or lead, that is, the greater sort of sins, and therefore more hard, and consequently not remissible in that place: but wood, hay, stubble, that is, little and very light sins, which the fire doth easily consume. Yet we have here further to consider, that none can be there purged, no, not for the least sins that be, unless in his lifetime he deserved by virtuous works to find such favour in that place.
Chapter Forty: of the soul of Paschasius the Deacon.68
For when I was yet in my younger years, and lived.a secular life, I heard from the mouth of mine elders, who knew it to be true: how that Paschasius, a Deacon of this Roman church (whose sound and eloquent books of the holy Ghost be extant amongst us), was a man of a wonderful holy life, a marvellous giver of alms, a lover of the poor, and one that contemned himself. This man, in that contention which, through the exceeding hot emulation of the clergy, fell out betwixt Symmachus and Lawrence, made choice of Lawrence to be Bishop of Rome: and though he was afterward by common consent overcome, yet did he continue in his former opinion till his dying day: loving and preferring him, whom the Church, by the judgment of Bishops, refused for her governor. This Deacon ending his life in the time of Symmachus, Bishop of the Apostolic see: a man possessed with a devil came and touched his dalmatic, as it lay upon the bier, and was forthwith delivered from that vexation. Long time after, Germanus, Bishop of Capua (before mentioned), by the counsel of physicians, for the recovery of his health went to the baths: into which after he was entered, he found there standing in those hot waters the foresaid Paschasius, ready to do him service. At which |235 sight being much afraid, he demanded what so worthy a man as he was did in that place: to whom Paschasius returned this answer: "For no other cause," quoth he, "am I appointed to this place of punishment, but for that I took part with Lawrence against Symmachus: and therefore I beseech you to pray unto our Lord for me, and by this token shall you know that your prayers be heard, if, at your coming again, you find me not here." Upon this, the holy man Germanus betook himself to his devotions, and after a few days he went again to the same baths, but found not Paschasius there: for seeing his fault proceeded not of malice, but of ignorance, he might after death be purged from that sin. And yet we must withal think that the plentiful alms which he bestowed in this life, obtained favour at God's hands, that he might then deserve pardon, when he could work nothing at all for himself.
PETER. What, I pray you, is the reason, that, in these latter days, so many things come to light, which in times past were not known: in such sort that by open revelations and manifest signs, the end of the world seemeth not to be far off?
Chapter Forty-one: why in latter times so many things be known, concerning men's souls: which in former ages were not heard of.
GREGORY. So it is, for the nearer that this present world draweth towards an end, so much the more the world to come is at hand, and sheweth itself by more plain and evident tokens. For seeing, in this world, we know not one another's cogitations, and, in the next, men's hearts be known to all, what fitter name can we give to this world than to term it night, and what better to the next, than to call it day? But as, when the night is almost spent, and the day beginneth to break, darkness and light be in a certain manner joined together, until the light of the day following doth perfectly banish away the dark |236 remnants of the former night: even so, the end of this world is, as it were, mingled together with the beginning of the next, and with the darkness of this, some light of such spiritual things as be in that doth appear: and so we see many things which belong to that world, yet for all this, perfect knowledge we have not any, but as it were in the twilight of our soul behold them before the rising of that sun of knowledge, which then abundantly will cast his beams over all.
PETER. I like very well of your speech, yet, in so worthy a man as Paschasius was, this doubt doth trouble me, how he was after his death carried to any place of punishment, seeing the touching of his garment upon the bier did dispossess a wicked spirit.
GREGORY. Herein appeareth the great and manifold providence of almighty God, by whose just judgment it fell out, that Paschasius for some time entertained inwardly sin in his soul, and yet in the sight of the world wrought miracles by his body after his death, who in his lifetime did, as they know, many good works: to the end that those which had seen his virtuous life, should not be deceived concerning the opinion of his great alms; and yet himself should not without punishment have remission of his sin, which whiles he lived he thought to be no sin, and therefore did not by tears wash it away.
PETER. I understand very well what you say, but by this reason I am driven into such straights, that I must stand in fear both of those sins which I know, and also of those which I know not. But because a little before you discoursed of the places of torments: in what part of the world, I beseech you, are we to believe that hell is, whether above the earth or beneath the same?
Chapter Forty-two: in what place of the world we ought to believe that hell is.
GREGORY. Touching this point I dare not rashly define anything: for some have been of opinion that hell was in some place |237 upon the earth; and others think that it is under the earth: but then this doubt ariseth, for if it be therefore called hell, or an infernal place, because it is below, then as the earth is distant from heaven, so likewise should hell be distant from the earth: for which cause, perhaps, the Prophet saith: Thou hast delivered my soul from the lower hell;69 so that the higher hell may seem to be upon the earth, and the lower under the earth: and with this opinion that sentence of John agreeth, who, when he had said, that he saw a book sealed with seven seals: and that none was found worthy, neither in heaven, nor in earth, nor under the earth, to open the book, and loose the seals thereof:70 he added forthwith: and I wept much: which book, notwithstanding, afterward he saith was opened by a lion of the tribe of Juda. By which book, what else can be meant but the holy scripture, which our Saviour alone did open: for being made man, by his death, resurrection, and ascension, he did reveal and make manifest all those mysteries which in that book were closed and shut up. And none in heaven, because not any Angel; none upon earth, because not man living in body; not any under the earth was found worthy: because neither the souls departed from their bodies could open unto us, beside our Lord himself, the secrets of that sacred book. Seeing, then, none under the earth is said to be found worthy to open that book, I see not what doth let, but that we should believe that hell is in the lower parts, under the earth.
PETER. I beseech you: Is there one fire in hell, or, according to the diversity of sinners, be there so many sorts of fire prepared in that place?
Chapter Forty-three: whether there is one fire in hell, or many.
GREGORY. The fire of hell is but one: yet doth it not in one manner torment all sinners. For every one there, according to the quantity of his sin, |238 hath the measure of his pain. For as, in this world, many live under one and the same sun, and yet do not alike feel the heat thereof: for some be burnt more, and some less: so in that one fire, divers manners of burning be found, for that which in this world diversity of bodies doth, that in the next doth diversity of sins: so that although the fire be there all alike, yet doth it not in one manner and alike burn and torment them that be damned.
PETER. Shall those, I pray you, which be condemned to that place, burn always, and never have any end of their torments?
Chapter Forty-four: whether those that be in hell shall burn there for ever.
GREGORY. Certain it is, and without all doubt most true, that as the good shall have no end of their joys, so the wicked never any release of their torments: for our Saviour himself saith: The wicked shall go into everlasting punishment, and the just into everlasting life.71 Seeing, then, true it is, that which he hath promised to his friends: out of all question false it cannot be, that which he hath threatened to his enemies.
PETER. What if it be said that he did threaten eternal pain to wicked livers, that he might thereby restrain them from committing of sins?
GREGORY. If that which he did threaten be false, because his intent was by that means to keep men from wicked life: then likewise must we say that those things are false which he did promise: and that his mind was thereby to provoke us to virtue. But what man, though mad, dare presume so to say? For if he threatened that which he meant not to put into execution: whiles we are desirous to make him merciful, enforced we are likewise (which is horrible to speak) to affirm him to be deceitful.
PETER. Willing I am to know how that sin can justly |239 be punished without end, which had an end when it was committed.
GREGORY. This which you say might have some reason, if the just judge did only consider the sins committed, and not the minds with which they were committed: for the reason why wicked men made an end of sinning was, because they also made an end of their life: for willingly they would, had it been in their power, have lived without end, that they might in like manner have sinned without end. For they do plainly declare that they desired always to live in sin, who never, so long as they were in this world, gave over their wicked life: and therefore it belongeth to the great justice of the supreme judge, that they should never want torments and punishment in the next world, who in this would never give over their wicked and sinful life.
PETER. But no judge that loveth justice taketh pleasure in cruelty: and the end why the just master commandeth his wicked servant to be punished is, that he may give over his lewd life. If, then, the wicked that are tormented in hell fire never come to amend themselves, to what end shall they always burn in those flames?
GREGORY. Almighty God, because he is merciful and full of pity, taketh no pleasure in the torments of wretched men: but because he is also just, therefore doth he never give over to punish the wicked. All which being condemned to perpetual pains, punished they are for their own wickedness: and yet shall they always there burn in fire for some end, and that is, that all those which be just and God's servants may in God behold the joys which they possess, and in them see the torments which they have escaped: to the end that they may thereby always acknowledge themselves grateful to God for his grace, in that they perceive through his divine assistance, what sins they have overcome, which they behold in others to be punished everlastingly. |240
PETER. And how, I pray you, can they be holy and saints, if they pray not for their enemies, whom they see to lie in such torments? when it is said to them: Pray for your enemies.72
GREGORY. They pray for their enemies at such time as their hearts may be turned to fruitful penance, and so be saved: for what purpose else do we pray for our enemies, but, as the Apostle saith, that God may give them repentance to know the truth, and recover themselves from the devil, of whom they are held captive at his will? 73
PETER. I like very well of your saying: for how shall they pray for them, who by no means can be converted from their wickedness, and brought to do the works of justice?
GREGORY. You see, then, that the reason is all one, why, in the next life, none shall pray for men condemned for ever to hell fire: that there is now of not praying for the devil and his angels, sentenced to everlasting torments: and this also is the very reason why holy men do not now pray for them that die in their infidelity and known wicked life: for seeing certain it is that they be condemned to endless pains, to what purpose should they pray for them, when they know that no petition will be admitted of God, their just judge? And therefore, if now holy men living upon earth take no compassion of those that be dead and damned for their sins, when as yet they know that themselves do some thing through the frailty of the flesh, which is also to be judged: how much more straightly and severely do they behold the torments of the damned, when they be themselves delivered from all vice of corruption, and be more nearly united to true justice itself: for the force of justice doth so possess their souls, in that they be so intrinsical with the most just judge, that they list not by any means to do that which they know is not conformable to his divine pleasure.74 |241
PETER. The reason you bring is so clear, that I cannot gainsay it: but now another question cometh to my mind, and that is, how the soul can truly be called immortal, seeing certain it is that it doth die in that perpetual fire.
Chapter Forty-five: how the soul is said to be immortal and never to die: if it be punished with the sentence of death.
GREGORY. Because there be two manner of lives, consequently also there be two manner of deaths.75 For one kind of life there is, by which we live in God, another which we received by our creation or generation: and therefore one thing it is to live blessedly, and another thing to live naturally. The soul, therefore, is both mortal and immortal: mortal, because it loseth the felicity of an happy life: and immortal, in that it always keepeth his natural life, which can never be lost, no, not when it is sentenced to perpetual death: for in that state, though it hath not a blessed life, yet it doth retain still the former being and natural life: by reason whereof it is enforced to suffer death without death, defect without defect, and end without end: seeing the death which it endureth is immortal, the defect which it suffereth never faileth, and the end which it hath is infinite, and without end.
PETER. What man is he, though never so holy, that, cometh to leave this mortal life, hath not just cause to fear the unspeakable sentence of damnation? for although he knoweth what he hath done, yet ignorant he is not, how straightly his works shall be examined and judged.
Chapter Forty-six: of a certain holy man that was afraid when he came to die.
GREGORY. It is even so, Peter, as you say. And yet sometime the only fear of death doth purge the souls of just men from their smaller sins, as you and I have often heard of a certain holy man that was very much afraid when he came to |242 die: and yet, after he was dead, appeared to his disciples in a white stole, reporting to them in what excellent manner he was received, when he departed out of this world.
Chapter Forty-seven: how some by divine revelation are discharged from fear at their death. And of the manner how the monks Anthony, Merulus, and John departed this life.
Sometime also almighty God doth by divine revelation strengthen the minds of them that be fearful, to the end that they should not be afraid of death. For a certain monk there was, called Anthony, that lived together with me in my Monastery, who by daily tears laboured to come to the joys of heaven: and when as he did very carefully and with great zeal of soul meditate upon the sacred scriptures, he, sought not so much for cunning and knowledge, as for tears and contrition of heart, that by means thereof his soul might be stirred up and inflamed: and that by contemning all earthly things, he might with the wings of contemplation fly unto the kingdom of heaven. This man upon a night, by revelation, was admonished in this manner: "Make yourself ready, because our Lord hath given commandment for your departure": and when he answered, that he had not wherewith to defray the charges of that journey: straightaway he heard these comfortable words: "If you take care for your sins, they be forgiven you"; which thing though he had heard once, and yet for all that was in great fear, another night he had again the same vision: and so after five days he fell sick of an ague, and as the other monks were praying and weeping about him, he departed this life.
Another monk there was in the same Monastery, called Merulus, who was wonderfully given to tears and bestowing of alms: and no time almost passed him, except it were when he was at meat or asleep, in which |243 he did not sing psalms. This man, by vision in the night, saw a crown made of white flowers to descend upon his head: and straight after falling sick, he died with great quiet and joy of mind. Fourteen years after, when Peter, who now hath the government of my Monastery, went about to make a grave for himself hard by Merulus' sepulchre, such a fragrant and pleasant smell, as he saith, came out of it, as though it had been a storehouse of all manner of sweet flowers. By which it appeared plainly, that it was very true, which before he had seen by vision in the night.
Likewise in the same Monastery there was another, called John, who was a young man of great towardness, and one that led his life with great circumspection, humility, sweetness, and gravity. This man falling sore sick, saw in his great extremity by vision in the night an old man to come unto him, who touched him with a wand, saying: "Rise up, for you shall not die of this sickness: but make yourself ready, for you have not any long time to stay in this world": and forthwith, though the physicians despaired of his health, yet he recovered, and became perfectly well. The vision which he saw he told to others, and for two years following, as I said, he served God in such sort, that his great devotion surpassed his young years. Three years since another monk died, who was buried in the churchyard of the same Monastery, and when we had ended all his funerals, and were departed, this John, as himself with pale face and great trembling told us, remained there still, where he heard that monk which was buried to call him out of the grave: and that it was so indeed, the end following did shew: for ten days after he fell sick of an ague and so departed this life.
PETER. Willingly would I learn whether we ought to observe such visions, as be revealed to us by night in our sleep. |244
Chapter Forty-eight: whether dreams are to be believed: and how many kinds of dreams there be.
GREGORY. Concerning this point, Peter, you must understand that there are six kind of dreams. For sometime they proceed of too much fulness or emptiness of the stomach: sometime by illusion: sometime both by thought and illusion: sometime by revelation: and sometime both by thought and revelation. The two first all by experience know to be true: and the four latter we find mentioned in holy scripture. For if dreams did not sometime proceed by illusion from our secret enemy, never would the wise man have said: Dreams have made many to err, and hoping in them have they been deceived:76 and again: Ton shall not be soothsayers, nor observe dreams: by which words we see how they are to be detested, that are compared with sooth-sayings. Again, if dreams did not sometime proceed both of thought together with illusion, the wise man would not have said: Dreams follow many cares.77 And if sometime also they did not come by mystical revelation, Joseph had never known by dream that he should have been exalted above his brethren:78 neither the Angel would ever in a dream have admonished the spouse of our Lady to fly away with the child into Egypt.79 Again, if sometime they did not also proceed both from thoughts and divine revelation, never would the prophet Daniel, disputing of Nabuchodonosor's dream, have begun from the root of his former thoughts, saying: Thou, O king, diddest begin to think in thy bed, what should happen in times to come; and he that revealeth mysteries did shew thee what things should come: and a little after: Thou diddest see, and behold as it were a great statue: that great statue and high of stature did stand against thee, &c.80 Wherefore, seeing Daniel doth with reverence insinuate that the |245 dream should come to pass, and also declareth from what cogitation it did spring, plainly do we learn that dreams sometimes do come both of thought and revelation together. But seeing dreams do grow from such divers roots, with so much the more difficulty ought we to believe them: because it doth not easily appear unto us, from what cause they do proceed. Holy men, indeed, by a certain inward spiritual taste, do discern betwixt illusions and true revelations,81 by the very voices or representations of the visions themselves: so that they know what they receive from the good spirit, and what they suffer by illusion from the wicked: and therefore, if our mind be not herein very attentive and vigilant, it falleth into many vanities, through the deceit of the wicked spirit: who sometime useth to foretell many true things, that, in the end, he may by some falsehood ensnare our soul.
Chapter Forty-nine: of one who in his dream had long life promised him, and yet died shortly after.
As not long since it is most certain, that it befell to one that lived amongst us, who, being much given to observe dreams, had one night in a dream long life promised him: and when as he had made provision of great store of money for the maintenance of his many days, he was so suddenly taken out of this life, that he left it all behind him, without ever having any use thereof, and carried not with him any good works to the next world.
PETER. I remember very well who it was: but let us, I pray you, prosecute such questions as we began to entreat of: Doth any profit, think you, redound to men's souls, if their bodies be buried in the church?
Chapter Fifty: Whether the souls receive any benefit, if their bodies be buried in the church.
GREGORY. Such as die not in mortal sin receive this benefit by having their bodies buried in the church: for |246 when their friends come thither, and behold their sepulchres, then do they remember them, and pray unto God for their souls: but those that depart this life in the state of deadly sin, receive not any absolution from their sins, but rather be more punished in hell, for having their bodies buried in the church: which thing shall be more plain, if I do briefly tell you what concerning this point hath chanced in our time.
Chapter Fifty-one: of a certain Nun that was buried in the church, which appeared with her body half burnt
Felix, Bishop of Portua, a man of holy life, who was born and brought up in the province of Sabina, saith that there lived in that place a certain Nun, which, though she were chaste of her body, yet had she an ungracious and foolish tongue: which departing this life, was buried in the church: the keeper whereof, the night following, saw her by revelation brought before the holy altar, where she was cut in two pieces, and the one half was burnt in the fire, and the other was not touched at all. Rising up in the morning, he told unto others what a strange vision he had seen, and shewed them the very place in which she was burnt, the marble whereof appeared with the very marks and signs of a fire upon it, as though that woman had been there burnt in very deed with corporal fire. By which we may plainly see, that such as have not their sins pardoned, can reap small benefit by having their bodies after death buried in holy places.
Chapter Fifty-two: of the burial of Valerianus.
John also, an honourable man, one of the governors of this city,82 and one that is of great gravity and credit, as all know, told me how one Valerianus, that was a gentleman of the city of Bressa, departed this life, whose body for money the Bishop was content should be buried in the church. This Valerianus, even to his very old age, led a light and wanton life: refusing utterly to give |247 over sin and wickedness. That very night in which he was buried, the blessed martyr Faustinus, in whose church his body lay, appeared to the keeper thereof, saying: "Go, and bid the Bishop cast out that stinking carcass which he hath here buried, and if he will not do it, tell him that thirty days hence he shall die himself." This vision the poor man was afraid to report unto the Bishop, and though he were admonished the second time to do it, yet he refused: and so upon the thirtieth day, the Bishop going safe and sound to bed (never fearing any such thing), suddenly departed this life.
Chapter Fifty-three: of the body of Valentinus, that was after his burial cast out of the church.
There be also at this time here in the city our venerable brother Venantius, Bishop of Luna, and Liberius,83 a noble man and one of very great credit: both which do say that themselves know it, and that their servants were present in the city of Genua, when this strange thing happened. One Valentinus, who had an office in the church of Milan, died there, a man in his life time given to wantonness and all kind of lightness, whose body was buried in the church of the blessed martyr Sirus. The midnight following, a great noise was heard in that place, as though some body by force had been drawn out from thence: whereupon the keepers ran thither, to see what the matter was, and when they were come, they saw two very terrible devils, that had tied a rope about his legs, and were drawing him out of the church, himself in the mean time crying and roaring out: at which sight they were so frighted, that they returned home again to their beds: but when the morning was come, they opened the grave in which Valentinus was buried, but his body they could not find, and therefore they sought without the church to see where it was, and so found it thrown into another place, with the feet still bound as it was drawn out of |248 the church. Out of which, Peter, you may learn that such as die in mortal sin, and cause their bodies to be buried in holy ground, are punished also for that their presumption: the holy places not helping them, but rather the sin of their temerity accusing them.
Chapter Fifty-four: of the body of a dyer buried in the church, which afterward could not be found.
For another thing also which happened in this city, the company of dyers dwelling here do testify to be most true, and it is concerning one that was the chief of their profession, who departed this life, and was by his wife buried in the church of St. Januarius the martyr, near to the gate of St. Lawrence: whose spirit the night following, in the hearing of the sexton, cried out of his grave, saying: "I burn, I burn": and when he continued a long time crying so, the sexton told it to the dyer's wife, who thereupon sent certain of his own profession to the church, to see in what case his body was in the grave, who so cried out in that pitiful manner: and when they had opened it, there they found his garments safe and sound, which be still kept in the same church, for a perpetual memory of that which happened: but his body by no means could they find, as though it had never been buried there: by which we may gather to what torments his soul was condemned, whose body was in that sort turned out of the church. What profit, then, do holy places bring to them that be buried there, when as those, that be wicked and unworthy, be by God's appointment thrown out from those sacred places?
PETER. What thing is there, then, that can profit and relieve the souls of them that be departed? |249
Chapter Fifty-five: what is available for the soul after death: and of a Priest of Centumcellis, who was desired bv a certain man's spirit, to be helped after his death, by the holy sacrifice: and of the soul of a monk called Justus.
GREGORY. If the sins after death be pardonable, then the sacred oblation of the holy host useth to help men's souls: for which cause the souls sometime, of them that be dead, do desire the same: for Bishop Felix, whom we spake of before, saith that a virtuous Priest, who died some two years since, and dwelt in the diocese of the city of Centumcellis, and was pastor of the church of St. John in the place called Tauriana, told him that himself did use (when he had need) to wash his body in a certain place, in which there were passing hot waters: and that going thither upon a time, he found a certain man whom he knew not, ready to do him service, as to pull off his shoes, take his clothes, and to attend upon him in all dutiful manner. And when he had divers times done thus, the Priest, minding upon a day to go to the baths, began to think with himself that he would not be ungrateful to him that did him such service, but carry him somewhat for a reward, and so he took with him two singing breads 84: and coming thither he found the man there ready, and used his help as he was wont to do: and when he had washed himself, put on his clothes, and was ready to depart, he offered him for an holy reward that which he had brought, desiring him to take that courteously, which for charity he did give him. Then with a sad countenance, and in sorrowful manner, he spake thus unto him: "Why do you give me these, father? This is holy bread, and I cannot eat of it, for I, whom you see here, was sometime lord of these baths, and am now after my death appointed for my sins to this place: but if you desire to pleasure me, offer this bread unto almighty God, and be an intercessor for my sins: and by this shall you know that your prayers be heard, if at your next coming you find me not here." And as he was speaking these words, he vanished out of his sight: so that he, which before |250 seemed to be a man, shewed by that manner of departure that he was a spirit. The good Priest all the week following gave himself to tears for him, and daily offered up the holy sacrifice: and afterward returning to the bath, found him not there: whereby it appeareth what great profit the souls receive by the sacrifice of the holy oblation, seeing the spirits of them that be dead desire it of the living, and give certain tokens to let us understand how that by means thereof they have received absolution.
Here also I cannot but tell you that which happened three years since in mine own Monastery 85. A certain monk there was, called Justus, one very cunning in medicine, and whiles I remained in the Abbey, served me very diligently, attending upon me in my often infirmities and sickness. This man himself at length fell sore sick, so that in very deed he was brought to the last cast. A brother he had, called Copiosus, that had care of him, who yet liveth. Justus perceiving himself past all hope of life, told this brother of his where he had secretly laid up three crowns of gold; but yet they were not so closely conveyed, that they could be concealed from the monks: for they, carefully seeking, and tossing up all his medicines and boxes, found in one of them these three crowns hidden. Which thing so soon as I understood, very much grieved I was, and could not quietly digest so great a sin at his hands, that lived with us in community, because the rule of my Monastery was that all the monks thereof should so live in common, that none in particular might possess anything proper to himself. Being, therefore, much troubled and grieved at that which had happened, I began to think with myself what was best to be done, both for the soul of him that was now dying, and also for the edification and example of those that were yet living. At length I sent for Pretiosus, Prior of the Monastery, and gave him |251 this charge: "See," quoth I, "that none of our monks do so much as visit Justus in this his extremity, neither let any give him any comfort at all: and when his last hour draweth nigh, and he doth desire the presence of his spiritual brethren, let his carnal brother tell him that they do all detest him, for the three crowns which he had hidden: that, at least before his death, sorrow may wound his heart, and purge it from the sin committed: and when he is dead, let not his body be buried amongst the rest of the monks, but make a grave for him in some one dunghill or other, and there cast it in, together with the three crowns which he left behind him, crying out all with joint voice: 'Thy money be with thee unto perdition'; and so put earth upon him." In either of which things my mind and desire was, both to help him that was leaving the world, and also to edify the monks yet remaining behind, that both grief of death might make him pardonable for his sin, and such a severe sentence against avarice might terrify and preserve them from the like offence: both which, by God's goodness, fell out accordingly. For when the foresaid monk came to die, and carefully desired to be commended to the devotions of his brethren, and yet none of them did either visit him, or so much as speak to him: his brother Copiosus told him for what cause they had all given him over: at which words he straightways sighed for his sin, and in that sorrow gave up the ghost. And after his death, he was buried in that manner, as I had given in commandment: by which fact all the monks were so terrified, that they began each one to seek out the least and basest things in their cells, and which by the rule they might lawfully keep: and very much they feared, lest some thing they had, for which they might be blamed.
Thirty days after his departure, I began to take compassion upon him, and with great grief to think of his |252 punishment, and what means there was to help him: whereupon I called again for Pretiosus, Prior of my Monastery, and with an heavy heart spake thus unto him: "It is now a good while since that our brother which is departed remaineth in the torments of fire, and therefore we must shew him some charity, and labour what we may to procure his delivery: wherefore go your way, and see that for thirty days following sacrifice be offered for him, so that no one day pass in which, for his absolution and discharge, the healthful sacrifice be not offered": who forthwith departed, and put my commandment in execution. In the mean time, my mind being busied about other affairs, so that I took no heed to the days how they passed: upon a certain night the same monk that was dead, appeared to his brother Copiosus: who, seeing him, enquired of his state in this manner: "What is the matter, brother? and how is it with you?" to whom he answered thus: "Hitherto have I been in bad case, but now I am well; for this day have I received the communion": with which news Copiosus straightways coming to the Monastery, told the monks: and they diligently counting the days, found it to be that in which the thirtieth sacrifice was offered for his soul: and so, though neither Copiosus knew what the monks had done for him, nor they what he had seen concerning the state of his brother, yet at one and the same time both he knew what they had done, and they what he had seen, and so the sacrifice and vision agreeing together, apparent it was that the dead monk was by the holy sacrifice delivered from his pains.
PETER. The things you report be passing strange, and yet full of joy and comfort.
Chapter Fifty-six: of the life and departure of Bishop Cassius. 86
GREGORY. And that we should not call in question, or doubt of that which the dead |253 report, we have, for confirmation of the same thing, the facts of the living. For Cassius, Bishop of Narni, a man of holy life, who did usually every day offer sacrifice unto God (and whiles he was at the mysteries of those sacrifices, did also immolate himself in tears), received from our Lord this message by one of his Priests. "Do that thou doest: work that thou workest: let not thy foot cease, let not thy hand cease, upon the nativity of the Apostles thou shalt come unto me, and I will give thee thy reward." And so, seven years after, upon that very day of the Apostles, after he had ended the solemnity of Mass and received the mysteries of the sacred communion, he departed this life.
Chapter Fifty-seven: of one that was taken by his enemies and put in prison, whose irons fell off at the time of the sacrifice: and of one Baraca, a mariner, that was by the holy sacrifice delivered from drowning.
That also which I have heard is known to many, to wit, how one was by his enemies taken and put in prison, with irons upon him: for whom his wife caused upon certain days sacrifice to be offered: who, long time after, returning home to his wife, told her upon what days his bolts used to fall off: by whose relation she found that it was upon those very days in which sacrifice had been offered for him. By another thing likewise, which happened seven years since, the very same truth is confirmed. For when Agathus, Bishop of Palermo (as many faithful and religious men both have and still do tell me), was, in the time of my predecessor of blessed memory, commanded to come to Rome, and in his journey fell into such a tempest at sea, that he despaired of ever coming to land: the mariner of the ship, called Baraca (who now is one of the clergy, and serves in the same church), governed another small vessel, tied to the poop of the former ship: the rope whereof breaking in pieces, away it went with man |254 and all, and amongst the huge mountains of waters, quickly vanished out of sight. The ship in which the Bishop was, after many great dangers, at length arrived all weather-beaten at the island of Ostica: and when three days were past, and the Bishop could hear no news of the foresaid mariner that was so violently carried away with the storm, nor see him in any part of the sea, very sorry he was, and verily believed that he had been drowned: and so upon great charity bestowed one thing upon him being yet alive, which was not due unto him until he was dead: for he willed that the sacrifice of the healthful oblation should be offered unto almighty God for the absolution of his soul: which being done accordingly, and the ship new rigged, away he departed for Italy, where, arriving at Portua, he found the mariner alive, whom he verily supposed to have been drowned: upon which good chance altogether unlooked for, very glad he was, and demanded of him, how it was possible that he could escape so many days, in so great a danger and so terrible a tempest: who told him, how in that storm he was tossed with that little ship which he governed, and how he did swim with it being full of water: and so often as it was turned upside down, how he gat upon the keel, and held fast there: adding also that, by striving and labouring thus continually day and night, at length, with watching and hunger, his strength began to fail him: and then he told how, by the singular providence and mercy of God, he was preserved from drowning: for as even to this very day he still affirmeth, so then did he verify the same to the Bishop, telling him in this manner. "As I was," quoth he, "striving and labouring in the sea, and my strength began to fail me, suddenly I became so heavy of mind, that methought I was neither waking nor yet asleep: and being in that case in the midst of the sea, I saw one come, who brought me bread to refresh my |255 tired body: which so soon as I had eaten, I recovered my strength again; and not long after, a ship passing by took me in, and so was I delivered from that danger of death and set safe a land. The Bishop, hearing this, enquired upon what day this strange thing happened, and he found by his relation, that it was that very day in which the Priest in the island of Ostica did sacrifice for him unto God, the host of the holy oblation.
PETER. That which you report, myself also heard at my being in Sicily.
GREGORY. I, for my part, do verily believe, that the reason why, by God's providence, this thing falleth out thus apparently to them that be living, and think nothing thereof, is that all may know how, if their sins be not irremissible, that they may after death obtain pardon and absolution for them, by the oblation of the holy sacrifice. But yet we have here to note, that the holy sacrifice doth profit those kind of persons after their death, who in their life time obtained that such good works as were by their friends done for them might be available to their souls, after they were out of this world.
Chapter Fifty-eight: of the virtue and mystery of the holy sacrifice.
And here also we have diligently to consider, that it is far more secure and safe that every man should do that for himself whiles he is yet alive, which he desireth that others should do for him after his death. For far more blessed it is, to depart free out of this world, than being in prison to seek for release: and therefore reason teacheth us, that we should with our whole soul contemn this present world, at least because we see that it is now gone and past: and to offer unto God the daily sacrifice of tears, and the daily sacrifice of his body and blood. For this sacrifice doth especially save our souls from everlasting damnation, which in mystery doth renew unto us the |256 death of the Son of God: who although being risen from death, doth not now die any more, nor death shall not any further prevail against him: yet living in himself immortally, and without all corruption, he is again sacrificed for us in this mystery of the holy oblation: for there his body is received, there his flesh is distributed for the salvation of the people: there his blood is not now shed betwixt the hands of infidels, but poured into the mouths of the faithful. Wherefore let us hereby meditate what manner of sacrifice this is, ordained for us, which for our absolution doth always represent the passion of the only Son of God: for what right believing Christian can doubt, that in the very hour of the sacrifice, at the words of the Priest, the heavens be opened, and the quires of Angels are present in that mystery of Jesus Christ; that high things are accompanied with low, and earthly joined to heavenly, and that one thing is made of visible and invisible?
Chapter Fifty-nine: how we ought to procure sorrow of heart, at the time of the holy mysteries: and of the custody of our soul after contrition.
But necessary it is that, when we do these things, we should also, by contrition of heart, sacrifice ourselves unto almighty God: for when we celebrate the mystery of our Lord's passion, we ought to imitate what we then do: for then shall it truly be a sacrifice for us unto God, if we offer ourselves also to him in sacrifice. Careful also must we be, that after we have bestowed some time in prayer, that, as much as we can by God's grace, we keep our mind fixed in him, so that no vain thoughts make us to fall unto dissolution, nor any foolish mirth enter into our heart: lest the soul, by reason of such transitory thoughts, lose all that which it gained by former contrition. For so Anne deserved to obtain that which she craved at God's hand, because after her tears, |257 she preserved herself in the former force of her soul: for of her thus it is written: And her looks were not any more changed to divers things.87 She therefore, that forgot not what she desired, was not deprived of that gift which she requested.
Chapter Sixty: that we ought to pardon other men their sins, that we may obtain remission of our own.
I We have also further to know, that he doth rightly and in good sort demand pardon for his own sin, who doth forgive that which hath been done against himself. For our gift is not received, if, before, we free not our soul from all discord and lack of charity: for our Saviour saith: If thou offer thy gift at the altar, and there thou remember that thy brother hath aught against thee, leave there thy offering before the altar, and go first to be reconciled to thy brother, and then coming thou shalt offer thy gift.88 Wherein we have to consider, that whereas all sin by a gift is loosed, how grievous the sin of discord is, for which no gift is received: and therefore we ought, in soul and desire, to go unto our neighbour though he be far off, and many miles distant from us, and there to humble ourselves before him, and to pacify him by humility and hearty good will, to the end that our Creator, beholding the desire of our mind, may forgive us our own sin, who receiveth a gift for sin. And our Saviour himself teacheth us, how that servant, which did owe ten thousand talents, by penance obtained of his Lord the forgiveness of that debt: but yet because he would not forgive his fellow-servant an hundred pence, which were due to him, that was again exacted at his hands, which before was pardoned.89 Out of which sayings we learn, that if we do not from our heart forgive that which is committed against us, how that is again required at our hands, whereof before we were glad that by penance we had obtained pardon and remission. |258
Wherefore, whiles time is given us, whiles our judge doth bear with us, whiles he that examineth our sins doth expect our conversion and amendment: let us mollify with tears the hardness of our heart, and with sincere charity, love our neighbours: and then dare I speak it boldly, that we shall not have any need of the holy sacrifice after our death: if, before death, we offer up ourselves for a sacrifice unto almighty God.
Here end the Dialogues of Saint Gregory.
[Footnotes moved to the end and combined with editorial notes]
1. Chapter. I. p. 178. There is a certain resemblance here with the famous opening of the seventh book of Plato's Republic; but Gregory, in spite of his residence at Constantinople, knew hardly any Greek, and the analogy is probably accidental.
2. Chapter III. p. 180. "Man, therefore, as he is created in the middle state." Cf. Dante in the De Monarchia (iii. 16).
3. 1 Eccles. 3, 17-20.
4. 1 Eccles. 12, 13.
5. 2 Ibid. 5, 18.
6. 3 Ibid. 7, 2.
7. 1 Eccles. 7,2.
8. 2 Ibid. 11,9.
9. 3 Ibid. 6, 8.
10. 1 Eccles. 9, 10.
11. 2 1 Cor. 9, 22.
12. 1 Hebr. 11, 1.
13. Chapter VIII. p. 188. The monastery founded by St. Benedict at Terracina has been already mentioned, Bk. II. chap. 22.
14. Chapter X. p. 189. Venerabilis pater nomine Spes. "Cample" is, perhaps, Campello sul Clitunno, nearer Spoleto than Norcia.
15. Chapter XII. p. 192. For "Read" (Reate) read "Rieti." A St. Juvenal was Bishop of Narni in the fourth century, but he was not a martyr; St. Eleutherius (not to be confused with St. Gregory's friend, the Abbot of that name), Pope and martyr, suffered death under the Emperor Commodus in 189.
16. Chapter XIII. pp. 192, 193. The Roman patrician and Christian philosopher, Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, was consul in 485, and afterwards Head of the Senate; he was put to death by Theodoric in 525 (cf. below, chapter 30). He was the father-in-law of Boethius, and Galla was therefore the sister of the latter's wife, Rusticiana. It was to this Galla (Ad Gallant viduam) that St. Fulgentius of Ruspe addressed his treatise, De Consolatione super morte mariti et de statu viduarum (In Migne, P.L. LXV., coll. 311-323). Another Symmachus, the son of Boethius, was consul in 522; but chronological considerations make it clear that his grandfather is the person whom St. Gregory means.
17. Chapter XIV. p. 194. The story of Servulus is told by St. Gregory in his 15th Homily. (Homiliarum in Evangelia, Lib. I. Homilia 15.)
18. 1 Homelia 15.
19. Chapter XV. p. 195. Homiliarum in Evangelia, Lib. II. Homilia 40.
20. Chapter XV. p. 196. Praeneste, or Palestrina, was always a haunt for hermits and ascetics in the Middle Ages. For a later instance, that of the beata Margherita Colonna, see Maud F. Jerrold, Vittoria Colonna, pp. 32, 33.
21. Chapter XVI. p. 198. The story of Tharsilla, or Tarsilla, is told at greater length in the Homilies (Lib. II. Homilia 38). Tharsilla, Gordiana, and Emiliana were the three sisters of St. Gregory's father, Gordianus; one, Gordiana, returned to the world and married. The Pope Felix, whom St. Gregory describes as atavus meus, was probably the third Pope of that name, who was Bishop of Rome from 483 to 492, famous for his struggle with the patriarch Acacius of Constantinople. He was a married man before taking priest's orders, but his exact relationship with St. Gregory is uncertain. This story curiously suggests the apparition of St. Gregory himself to the dying Santa Fina, painted by Domenico Ghirlandaio at San Gimignano.
22. Chapter XVIII. p. 200. He refers to the great pestilence that devastated Rome at the beginning of 590, during which he was elected Pope on the death of Pelagius II.
23. Chapter XIX. p. 201. In the Homilies (Lib. II. Homilia 35), St. Gregory speaks of Stephen as "pater monasterii juxta Reatinae urbis moenia constituti." Cf. above, Bk. IV. chap. 11.
24. Chapter XXI. p. 202. Cf. note on Bk. III. chap. 22.
25. Chapter XXII. p. 203. Sura is the present Sora in the valley of the Liris (included in the modern province of Caserta), still famous for the abbeys in its neighbourhood.
26. Chapter XXIII. p. 203. For "Marsori" read "Marsi" (Ecclesia Marsorum). The district indicated is the modern Abruzzi.
27. 1 3 Kings 13, 24-28.
28. 1 Luke, 17, 37.
29. 2 Philipp. 1, 23.
30. 3 2 Cor. 5, 1.
31. 4 Isai. 61, 7.
32. 5 Rev, 6, 11.
33. Chapter XXV. p. 205. This appeal to these two texts in Isaiah and the Revelation of St. John, for evidence of the resurrection of the body, became a traditional one with mediaeval theologians. Thus Dante, answering St. James as to the object of the Christian's hope (Par. xxv. 88-96):
"Le nuove e le scritture antiche
Pongono il segno, ed esso lo mi addita.
Dell' anime che Dio s'ha fatte amiche
Dice Isaia che ciascuna vestita
Nella sua terra fia di doppia vesta,
E la sua terra e questa dolce vita.
E il tuo fratello assai vie piu digesta,
La dove tratta delle bianche stole,
Questa rivelazion ci manifesta."
34. Chapter XXVI. p. 206. The church of San Sisto is on the Via Appia within the city; it was given by Honorius III. to St. Dominic in the thirteenth century, and is now occupied by Dominican nuns. The Via Praenestina runs from the Porta Maggiore (Porta Praenestina) to Palestrina. ['Way that is called Appia' replaced by 'Appian Way' in online text].
35. Ibid. p. 207. Portua (more properly Portus, the Portus Traiani) is the modern Porto, an important commercial seaport under the Empire, but now a village two miles from the sea. ['Portua' replaced by 'Portus' in online text]
36. Ibid, p. 208. Patricii Narsae temporibus. The Narses meant is evidently the famous Armenian eunuch who reconquered Italy from the Goths and governed Rome for the Empire from 552 to 567; not the Narses, a contemporary of St. Gregory, to whom several of the Pope's letters are addressed. ['Narsus' replaced by 'Narses' in online text]
37. Chapter XXVII. p. 210. Centumcellae is the present Civita Vecchia. "Earl" is the translator's equivalent of comes, or "count," the chief military officer of a district. St. Gregory relates this story in his Homilies (Lib. II. Homilia 36). ['Earl' replaced by 'Count' in online text.]
38. 1 Luke 16, 24.
39. 1 Matt. 25, 41.
40. Chapter XXX. p. 213. Julianus hujus Romanae Ecclesiae secundus defensor has already been mentioned, Bk. I. chap. 10. He was the second of this name to hold the office of "defender." Cf. note on Bk. I. chap. 4.
41. Ibid. p. 214. Theodoricus (Thiuda reiks), whom we call Theodoric the Goth, was born in 454, invaded Italy as the delegate of the Emperor Zeno in 489, and, by his capture of Ravenna from Odoacer in 493, founded the short-lived Ostrogothic kingdom. In 500, he came to Rome as a pacific and beneficent sovereign, hailed by the Romans as a new Trajan, pledging himself to maintain the Roman laws for the benefit of the Roman People. He restored the walls and decreed the preservation of the monuments of the city, "King of the Goths and Romans in Italy," he ruled nominally as the representative of the Emperor at Byzantium. Himself an Arian, Theodoric during the greater part of his reign treated Arians and Catholics with the same impartial justice as he did Goths and Romans in the political field. But the reconciliation between the Byzantine Court and the Holy See in 519, the consequent tendency of the Roman Senate towards Constantinople rather than towards Ravenna, and the increasing bitterness between Arians and Catholics both in East and West, gradually alienated the King from his Catholic and Roman subjects, and he finally degenerated into a religious persecutor and suspicious tyrant. The philosopher Boethius was tortured to death by his orders in 524 or 525; Symmachus, the Head of the Senate, was executed in 525; and Pope John I. (cf, above, Bk. III. chap. 2) died in the King's dungeons at Ravenna in May, 526. Theodoric followed his victims to the grave on August 30, 526, the day on which, according to his decree, all the Catholic churches in Italy were to have been surrendered to the Arians. At some uncertain date, his body was cast out of his magnificent tomb at Ravenna: Agnellus of Ravenna, who wrote in the first half of the ninth century, states that it had been done before his time (Liber Pontificalis, in Migne, P.L. cvi. col. 535); but there seems no foundation for the assertion of Fra Salimbene, the thirteenth-century chronicler of Parma (Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, pp. 209, 210), that it was St. Gregory the Great himself who ordered this work of desecration to be carried out. The crater mentioned in this unpleasant legend is either that of Vulcano or Stromboli, two of the Lipari islands.
42. Chapter XXXI. p. 215. San Lorenzo in Damaso, the basilica of St. Lawrence near the site of Pompey's theatre, was founded by Pope St. Damasus (366-384).
43. Chapter XXXII. p. 216. "Courtier" is here, as before, the translator's equivalent for curialis. Cf. above, note on Bk. II. chap. II.
44. 1 Luke 16, 19-25.
45. Chapter XXXIII. p, 219. "For seeing that they do in that place with unspeakable brightness (common to all) behold God, what is there that they know not, that know him who knoweth all things." Cf Dante, Par. xv. 55-63, xxi. 82-102.
46. Chapter XXXV. p. 219. A "natural brother" (germanus frater) means a brother according to the flesh, not merely a fellow-monk.
47. 1 Psalm 118, 19-20.
48. Ibid. p. 220. Optio was not Stephen's name, but his military rank. The right reading is not cui cognomen Optio fait, "whose surname was Optio," but qui in numero optio fuit, "who in rank was adjutant."
49. Ibid. p. 221. This allegorical ship is possibly the ultimate source of the boat that conveys the souls of the redeemed from the mouth of the Tiber in Dante's Purgatorio.
50. 1 John 14, 2.
51. 2 Matt. 13, 30.
52. Chapter XXXVI. p. 223. Evasa appears to be the island of Ibiza in the Balearic Archipelago.
53. Ibid. pp. 223-226. This famous and important chapter may be regarded as the germ of the later mediaeval visions of Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven. The Bridge is the "Bridge of Dread," said to be of Oriental origin, which occurs in so many of the later visions of the other world (though not in the Divina Commedia ); this is its first appearance in the West, the Latin version of the Visio Sancti Pauli, in which (though not in the original Greek) it also occurs, being later. The sumptuous house of gold, which is being built for an unnamed person, is the ultimate source of the empty throne seen preparing (probably for St. Bernard) in the vision of Tundal (Visio Tnugdali, ed. cit., p. 54), and for Henry VII. in the Divina Commedia (Par. xxx. 133-138). The episode of the priest, who passes safely over the bridge, is dramatically expanded in the vision of Tundal (ed. cit., pp. 15, 27).
54. Ibid. p. 227. In the usual version of the Latin text, the arrangement of the chapters is different. The story of Deusdedit forms chapter xxxvii., the story of the boy Theodorus being included with those of the deaths of Chrysaorius and the monk of Iconium as chapter xxxviii.
55. 1 Matt. 7, 14.
56. 2 Job 24, 20.
57. 3 Gen. 19, 24.
58. Chapter XXXVII. p. 229. The story of Theodorus (without his name) is told by St. Gregory in the Homilies (Lib. II. Homilia 38).
59. Chapter XXXVIII. p. 230. Chrysaorius in the Latin text.
60. Ibid. p. 232. St, Gregory calls this monastery in Greek Tw~n Gala&twn, that is, "of the Galatians."
61. 1 John 12, 35.
62. 2 Isai. 49, 8.
63. 1 2 Cor. 6, 2.
64. 2 Eccles. 9, 10.
65. 3 Psalm 118, 1.
66. 4 Matt. 12, 32.
67. 5 1 Cor. 3, 11-15.
68. Chapter XL. pp. 234, 235. Pope Anastasius II., whom Dante (Inf. xi. 7-9) condemns as a heretic, died in November 498. Two rival conclaves met: the one, which represented the majority, was held in the Lateran, and elected the Sardinian deacon Symmachus to the papacy; the other, which favoured a reconciliation with the Emperor (Anastasius I.), in S. Maria Maggiore, chose for Pope the Archdeacon Laurentius, who was a Roman. After a violent struggle, an appeal to the arbitration of Theodoric resulted in the general recognition of Symmachus. The struggle was afterwards renewed, until Laurentius finally withdrew in 505. In the synod (Synodus palmaris) which was called in 501 to investigate the charges against Symmachus, the famous principle of the Church of Rome was established: Summa sedes a nemine judicatur. Cf. Grisar, Geschichte Roms und der Papste im Mittelalter, nos. 308, 309. Paschasius died a few years before the death of Symmachus (514); he is venerated as a saint on May 31. A work on the Holy Ghost, De Spiritu Sancto libri duo, is attributed to him, and identified with the "rectissimi et luculenti de Sancto Spiritu libri," of which St. Gregory here speaks (Migne, P.L. lxii.); but its authenticity has been disputed, and it is included by Augustus Engelbrecht among the works of Bishop Faustus o. Riez (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. xxi., Vienna, 1891.) A letter from Paschasius to Eugippius, the biographer of St. Severinus, is extant (In Migne, tom. cit., and ed. Pius Knoell in Corp. Script. Eccles. Lat., vol. ix. pars 2, Vienna, 1886). The scene of this apparition is laid by St. Gregory in Angulanis thermis, that is, the baths of Angulus, or Paterno, near the modern Castel Sant' Angelo in the Abruzzi. This story of Paschasius is cited by mediaeval writers on the place of Purgatory as implying that souls are punished in the places on earth where they committed their faults. In his Commentary upon the Sentences of Peter the Lombard (In Lib. IV. Sententiarum, dist. xx. pars i. art. i. q. 6), St. Bonaventura combats this theory, declaring that the case of Paschasius was a special dispensation, and not according to the general purgatorial rule; for "it appears altogether incredible, or at least improbable, that all the souls who sinned in Paris should be punished in Paris."
69. 1 Psalm 86, 13.
70. 2 Rev. 5, 1-3.
71. 1 Matt. 25, 46.
72. 1 Matt. 5, 44.
73. 2 2 Tim. 2, 25-26.
74. Chapter XLIV. p. 240. This doctrine of St. Gregory's, that the faithful do not pray for the souls of those whom they suppose to be in Hell, is more explicitly stated in the Moralia (lib. xxxiv. cap. 19): "The Saints do not pray for the unbelieving and impious that are dead, because they shrink from the merit of their prayer, concerning those whom they already know to be condemned to eternal punishment, being made void before that countenance of the just Judge." This is curiously inconsistent with the popular legend, first heard in the eighth century, that St. Gregory, moved by the tale of the justice and humility of Trajan towards the poor widow whose son had been slain, prayed and obtained that the soul of the Emperor might return from Hell to his body to win his salvation. This inconsistency is noticed by St. Thomas Aquinas, who discusses the story at some length (Summa Theologica, III. supl. Q. 71, A. 5: Utrum suffragia prosint existentibus in Inferno). Dante speaks of the legend of Trajan and St. Gregory, in two famous passages (Purg. x, 73-93; Par. xx. 106-117).
75. Chapter XLV. p. 241. "Two manner of deaths," duobus etiam modis mors debet intelligi. Cf. Rev. xxi. 8: "which is the second death." Thus Dante speaks of the souls of the lost, che la seconda morte ciascun grida (Inf. i. 117).
76. 1 Ecclus. 34, 7.
77. 2 Eccles. 5, 2.
78. 3 Gen. 37, 5-10.
79. 4 Matt. 2, 13.
80. 5 Daniel 2, 29-31.
81. Chapter XLVIII. p. 245. This power of saints, to "discern betwixt illusions and true revelations," is emphasised by St. Catherine of Siena.
82. Chapter LII. p. 246. In the Latin text, this John is described as in hoc urbe locum praefectorum servans, that is, vicar of the prefect or Rome. Bressa (Brixia) is the modern Brescia, of which St. Faustinus (martyred in the second century) is one of the patron saints.
83. Chapter LIII. p. 247. This Liberius, a contemporary ot St. Gregory, is not to be confused with the Liberius mentioned in Bk. II. chap. 35. The office that Valentinus held was ecclesiae Mediolanensis defensor (Cf. Book I. chap. 4, notes). St Syrus, who is specially venerated at Genoa, was Bishop of Pavia, and was martyred about 96.
84. Chapter LV. p. 249. "Two singing breads," duas oblationum soronas; apparently, two unconsecrated hosts.
85. Ibid. p. 250. The monastery is, as usual, St. Gregory's convent of Sant' Andrea, on the Caelian Hill. In the Rule of St. Benedict, we read: "The beds shall be frequently searched by the abbot to guard against the vice of hoarding. And if any one be found in possession of something not allowed by the abbot, let him be subjected to the severest punishment" (chap. 55, Gasquet's translation).
86. Chapter LVI, p. 253. Cassius, Bishop of Narni, died in 558. The story of his death is told at greater length in the Homilies Lib. II. Homilia 37).
87. 1 1 Kings 1. 18.
88. 2 Matt. 5. 23-24.
89. 3 Matt. 18. 27.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: gregory_whitby_life.htm
T.Leo Almond, The Whitby Life of St. Gregory, Downside Review 23 (NS 4) (1904) pp.15-29.
T.Leo Almond, The Whitby Life of St. Gregory, Downside Review 23 (NS 4) (1904) pp.15-29. [Latin omitted]
THE WHITBY LIFE OF ST. GREGORY.
So long ago as 1886 1 attention was called in the Review to the significant fact that the oldest known life of St. Gregory the Great was from the pen of a monk of Whitby. The discovery is due to the research of Dr. Paul Ewald, who gave the results of his study of the MS., together with large extracts, in an essay published in the same year.2 The author gives us a cine to his identification; since, apart from his devotion to St. Paulinus, the apostle of Northumbria, he speaks of Whit by as " our monastery." Dr. Ewald finds sufficient ground for fixing the date of composition as "before the end of the first third of the eighth century." The translation of the relics of St. Edwin, of which the author writes, took place between the dates 675-704. The writer had the story of the translation from a fellow monk of Whitby, who was a relative of the principal agent in the translation. If Elfleda was alive when he wrote, then we must date the book not later than 713. Venerable Bede may or may not have seen it: but it is to be noted that he makes no mention of the two legends of the crow and the swan in his account of St. Paulinus. Though he does not speak of any translation of the relics of King Edwin to Whitby, he does, however, record the removal of the head of the King to York: "King Edwin's head was brought to York, and afterwards into the church of St. Peter the Apostle which he (Paulinus) had begun... |16 It was deposited in the porch of St. Gregory, Pope, from whose disciples he had received the word of life " (Eccl. Hist. B. II. C. 20. p. 107, ed. Bohn). The indication of the respective positions of the altars of St. Peter and St. Gregory and of the burial places of the original church and not, of course, of the later the Kings of Whitby is interesting, as he is speaking foundation. The recurrence of the two names in Venerable Bede's account is also suggestive.
The relation of the Whitby life to the well known biography of St. Gregory by John the Deacon is striking. The date of the latter is given by Dr. Ewald as 874-5. It was compiled at the command of Pope John VIII. (872-882), in consequence of the deficiency of "lectio" of the Saint at Rome. John the Deacon speaks of lives of the saint in existence among the Saxons and in Lombardy. In Book II., chapters 41-44, he quotes from the English tradition. As to the much discussed incident of the emperor Trajan, it is suggestive of the feeling of the two biographers that, while John the Deacon attributes it to the English source----legitur etiam penes easdem anglorum ecclesias----the English writer is anxious to father it on a Roman tradition ----quidem quoque de nostris dicunt narratum a Romanis, Dr. Ewald makes a detailed comparison of the two biographies, and comes to the conclusion that John the Deacon may quite probably have seen the Whitby life, and certainly must have used one very similar. As he is characteristically free in his employment of the sources which he drew from, so a more categorical conclusion is out of the question.
The chief value of the work lies in the indication given of the extent and nature of the cultus to St. Gregory in England, and, we may add, to St. Paulinus in the north. Other points of interest abound----Mr. Bishop |17 mentions one of especial liturgical significance in the former notice in the Review. Moreover there is sufficient individual characteristic in the biography to make us interested in the person of the writer; as when he discusses the nature of the material at his command ----"we have only common report; we have not learnt orally from those who saw or heard;" but of such matters we hesitate to form an estimate until we have seen, as we hope we shortly shall, the whole treatise.
For the present we give here the portions of the text published by Dr. Ewald, with a translation. The latter is in parts tentative, as the text is somewhat corrupt; so corrupt, indeed, that Dr. Ewald asserts that the scribe can scarcely have known what he was writing. The original has been corrected by someone of the tenth or eleventh century; possibly, says Dr. Ewald, by Eckhard IV. But first we give a synopsis of the full contents, as our readers may wish to know what sections have been omitted.
Contents.----I. Gregory's origin and cloister life.----II. His activity as envoy to Constantinople: his ecclesiastical and unworldly mind: his grief at leaving the cloister.----III. Dearth of information; through which the author is forced to narrate miracles already known.-----IV. The miracles in general, and Gregory's view of them. ----V. Statement that few of his many miracles were learnt from the author's predecessors.----VI. That the Anglo-Saxons had special cause to honour Gregory's miracles.----VII. Gregory's humility: he strives to escape the pontificate by flight: his concealment and discovery by a pillar of fire.----VIII. His enthronisation: considerations on the reception of the priesthood.-----IX. His zeal for the conversion of the Angles before his pontificate: the English boys in the market place at Rome.----X. Undertakes the missionary journey under Pope Benedict: revolt of the Romans: the locust. ----XI. After he is pope, he sends St. Augustine and his companions to England.----XII. The baptism of Ethelbert of Kent and Edwin of Northumbria----XIII. Angles and Angels: Aelli and Alleluia.----XIV. Edwin baptised by Paulinus.----XV. Baptism of Edwin's |18 courtiers: the killing of the prophesying crow.----XVI. The conversion of Edwin: his neighbour, Ethelfrid of Bernicia, drives him from his Kingdom: at the court of Redwald, King of the East Anglians, an apparition leads him to accept the teaching of Paulinus.----XVII. Paulinus after death taken up in the figure of a swan.----XVIII. Vision of the South-Anglian priest and monk, Trinima: command to remove Edwin's relics from Heathfield to Streoneshalh, the convent of Elfleda, Edwin's grand-daughter.----XIX. Removal of the relics to Streoneshalh: Trimma's vision at Edwin's burial place.----XX. Miracle of the unbelieving matron of Rome.----XXI. Of the relic-clothes.----XXII. Of the horse and the demon.----XXIII. Conversion of the Lombard and the healing of the milch-cow.----XXIV. Praise of Gregory's writings, especially of his homilies.----XXV. His treatise " De ordinibus angelorum." ----XXVI. The homilies on Ezechiel dictated by a white dove. ----XXVII. The Morals and Dialogues.----XXVIII. Horrible death of his hard-hearted persecutor.----XXIX. Miracle of the salvation of Trajan.----XXX. The author's regret at the meagreness and uncertainty of his narrations.----XXXI. The Regula Pastoralis. ----XXXII. Gregory's death: his title of saint: his invocation: his grave before the sacristy (ante secretarium offitii) of St. Peter.
T. Leo ALMOND.
|19
Here beginneth the book of the blessed and praiseworthy man, Gregory, pope of the city of Rome. Of his life and virtues.
Inprimis: Since the holy catholic church throughout the world ceaseth not ever to celebrate the teachers in every nation, whom it rejoiceth to have given it under the mastership of Christ, for his glorification, and handeth them down in written records to posterity, that they may place their hope in God, and forget not the works of God and may fulfil his behests, it is fitting that, to the best of our power, God helping, we make mention of our master, telling of him whom we may call with all Christendom saint Gregory.
Here endeth the little preface.
I. There was one of the Roman nation, whose father was Gordianus and his mother Silvia, noble by title, but nobler in religion before God. Longwhile dwelling in a monastery, &c, &c. |21
IX. And in no wise should it be left untold how devoutly, and with what incomparable discernment of the eyes of the heart he furthered our conversion to God. For, as the faithful narrate, before his predestined pontificate, there came to Rome certain of our nation, fair of hair and of feature. Of whose corning when he had heard, at once he desired to see. Summoning them to his presence and dwelling with clear-minded vision upon the new and unwonted sight, especially moved inwardly thereto by God, he questioned of what race they were. (Gloss. Whom some affirm to have been comely children, others to have been curled and seemly youths). To the reply "Angels are they hight of whom we come"; quoth he: "Angels of God." Then said he: "The King of that race, how is he named?" "Aelli" was their reply. And said he: "Alleluia; for the praise of God behoveth to be in that place." Also he requireth the name of the tribe of which they were sprung; and "Deire" say they. And said he: "From the anger of God ye are fled to the faith.
X. Then therefore occasion having arisen to enkindle his desire, so yearningly he begged his forerunner in the pontificate, pope Benedict,3 to grant him leave, that he could not resist the urgency of his prayer, pleading that it were a miserable thing that hell should be stored with such beautiful vessels. Upon such and suchlike speech, the pontiff gave him licence to journey hither. At which licence the Roman people was exceeding sad. Whereupon it is said they did plan together to station themsolves in three parties along the way by which the said pontiff betook himself to Saint Peter's. Each party as he came along cried out thus: "Thou hast offended Peter. Thou hast destroyed Rome. Thou hast banished Gregory." He therefore, hearing thrice so fearful a saying, hastily sending messengers, caused him to return. Of which return he was aware beforehand, the Lord admonishing him with holy intent through a locust. For when they had journeyed three days and were resting after the manner of travellers in a certain place, a locust came to him as he was reading, Forthwith he took cognisance of its name, as though it said to him: stay in the place (Sta in loco). Nevertheless he speedily bade his companions make ready to depart. About which while he and they were busied, forestalled by the messengers, he was led back to Rome. |23
XI. Not long after these things, the pope having deceased, he was as we have stated chosen to the pontificate. And speedily as he might, he sent hither the men of blessed memory Augustine, Mellitus and Laurence, with the rest, ordaining Augustine bishop, by whom Mellitus is said to have been ordained, and by Mellitus, Laurence.
XII. By them therefore Ethelbert King of Kent, the first King of all the Angles converted to the faith of Christ, was made bright with his nation by the cleansing of baptism. After whom, in our own race, which is called the Humbrian, Edwin, son of the aforesaid Aelli, of whom we rightly narrated the Alleluia prediction of divine praise, was the most eminent excelling King, as well in his singular wisdom as in his royal sway, since the coining of the people of the Angles into this island.
XIII. Oh how beautifully and how worthily does all that has been said harmonise together! For the word Angles, if the letter e be transferred, becometh Angels; a name of a truth bespeaking eternal praise to Almighty God in heaven, without stint, for they weary not in praise. Of whom blessed John, &c, &c. And Aelli is formed of two syllables, which if we take the letter e from the first syllable, and change the i of the second into e, soundeth "Alle," which in our tongue signifieth all things whatsoever. And this is what our Lord saith: " Come to me all ye that labour and are burthened," and so forth. In like manner alle signifieth the King the Father, lu the Son, ia the Holy Ghost.
XIV. Verily when this prophecy was made, Edwin, the forechosen vessel of God's mercy, was peradventure in his father Aelli's loins, whose name, framed in three syllables, rightly signifieth the mystery of the Holy Trinity. Which he teacheth who calleth to himself all baptised in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Unto this Edwin the father in baptism was the venerable bishop Paulinus; one of those whom we have said Gregory directed to us. Who is said to have given very readily on a certain Lord's day, as I deem, a sign of the wisdom of his God. |25
XV. As the foresaid King and his company were hasting with him to the church, for the catechizing of those who were in the bondage not only of heathendom but of unlawful wedlock, from the hall where they had been exhorted to the mending of both these matters; even then a crow with left-handed omen croaked its harsh note. Whereupon all the throng of courtiers who still were in the public place, hearing the bird, stood in amaze to behold it; as though the new song were not to be truly a canticle to our God in His church, but a false and bootless one. Then the venerable bishop, whilst God beholding ordered everything from his throne, called to a certain one of his attendants; "Shoot me an arrow speedily at the bird." Which straightway done, he bade both bird and arrow to be kept till, after the catechizing, he was led to the hall of those whom he taught. When they were gathered together he proved to his new and still ignorant flock, turning the matter very surely to the action of God, that so plain a sign showed their former idolatry to be worthless in all things; saying that since that foolish bird knew not that it sang its own death, it could in no wise forebode anything of profit to such as were born again into the likeness of God; that is, to those who are baptized and who have rule over the fishes of the sea and the fowls of the air and all living things of the earth. Which they of their native cunning, God so permitting, make boast to have knowledge of, unto the misleading of the foolish.
XVI. But because we have made mention of our most Christian King, Edwin, it is fitting also that we tell of his conversion; in what way it was said of old that it was foretold to him. Which though we tell it not so closely as we heard it told, yet as truly as we may, we tell in brief what we believe to have befallen, though we had it not from the report of those who knew more of him than others. For we hold it not right to pass over in silence what is piously handed down by the faithful; even though oftentimes the report of any happening, carried down over a wide stretch of time and of land, reaches divers ears in divers fashion. For this thing fell out long before the days of all now living. But we know of a truth that all things so fell out, because the same King was an exile under Redwald, King of the East Saxons. Whom his rival, the tyrant Edfrid, who had driven him from his country, so unceasingly harried, striving by bribes to purchase his death. At which time they say, being afeard of his life, the apparition of a beautiful vision, crowned with the cross of Christ, began to comfort him; |27 promising, if ho were willing to obey, a happy life and the future rule of his nation. Giving pledge of his willingness, if what was promised should prove true, answer was made: "Thou shalt approve it true; and whoso first appeareth to thee in this likeness and sign, him them behovest obey. Who shall teach thee to serve the one true and living God who fashioned all things; the God who shall give thee all things whatsoever I promise, and shall show thee through him all things thou must do." In which likeness, they say, Paulinus, the aforesaid bishop first appeared to him.
XVII. O loving father, Lord God Almighty, though we deserved not the bodily presence of blessed Gregory, through him nevertheless be thanks given to thee for our teacher Paulinus; whom thou didst show to be thy faithful servant at his death. For they that saw tell how, when he died, his soul sped to heaven in the figure of a great white bird, such as is a swan, and exceeding beautiful.
XVIII. But to follow on my purpose, I will tell how the lamp of Christ was bright with blossoms of wonders through this King Edwin; that his merits may more clearly shine forth. It is worthy that we give to memory how by God's revealing the relics of the bones of this kingly man were found. There was, therefore a brother of our race, Trimma by name, holding office of priest in a monastery of Mid-Anglia, in the days of Ethelfrid their King, whilst Eanfleda the daughter of the aforesaid holy King Edwin still lived in monastic life. To which priest, as he slept, a certain one appeared, saying to him: "Go thou to the place which I shall tell thee, which is in that region called Heathfield, where Edwin the king was killed; for it behoves thee take hence his bones, and carry with thee to Streones-halh (Whitby);" which is the most famous monastery of Elfleda, daughter of the aforesaid queen, Eanfleda, who was, as we have said, wife 4 of Edwin, exceeding holy. To whom he made answer; "I know not the place." But he: "go," he said, "to such a village in Lincoln " (whose name our brother, a relative of that priest, and who told me this history, did not recall) "and seek out in it a man named Teoful; he is able to show thee where it is." The priest, knowing the manifold deceiving of dreams, put away the thing thus revealed to him. Wherefore, being afterwards more strongly admonished by this man, he told it to another of his brethren. But he bade him dismiss it. |29
XIX. After which things, again a third time the man appeared and chastened him with much scourging. Then speedily be went to the aforesaid man and found as was shown to him. From whom he learnt where he should seek the relics of the King. Which learning, forthwith he set out for the place thus told him. At his first digging he found not what he sought, but at the second more careful search, as often happeneth. And he bore away with him the desirable treasure which he had found to this our monastery. In which those holy bones now lie with other our Kings, in the church of So. Peter, prince of the apostles, to the south of that altar which is hallowed in the name of blessed Peter, apostle, and to the east of that which is hallowed to St. Gregory in that same church. It is said that this priest, who afterwards dwelt for a time in the place of burial, affirmed that he many times saw the spirits of the slain who were baptized come in splendour to visit their bodies, and added that he would if he could, build a monastery there.
XX. Making then an end of the discourse of such matters as properly concern ourselves, let us turn to those miracles whereby. Christ himself being witness, the holiness of Gregory is held in report amoung us. For, of old &c, &c.
XXXII. Of the death of this man, how and of what manner it was, we have not heard. How he died in God, which is the groat test of holiness: how more than at first he re-established our faith; as of that which he wrote in humility of the monastic life &c, &c,
For so holy indeed is this Saint held throughout the whole earth, that always, by all and everywhere, he is called St. Gregory. Wherefore in the litanies, by which we implore the Lord for our excesses and innumerable sins by which we offend Him, we call St. Gregory to our aid, together with the holy apostles and martyrs, amongst whom we believe him to be joined in heaven to Christ, and to be a faithful and prudent servant over His household. He waiteth the blessed promise of the Lord, the fourth day before the ides of March, in the church of St. Peter, whose episcopal see he filled thirteen years and six months and ten days, lying buried before his sacristy, whose body sleepeth in peace. By whom he shall be awakened into glory.
[Footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1 Downside. Review. ----Vol. V. No. 3, July, 1880, p. 271. "Die Aelteste Biographie Gregors I. Von Paul Ewald."
2. 2 Historische Aufsaetze dem Andenken an Georg Waitz gewidmet. Haunover Hakh, 1886.
3. 1 Pope Benedict I. A.D. 574-578.
4. 1 Daughter; see above.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: simeon_stylites_letters_01_trans.htm
Simeon Stylites, Letters. Journal of the American Oriental Society 20 (1899) pp.253-276.
Simeon Stylites, Letters. Journal of the American Oriental Society 20 (1899) pp.253-276.
The Letters of Simeon the Stylite.
By Charles C. Torrey, Professor in Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass.
Saint Simeon of the Pillar has always been one of the extremely interesting figures in the history of the Oriental church, as he is certainly one of the most characteristic. We are fortunate, too, in possessing considerable detailed information as to his life and work, derived for the most part from contemporary sources. This information is not always, nor even generally, trustworthy, to be sure; but the portion which we can use with confidence is sufficient to give ns a satisfactory idea of the course of his life, while even the portion which is least reliable as biography has its value for the church historian. As is well known, our chief sources for Simeon's biography are, first, the old Syriac Life, written in the year 473 A.D.1 by Simeon, son of Apollonius, and Bar Hattar, son of 'Udan,2 and published by S. E. Assemani in his Acta Sanctorum Martyrum, ii. 268 ff., and by Bedjan in his Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, iv. 507 ff.; and, second, the account of Simeon given by his contemporary, Theodoret of Cyrrhus (died 457), in his Religious History. The main facts of his life are these:3 He was born in Sis, a small town in the neighborhood of Nicopolis, in northern Syria, probably between the years 385 and 390. When about sixteen years of age, he entered a monastery near Antioch. Nine or ten years later, he repaired to Telnesse,4 some fifty miles northeast of Antioch, where he remained, the most renowned ascetic in the East, until his death in the year 459. The last thirty-seven years of his life were spent on the top of pillars of increasing height; the one occupied |254 by him during the last thirty years being more than sixty feet high. After his death, his body was carried with great pomp to Antioch, and buried there; though Constantinople coveted the honor, and the Emperor Leo himself had planned to have the body brought to that city.
Of the few writings attributed to Simeon, only the Letters can lay any claim to genuineness. These---some of them very well known and often referred to---are found in different places; and, with a single exception, are concerned with the theological controversies which rent the Eastern church asunder in the middle of the fifth century. Three of these letters, found only in certain ancient manuscripts of the British Museum, have never been published, though attention has often been called to them, e. g., by Wright, Syrian Literature, p. 55, and by Noldeke, Orientalische Skizzen, p. 239. It is the principal purpose of this article to edit and examine these three, with especial reference to the question of their genuineness; though as this purpose necessarily involves at least a partial comparison of the other letters, I have thought it best to bring them all together here.
One of the most celebrated of the letters which Simeon is said to have written is the one concerning the Jewish synagogues, addressed to the Emperor Theodosius II. (408-450 A.D.). At the time when Simeon was beginning to be famous, Jews and Christians were in bitter strife; and the latter having the power in their hands, the former were in danger of losing their rights as well as their property. Many synagogues, especially, were either burned, or seized and made to serve as Christian churches; and the efforts of the emperor to secure to the Jews their rights as citizens, and partially to restore the property stolen from them, were very displeasing to many of the warmer partisans of the church. The text of the letter is given in the Life. I reproduce it here from Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, i. 254, and add the variant readings of Bedjan's manuscript (Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, iv. 637, line 11 ff.).
[Syriac omitted] |255
"Because5 in the pride of your heart you have forgotten the Lord your God, who gave you the crown of majesty and the royal throne, and have become a friend and comrade and abettor of the unbelieving Jews; know that of a sudden the righteous judgment of God will overtake you and all those 'who are of one mind with you in this matter. Then you will lift up your hands to heaven, and say in your distress, Of a truth because I dealt falsely with the Lord God this punishment has come upon me."
The story of this letter,6 according to the Life, was the following. The emperor's prefect, Asclepiodotus 7 by name, issued an order commanding the Christians in this region to restore to the Jews all the synagogues which had been taken from them by violence. This order produced great consternation among the Christians, while the Jews were in high feather. A number of bishops came to Simeon and told him what was being done; whereupon he wrote this letter. The emperor, upon receiving it, revoked the obnoxious edict, dismissed Asclepiodotus from his office, and sent a humble reply to Simeon.
Noldeke8 pronounces this version of the matter scarcely credible, and with good reason. Still, there is, perhaps, no sufficient ground for denying the genuineness of the letter. Theodoret, an independent witness, writing some time before Simeon's death, plainly refers to this rebuke of the Emperor Theodosius in his Religious History, near the end of his biography of the Stylite. Speaking of Simeon's boldness and zeal for the church, he says (Opera, ed. Noesselt, vol. iii. p. 1282):
{Greek omitted} |256
where the connection of the clause "sending letters to the emperor about these things" with the preceding, "breaking down the presumption of the Jews," is beyond question, in view of the other narrative.9 We can hardly doubt, therefore, that some such written communication was sent to Theodosius by the Stylite. Of the letter which we have, this at least may be said, that it is what we should expect a man like Simeon to write under such circumstances. As for the specific occasion, it is true, as Noldeke points out, that the story told here of the order to restore the synagogues seems to be discredited by the witness of a document which has come down to us from that very controversy; namely, an edict of Theodosius addressed to Asclepiodotus, dated in the year 423, commanding that no more synagogues be seized or destroyed, and that restitution be made for those of them which have already been consecrated to Christian use;10 the implication being that such could no longer be given back to their former owners. But there is abundant evidence that the emperor and his officers had no small difficulty with this matter of the synagogues, and that it had been the subject of lively dispute. See the Codex Theodosianus, xvi. 8, 9. 12. 20. 21; and notice that in this same year 423, between February and June, three successive edicts relating to the matter were promulgated (ibid., 25. 26. 27). It is not unlikely that the monks and the local civil authorities were on opposite sides here (as, for example, Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, vol. iv. p. 455, takes for granted); and it may be that what called out Simeon's letter was some proceeding on the part of Syrian officials based on the former less definite laws. In that case, the emperor's order to Asclepiodotus, referred to above, might well have been hailed by the monks as a victory for their party. Or, again, it is quite possible that when synagogues were seized after the promulgation of this edict of 423, and in violation of it, the attempt was made to punish the offenders by making them restore the buildings and pay damages, as narrated in our history. Of course the part played by Simeon in this matter was far less important than the popular report made it. The emperor's new edict was called forth by the same disturbances which stirred up the monk to write his letter; and it is not at |257 all likely that the prefect Asclepiodotus was dismissed in the way narrated by Simeon's biographers.
It is intrinsically probable that at this time and in this part of the world a letter to the emperor dictated 11 by such a well known saint as Simeon already was (even if we datethe letter as early as 422 or 423) would have been copied and preserved long enough to have been used by biographers who wrote only a short time after his death. There is nothing, therefore, to decide against the supposition that we have before us the letter actually sent in Simeon's name to Theodosius; though the character of the source in which it stands, and our knowledge of the freedom with which even the best of early historians invented such documents to adorn their narrative, make skepticism justifiable.
The remaining letters ascribed to the Stylite are all concerned with the theological controversies of the fifth century.
The best known among these is the letter approving the council of Chalcedon, quoted in part by Evagrius (Eccl. Hist., ii. 10), and afterward cited by other historians. The circumstances under which it was written are narrated as follows by Evagrius. The emperor Leo (I.) Thrax (reigned 457-474) sent out, soon after his accession to the throne, a circular letter 12 to the bishops of the empire and to a few of the most celebrated monks, requesting their judgment upon the council of Chalcedon. Simeon Stylites, who was the most noted of the monks addressed,13 wrote to the emperor in reply, approving the council; and at the same time sent a letter of similar tenor to Basil, bishop of Antioch, who, it seems, had also written to ask for his judgment, perhaps with the added purpose of influencing him to send a favorable reply to the emperor. This letter to Basil is the one quoted by Evagrius, who hints that he had also at his disposal the letter of Simeon to |258 Leo, and would have included it in his history if it had not been too long. The letter ran thus (in the translation of the Bohn Library):
"To my lord, the most religious and holy servant of God, the archbishop Basil, the sinful and humble Simeon wishes health in the Lord. Well, may we now say, my lord, Blessed be God, who has not rejected our prayer, nor withdrawn his mercy from us sinners. For, on the receipt of the letters of your worthiness, I admired the zeal and piety of our sovereign, beloved of God, which he manifested and still manifests towards the holy fathers and their unshaken faith. And this gift is not from ourselves, as says the holy apostle, but from God, who through your prayers bestowed on him this readiness of mind.".... "On this account I also, though mean and worthless, the refuse of the monks, have conveyed to his majesty my judgment respecting the creed of the 630 holy fathers assembled at Chalcedon, firmly resolving to abide by the faith there revealed by the Holy Spirit; for if, in the midst of two or three who are gathered together in his name, the Saviour is present, how could it be otherwise than that the Holy Spirit should be throughout in the midst of so many and so distinguished holy fathers?".... "Wherefore be stout and courageous in the cause of true piety, as was also Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of the Lord, in behalf of the Children of Israel. I beg you to salute from me all the reverend clergy who are under your holiness, and the blessed and most faithful laity."
The evidence for the genuineness of this letter is in general much like that appealed to in the case of the preceding, but is considerably stronger. Evagrius has an excellent reputation for trustworthiness as a historian, and wrote in Antioch, where a letter dictated by this saint at the pinnacle of his fame (not more than two years before his death) would certainly have been preserved. There seems to be no reason to doubt that Leo wrote to Simeon on this occasion, as attested by Evagrius, the Codex Encyclius,14 and many subsequent historians, and denied by none. And the testimony is uniform that all of those addressed by the emperor returned answers favorable to the council of Chalcedon, excepting only Timotheus of Alexandria and Amphilochius of Side. Note especially the testimony of the Monophysite historian Zacharias of Mytilene (Land, Anecdota Syriaca, |259 vol. iii. p. 142). The letter to Basil of Antioch has, therefore, strong indirect support; and it is yet more deserving of confidence because of its contents. It is a very uninteresting production, made up largely of commonplace phrases, which are drawn out at considerable length. The only plausible reason for inventing such a letter would have been the purpose to show that Simeon approved the council of Chalcedon; but it is sufficiently obvious that this colorless, almost indifferent utterance could never have been forged as a Chalcedonian party document. There is another letter, said to have been written by Simeon at about this time, in which his adherence to the 'emperor's party' is attested. This is the letter from Simeon to Eudocia, the widow of Theodosius II., quoted by Cyril of Scythopolis (middle of the sixth century), in his Vita Euthymii (Cotelerius, Ecclesiae Graecae Monumenta, tom. ii. p. 271), and by Nicephorus Callistus, Eccl. Hist., xv. 13. The latter tells the story as follows. The empress Pulcheria, having become reconciled to her beautiful sister-in-law (now removed to a safe distance), wished to see her become orthodox, and employed every possible influence to this end. Eudocia, half persuaded by the letters and entreaties she received, finally wrote to Simeon Stylites, asking his guidance and promising to follow it. The letter was sent by the chorepiscopus Anastasius. Simeon replied:
"Know, my child, that the devil, seeing the wealth of your virtues, sought to sift you as wheat; moreover, that corrupter Theodosius, having become the receptacle and instrument of the evil one,15 both darkened and disturbed your God-beloved soul. But be of good courage, for your faith has not left you. I wonder, however, exceedingly at this, that having the fountain close at hand you do not recognize it, but hasten to draw the water from afar. You have near by the inspired Euthymius; follow his counsels and admonitions, and it will be well with you."16
Eudocia followed this advice, and was directed by Euthymius to hold to the doctrine of the four councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus (431), and Chalcedon.
Regarding this letter there is little to be said. It may well be genuine, though there is, of course, room for doubt. Even if it |260 is a forgery for the glory of Euthymius, as is possible, it shows, at least, what views the Stylite was commonly believed to hold.17
But the question as to Simeon's theological position during the last years of his life---that is, at the time when the above-mentioned letters to Leo, Basil, and Eudocia, are supposed to have been written---is raised anew by the three hitherto unpublished letters of which, mention has already been made. All three are decidedly controversial, and in them the Stylite speaks as a bitter opponent of the Chalcedonense.
The letters are found in two ancient Syriac manuscripts of the British Museum, One of these, Add, 12154 (no. DCCCLX. in Wright's Catalogue), dated by Wright at the end of the th or beginning of the 9th century, is a manuscript of miscellaneous contents, of which the first section is a collection of Monophysite party documents (fol. 1-18). The thirty-third section contains the three letters (Catalogue, vol. ii., p. 986), extending from fol. 1995 to fol. 201a. The first of them is addressed to the Emperor Leo (I.); the second, to the abbot Jacob of Kaphra Rehima; the third, to John, bishop of Antioch (died 442).
The second manuscript, Add. 12155 (no. DCCCLVI . in the Catalogue), is a large and beautifully written codex of the th century. It is a Monophysite compilation; and contains as its twenty-ninth section (fol. 229a; Catalogue, vol. ii. p. 951) the first of the three letters just mentioned, namely the one addressed to the Emperor Leo. There is prefixed to it a superscription occupying several lines; otherwise, the text corresponds closely to that of the other manuscript.
I give here the text of Add. 12154 (A), adding in the case of the letter to Leo the variant readings of Add. 12155 (B). |261
[Syriac] |262 |263 |264
TRANSLATION.
The Letters of the Holy Mar Simeon the Stylite which testify concerning him that he did not accept the Council of Chalcedon.
First Letter: To the Emperor Leo, who reigned after Marcian.
When I received the letters 18 of your Royal Highness, I at first expected to rejoice with great joy; because I hoped for the rectifying and annulling of those things which were done not long ago in the accursed council of Chalcedon, so impudently and wickedly, contrary to the word of truth; when the church of God was disturbed by the innovation and false teaching of accursed and perverse heretics. But when some time elapsed, and that which I was hoping for did not come to pass, pains even more grievous than the former came upon my feeble old age, as I saw what things these are, which are perpetrated and done amongst the leaders of the church. But I believe him who said, "In the latter days I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh, and they shall know me, from the least, of them to the greatest; and no one shall say to his fellow, Know the Lord." To this hope, therefore, I hold fast, as to an anchor, guarding and keeping it unto the end; and all the world cannot move me from it. And I in my weakness beseech your Royal Highness, for the faith of those holy fathers who met at Nicaea, that you preserve it spotless and unimpaired for the holy church of God unto the end.19 |265
Second Letter: To Mar Jacob of Kaphra Rehima.20
To our Spiritual Brother in Christ; adorned with graces illustrious and divine; zealous for the orthodox faith of the fathers, which we have learned from prophets, apostles, and saints; the Archimandrite, Mar Jacob of Kaphra Rehima; from the mean and weak sinner, Simeon, who stands upon the pillar near the village Telnesi; great and exceeding peace in the Lord.
First of all, I beseech you to offer prayers to God for me, that He may give me strength and patience, on this stone upon which I stand; and I also make supplication to God for my sins.
As for the rest: Since your Reverence has sent to me by Mar Thomas, your pupil, requesting that the anathema which I once uttered upon the council of Chalceclon be put in writing by me and sent to your Reverence; to be used for the consolation and confirmation of the orthodox everywhere, and for the stopping of the mouth of perverse heretics: This I say to you, my Beloved.; that I have hope and confidence in God, whom I serve and worship; and I confess Him and believe in Him, whose truth you and I will keep unto the end. I have not approved, and will not approve, that council of perverse heretics which was convened at Chalcedon; nor the evil which was perpetrated by it, and the sinful and wicked deed which they did to the holy martyr Dioscurus.21 But I have cursed, and will curse, that wicked council which was convened at Chalcedon; and every one who has approved or shall approve it, or who has been, or shall be, like minded with those who composed it; unless he has repented or shall repent. Moreover, a writing, signed by these calumniators,22 bears witness for me that I did not approve them, nor did I write anything to that effect; nor can they prove that 1 ever gave them countenance in any way; nor will any one; assert that I did, unless he wishes to destroy his soul by lying and slander. For verily I, the weak and sinful, am a partner with all |266 those holy and saintly fathers, three hundred and eighteen in number, who assembled at Nicaea; and with the hundred and fifty who met at Constantinople; and with the two hundred and twenty who assembled together with the holy Cyril at Ephesus, and cursed and cast out the wicked Nestorius. Moreover, I have been and am a partner with the holy martyr Mar Dioscurus, Patriarch of the metropolis Alexandria; him who was unjustly and wickedly driven into exile, as though he were an evil doer, by perverse heretics, enemies of the truth; those who are like minded with the wicked Nestorius, and with Leo of Rome, and with the unrighteous Emperor Marcian.
As I have already said, the truth which I have learned from apostles and from holy fathers and saints, in this I abide unto the very end of my life; nor will I basely deny that work of grace which was wrought through the coming of God our Saviour in human nature; who came down and was incarnated of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, and was born of her in her virginity, and endured all that came upon him in order that he might redeem the life of all mankind.
If then, my Lord, there is any one who is of doubting mind, let him be confirmed in the faith of the holy fathers, and in these things which we have written. And do you be in good health, and rejoicing in spirit and body. Pray for me that I may be one of God's elect.
Third Letter, also written by Simeon himself: To John of Antioch, concerning Nestorius.
To the holy and God-loving Mar John, Bishop of Antioch, from Simeon the feeble in the Lord, greeting.
Having heard, my Lord, from faithful men that you have been summoned by the most pious emperor to attend the holy council, for which, on account of Nestorius and his blasphemies, he is striving to assemble the holy bishops at Ephesus; and that your Holiness, as is reported, does not wish to join their assembly: I in my insignificance urge your Holiness, not to delay to go up to the holy council of Ephesus, and to become an ally of our holy father Cyril, and a participant in the holy synod which is with him, in cursing the misguided Nestorius---if so be that he come not to repentance.
If this shall not be done by you, I know well that there will be no peace in the churches of the East; but that, on the contrary, |267 great disturbances will arise. Nay, surely it is for you to do this, which will please God, rejoice the king, and establish peace in the churches of the East.
As was remarked above, the manuscript Add. 12155, which contains only the letter to the Emperor Leo, prefixes to it a superscription several lines in length. This superscription, which is rubricated, reads as follows 23:
[Syriac omitted]
"The Letter which Mar Simeon the Stylite wrote to the Emperor Leo, who reigned after Marcian; which was called forth by the conduct of Theodoret of Cyrrhus, the heretic; who approached the blessed Mar Simeon, hoping to lead him astray with the heresy of the Diophysites, and sowed words of blasphemy in the ears of the blessed Mar Simeon. Wherefore he clothed himself with zeal for the faith, and wrote this letter to the Emperor Leo, in distress and anguish of spirit."
In this superscription, the fact appears once more "which has been sufficiently evident throughout these Syriac documents; namely, that whether Simeon Stylites wrote the three letters or not, they are the work of a vehement partisan, and were circulated to serve as Monophysite party weapons. The general superscription found in manuscript A, for example ("Letters of Simeon, which testify that he did not accept the council of Chalcedon"), plainly implies the existence of a more or less widespread belief (held and proclaimed by "impudent and wicked |268 heretics") that Simeon did accept the council of Chalcedon. We know, in fact, that this saint, whose dictum was of such great importance, was claimed not only by Monophysites and Chalcedonians, but also by Nestorians. In at least one of the three letters, moreover, the writer's main purpose is, professedly, to silence his calumniators. The letter addressed to the abbot Jacob of Kaphra Rehlma was intended (to use its own words) "to be used for the consolation and confirmation of the orthodox everywhere, and for the stopping of the mouth of perverse heretics." And a little further on, the writer implies that his Chalcedonian enemies have produced documents (which he brands as forgeries) in support of their assertion. "I did not approve [the council]," he says, "nor did I write anything to that effect, nor can they prove that I ever gave them countenance in any way; nor will any one assert that I did, unless he wishes to destroy his soul by lying and slander." That is, it is not a question of Simeon's conversion from Melkite to Monophysite views; he says here (or is made to say) most distinctly that he never at any time gave the hated 'synod' his support. If, then, this letter to Jacob is genuine, it follows that the letters above quoted or alluded to, preserved by Evagrius, Cyrillus Scythopolitanus, and the rest, are all forgeries.
But can Simeon have been the author of these Monophysite epistles? From all that we know of his surroundings and the influences to which he was subjected, we should expect to find him a Chalcedonian. He had passed all his life in the Antiochian district; a district in which sectional pride had been strong during the last decades of his life, while the 'Antiochian party' still held its ground and made its influence felt. It is true that as early as the middle of the fifth century the Syrian theology was losing its hold on the laity,24 and we know that among the monks, especially, the Monophysite doctrines were more and more decidedly gaining the upper hand in this region, as in most other parts of the East. But the great Monophysite triumphs here came after Simeon's day; while he lived, war was waged in Syria quite as bitterly between Nestorians and men who held views like those of Ibas of Edessa, as between Monophysites and their opponents. What is much more important, Simeon was |269 not a mere monk among monks, but was hand in glove with the Syrian leaders. Theodoret, the pillar of the Antiochians, was his friend. We know that Domnus II. of Antioch (patriarch, 442-449), a steady opponent of the Monophysites from the first,25 was received by Simeon with especial favor on at least one occasion. See the story told in the Life (ed. Bedjan, p. 581), and repeated, in somewhat different form, by Evagrius, Eccl. Hist., i. 13 (Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, i. 245 f.). The impression of the Stylite which we gain from the Life and from our other sources is that he was in full sympathy and cooperation with those who were the acknowledged leaders of the Syrian church. The council of Chalcedon reinstated Theodoret and Ibas, who, together with Domnus and others, had been deposed at Ephesus in the council of 449. This action may well have given the bishops and clergy of this region a strong added reason for accepting the Chalcedonense, as in fact they generally did.26 It is natural to suppose that Simeon was of one mind with them in this.
The evidence afforded by the letters (whether genuine or not) given by Evagrius and the Vita Euthymii has already been noticed. Their testimony to Simeon's reputation as a Chalcedonian is weighty; that furnished by the story of Euthymius and the letter to Eudocia deserving, perhaps, especially to be emphasized.27 And there is another noteworthy bit of evidence of a somewhat similar nature. In the Edessene Chronicle, lxix., the death of Simeon Stylites is recorded, as the event distinguishing the year 771 (A.D. 459).28 This means, as Hallier remarks, that he is classed as a Chalcedonian. The compiler of the Chronicle, who is a Chalcedonian with an added Nestorian bias, writes with such strong party prejudice that he passes over the Monophysite saints and dignitaries in silence (Hallier, Edess. Chron., p. 74 f.). |270
In view of this array of testimony, direct and indirect, the presumption against the three Monophysite "Letters of Simeon the Stylite" is very strong. The argument from silence, moreover, adds its weight. These letters, if genuine, must have been very widely known. One was addressed to the emperor himself; another to the patriarch of Antioch, about to set out on his ill-fated journey to the first council at Ephesus; the third was expressly intended to be circulated as a campaign document, being the final dogmatic utterance of the great ascetic. But they are never mentioned, either by Monophysite historians or by others; nor does anybody outside of these two Syriac manuscripts seem ever to have heard of them.
In the letters themselves, there are not wanting indications which also tend to show that they are forgeries. With regard to the chronology presupposed in the first letter, this fact is perhaps worthy of notice: Simeon speaks of himself as having waited more than a reasonable time after receiving the emperor's letter (and returning his answer?), in hope that measures would be taken to undo what had been done at Chalcedon. But being disappointed in this hope, he finally wrote the present letter. Now Leo, who came to the throne in February, 457, probably sent out his circular letters in the year 458, but possibly even later.29 In any case, the interval of time before Simeon's death (September, 459) would be very short---though perhaps not too short---for such a (second) reply as this from the saint.
In the second letter, the self-description in the address, "Simeon, who stands upon the pillar near the village Telnesi," is suspicious. It would hardly have occurred to the saint to describe himself in just this way, especially as he was the only Simeon Stylites in the; world. But at a later day, when there had been other pillar-saints who bore the name Simeon, it would be necessary to mention the locality in order surely to identify the writer of this document.
The third letter is distinctly a vaticinium ex eventu. Whether or not John of Antioch was secretly a friend of Nestorius, and purposely managed to arrive late in Ephesus, 30 it is quite |271 incredible that any one, even in the city of Antioch, could thus have foretold the course which events would take, and the meeting of that "holy synod" which was to be held by Cyril and his monks.31
It is, of course, unnecessary to argue that the superscriptions prefixed to the letters in our two manuscripts belong to a later day than that of the Stylite. As for the part played by Theodoret in provoking the epistle to Leo, the death of this friend of Simeon's took place probably before the emperor sent out his circular letter, and certainly before this epistle could have been written.
Finally, most interesting evidence of the forgery is to be found in a fourth Syriac letter belonging to this same group. It is contained in both of the manuscripts, where it immediately follows the "Letter (or letters) of Simeon." I give, as before, the text of Add. 12154 with the variant readings of Add. 12150.32
[Syriac text omitted] |272
"The letter which Alexander of Mabbog and Andreas of Samosata 33 wrote to John of Antioch and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, about the holy Mar Simeon the Stylite and Mar Jacob of Kaphra Rehima.
To the Holy and Reverend, our spiritual Fathers.
As for the rest: 34 When we received the saintly letters of your God-loving selves, we were filled with great joy, rejoicing especially because of the news of your good health. But those things distress us exceedingly which we learned from your letters concerning the things which Simeon and Jacob wrote to you. But this we urge upon your Holiness, inasmuch as they have dared to write these things contrary to the truth which we hold; that even if you see them raising the dead to life, you put no faith in them, but count them as the rest of the heretics."
It is at once clear that this curious epistle, sent "from Alexander of Hierapolis and Andreas of Samosata to John of Antioch and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, about Simeon the Stylite and Jacob of Kaphra Rehima"(!), was written to serve as a voucher for the genuineness of the other three. In particular, it is designed to show that Jacob of Kaphra Rehima, to whom Simeon's two-edged confession of faith was addressed, had been, as he still continued to be, a strong ally of Simeon's in opposition to these misguided leaders of the Syrian church. A still more important purpose of the document appears when it is brought into connection with the mysterious words of the letter to Jacob, where Simeon is made to say: "Moreover, a writing, signed by these calumniators, bears witness for me that I did not approve them." This is the "writing," beyond any question. The whole thing is very well managed. In view of the contents of our epistle number two, which, be it noted, is said to be only the reiteration of former utterances, there could be no doubt as to the nature of the |273 "things which Simeon and Jacob wrote" to John and Theodoret. Thus there is secured the written testimony of four of the foremost anti-Monophysites of this region that Simeon Stylites spurned their doctrines, and was in turn rejected from their fellowship.
We have, then, in these four Syriac letters, an interesting example of that forgery of documents which often played such an important part in the fierce controversies of the fifth and following centuries.35 The temptation to this misuse of Simeon's name was especially strong; though it was a thing that could not easily be done until after his generation had passed away. He had written no books (if, indeed, he could read and write at all), and therefore a forgery in his name would be the less easily exposed.36 His support was no small prize to be gained, for he was looked up to as an inspired man, gifted with superhuman knowledge and power. Even the most sober-minded and best educated of those who knew him personally---such as Theodoret, for example---believed him to be a constant worker of miracles. His fame continued unabated after his death;37 and it is not surprising that some time after, perhaps in the following century, when the bone and sinew of Christian Syria was already Monophysite, and the strife with "Synodites" was still incredibly bitter, some less scrupulous controversialist should have dared to invent these oracles of the great saint.
It is probable that we have the forged documents complete in manuscript A. They seem to be the work of a single writer, and it is hardly likely that the collection ever contained any others. The scribe of the manuscript B (or of one of its ancestors), as is evident, chose to save himself time and trouble by omitting the two longest of the letters; copying only the first, with its secondary superscription, and the fourth. |274
Appendix.
A few words regarding the principal manuscripts of the Syriac Life of Simeon may not be out of place, in view of the many conflicting statements which are current. The three best known manuscripts are the Codex Vaticanus clx., and two codices of the British Museum, namely Add. 12174, and Add. 14484. The colophon of the Vatican codex reads as follows (I copy the text from Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, iv. p. 648 f.):
[Syriac text omitted]
These words have received various interpretations. Assemani, who, as is well known, believed the priest Cosmas, a contemporary of the Stylite, to have been the author of the Life, regarded the date here given ("521 of the Antiochian reckoning"=473 A.D.) as the date of the transcription of this manuscript; and supposed the two persons named, Simeon son of Apollonius and Bar Hattar son of Udan, to have been mentioned as those at whose request, or by whose aid, the biography was written. Wright, who of course rejected the (groundless) ascription of the work to Cosmas, agreed with Assemani as to the date of the manuscript (Syriac Literature, 1894, p. 50); but says of the two Syrians (l. c, note 3): "Assemani is mistaken.... These are merely the persons who paid for the writing of this portion of Cod. Vat. clx." But on both of these points Wright, as well as Assemani, is certainly in error. The two Syrians whose names are given were the authors of the biography, as Noldeke (Orientalische Skizzen, p. 239, note) and Bedjan (op. cit., p. xiii.) insist. The verb [rbt], as the latter remarks, is frequently used in the |275 sense of "compose" (a book or other writing).38 He might have added that the word could hardly bear any other interpretation here, inasmuch as the colophon says, after giving the names of these two, "who took the pains to 'make' this book": "for they 'made' it by the labor of their hands and the sweat of their faces." It follows, that 473 A.D. was the date of the completion of the original work. The scribe of the Vatican manuscript simply reproduced, as usual, the colophon of an older codex; just when he made his copy, we do not know."
The three manuscripts named present somewhat differing recensions of the work, as is of course to be expected in the case of a popular book of this kind. No serious attempt has as yet been made to determine which of these recensions stands nearest to the original. It is generally taken for granted that the Vatican codex is the oldest, and that its version of the history, which is considerably shorter than either of the others, is to be preferred. So, for example, Noldeke, Syrische Grammatik,39 p. xiii.: "der Vaticaniscke Text ist ubrigens, wie es scheint, im Ganzen ursprunglicher als der des British Museum." But both of these current opinions deserve to be challenged; and in the case of the latter, it seems possible to prove to the contrary, in one important point at least. Bedjan, who printed the text of the London manuscript Add. 14484, dated by Wright in the sixth century, gives in his preface (p. xii. f.) a list of the numerous passages, some of them of considerable length, which are found in the London manuscript (or manuscripts), but are missing in the Vatican codex. An examination of these passages seems to make it plain that the longer recension, represented by the London codices, is to be preferred to the other. A single illustration will suffice. In Bedjan's text, p. 525 f., where the story of Simeon's first entrance into Telnesse is told, we have a smooth and consistent account, in the well-known style of this book. But no one can read the Vatican recension here, comparing it with the other, without seeing at once that it is the result of a mere mutilation of the original. A passage a dozen lines long has been cut out |276 bodily; regarding this fact there is no room for doubt. That is, the Roman codex contains a "clipped" version of the Life; in which the scribe has abridged from his original in the favorite way, by leaving out here and there passages of varying length.
It is likely that the oldest of our manuscripts stand at several removes from the original, and certain that the text of each has suffered from accidental corruption---aside from the alterations in matter and order. In view of the age of this biography, and the interest attaching to it, some further comparison of the several recensions might be worth while.
[Selected footnotes renumbered and moved to the bottom]
1. 1 See Appendix, page 275.
2. 2 Wright (Syriac Literature, p. 56, note 3) thought this might be a mistake for Uran (Uranius).
3. 3 See the excellent sketch in Noldeke's Orientalische Skizzen, 1892, pp. 224-239.
4. 4 So generally written. The form [Syriac] also occurs; and the old manuscript Brit. Mus. Add. 14484, edited by Bedjan, has everywhere Telnesil. In the letter to Jacob of Kaphra Rehima (below, p. 202), also from an old and excellent manuscript, the form is [Syriac].
5. 4 According to our narrative, Simeon, in his righteous indignation, dispensed with the customary introductory formula: "To Theodosius, the Emperor," etc.
6. 5 It is also told by the church historian Evagrius (Eccl. Hist., i. 113), who made use of the Life.
7. 6 Called in the Life Asclepiades.
8. 7 l.c, p. 232.
9. 1 So Assemani, Bibl. Orient., i. 245.
10. 2 Codex Theodosianus, xvi. 8, 25 (ed. Haenel, 1837, col. 1604).
11. 1 As Noldeke observes (ibid., p. 233), it may be doubted whether Simeon could read and write.
12. 2 See Harnack, Dogmengeschichte 3, ii. 377, note 1; and the account given by Zacharias Rhetor (Land, Anecdota Syriaca, iii. 138 f.).
13. 3 The others mentioned by name are Baradatus and one Jacob. Of the latter Evagrius merely says that he was a Syrian monk (like the other two); the Codex Encyclius calls him "Jacob, a monk of Nisibis" (so also Nicephorus Callistus, Eccl. Hist., xv. 19); while Theophanes Confessor (ed. Classen, i. 173) calls him "Jacob Thaumaturgus." The monk intended is evidently the one lauded by Theodoret in his Religious History, chap. 21.
14. 1 In Harduin, Acta Conciliorum, vol. ii. (1714), p. 690 ff.
15. 1 This clause seems to be a later improvement. It is not found in the older form of the letter.
16. 2 The Vita Euthymii, in which the story is told in much greater detail, gives the letter in almost the same words.
17. 1 It was all the more natural that Simeon should show this courtesy to the Palestinian hermit, because Domnus II. of Antioch, who was a friend of Simeon's (see below), had formerly been one of Euthymius' pupils.
18. 1 Evidently referring to Leo's circular letter, mentioned above.
19. 2 The reading of this passage is doubtful; see note on the Syriac text. The two manuscripts differ at this point, and neither one presents a fully satisfactory text. The original reading was probably this: "I in my weakness beseech your Royal Highness to keep the faith of the holy fathers---that which at Nicaea was delivered with authority to the holy church of God---spotless and unimpaired unto the end."
20. 1 I do not know that this place has been identified.
21. 3 Died 454, three years after his deposition at Chalcedon.
22. 4 For the explanation of these words, see below, page 272.
23. 1 The left hand margin of this page (fol. 229a) of the manuscript is badly rubbed, so that the last few letters of each line are lost. The words or letters which I have restored conjecturally are usually enclosed in brackets.
24. 1 See Hallier, Untersuchungen uber die edessenische Chronik, p. 76; and cf. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte,3 ii. p. 367, bottom.
25. 1 He appears to have been the first formally to impeach the orthodoxy of Eutyches.
26. 2 See the epistle of Nonnus of Edessa, written to the Emperor Leo, and signed by a number of the bishops of the region (Assemani, Bibl. Or., i. 258).
27. 3 Cyril of Scythopolis was no ordinary biographer, but a zealous and trustworthy historian, careful of his statements and critical of his sources. For his Life of Euthymius, moreover, he had especially good material at his disposal.
28. 4 Hallier, Untersuchungen uber die edessenische Chronik, p. 115 f.; Syriac text, p. 152.
29. 1 According to Theophanes Confessor (ed. Classen, i. 170, 172), Leo wrote the letters two years after his accession. Similarly Georgius Cedrenus (Migne, col. 662), "tertio anno."
30. 2 As, e. g., Harnack is inclined to believe (Dogmengeschichte,3 ii. 342, note 1). For the contrary view, see Neander's History of the Church, (trans. Torrey), ii. 528 f.
31. 1 There would be nothing strange, to be sure, in Simeon's writing to the patriarch John at this time, urging him to keep clear of Nestorius and his doctrines. We have a letter of Theodosius to the Stylite, written shortly before the convening of the council, in which the emperor beseeches him to use his influence with John of Antioch to this end (Harduin, Acta Conciliorum, i. 1685). It was, perhaps, with that letter in mind that this one was composed.
32. 2 This collated copy of the Syriac text was very kindly made for me, at my request, by the Rev. G. Margoliouth, of the British Museum.
33. 4 B adds, " the accursed" (plural).
34. 5 See page 265, note 2.
35. 1 "Das Falschen von Acten war im 5.---7. Jahrhundert eine wichtige Waffe zur Vertheidigung des Heiligen" (Harnack, Dogmengeschichte,3 ii. 871, note 4).
36. 2 The silence of the Life on Simeon's doctrinal views (due perhaps to the fact that its authors did not fully sympathize with him in this regard) would also have assisted materially.
37. 3 Evagrius (i. 13) narrates how he once was permitted to see the body of the great Stylite; which, it seems, was not quite safe from relic-hunters. The face was well preserved, he writes, "excepting such of his teeth as had been violently removed by faithful men."
38. 1 See the numerous examples in Payne-Smith.
39. 2 It may be that we have his words in the last section of the colophon, where, after the two authors of the work have made their request for the prayers of the reader, the scribe adds his own request.
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The Life of St. Simeon Stylites: A Translation of the Syriac Text in Bedjan's Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, Vol. IV. Journal of the American Oriental Society 35 (1915) pp.103-111. Introduction.
The Life of Simeon Stylites. Journal of the American Oriental Society 35 (1915) pp.103-111. Introduction.
The Life of St. Simeon Stylites:
A Translation of the Syriac Text in Bedjan's Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, Vol. IV.
By the Rev. Frederick Lent, Ph. D., of New Haven, Conn.
This famous saint was born near the close of the fourth century at Sis, near Nicopolis, in Northern Syria. Long before Simeon lived, there had been at the sanctuary of the goddess Attar'athe, in Hierapolis, a tall pillar, on which a man stood seven days twice a year for communion with the gods (Lucian, De dea Syria c. 28 sq.). But, as Noldeke points out (Sketches from Eastern History, Trans. London 1892, ch. VII), Simeon probably had never heard of it; the practice had died out long before he was born. Theodoret, an educated Syrian, regarded Simeon as the father of all who adopted life upon pillars. Besides the sketch of Simeon's career given by Theodoret (see Migne, Patrologia Graeca, v. 82, Theodoretus 3), the historian Evagrius gives a short notice of his life. Another Greek biography, said to be written by Anthony, a disciple of Simeon, Noldeke refers to a late date, on account of its extravagances.
The Syriac biography with which we are concerned was probably written shortly after Simeon's death, which occurred in 459 A. D. There are three known manuscripts of this Syriac Life. The Vatican MS. was published by S. E. Assemani, Acta Sanctorum Martyrum (Rome, 1748), Vol. II, pp. 273 -394. The two other MSS. are in the British Museum. Bedjan, in preparing the Life of Simeon for publication in his Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, first copied the text of Assemani. Then he collated it with the MS. B. M. Add. 12174, and so discovered that this text not only gave the facts in a different order, but contained material not found in Assemani's text. As one or two leaves of this MS. are lacking, he made use of another still older, Add. 14484, which gave the same facts in the same order as 12174, but more soberly and concisely. Because of its. simple, beautiful style, and because of its order |104 of events, which appears more logical than that of Assemani's edition, Bedjan regarded the text of this MS. 144.84 as the oldest of the three. One important passage (p. 643), containing a very friendly allusion to the Emperor Leo, but altered in Assemani's text by the erasure of the eulogistic words (p. 393), caused Bedjan to conclude that this MS. was written before Monothelitism invaded Syria, that is, before the seventh century A. 13. It is the text of this MS., B. M. Add. 14484, which is given in Bedjan's Acta, vol. IV, pp. 507-644, and which is here translated. (See Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, Leipzig, 1894; vol. IV, Preface pp. XI-XIV.)
What relation does the version represented in Assemani's text bear to that given by Bedjan?1 The two texts, when they report the same incident, use practically the same words. The variations in language are, however, too numerous to mention. One text may employ a synonym for the term used in the other, or a whole sentence may occur in one which is not in the other, or a scripture quotation may be peculiar to one text. But in spite of these differences, the wording is substantially the same in the two texts. The differences, however, are sufficiently numerous and striking to show that neither text was copied from the other. Furthermore, the differences between Bedjan's and Assemani's texts exclude the possibility that both could have been derived from one common MS. We have here two quite independent recensions, as is shown by the variation in the order of events narrated. If we number the paragraphs in Bedjan's text, beginning with page 532, consecutively, and then attach the same numbers to the same incidents as given in Assemani's text, the order in the latter is as follows: 31-57, 21-30, 32, 2-11, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66. This shows how differently the same material is grouped in the two texts, and makes it evident that they represent different recensions, neither one derived from the other. This opinion is strengthened by the presence of the material found in Bedjan's text which is not in the other. |105
This matter peculiar to Bedjan's text is found in seven sections. The first is p. 507 from the beginning to p. 508, l. 5. This opening paragraph is simple and natural, written in the usual manner of introduction to the life of a famous man. It is extremely unlikely that an author presenting for the first time an account of the Saint's career would begin as abruptly as Assemani's text does, without a single reference to the readers for whom it was intended. That the biographer had such readers in mind is shown later (e. g. on p. 548, Bedjan; Assemani, parallel passage) by a direct address to them. The fuller text is probably the more original in this instance.
The second section, Bedjan, p. 512, l. 14-p. 514, l. 17, is an account of a raid made by Isaurian bandits who took captive some people of Sis, Simeon's native village. The Saint was instrumental in delivering the captives, whom he rescued by miraculously paralysing the arm of the robber chief. He also procured water by miracle. There is no reference in the context to make the inclusion of the story necessary. Assemani reads smoothly, omitting it. On the other hand, such a raid was probable, and the account is sober and quite in keeping with the context. There is nothing to render it suspicious, or to mark it as a later addition. No motive is apparent for its introduction, if it did not stand in the original account. Section three, Bedjan, p. 520, l. 3-p. 521, l. 11 (see Assemani, p. 28, 1. 12) tells how, when other monks had finished the nocturns and gone to rest, Simeon would stand weighed down with a stone hung to his neck, keeping vigil. When it was time for the others to arise, he would remove the stone and join in the prescribed service. One night, as he was putting the stone on his neck, he fell asleep. Deeply chagrined at thus yielding to what he regarded as Satanic temptation, he procured a rounded piece of wood, on which he stood thereafter during the nightly vigil, in order that, if he should fall asleep, the wood, rolling, might awaken him. These severe practices aroused the hostility of the monks, who would have him to do only as the rules enjoined. Now, although Assemani does not have this section, his text does have the story of the rounded piece of wood, given in another connection where it is quite irrelevant. After Bedjan, p. 521, th line from the bottom, Assemani (p. 280) inserts this paragraph:
"The manner in which the monks afflicted him, and harassed him, |106 in order that he should conform to their mode of life, is beyond description. For many times they assembled and said to the abbot, 'If he will not conform to the same mode of life as the brethren, let him. leave the monastery!' But the abbot did not act on their protest, because he loved Simeon greatly, since he saw his labor and toil, and knew that envy prompted them to say, 'Let him conform to our mode of life.' For by night Simeon made a piece of wood round, and stood, on it," etc.
Then follows material, part of which is found earlier in Bedjan. It can hardly be doubted that Bedjan's account is here the more original. The section is orderly and natural, while the other text has introduced in a disjointed manner the one item it preserves. In this instance, again, the longer text is the preferable.
The fourth section is found in Bedjan, p. 525, l. 15-p. 526, l. 5. By comparison with Assemani (p. 185) it will be seen that the latter gives a different account of Simeon's exit from the monastery, and the context does not require for smooth reading the material given in Bedjan, although Assemani's text omits the motive for the prayer it records, viz. 'If it is Thy will that I perform the Lenten fast in this place, direct me.' Bedjan's text gives this, by stating in exact chronology that the time was just before Lent, in the year 458 of the Antiochan Era. The entrance into the monastery at this time, marked an important crisis in Simeon's life. That a careful and intimate biographer should preserve the date of this entrance into Telneshe, is therefore just what we should expect. The account contains no exaggeration, but just a simple story of faith and divine guidance, which suggests no motive for its arbitrary insertion by a later hand. Here again, therefore, the longer account may be regarded as original and preferable.
The fifth section, Bedjan, p. 538, l. 19-p. 539, l. 3, contains a brief description of the Saint's clothing, together with a general statement that he glorified God. The absence of this paragraph in Assemani's text does not mar the story, but its presence in Bedjan's text gives vividness to the account, and it is reasonable to suppose that his biographer would have mentioned just such a fact as is here recorded. The failure to do so is against the originality of Assemani's text.
The sixth section is the longest one peculiar to Bedjan's text, extending from p. 548, l. 21 to p. 555, l. 2. It contains |107 a descriptive resume of Simeon's monastic life from the day he entered upon the practice of standing on a stone in the mandra, and began to immure himself during the Lenten fast. Then follow stories of various miracles of healing. The section is fittingly introduced by a general eulogy on Simeon's healing-powers, and a direct address to the reader, with a promise to give an account of some things selected from many, sufficient to illustrate the Saint's miraculous activity. The section is followed by further similarly illustrating material, which would seem out of place if this section were omitted. In Bedjan's text, the reason for the introduction of any incident is always clear. Stories which illustrate a phase of Simeon's life are grouped together. Assemani's text, on the contrary, is disjointed, and shows no such orderly and logical arrangement. The general scheme of the life as given in Bedjan seems to demand that this section should be given here.
The last section, Bedjan, p. 643, l. 15-p. 644, l. 12, is the closing paragraph of the life. All it records was evidently known to the writer of MS. B. M. Add. 12174 (see Bedjan, p. 643, Note), and its absence gives a very abrupt termination to Assemani's text. Evagrius was evidently familiar with this longer ending paragraph, and it seems more natural than Assemani's version. On the expunging of the words applied to Leo, (Bedjan, p. 643, Assemani, p. 393) Assemani has this note (p. 412, Note 47):
"Haec iisdem plane verbis leguntur apud Evagrium lib. 1, cap. 13, pag. 271. Leonis autem Imperatoris nomen ex codice nostro expunctum est, fol. 77, colum. 1, l. 17, a quonam vel quo concilio, nescio. Suspicior, nebulonem quemdam Jacobitam in odium Catholici hujus Imperatoris, qui Chalcedonense Concilium acerrime propugnavit, ejus nomen abrasisse."
There is nothing in Bedjan's closing paragraph to mark it as anything but the original. Thus a comparison of the whole text of Bedjan with that of Assemani leads us to regard the former as in every respect the superior and earlier version. If a later editor added the paragraphs which are peculiar to the longer version, we might expect to find some differences of vocabulary and idiom in the added paragraphs. But Bedjan's text is a unit in point of style, and as we have seen, the verbal agreement with the shorter life in the narration of the same incidents is very marked. Some readings in Bedjan's text are |108 obviously preferable: e. g., "Timothy, the disciple of Paul", 2 where the other text reads, "disciple of Simeon". Assemani's text betrays its author's distance from the age of Simeon, e. g., "As said his acquaintances and those familiar with him from his youth" (p. 269, 1. 16, 17; cf. Bedjan, p. 508, last line), but Bedjan's text never hints at any dependence upon hearsay. It is consistent with the statement, more than once repeated, that the writer or writers learned directly from Simeon the facts of his life not immediately known by observation.
Bedjan is right in thinking that the more logical order found in his text points to the original composition, and not to editorial work. As we have indicated, Bedjan's version is orderly in its groupings of material. Both Assemani's and Bedjan's versions agree, in the main, in the narration of the story of Simeon's early life. But when once he has begun his monastic career, and all that follows is descriptive of his mode of life and illustrative of his activities, as ascetic and miracle worker, as prophet and beholder of visions, Bedjan's material is logically arranged, every incident finding its proper place under an appropriate heading. For example, if the announcement is made, "Now concerning the visions which Simeon saw", all the material introduced is relevant. In Assemani's text, on the contrary, no such order is observed, as may be readily seen by a glance at the numbers which show the different placing of the same incidents in the two recensions. It can scarcely be doubted that the logical arrangement is more original than the haphazard and disjointed method followed in the shorter version.
Of the two recensions, then, Bedjan's text represents the original story, and that of Assemani a later and shorter version. As we have noticed, the shorter recension has omitted nothing which is vitally important in giving a correct impression of the saint's life. We gain the same view of his career and estimate of his personality in the shorter as in the longer account. Probably the omitted material was purposely left out by an early editor. In one instance, at least, he composed a paragraph, substituting it for the omitted section, in order to give a motive for what followed (p. 280, Assemani, explains that the envy of the monks led to persecution, see above, |109 p. 105 f.). The opening and closing paragraphs of the longer recension add nothing to the story. The man who undertook the copy did not have the same interest in his readers that the original author had. His attention is riveted to Simeon's career, so he passes at once to the narrative. Being further removed from the age of the saint than the author, he can not feel, as the author did, when he lovingly penned the closing sentences, that Simeon's influence and prayers still brood over the whole creation. So the copyist omitted this, to him, unnecessary paragraph. None of the material peculiar to the longer recension adds to our knowledge of Simeon. It could be left out without seriously damaging the narrative.
A later writer who was well acquainted with this abridged life, but having no text before him, wrote as he remembered, and gave us the story as it stands in Assemani's text. Memory could not preserve the logical orderly arrangement of the original story, but could hold nearly every incident and almost keep the writer to a literal reproduction of the history. Some things he could recall without remembering the exact connection, as, for example, the story of Simeon's vigils kept by standing on a piece of rounded wood. This impressed him as a meritorious act, and was mentioned, while he forgot that the saint was led to adopt the practice because he fell asleep one night while tying the stone weight to his neck. So, too, he remembered that Simeon entered the monastery of Telneshe, but he forgot the year and the exact season. The fact was for him more important than the connection.
There is no improbability inherent in the supposition that a man could write thus from memory. Parallels not a few may be found in all literatures, and particularly among Orientals of the first Christian centuries, when memory was more tenacious than in an age of many books. Even in modern times, Arab writers can tell with astonishing verbal exactness, from memory, stories much longer than that of Simeon the Stylite. In Codex Vaticanus Clx. the Life of Simeon is followed by a letter from the Elder, Cosmas, to Simeon. To the letter is appended a colophon (Acta Martyrum, Assemani, II. 394ff. copied in Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum IV. 648f.), in which we read
"May God and his Christ remember for good Simeon bur Apollon, and Bar Hatar the son of 'Udan, who assumed the labor of making this book, 'The Glorious Deeds of Mar Simeon |110 the Blessed'. They made it by the toil of their hands and the sweat of their brows. --- --- --- This book was finished in the month of Nisan, on the 17th of the month, on the fourth day of the week, in the year five hundred and twenty-one, of the Antiochian chronology. --- --- --- And let everyone who reads it pray for those who undertook the work and made this book, that God may give them everlasting forgiveness of sins. Amen and Amen. Let everyone who reads and makes, pray for him who wrote. --- --- --- Farewell in our Lord; and pray for me."
Assemani thought that Cosmas composed the life of Simeon, and that the date here given (521 of the Antiochan reckoning = 473 A. D.) was that of the transcription of this MS.; he regarded Simeon bar Apollon and Bar Hatar as those who requested, or aided in, the writing of the life. Wright thought they were the paid copyists of this portion of Codex Vat. Clx. Noldeke (Sketches, etc. p. 225), Bedjan (Acta Mart. IV. p. xiii), Torrey (Letters of Simeon, p. 2741), and Duval (La Lit. Syriaque, p. 160) regard these two men as the original authors, and 473 A. D. as the date of the composition of the Life.
It seems to the present writer more probable that the names given in this colophon are those of the men who reproduced the abridged Life from memory, "by the toil of their hands and the sweat of their brows." It is much more difficult to suppose that the colophon contains matter which stood originally at the end of the longer Life, but which has been lost from there. As it stands in the Vatican Codex, it is a whole, and evidently in its original place. It was added to the MS. containing the abridged life and the letter of Cosmas. 473 A. D., therefore, is the date when the text of Codex Vat. Clx. was written from memory by these two men, Simeon bar Apollon, and Bar Hatar, son of 'Udan. The original Life, composed by one of Simeon's disciples, was accordingly written between the Saint's death, in 459 A. D., and 473 A. D., when the two men made their memory recension of the abridged story. Bedjan's "Life" was probably written shortly after 459 A. D. The MS. B. M. Add. 14484 is written on parchment in the Estrangelo character, and was dated by Wright as of the sixth century.
The text of this Syriac composition is a model of its kind. Noldeke has cited Assemani's edition more than two hundred |111 times in his grammar, in illustrating classical Syriac usage (see Noldeke, Compendious Syriac Grammar, Trans. Crichton, London, 1904, p. 333). Thus will he seen the importance of the text for the student of Syriac. Of no less interest to the general student, we trust, will prove this "Life of Simeon the Stylite", here translated into English for the first time.
1. 1 See the article by C. C. Torrey, The Letters of Simeon the Stylite, published in this Journal, vol. XX (1899), pp. 253-276. Professor Torrey maintained that the Bedjan recension is the original, and pointed out (pp. 275 f.) one passage in which it is certain that the text of Assemani is merely an abridgment. The proof needs to be considerably extended, however, and an attempt to do this is made in the following pages.
2. 1 See below, page 511.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: simeon_stylites_vita_01_trans.htm
The Life of Simeon Stylites. Journal of the American Oriental Society 35 (1915) pp.111-198. Translation
The Life of Simeon Stylites. Journal of the American Oriental Society 35 (1915) pp.111-198. Translation
[Translated by Frederick Lent]
(P. 507, 1 below.)
The Heroic Deeds of Mar Simeon, the Chief of the Anchorites.
To our brethren and sons and friends, children of the Holy Catholic Church: we make known to you in our writings (p. 508) the glorious deeds of the Man of God, who was a friend to the Christ. He gave himself to service in the vineyard of our Lord from the dawn even until the evening all the days of his life. He turned the stubborn of heart to conviction, and finished his struggle with praise, and his Lord took him to himself, that he might pay him the good reward of his labor in the land of the consummation of life eternal—the blessed Mar Simeon.
This glorious man, then, came from the region of Nicopolis, and the name of his town was Sis. Now he had Christian parents who gave him baptism when he was small. He had a brother whose name was Mar Shemshi, and they alone remained to their parents of the many children whom they had had. This blessed one from his boyhood loved to shepherd the flocks of his parents, and he practiced himself in toil, weariness and exhaustion. When he was grown up, he had this peculiarity, that with much diligent care he used to collect storax as he shepherded the flocks, and he would kindle a fire and burn the storax as incense, although he did not know just why he offered it. For hitherto the Scriptures had not been heard by him, and he was not persuaded in the fear of the Lord, while he was growing up from his boyhood among the flocks. He was radiant of countenance, and fair of face, and gentle and benevolent. In stature he was small, but in strength lusty, and in his running (509) he was swift; and he won favor |112 with everybody. He rejected food for himself while he fed others.
When his parents departed from this world, and he and his brother remained heirs, he entered the church, and heard as the epistle was read. And he asked those who stood with him: "These Scriptures, what are they? and what is in them?" They said to him, "These are the Scriptures of God, who dwells in heaven; and the word of God is in them." Then he felt much surprise in his heart, and on the following Sabbath he again entered the church, and heard those holy Scriptures' with discernment. From that day on a surpassing diligence was his, and he gathered storax, and bought also that which his fellow-shepherds gathered, and with discernment placed it before our Lord, saying, "Let the sweet odor go up to God who is in heaven."
And after a few days, there appeared to the Blessed One a visitor as he was with the sheep. This was the first vision, which he saw. For he saw that there came a man who stood by him, whose appearance was like lightning, his garments, shining as the sun, and his face like rays of fire. He held a golden staff in his hand, and called and raised him up. When, the Blessed One raised his eyes and saw this wonderful sign, he trembled and was affrighted, and fell upon his face on the ground. But he gave him his hand and, raising him up, said to him, "Be not afraid, but come after me without fear, for I have something to tell thee and shew thee. (510) For the Lord wills that through thy hand His Name should be glorified. And thou shaft be chief and director and leader to his-people, and to the sheep of his pasture, and by thy hand shall be established the laws and the commandments of the Holy Church. And many thou shalt turn from error to knowledge of the truth. And if thou dost serve acceptably, thy name shall be great among the Gentiles and even to the end of the earth, and kings and judges shall obey thee and thy commands. Only have patience and endurance, and let love be in thee toward all men. If thou dost indeed observe these things, not among the first and not among the last shall he be who glorifies himself and becomes as great as thou art."
Then afterwards he took him, and, going up to the mountain, placed him on its top and showed him stones which were lying there. And he said to him, "Take, and build!" Said |113 the Blessed One to him, "I do not know how to build, for I have never constructed any building." He said to him, "Stand by and I will teach thee to build." Then he brought a stone which was carved and was very beautiful, and put it in the hands of Mar Simeon, and said to him, "Place it firmly at the east, and another on the north, and toward the south another, then place one upon them, and the building will be completed." Said to him the Blessed One: "My Lord, what is this?" The man replied, "This is an altar of that God whom thou dost worship, and to whom thou dost offer incense, and whose Scriptures thou hast heard."
(p. 511). Then he lead him from there, and said to him, "Come after me", and he took him into a martyrium which was near there, in which was laid Mar Timotheus the disciple of the apostle Paul. And when he was about to enter it, he saw before the court of the temple people, who could by no means be numbered; and they were clothed in white, and were like to bridegrooms. From the north also some in likeness of women clothed in purple, both modest and adorned with great beauty. The Blessed One asked him, saying, "My Lord, who are these?" And he returned answer and said to him, "These men and women whom thou seest, these are they who are destined to receive at thy hands the Sign 2 of the Messiah, and be turned to the knowledge of the truth." Then he showed him also birds in the form of peacocks whose appearance was like the flame of fire. From their eyes went forth as it were swift lightnings. And when they saw the Blessed One, they unfolded their wings, and raised their heads and uttered a cry loud and strong, so that the earth trembled from their voice. Then the man motioned quietly and gently with the staff which was in his hand and made them be still.
Again he led the Blessed One and brought him within the temple; and when they had reached the altar and stood that they might pray, there went up from beneath the altar a man of pleasant mien whose appearance was more comely than the sun. His beauty was beyond compare, his face was glad (p. 512) and his countenance exceedingly cheerful. His hair was sprinkled with white and grew in clusters. And his |114 garments were white, and his speech was soft and pleasant. And approaching, he greeted the Blessed Mar Simeon three times with much love, and said to him, "Blessed art thou, Simeon, if thou art equal to the part and service to which thou art called." Then the two of them laid hold of him and brought him to the altar, and he 3 put in the mouth of Mar Simeon something white like snow and round like a pearl, and thus he said: "Such a taste and such sweetness can not he found in the world." And his soul was satisfied and fat exceedingly. Then this man gave him the golden staff which he held, and said to him, "'With this staff thou art to shepherd the flock of Christ. Be strong and mighty." And when he had said these things to him, he became invisible and ascended.
And after a while the Isaurians made a raid, and they came and entered Sis, the native village of the Blessed One, which was in the region of Nicopolis, and the saint happened to be there. And they lifted up their hands, the Isaurians, against him, and took him. But the Lord delivered him from their hands. And they took many people captive, with Thomas, the son of the brother of the Blessed One, who also had departed from this world with a good name after living as an ascetic. Then the Blessed One arose and went after those who were taken captive, and he found them (513) in Kastelen, encamping. And when the sentinels of the camp saw him, they seized him with watchful care, and led him to their chiefs, of whom the name of one was Bos and of the other Altamdora. They said to him, "Why is it thou hast been so rash as to come hither? And thou hast not feared, and thy heart hast not trembled?" And he turned and said, "For the redemption of Thomas, my brother's son, and of this captivity have I come." And when they saw, they were filled with anger, and gave order that they should take off his head with the sword. One of them then drew a dagger that he might smite him, when immediately his right hand cleaved to his shoulder. And when they saw, fear fell upon them, and Bos their chief commanded that they should set out for another place. And when the Blessed One saw that they did not receive his supplication, he became incensed, and lifted up his hand against Bos, when immediately an unclean spirit |115 took possession of him, and before the Blessed One he was convulsed, while he cried out and said, "Alas! thou servant. of Jesus Christ." When the Isaurians saw this phenomenon they were exceedingly affrighted, and they approached the Saint and said to him, "Tell us in truth if thou art the servant of God." He said to them, "I am a Christian." Then the Isaurian chief, as he stood in misery, said to the Blessed One, "My sins were stirred up against me in thy coming to me. But I beseech thee, offer up petition in my behalf." The Blessed One said, "If indeed thou askest that I should offer petition on thy behalf, deliver into my hands this captivity which thou hast taken captive. (p. 514) For lo, their crying has gone up before God. And this trial He sent upon thee." Now this captivity was in number, men and women, four hundred. Then the Isaurian chief besought him that he would pray for him, and he would give the captivity into his hands. So the saint kneeled down and prayed. And when he finished his prayer, he stretched out to him his right hand and said to him, "In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ be healed." And immediately the unclean spirit departed from the man, and he was recovered, and he delivered all the captivity into the hands of the Blessed One. And the Blessed One, on his part, as he lead away all the captivity, commanded them that they should tell no one anything of what Christ had performed through his hands, for the deliverance of their lives; and he dismissed every one to his own country in peace. While he was travelling on the mountain, he and Thomas, the son of his brother, his nephew thirsted for water. And the Blessed One lifted up his eyes, and prayed saying, "Oh Christ, who redeemed him from captivity, do not let him die of thirst." And at once water burst forth in the dry place, and they drank. And when their thirst was quenched, the water was sought but could not be found. And he led the youth and brought him to the village of the house of his kinsfolk.
After these things the saint was in a fast twenty-one days, while he neither ate nor drank, a man who from his youth with food of flesh and drink of wine had been nourished. After those days he desired to eat. Now there was there in the village a certain man, a fisherman, and that very night he had caught fish, not a few. (p. 515) He had a daughter whose |116 name was Mary, and her father left the fish with her and went away. And when the Blessed One came, he desired that she should give him three pounds, and take the price for it. But she denied with an oath, saying, "My father has not brought anything today." And when he went away from her, he stood with some soldiers who were on guard there because of the Isaurians, and with some of his townspeople. And as they were standing and talking, on a sudden something entered the girl and the fish and carried them out to the street before all the people; the girl herself leaping and gnashing her teeth and smiting her head and crying out at the Blessed Mar Simeon, while the fish also were leaping toward him. And when the soldiers and the citizens saw this sign, they feared, and desired to gather the fish or calm the girl who was acting in such a shameful manner. But they could not. Then her father came, and many of her people, and they besought the Blessed One, and he went and took hold of her, and immediately she became cruiet, and the fish also became still. The saint said to her, "Because thou didst lie, God hath exposed thee publicly." Those things did our Lord by the hands of the Blessed One, and he thoroughly fulfilled his petition, because it was not in gluttony he asked. For as he went out from there to the flock, as he wandered along on the mountain, he found a large fish, and having made the sign of the cross, he took it and went back to the village. When those soldiers (p. 516) who had been standing in the village saw it, they marvelled. And our Lord did also here a miracle. For for three days those soldiers and his fellow-townsmen ate of it, and scarcely then was it consumed, because the blessing of the Lord rested upon it. Two of the soldiers who were there loved the Blessed One ardently, whose names were Selwana and Bar Shabbatha. And until he stood upon the pillar, they came and went in his presence, and narrated many things before him and his disciples.
The Blessed One was constant in fasting and prayer, entering the church among the first and going out among the last, while the greater part of the time he was passing the nights in the church. And from dawn until dark he was on his knees, and from dark till dawn he was standing in prayer And when he was many times in these exercises, those who were of the same age as he were watching him, that they |117 might see if he moved his feet, and changed from the spot in which he stood. But no one could find this in his case.
He had a brother whose name was Mar Shemshi, and it was his wish to have the inheritance divided with him. He said to him, "Do as you please, and whatever you want appropriate without controversy." But his brother on his part divided everything rightly. For they had a paternal aunt, who was extremely rich. And in those days (p. 517) she departed from the world, and everything that she owned she left to the Blessed One. And everything she left he administered in the fear of God and gave to the poor and the needy; and especially he provided for the monastery of the Blessed Mar Eusebona, because the son of his paternal uncle was there, a man set for a sign, who was in the monastery thirty-five years. And from the time he entered the door of the monastery he had not turned back to see it.4 And the Blessed One remembered that he had gone to that convent. After these things he remained four months, because he had seed sown, and because he had many affairs to attend to in other convents and with the poor. But in all the fast of the forty days, while he was living in the city, he tasted no food except the Eucharist which he received when he was half way through the fast. And he waited until the great day. Also, again, in the matter of his seed which he had sown, our Lord did a great miracle. For he allowed the gleaners and the poor among the sheaves, and said to them, "Let everybody take as much as he can carry." And our Lord sent a blessing upon it, and there came forth sixtyfold and a hundred-fold. And bread also and boiled food he took out to the reapers. From it he set in order before the gleaners and before the poor, and they ate and were satisfied. And he with his own hands served them, and mixed the wine for them. And these things the Blessed One told not in pride, but confessing and praising God for his providence towards him (p. 518), repeating that which the apostle said, that "The gift of God is greater than can be told." After these things be loaded whatever he had on camels, and took it to the convent of Mar Eusebona, and from it distributed in the other convents. And when he had been in the convent of |118 Mar Eusebona three days, it happened that there came there Mar Mara, bishop of Gabola, a notable man. And the head of the convent brought him and presented him to him that he might be blessed by him. And when he saw the Blessed One, how fair of face and comely of visage he was, he marvelled at him and was astonished. His brother also, Mar Shemshi, came to Mar Mara that he might be blessed by him. And when he saw him he said to him, "See, my son, that thy brother, who is younger than thou, hath chosen for himself that good part to which nothing is equal." And when Mar Shemshi heard his words, he also determined to become a monk. So he blessed them, and they two took the tonsure together. And they became choice vessels suitable for the use of their Lord, and finished their days in good reputation and in the service of righteousness. And when he went away from him, this Mar Mara, the bishop, said to the abbot and to those who stood by him, "Truly, this blessed one, if the brethren permit him, will become a chosen vessel acceptable to God, and his fame will go out from one end of the earth to the other. For I know what sign I have seen in him" (p. 519).
And when Shemshi his brother had been with him about five months, he also went and distributed whatever he owned to the poor, and to the convents. And whatever was left over he loaded on beasts of burden and brought to the convent where he was a novice.
The Blessed Mar Simeon had no care for anything except how he might please his Lord. And when he had been with the monks a long time, he separated from them and went and digged for himself a hole in a corner of the garden up to his breast, and he stood in it two years in the oppressive heat of summer and the severe cold of winter. When the monks saw his hard toil, and no one of them was able to vie with him in his ascetic practices, they were filled with jealousy, and said to the abbot, "If he is not placed on an equality with us, he can not live here." When the abbot saw the will of the monks, he entreated him either to mingle with the brothers or to diminish his toil; but he did not obey. Then the abbot said to them, "My sons, what should impel us to be hinderers to him who is constraining himself for our Lord's sake?" One of the brothers thought that in hypocrisy he stood |119 in that place, and wished to test him. So he came and stood above him, but in that very hour the justice of the Lord thrust him down and he fell and became dumb. The brothers who happened to be there ran and carried him and came and put him under a certain tree; and he vomited blood, and after three days died.
His practice while he was with the brotherhood was thus: from Sunday to Sunday 5 (p. 520) he took for himself some soaked lentils, but sometimes once in two weeks, or even once in three, while he constrained himself with severe effort. And when they forced him to sit at the refectory table, he gave himself the appearance of taking the food, although in reality he ate nothing at all. For the blessed morsel which he received with the other brothers from the abbot he placed under the cover of his couch, and without his intent the brothers found it. Again, when the brothers finished the nocturns and lay down to rest, he would hang a stone about his neck all the time that his companions were resting. When it was time for them to arise, he untied the stone from his neck, and stood with them for the service. But on one of the nights, when he had put the stone on his neck, he was tempted by Satan and sleep fell upon him. Of a sudden he collapsed and fell headlong, and his head was wounded; but he took some of the dust of that place in which he was standing, made the sign of the cross upon it, and closed with it the wound, which immediately was healed so that he had no sort of injury. Afterward he procured a certain round piece of wood, and stood upon it at night, so that if he chanced to fall asleep, the piece of wood would roll from under him.
When the brethren saw his severe toil, and desired to conduct themselves in like manner but were not able, they planned how they might bring false accusation against him. (p. 521) So they said to a certain simple-minded brother of the convent, "Take a dish and put into it morsels of bread and bits of cooked food; then go and show it to the abbot and say to him, 'This food I took from Simeon as he was partaking of it. This mode of life which he keeps up is mere dissimulation'." When the abbot heard, he called him and |120 accused him. But he upon this affair returned no answer, because he thirsted that there might be accomplished in him that which our Lord said, "Blessed are ye when men say against you all manner of evil for my sake, falsely." 6 And again the abbot called him and said to him, "Declare if in truth this was spoken about thee," and threatened him with excommunication. Thereupon he revealed to him that it was said about him falsely.
Again, there was there a certain place where wood was piled, and he went and hid himself in it. The brethren thought that he had surely left the convent; but as one of the hebdomadaries went to bring wood he found him standing huddled up in a corner, and came and made it known to the abbot. Then he and the brethren went and entreated him, but he was with difficulty persuaded to go with them and receive the eucharist.
And again, there went one of the hebdomadaries and heated a poker red-hot and said to him, "If thou hast in thee faith and trustest in thy God, take this poker." He immediately signed himself with the cross and took it with both hands. They expected (p. 522) that nothing would be left of his hands, but he despised them (i. e. his hands), and there was no injury at all done him, for it was as though his hands had been put in cold water. Although great indignation fell upon him from the brethren, yet he did not slacken his toil.
After these things he took a hard rope, and wound it round his body many times, until his body swelled out over the rope and hid it. And when the abbot knew it, he compelled him, but with difficulty, to loosen it from him, filled with flesh and blood from his body.
One time as he stood and prayed, Satan appeared to him in the likeness of mist and smote him suddenly upon his eyes and took his vision. And after a long time the abbot besought him to let him bring a physician to see him. But he was unwilling, and said to his brother, "Take me and lead me to the sepulchre in which the blessed ones are placed. I will beseech them, and they will pray for me." And when he had been there three days without sight, in the middle of the night flashes of light appeared to him, until all the |121 house became light from it. And in that hour his eyes were lightened as formerly, and he went to the brethren. And when they saw him, they marvelled at him.
Now there was near the convent a certain cave which was dark and terrible, so that even if in the daytime one saw it he was terrified and trembled, from the sound of roaring (p. 523) which was heard from its interior. And when the fast of the forty days came, this Blessed One went to that cave, and there had many a conflict with Satan. For there came against him serpents and vipers, puffing up and hissing. Moreover, he showed himself in the likeness of a leopard and of terrible beasts. Yet he did not feel afraid at the sight of them, and was not alarmed by their noise, but gave himself over to prayer, and was looking to heaven and making the sign of the cross upon his breast, when suddenly Satan disappeared, vanishing like smoke before the wind. Then a great light shone in that cave, and a voice was heard by the Saint which said, "Lo, the brethren are jealous of thee, and Satan harasses thee; but be strong and of good courage, because the Lord will not let go of thy hands. For lo, his grace keeps thee and his right hand upholds thee, and a head to thy brethren he will make thee, and Satan shall be trampled under thy feet." When the fast was ended, the brethren sought him in every place and did not find him. And when the abbot saw that he was not there, he said to them, "Take a lamp and go, enter and seek the Blessed One in that cave for our Lord's sake; perhaps he has entered there; let him not die there, lest we be punished for sinning against him." So brethren in whom was the love of our Lord, arose, and took lamps and candles, and entered and sought him diligently, and they found him standing in a certain corner of the cave. Then they led him away and brought him to the convent, and he received the eucharist with all the brethren, (p. 524) The brethren then assembled and said to the abbot, "Choose one of two things. Either keep this brother and we will depart, or send him away, and keep us." But the abbot, because he was not willing to drive away the brethren of his convent, who were a hundred and twenty, pacified them by saying, "If he is not persuaded to put himself on an equality with you, I will do your pleasure." And when for a whole year he besought him, and he did not relax from his |122 asceticism, and the brethren did not desist from their importunities, and the fast of the forty days drew near, the abbot summoned him kindly and said to him, "Thou knowest, my son, how much I love thee, and in nothing have I distressed thee, and I have not sought that from here thou shouldst go; but because of the brethren's importunity, and the laws enacted by former abbots, and since I am not able to deviate from their laws, arise, get thee to such a place as our Lord appoints for thee. And if the Lord knows that in heart and truth,, thou art seeking him, he, the Lord himself, will give thee thy petition and thou shalt be head to thy brethren. And this convent in which thou hast been a disciple shall be to thee sustaining and supporting; and I shall hear that the Lord magnifieth thee, and I shall rejoice over thee." Which also happened to him. In the lifetime of his master he became very famous, and his renown went out into the world and before kings, and he heard and rejoiced. And when the abbot finished his course, into the hands of the Blessed One he committed the monastery. He also was a perfect man, who from boyhood to old age had lived in the monastic rule. When he was five years old he entered the convent, and he departed (p. 525) from the world seventy-nine years old, having lived in amazing and wonderful practices. He then gave to the Blessed Mar Simeon four dinars as he arose and departed, and said to him, "These shall be for thy clothing and sustenance until mankind appreciates thee." And the Holy One on his part said to him, "Far be it from Simeon thy servant that he should hold a dinar in his hand. But instead of these which enrich me not, supply me with prayers which aid me." So he prayed for him and blessed him, saying to him, "Go in peace, and may the Lord be with thee forever."
With that separation, therefore, he went out from the convent. And when he had gone a short distance from the convent, he found a road which led to the north. As though it was from the Lord, he turned aside and went in it until he entered the borders of Telneshe. Then he turned aside from the way and stood in prayer under a tree until evening. And he asked in prayer and thus he said: "Oh Lord God, who createdst me in the womb of my mother as thou didst will, and broughtest me forth to this light in thy grace, and |123 implantedst in my mind thy fear as thou didst will, and didst separate me from the house of my fathers in thy mercy, and I have borne thy cross and followed thee according to thy word, and thou hast guarded me from evil and from all their powers in the day of my adversity,—be to me a good guide and protector, that to that place to which thy Glory is pleased, I may come." And when he finished his prayer, (p. 526) he arose and went down in the way until he came to a certain mountain which was in the town of Telneshe, before the beginning of the fast of the forty days, in the year four hundred and fifty-eight in the chronology of the city of Antioch. There he sat down in a certain valley, considering again in his mind that he would turn to the desert. Then he stood in prayer a long time, and thus he said in his prayer: "O Holy Lord God, if it is thy pleasure that in this town I keep the forty days' fast, at whatever convent I shall knock first let him who comes out answer, me and say to me, 'Enter thou, sir,' simply, without investigation." And when he had finished his prayer, our Lord directed him straight to the convent of Maris bar Barathon of Telneshe, who was the chief of the town. In that time there happened to be there in that convent an old man, a son of the world (i. e. a layman), and a small boy about seven years old. When the holy master knocked, that boy at once went out with great alacrity and opened the door; and when he saw the Blessed One, he greeted him and said to him, "Enter, my master." The Blessed One said to him, "Go in, my son, make known to the abbot." The boy said to him, "No, indeed, sir, but do thou enter; I will not let thee go." And he clung to him, and forced him to enter. When he went and told the old man, he also came out quickly and in gladness received him, with affection and love, as though he had known him a long time, since his way was directed from the Lord. And there were no brethren dwelling there, except the old man, and the boy, because it was from the Lord, and they happened to be there and (p. 527) receive him. So he lodged with them in honor. Then in the morning the Saint said to the old man, "I was seeking a place where I might hide myself in this fast." He said to him, "Lo, all the convent is before thee. Wherever thou wishest I will make for thee a place." And he sent and called his son, whose name was Maris, and he |124 fixed for him a certain small upper room, which was satisfactory to his mind.
There happened to come there Mar Bas the periodeutes of blessed memory. And he was a man set for a sign, a servant of the Messiah, rejoicing in virtue and far from envy. He was of the people of Edessa of Mesopotamia, a son of senators. And when he had come and talked with the Blessed Mar Simeon, in the love of our Lord, those things which are seemly and becoming to the fear of God, for he was a wise and holy man, then he blessed him and closed the door upon him, and locked it. And he constrained the holy master, and placed with him seven small loaves, and filled a cab 7 of water. And after forty days had passed, the Holy Mar Bas came with great eagerness, and opened the door, and found those seven loaves untouched, and the cab of water full, and the Blessed One kneeling and praying. And every one was astonished and marvelled who happened there, all the more so because at once when they gave him the holy eucharist 8 he was strengthened and arose and went out (p. 528) with him to the court. The next day, he sought that he might go to the desert, but they persuaded him, and built for him a cell on the mountain. And there was also in Telneshe a priest at that time, whose name was Daniel, a Christian man. This same one gave a place in his field, where the cell was built. And the next year, again at the beginning of the fast of the forty days this same master, the Blessed Bas, came and sealed up the door of the cell. And when the forty days were fulfilled, he brought with him the presbyters in whose district he was, and also, with design, some of the periodeutes his companions. And they came and opened the door, and when they gave him the eucharist, our Lord did there a great miracle. For a certain man from Telneshe who was one of the rulers of the city, whose name was Marenes, brought with him a hin filled with ointment. And as Mar Bas stood, and those who came with him, and all the populace, he brought it to the saint that he might bless it. And when he said, "May our Lord bless," at that moment it bubbled up and overflowed like a seething caldron, until all that place was |125 filled with the ointment, and it was poured forth so that all the people took from it. Also they brought many vessels and took from it, yet it was not brought to an end, but filled and overflowing it went down with that man and was in his house, (p. 529) filled, for many years. And healing and remedy in abundance came to everybody from that ointment. This was the first sign which was wrought through the hands of the Blessed Mar Simeon in public, after he had gone out from the convent.
For secretly, also, many battles he had with the Enemy of the good. For Satan brought against him, as he stood and prayed, a black serpent which was very fierce, and it puffed and hissed and threatened him and coiled itself up between his feet, and wound itself about the leg of the holy man many times, up to his knee, and tightened like a rope, as though it would terrify him and take him from prayer. But the Saint was not terrified, but persevered in prayer. And when he had finished his prayer, he raised himself erect, and went out that he might go away. And when he was a little way from it, the messenger of the Lord smote it, and rent it from end to end. Again, after ten days, as he was standing praying by night, he saw the appearance of a dragon. It was fierce, large and fearful, and changed its appearance. It hissed, and whistled violently, and lashed its tail upon the ground, and rattled and made a noise, so that the earth was moved at the sound it made, and there went out from it as it were flames of fire. Out of its nostrils went forth smoke, and its eyes flashed like lightning. Its length too was considerable. But he, the heroic one, was not daunted, but lifted up his eyes and his hands towards his Lord, and turning blew at it as he said (p. 530) "Our Lord Jesus Christ rebuke thee." And immediately it vanished, and was not.
The holy Mar Bas, the Periodeutes, after he went down from the presence of the blessed master, in the church before all the people, said as with prophetic inspiration, while he marvelled, that many signs our Lord would do by the hands of this Blessed One, so that neither by the hand of a prophet nor by the hand of an apostle had our Lord done more than these. For the kings of the earth and the great ones would come to greet him and prostrate themselves to him, and would seek from him that he should pray for them---which indeed did happen. |126
Now there was a certain man in the village Yathlaha, which was distant from Telneshe about three miles, who was a rich man and chief of the village. This same man had a daughter who had been a paralytic from the time she was a child, and she had not even been able to move for about eighteen years. They brought her and placed her on the north of the cell, and her father entered and told the Blessed One and besought him to pray for her. And he said to him, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, take some of this dust, and go out, and apply it to her." Now there was no ointment there that might be given, nor could they give any hnana 9, for he had been there only a year and two months. But as soon as that dust touched her in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, (p. 531) she sprang up, and stood up well; and they gave praise to God, all who saw her. Then on foot she ascended the entire length of the mountain. And her father built for her a convent, and she dwelt in it all the days of her life. This one, then, was the first paralytic who was healed there, and this sign was wrought there, and her father remained with the Blessed One all the days of his life.
After this there came to him two boys who were paralytics, sons of two sisters from the vale of Antioch. One was born paralytic, and the Evil One smote the other six months after he was born and paralyzed him. And a man from Telneshe happened to be passing and saw them, and he told their people about the Blessed One. For hitherto his fame had not gone out. And when they came with them, they brought them in and laid them down before him. As he looked at them he was much moved, because the boys were beautiful. Now they had been in that pitiable condition seven years. And when he finished his prayers, he called those who had brought them and said to them, "Anoint them with this dust in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ." And just as soon as they anointed them, they leaped up and stood and went back and forth before the Blessed One. So they both of them went away healed, rejoicing and praising our Lord.
Again, there came there a certain soldier, (p. 532) who had done a dreadful deed. For as he was going along the road he saw a certain virgin maiden whom he took by |127 force and outraged. And immediately an evil spirit smote him and threw him from his horse, and he withered up like dry wood. He could not talk, neither moved, nor knew any one. And they brought him and laid him before the saint a whole day. When he had ended his prayer, he commanded, and they smeared him with some dust which was before him and also threw water upon him. Then his reason returned, and he sat up, speaking. Then the saint said to him, "Dost thou promise that never again thou wilt do according to that wicked deed?" And he promised that never would he do anything wicked and impious. Thereupon he said to him, '■Rise, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ." And immediately he sprang up and stood and walked. And he went away whole, rejoicing and praising God.
After him there came there a certain man tortured by an evil spirit. For it would lie with him on the bed in the likeness of a woman, and he was greatly tortured and afflicted. "When the saint saw him, he said to him, "Anoint thee with that dust in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and make with it the sign of the cross three times in thy house, and thou shalt not see it again." And he did as he said to him, and never again an impious thing did he see, until the day of his death.
And in those same days, again, there came to him a certain man from Halab, who brought his son with him (p. 533) bound with chains, because an evil spirit had suddenly come upon him. He would stone his parents with stones, his reason was completely taken away, he wore no clothing at all, and was continually chewing his tongue and biting his arms. And when. his father came, he entered and threw himself down before the Blessed One (because up to this time he stood on the ground), and with tears and bitter groans he besought him. And the Blessed One answered and said to the father, "Weep not, but loose from him those bonds." And when his father loosed him, the saint called the boy, and immediately he answered him with joy. And he said to him, "In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, take some of this dust which is before thee, and anoint all thy body." And the boy himself took it in his hands and anointed all his body. Then he commanded, and they brought water, and he blessed it and took it and caused him to drink and threw some on his face. At |128 once his reason returned, and he knew his father, and ran and went and kissed the garments of the saint, and was blessed by him. He lodged there that day, and in the morning went away with his father, healed and praising and blessing God, because He had become his healer through the hands of the saint. After these things, there was a certain deacon about three miles from the cell, who went out to the harvest, having with him a small boy. As the deacon was reaping and the boy was playing, there went out a fierce black serpent, and coiled himself about the legs of the boy, and began squeezing, while the boy began, to howl, calling for help (p. 534). The deacon, then, when he saw it, said to it, "By the prayers of Mar Simeon who stands in Telneshe, hurt him not." At once it departed from him, and coiled itself up, and was like a string, and did him no hurt at all. Three days it was thus. And all the village went to see it, and they came and told the Blessed One. He said to that deacon, "Go and say to it, 'In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, go away and do not hurt any one'." After that the serpent was released and went away. Another time they brought to him a boy from the vale, who had a stone in the bladder and was greatly tortured and afflicted. Much money, too, had been spent upon him for physicians, and no one had helped him at all. And when he came to the saint, and he saw him, he gave commandment, and they brought water, and he said to his father, "Put some of that dust in it in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and give to him to drink." And immediately when he drank of that water, our Lord gave him deliverance. For there went out from his bladder a round stone, and immediately his internal organs were completely relieved. So he went away well, rejoicing and praising God.
Now an elder of Telneshe loved Mar Simeon greatly, and was with him. constantly. The saint's cell stood in his field, and whatever he wore as clothing (p. 535) this elder bought for him at his own expense. And one time the elder came up with all his deacons to the Blessed One, to pay him a visit. And one of those deacons who was steward in the church, joking with him, said to the saint, "Untie that little purse of thine and make a distribution to my master's household". But he said to him, "Did some one tell thee that I have money, or didst thou perceive it?" And at once his reason turned |129 upside down, and he became as weak as water, and he tore his garments. They took him down, carrying him, and he remained two days in dreadful agonies, tortured, heating his head and gnashing his teeth; then he died.
After these things the saint formed the purpose of shutting himself up three years, so that he should not see any one and also no one should see him. And he made for himself a chain twenty cubits long, and put it on his leg and fastened it in a rock. It happened that there came along the holy man, the lover of God, Mar Bas, and the elder of the village, and they constrained him by entreaties until he divided those three years in half. Then this Mar Bas constrained him, and left with him a peck and a half of dry pulse, a peck for a year. For he had there a large urn of water, which contained three cabs. And when he had stopped up the door and was all alone, there suddenly appeared to him the Adversary, who made a great contest with the Blessed One and began to war with him openly. For he came upon him (p. 536) in the likeness of soldiers who were riding horses. And they drew their swords and filled their bows and left their horses for an onrush upon the Blessed One. But he, the holy saint, from the service of his Lord did not cease. Once again they ascended and stood on the wall of the cell and rolled stones down on him, in order that he might betake himself from that place in which he was standing. And one day Satan appeared to him in the likeness of a camel which was lustful and foaming and mischievous, coming and putting its head upon his back. When he reached the Blessed One, there was one in the likeness of an old man standing before the Saint, and he took dust and threw it in the mouth of the camel, when at once it vanished and was not, disappearing like smoke before the wind. Then the old man said to him, "Fear not, be of good courage and be strong."
Another time Satan came with his host, and they were bearing lighted torches. They appeared like Hashes of lire ascending even to heaven. Again, they came and stood by him, and were crying and clamoring a long time that they might hinder the Blessed One in his religious exercise. But he was not afraid of them, neither was he terrified by their shriekings, but kept occupied in the service of his Lord. Sometimes they appeared as though destroying rocks and |130 stones, and like the noise of thunder and like the sound of weeping, and as though men, again, were quarrelling with their fellows (p. 537) with spears and swords, and there were some who cried with doleful shrieks, "Thou hast killed me!"
Again Satan appeared to him in the likeness of a lion, which came from the door and opened its mouth, and there went forth from its mouth as it were flames of fire, and it threatened and roared and lifted up its voice, and pawed with its feet and sent the gravel flying clear to the heavens. Then it rushed upon him violently. While its insane fury continued, after its manner, the Saint did not neglect his religious exercises. Then, again, it vanished like its fellows, and was not.
That abominable one, the doer of evil deeds and lover of wickedness, appeared to the holy one at midday as he stood praying, in the likeness of a beautiful woman who was clothed with garments of gold and adorned with beautiful things, and she merrily laughed and came towards him. When the Saint saw her, he crossed himself, and turning breathed on her in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and immediately she became like a beast whose hands and feet were cut off, and wallowing in howling retreat as though many were pursuing her, until she reached a corner of the cell, she vanished like smoke.
After the saint had been imprisoned five months, and the enemy had warred with him in all forms and appeared to him in all varieties of shape, yet the Blessed One indeed from the service of his Lord had not ceased and from his heavenly labor had not turned, Satan went and collected snakes (p. 538) and scorpions and mice and field-mice and all abominable reptiles, and brought them and filled with them that tank of water which he had there, until it was putrid and the odor went outside of the cell. When the Blessed One saw that the place stank, and he was annoyed by the odor of the stench, he brought earth and stones and filled it. Many days passed, and when the heat was strong in the month of Tammuz, there was not a drop of water for his drink, and the day on which the door should be opened was still distant thirteen months. Being exceedingly thirsty, he digged in the ground where he was standing, and kneeled and put his mouth in it, breathing the coolness of the day. Then he stretched-his hands towards heaven and prayed, and thus he said in his prayer, "O Mighty |131 Lord, possessor of heaven and earth, according as thy Divinity knoweth deal with thy servant." And he continued in prayer to God a long time. When he arose from his prayer and crossed himself, he turned to his right hand and saw a brook filled with water, clear and cool and sweet. And when he saw it, he thought it was an illusion. And he came and prayed by it no little time. But the waters did not remove from their place, so he knew that this thing was from God to him; and it remained for his use until the day the cell was opened.
His clothing was patched with straw from the wild grain of the second year, which grew before him in the enclosure, and upon it he coiled a hard rope (p. 539). With this clothing he was clothed seven years; then he made him a cloak of goat leather.
Thus evil was put to confusion with all its retinue, and the Messiah was glorified by his faithful servant.
May our Lord be adored for his lovingkindness! He did not leave his Athlete in this contest, but speedily sent him consolation and comfort. For there appeared to him, after that commotion and clamor and strife, a beautiful man who was covered with a white stole, who came and stood in front of the window of the sacred treasury and folded his hands behind him. And he bowed and raised himself up many times. And when he had finished his prayer, he went to the eastern wall, and spreading out his hands to heaven, prayed a considerable time, then disappeared. From him, therefore, the Blessed One learned this custom, by which he bowed and stood up. For he knew and understood that that was the care of our Lord.
Now again after this there appeared to him beautiful boys who were clothed in white and bearing wax-candles lighted and golden crosses. They stood by the wall and just before the window of the sacred treasury, and sang praises, saying, "Blessed is the Lord who chose the elect in a strong city." And many times was heard there the voice of worship and of praise and of adoration, so that many of the people of the village, they who were passing the night in the threshing-floors and were rising early to go to work, heard the sound, and also saw the vision. For no one began to lodge in the mandra (p. 540), until Satan incited the robbers and brought against him three of them. They came and descended from the wall |132 at midnight, and one of them drew his sword and rushed violently against him. The other two raised their spears against him, which were hound with iron. But as that first one ran violently on and came, suddenly our Lord smote him upon his face and dimmed his eyes, and he swayed like a reed. And he was paralyzed and dropped down, his sword falling from his hands. Then, his mouth closed, he stood up there in that place, unable to move to either side. His companions, too, likewise continued, speechless, upon their spears, with their mouths closed. And at dawn they were standing, and so stood all day in extreme misery, bowed before him. When it was evening the Blessed One spoke with them and said to them, "'Whence come ye? And what seek ye?" Thereupon two of them in great agony said to him, "We came as robbers, and descended that we might kill thee." One, indeed, could not open his mouth, but with closed mouth thus he remained. Thereupon the Holy One cried out (for them) three times, and at once they could uproot their legs from the ground. Then he said to them, "Go away, and do not again harm any one, lest ye suffer worse than this."
Now after those days of his imprisonment, when the year and a half was fulfilled, the Holy Mar Bas came, and a considerable crowd collected. And they opened the door and gave him the eucharist. (p. 541) That very day our Lord exhibited lovingkindness and shewed a marvellous sign. They opened the mortar into which had been put the lentils which the Holy Mar Bas left for him, and they found it full, just as they had left it, and they wondered and were astonished. Then the elders and deacons arose, and gave a present from it to all the people, from three o'clock even until nine, and it was not exhausted. Then there went up also widows of the city, and received their skirts full and went down, and still it remained just as it was. And also at this Mar Bas greatly wondered. Every one else wondered at it, too, for this was a marvellous thing.
After these things he set up a stone, that he might stand upon it, that had four bases 10 and was two cubits high.
Mar Bas, however, excused himself from further visiting and entered and dwelt in his convent, and our Lord gave prosperity |133 in his hands, and he built an excellent monastery in which our Lord took pleasure.
Alter these things the Saint's fame began to be talked about in the world, and men began to flock to him from everywhere. For he stood upon that stone five years. And his fame began to spread abroad to all quarters, and men resorted to him from every place. And after the five years which he stood upon the stone, his brother Mar Shemshi fell asleep in good renown and works of righteousness. This thing also our Lord revealed to him, and did not hide from him concerning his departure. For, three days (p. 542) before, he called three elders, chiefs of the city, Marenes and Demetrianus and Maris, and said to them, "Before the door of this cell is opened, Mar Shemshi my brother will depart this life. But make a shrine and put him in it, and take heed that no one take him from you." For he saw thus: a certain tree which was loaded with much fruit and beautiful in its appearance, with its top-branches adorned and leafy and full of fruit, and its leaves pleasant to see, and to behold they were very delightful. And there was a certain branch in it which was shooting out from it. And there came a certain man of good appearance, whose aspect was very wonderful, and led with him four men who carried axes in their hands, and he said to them, "Cut down this branch from this tree, for it greatly hinders it, and keeps it from bearing much fruit." And lo, still another man appeared, who stood by it, who also on his part was adorned in his apparel and comely in his visage, and this man said, "Let us make another companion for it." But he answered and said to him, "A companion is not needed for it, for it is sufficient by itself both for those outside and for those inside." And when the branch was taken from the tree, the man commanded those four men and said to them, "Dig now, and go deep, and let the root of this tree be placed upon the rock, and fill up, going up even to its topmost branches, and let it be made very firm that it may not be shaken. For much is the fruit it will bear, (p. 543) and strong winds and billows and violent tempests will strike it." And as they digged deep and placed it, firmly setting its root, it put forth new shoots, and branching threw out limbs to all quarters, and bore much fruit, a hundredfold over that it had formerly borne. And beneath the root of that tree there sprang up suddenly a |134 fountain of mighty waters, and covered the mountains and hills, and it shot up and sprang up to the four quarters. And lo, again, suddenly there appeared much animal life, and birds innumerable, of every species and every form, great and small, from all quarters resorting and coming, eating of the fruit of that tree and drinking from the fountain. And in proportion as they ate find drank from it, the fruit of the tree increased and abounded, and the fountain also was mighty and strong-gushing. The tree was Mar Simeon, and the branch which was cut from it Mar Shemshi his brother. When the days of his brother were finished, he departed from the world, just as he had said in those days of the retirement in the cell.
When the day came and the door of the mandra of the saint was opened, God stirred up all mankind, as though a heavenly command from on high were upon all the world, and creation was moved that it should come; for there was no limit or reckoning to it, and the mountains were covered and the highways were filled. And no one could see any other thing except that human throng; it was not possible to know who were halting, nor who were setting out. His fame spread to the four quarters of creation, and it increased and became known unto the King of the West. (p. 544) And again, his fame was heard also even by the King of the East. Our Lord began to do and show by his hand wonderful miracles and marvellous wonders. And the gift of healing was given him from God, the story of which is too great for the mouth of mortal man. And was fulfilled the word of the apostle who said, "The gift of God is greater than we can tell." For what mouth of mortal man can venture to tell it; or what witness be found to record it, or what intelligence so sound as to be able to count or compute it; what benefits were from God by the hand of the Blessed Mar Simeon to all mankind? For how many afar off were brought near! And how many were wandering astray and by his word were turned from error to a knowledge of truth! How many thousands and tens of thousands who heard his commands were brought home and submitted themselves to the yoke of Christ! For who is he will count or reckon the thousands and the tens of thousands innumerable, who while savage came to the sight of him, and to his word and to his teaching divine, and joyfully surrendered themselves to the fear of Christ, and became workers and |135 servants of the Truth! For the fame of his benefactions spread, which our Lord did by his hand, from end to end of creation. And that was fulfilled which the Prophet said,11 "Their glad message is gone out in all the earth and their words to the ends of the world."
For letters of kings poured in, and by the hand of messengers in writings, petition and request with captains of their hosts they were sending to his righteousness, (p. 545) And they besought from his holiness that he would bless them and pray for their kingdom, and the rulers who were under their power, and that he would command them all whatever he pleased. For joyfully without refusal they received his word, and in the beginning of their letters, "father and teacher who from God is given to us," they addressed him. And they implored him that freely he would command concerning everything. But whatever praised and glorified God and was for their soul's welfare and of help to the poor and establishing their kingdom, he counselled and advised them.
But those kings, with the princes who were under the authority of their kingdom, joyfully received the answer of the letters of the Blessed One, and quickly did all that he commanded as his pleasure. And they praised God concerning the reports, news, and good things which they heard. And was fulfilled concerning him, the holy saint, that which our Lord said in his Gospel, "Blessed is the servant on account of whom the name of his Lord is praised." For by his diligence and his toil he was the cause of advantage to himself and to many, and the name of God was praised on his account and for his sake, from the rising of the sun unto its going down.
How many thousands and myriads who were oven unconscious that there is a God, through the saint came to know God their Creator and became his worshippers and adorers! Again, how many unclean were sanctified, and how many (p. 546) licentious became chaste at sight of him! How many, also, who were not persuaded in the fear of our Lord, who came to hear him from distant places, when they saw his beautiful person and his discipline and never-ending toil, despised and left the transitory world with all that is in it, and became disciples of the word of truth, and many of the in |136 were vessels of honor! Again, how many harlots came there and from afar saw him, the Holy One, and renounced and left their places and the cities in which they had lived, and surrendered themselves to the Christ, and entering dwelt in convents and became vessels of honor, and with their tears they served their Lord and blotted out the list of their debts! How many distant Arabs who did not even know what bread is, but whose subsistance was the flesh of animals, when they came and saw the Blessed One, became disciples and were Christians and renounced the images of their fathers and served God! How many barbarians and Armenians and Aurtians and pagans of every tongue came continually, and every single day crowd upon crowd received baptism and confessed the living God! And there was no end to the Arabs and their kings and chiefs who there received baptism and believed on God and confessed the Messiah, and at the word of the Blessed One also built churches among their tents! How many oppressed were released by his word from their oppressors! How many (p. 547) bills of debt were torn up by his effort! How many maltreated were relieved from those who led them in bonds! How many slaves, too, were manumitted, and their documents torn up before the Holy One! How many orphans and widows were sustained and supported (after our Lord) by the standing of the Blessed One! His Lord did these things by his hands. He also magnified the priests of God sedulously, and the regulations and laws of the church were established by his care. He also gave command regarding usury, that one half of the usury on everything should be taken; and every person in joy received his command, so that there were many who remitted the whole of it and did not exact usury after he had commanded.
Now concerning the healing which our Lord gave through his hands, and how much deliverance and benefit came to men through his prayer, and to how many afflicted lives which had been crushed and tortured by smitings of various sorts from the workings of the Devil, by the hands of the Blessed Mar Simeon God was pleased to give alleviation and free them from the servitude of the Fiend, this for the mouth of mortals is too great to speak about. How many thousands and tens of thousands of afflicted, to whom our Lord gave help and deliverance, went away rejoicing from the presence of the |137 Blessed One, praising God. And that was fulfilled concerning the Blessed One, (p. 548) which our Lord said, "Those who believe in me, the works which I do shall they do, and greater than those." For what mouth would dare to tell or count or reckon the benefits even of one year which were conferred in the mandra of the Blessed One, to say nothing of fifty years! How many lepers were purified there! How many blind were led when they came, but, after our Lord had permitted them to see the light, went away praising God! How many hunchbacked, too, were straightened out by his prayers! Again, how many paralytics were conveyed there like luggage, and some of them, also, on litters, who were even unable to move, and our Lord by his prayer gave them help and deliverance, and they went out from his presence healed, running and re-joicing and carrying their couches and praising God who had magnified his lovingkindness to them! But because your mind is very eager to hear the exploits of holy men, and your attention desirous to learn what was done from God through his servants, and how much, too, he exalted and honored those who loved him, as much as our mind can, we will narrate a few things out of the many. For who is it measures the great abyss or counts the sand which is on the sea-shore, but God who made them? Thus, also, the treasures of the faithful and the exploits of the blessed ones there is no one who knows, except God their Creator.
The beginning, then, of the monastic life of the saint (p. 549) in the mandra was thus. He stood on a stone in the northwest corner of the mandra. Every year, during the holy days of the Lenten fast, he remained shut up in the mandra without food and drink until the day of the passover, being tempted by the evil Enemy of mankind, who envies the grace of the good and is the enemy of righteousness. He appeared to him in various forms, in a variety of moulds, like vipers and other serpents, just as he had appeared to him in the cave when he went out from the monastery; and they coiled themselves on his body with many threatenings, breathing fire, in order to turn him away from confidence in his Creator. But he stood in his integrity, and did not remove his eyes from heaven. And in the fast of the forty days Satan appeared to him in the form of a lion, and of a dragon which coiled itself all about his body and stung him on his foot. He had no power |138 over him, it was only that his Creator would show him that he had a human body. And in all this contest and war he was not brought down from his integrity, but Satan continued in his discomfiture and cried out, and howled with the rest of his hosts, and said, "Woe to us! Because the shame which we received from Job is renewed to us in Simeon who is from Sis!" Many times this happened, yet he did not turn around, but stood in prayer uninterruptedly. And every year, every fast of the forty days, food such as is suitable for men did not (p. 550) come to his mouth. And many whom they brought with severe afflictions were healed by his prayers.
A certain monk, a paralytic, whose shanks were cleaving to his thighs, came to him, as they carried him, and they laid him down before the Saint. And with eyes lifted toward heaven, and standing in prayer, he besought the Lord in his behalf. Thereupon his legs wore suddenly straightened, and he stood up and leaped before him like a hart, shouting with a loud voice, with the rest of the many people who were there, praising and blessing God, who had strengthened his weak limbs.
And after a while many people in the village of Telneshe were struck with sicknesses of severe tumors, so that many of them passed away from earth with the tumor-disease. Then all of them assembled and went up to the Blessed One and entreated him to offer petition on their behalf to God, that they might be delivered from the severe sicknesses which were sent upon them. Now as he stood in prayer, a certain stone eucharistic chalice was placed in the window which was before him. And as all of the assembly of the people stood, and petitioned and prayed him in behalf of their sicknesses, he lifted his eyes to heaven and prayed. And as he offered his prayer, suddenly that cup was filled with water, and overflowed on all sides upon the ground. And all the people ran, and rubbed themselves with the water, and immediately they were cured of the sickness of their tumors.
(p. 551) Again, a certain great man from the order of the nobles, who was an inhabitant of the West, who had heard the fame of the Blessed One, was lying ill of severe sickness, of a flux of blood of years' duration, so that on account of it he also endured severe trials, such that he was unable to put clothes on his body, because of the flux of his blood. This |139 was a secret, however, not revealed to any one, on account of his noble extraction. But he came to the Blessed One and besought him that from the hard trial which was upon him he might be delivered by his prayers. So he prayed for him to God, and the afflicted was delivered from his sickness. And he went to his house, exulting and praising God on account of the healing which had been given him by the prayers of the man of God.
And a certain woman who was led by an evil spirit and was in grievous torment and had not one quiet hour from the plague, but was rent by the devil, so that blood flowed from her mouth, she too came to the mandra of the Holy One. And when the many people saw her, they made a request of the Holy One in her behalf that he should petition God for her that she might be cured of her severe affliction. And he prayed to God and besought in her behalf. Then he dispatched a certain man of those who stood before him and sent word to the devil who was speaking by the month of that woman, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ I command thee to be still and not talk." (p. 552) In that very hour the unclean spirit departed from her, and she was healed of her devil.
Again, a certain great man, governor of a certain city of the land of Palestine, who was a heathen, had his head bent and his neck placed on his breast so that he could not lift his head up. But he came to the man of God, borne by two on a litter. And they presented request that he would ask mercy from God upon him, while he informed him that many physicians had given him up, and he had spent much money on account of his sickness with sorcerers and magicians, yet was not one whit better of his disease. And he cried out and said before him, as he clasped his feet and supplicated him, "From thee I will not depart, and from the door of thy God I will not remove, and my hands from thy feet I will not lift, and the prayer thou dost offer to God I will not allow thee, until thou dost place thy hands upon my head." And while he was thus speaking, he did not allow the man of God to pray. But the blessed saint answered him, saying, "I am a sinful man and least of all men, and my hands are not like those of all the rest of the bishops and monks which they placed upon thee. (p. 553) And one thing I say |140 to thee, that for a man to heal a man without the will of God is impossible. But I will commit thee to the hands of the living God, he who made the world in his mercy and his grace, he who can heal thee from the terrible affliction which thou hast." Thereupon he left off, holding the feet of the Saint. Now it was his custom that at the time when he finished his prayer he knocked with his foot upon the little bench which was placed against the rock on which he was standing. So when he reached the time for the ending of prayer, immediately he struck with his foot, and all of those who had been kneeling before him during the prayer started and stood up. And at once the afflicted one stood up healed from his sickness, his head lifted up from his breast, and he praised God with all the rest of the people who were there, because of the benefit and the healing which he had received. Much gold for the sake of his healing he offered to the man of God. But the Blessed One replied to him, saying, "I have no need of gold or silver. But I ask for thee that the light of truth may lighten thee through holy baptism for the forsaking of thy sins, and that thou shouldst free thy slaves who carried thee, that by their freedom thou mayst free thyself from Satan." When he heard the words of the Blessed One, everything that he commanded him he did, then went home in peace and in health, as he praised God, because by the hand of his holy servant he was healed from his affliction.
(p. 554) And after a long time there was a lack of rain in the land of the east and in this land, such that the earth on account of the drought was near to fail to produce seed. And many people assembled from the east with the inhabitants of the mountain, and came with a request to the man of God, beseeching him and supplicating him that he would ask his God concerning this thing, that he should have compassion, and give hope to creation. He answered them, saying, "Turn to God and bring an offering to the Lord your God; turn away from civil and do good; then, turning., immediately he will have mercy upon you." So they did as he commanded them; whereupon the clouds poured forth rain and filled their cisterns as usual. And the reaper filled his hand, and the poor ate and were satisfied, and they praised and blessed God |141 their nourisher. Then the man of God made a vow between himself and his God, saying, "Because thou hast received my prayer, which in behalf of the poor and needy I brought to thee, I will appoint a memorial day and will present an offering to thee my Lord." Now it happened that on the first memorial day which he celebrated, people were gathered together without number, so that the mountains were covered with them. And there came seven tormented children who had been paralytics from their mothers' wombs, and they laid them down before him. He gazed on them, and lifting his eyes to heaven prayed, and committed them to the hands of God their Creator. And immediately their limbs became strong, and standing up they leaped for joy before him. (p. 555) Then all the people who were assembled together there offered praise to God, who had given power such as this to men.
Again, there came to him a certain rich man from Sheba, who had an illness severe and serious. For a grievous disease had besieged him in his brain for many years. He had incurred great expense for physicians; yet no one had helped him at all, but the affliction was all the more severe. Four spikes were fixed for him in the wall, and he sat between them and knocked and buffeted his head against this side and that. And when he learned about the saint from the merchants who went down to that place, he gave up and loft all that he possessed, that only he might get help for himself. And he took with him five of his servants and five steeds, and furnished himself with food, and set out to come to the Saint. But God, who saw his faith, wrought a great miracle in his case. For they were people who knew not the way, and the country was difficult desert; but thus they narrated, that, as though some one were leading their camels, so they came on without either losing the way or even becoming confused. And no man from the Arab marauding bands harmed them, neither did wild beasts injure them, although lions abounded in all that region. And the disease, after he set out to come, on each succeeding day grew better. And more than all of these things, so they told us, those provisions (p. 556) which they had laid in did not lack anything but thus remained as they were when they set out with them, although they were living upon them until they rested at the mandra of the saint, for a full year. And when he entered |142 he cast himself before the Holy One, and made known everything just as it was, and how many pains and afflictions he had borne, lo, these many years. He commanded, and they brought water, and when he had prayed and blessed it, he commanded him in the name of Christ, and he drank of it; then he threw some on his head, and as soon as this water touched him, his disease fled from him, and he never felt it again, and all his body was relieved and quieted. Then he praised and blessed God and, receiving baptism, became a Christian. And finally, also, he departed this world with a great testimony. Again, there came to him a chorepiscopus from the Persians, whom one of the Persian kings had sent. For he (the king) had an only son whom Satan had smitten so that he was paralyzed, and had been laid upon a bed fifteen years. Unless some one turned him over on his side, he did not move. He had given great wealth to the Magians and to the Sorcerers, but they did not help him at all. When he learned about the saint, he persuaded this same chorepiscopus and sent him, that he might beseech of the holy and pious one that he would pray for his son. He sent by him two silk hangings, very costly, ornamented with golden crosses all over them. And when he came and told the saint about the affliction of the boy, and then also (p. 557) showed those hangings, he said to him, "Take them with thee in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ as they are tied up, and go in peace. And when thou hast arrived at the boundary of the city, descend from thy ass, and take them in thy arms, and give no answer to any one. But enter carefully, and put them upon the breast of the boy and say to him, "The sinner Simeon saith in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, 'Stand up'." And he went and did just as he commanded him, and the moment he placed them upon his heart and said to him as it had been commanded him, his disease departed from him and he sprang to his feet cured. And he rejoiced, and praised and glorified God. And he became a Christian and received baptism, he and his mother and his sister. And after a little while he came and was blessed by Mar Simeon, confessing the goodness which our Lord had shown to him; then he went away to his laud in peace.
Another time there came to the Saint a certain governor from Armenia, son of the ruler of all that land, who was |143 highly esteemed by the king, to whom also the king had sometime given purple garments. He was suddenly attacked with partial paralysis, and his whole right side was withered, and his mouth was twisted, and his eye was fixed; and he had been bedridden for many years with many pains, without being able to turn from one side to the other. And besides, neither did he eat anything, except a spoonful of liquid with great distress. Then when the fame of the saint reached them, (p. 558) they put him in a litter, and took him up that they might bring him. Many people came with him, armed, horsemen, and servants with much baggage. Besides, there also came with him three elders and five deacons, with letters from the bishops of all that country, who had written to Mar Simeon a request that he would pray over him. For they loved him much, because he was a lovable youth, and his father was a believer and one who honored the Christians. When they had brought him in and placed him before the Reverend Sir, and the letters from the bishops had also been read, he sighed and raised his eyes towards heaven and pronounced a prayer over him with all the people. Having finished the prayer, he commanded and they brought water, which he blessed; then at his word they cast some of it upon him, and he cried and said to him, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, sit up." And at once he turned himself and sat up, and his reason returned, and he knew where he was. The saint said to him, "Take some of this water in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and do thou drink some of it with thy own hands, and put some on thy face and upon all thy body." And he took and drank and put some upon all his body. He said to him, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, stand up." And he sprang up cured. Then he ran back and forth in the mandra praising and blessing God, and he, too, a man who had been unable to turn over in his bed. He stayed there (p. 559) one week standing in prayer; and he manumitted three slaves. Then he entered Antioch, and came and prayed and received a blessing, and went away to his land in peace and in tranquillity, praising and blessing God and all his worshippers.
Again, there came some Easterners from a land so distant they were a year and a month in reaching the mandra, as they informed the saint, four men who were full of leprosy, |144 and three who were possessed of evil spirits. And when they entered, they cast themselves before him and told him of their affliction and the remoteness of their home. And they even opened their purses, and showed in the sight of the people,. and said, "These are the provisions with which we furnished ourselves at home and set out. Today, lo, it is thirteen months that we have journeyed, and neither have we lost the way nor been in trouble." And when the Saint heard their words, he said to them, "That Grod who guarded the way before you, He also will grant that thing for the sake of which you have suffered." Then at his command they brought water, and he blessed it and said to them, "Take this in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the hope of whom ye came, and drink some of it, all of you, and also cast some all over your body." They did as he commanded them; when immediately their diseases vanished, and they were cleansed and recovered of their illnesses. And they praised and blessed God, and renouncing their superstitions they received baptism and became Christians. Then they departed rejoicing and adoring our Lord.
(p. 560) Again, there came there from inner Anazit, which is on the border of Armenia and Persia, in the days of Dionysius the military officer, a youth who had a severe and obstinate affliction. For suddenly a pain seized him in his head, his face swelled, and his sight was taken away, while his whole body became limp and weak, and the mucus which came from his nose and eyes had an extremely offensive odor. When his father heard the report about the Blessed One, he sent his son to Dionysius the military commander, and wrote asking him to use his influence with the Reverend Sir for his sake; he also sent heavy gifts by his hand. And Dionysius himself sent with him Dalmatius his sister's son. When they arrived and entered, they cast him before the Blessed One and told him whence he was, and about his affliction, how severe it was. He commanded, and they loosened the bandages with, which his head and face were wrapped about. Then he cried out to him and said, "Stand up, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ." And immediately he sprang to his feet. Then he continuing said to him, "Go, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and take for thyself in thy hands some of this water, and cast it upon thy face and all over thy body." |145
And the very moment that the water touched him in the name of our Lord, his affliction vanished from him and he was recovered and competely restored. And he came in and went out, and was with the Saint three days; then he went home, well and praising God. And when Dionysius the commander heard of it, he was amazed and marvelled and was confirmed in the Faith.
(p. 561) Neither in the case of Dionysius himself was the kindness small which was performed in him by God, by the hand of the Saint. For when he came to Antioch, he received letters from the Emperor that he should go down with an embassy to the Persians. Then suddenly Satan smote him on his face, so that his mouth was distorted and his whole face drawn to one side. The physicians came and gave him roots and salves, but he was not benefited at all. Then he came to the Saint, in distress, and said to him, "I have received letters from the Emperor that I should go down to the Persians. And lo, suddenly, what has happened to me! But I beseech thee, pray for me." And he gave command, and they brought water, and he prayed and blessed it and said to him, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, take it in thy hand and throw some on thy face and on thy head." And when he threw it as he commanded him, his face was restored, and his mouth, as though it had never been injured. And he burst out into exultation and blessed and praised God. The Saint said to him, "Go, and may the Lord God prosper thee on this journey, and thou do all which thou seekest, and go down in peace and come again in safety." The Lord prospered his way, and he was received magnificently and accomplished what he sought, and when he went up with pomp and honor, he came and prostrated himself before the Saint and received a blessing from him. And all the days of his life, whatever the Saint commanded him in behalf of the poor or about any matter, he gladly accepted, did obeisance, and performed his command.
(p. 562) Another time there came to him a certain elder from the region of Samosata, about seven days' journey. He told him about the fountain of his town, which watered all. the fields of their town, and from which, after our Lord, was their supply for living. It suddenly failed and went dry, and they were troubled with thirst and for food. And they |146 had sought workmen, who had digged and delved, and expended much money upon it, but they could not find a drop of water in it. And when the elder came and told him this thing, the Saint said to him, "I have confidence in the Lord Jesus, that even while you are going out of this mandra our Lord will permit it to come to its normal condition. But go keep vigil and celebrate mass and make it known to our Lord." Then that presbyter noted down the time in which the Blessed One said it to him. And he went and found that the fountain had begun to flow and was gushing out and watering all those fields twofold more than it ever had. Then he took out the memorandum which he had made, and it was found that at the very time the saint was blessing the elder the fountain had burst forth in its usual condition. The elder then led out all his constituency, and they came and held divine service before the saint three days; then went back praising and blessing God.
Again, another elder from the region of Dalok: a certain mountain was near their village, about two miles off, and it kept creeping nearer little by little until it touched the border of the village. And from under it was heard the sound of waters, mighty as the abyss, (p. 563) and from their fear all the inhabitants of the village had forsaken it and fled. It was fearful, because they saw the mountain creeping and coining to bury them. And when they saw that calamity was fated for them, and there was no help anywhere, the presbyter arose and brought his whole village, from the greatest even to the smallest, and came to the blessed Mar Simeon. When they entered, they all cast themselves down before him and told him the whole matter. He said to them, "In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, take three stones, and make three crosses upon them, and go fix them before it, and there keep vigil three days and celebrate the mass. And I have confidence in the Lord that it. will not come any nearer." And our Lord did there a great sign. For they went and did as he had commanded them, and on the third day of a sudden was heard from beneath the mountain the sound of a mighty crash like thunder, and the mountain sank away. And there wont up from beneath it many waters and covered all that land. Then our Lord dried them up, and after three days the water was all swallowed up, and no damage was |147 done. The mountain had become level with the earth, and was like a plain. They sowed it that year with vetches, and got from it two hundred cors.12 They carried loads of them on camels and beasts of burden, and divided among the monks and poor, while they confessed before everyone the kindness which had been wrought for them.
(p. 564) Again: another elder from the region of Mar'ash, whom some business called to go to another village. As lie-went on the way in the mountam with two brothers of his, and rode on an ass, lo, eleven goats, such as are called mountain-goats, came to pass before him. And from a distance he cried out, to make a test, saying to them: "By the prayer of Mar Simeon, be ye bound, that ye may not pass until I come to you." And they all collected and stood quiet until he came to them. And he dismounted from the ass and caught two or three of them, and put his hand upon their backs and stroked them, and they stood still. And he was astonished and marvelled. Then after a little while he said to them: "By the prayer of the holy Mar Simeon, cross over and go your way;" and thereupon they left him. Then he from fear and distress on account of what he had done felt something seize his heart and choke him. And he did not even enter his village but went back to the Saint, with a color like death, and entering fell down before him, and told all these things publicly, how the thing happened, with tears. Then when the Saint heard it, he said, "Lo, the beasts obey the word of God, but men resist his will." To the elder he said, "Take some of this water and throw it upon thy face and upon thy breast, in the name of Christ, and go fast throe days and celebrate mass to God; and do not tempt the spirit of God, lest wrath come upon thee." Then he went away restored from his affliction.
(p. 565) Again, one time a fierce lion was seen on Alt Ukkama ("Black Mountain") where a lion had never been seen before, and it devoured many people and made bitter havoc among men. For it ate and wounded many people without number, and travel was hindered. For no one dared to go outside the door of his house, nor go out to work, nor go on a journey, from fear. For in one day it was seen in |148 many places. And the report of it spread into the cities, and the prefects also heard it. And they sent out many hunters, while the soldiers and Isaurians furnished spears and swords, but no one did him any harm. For he made light of many, and at his roaring a multitude of people trembled in fright. Now when a long time had elapsed, and he did not cease to slaughter many, numerous people assembled from the north, and came and told the Saint, saying to him, "He enters among [locks and herds, but leaves the cattle and eats men." And when the holy master learned about his depredations and how many people he had destroyed, he said, "I have confidence in the Lord Jesus Christ that he will never harm the shape of man again. But take in the name of Christ some of this hnana and of this ointment, and wherever you see him, whether crouching or standing, make the sign of the cross on all. sides of him. And lo, the Angel of the Lord will paralyze him." And our Lord showed his mercy manifestly. For while those men who had told him were going on their journey, he happened to be crouching (p. 566) before them. When he saw them, he sprang up as was his wont; and they on their part trembled as they saw him and were affrighted. But as he made ready to spring upon them, he swayed and tottered and sank down. Then again he arose, and again fell. Thereupon they perceived that he was smitten of the Lord, and one of them took a spear and approaching struck him in his heart and killed him. Then they skinned him, and came to the mandra of the blessed master, who for this thing also greatly praised and blessed our Lord. For the depredation had been severe and grievous.
Again after these things they brought to the Saint a certain elder from the north, who was prostrated with a severe and bitter affliction. For while he was sitting reading the scripture in the court of the church, on a sudden he saw that something was passing before him in the likeness of a mist; and the Evil One, the enemy of mankind, smote him upon his face, and threw him down upon the ground. And his sight left him, his reason fled, he became rigid like wood, all his limbs became impotent, and he could not speak. And they came in and found him stretched out like one dead. They picked him up and put him on a bed, and he was in that affliction nine years, while he uttered not a word, nor |149 knew any one. Neither could he turn over, unless some one turned him. When they heard about the Saint, they took him up to bring him on the couch to Mar Simeon. And when they arrived at Shih, a village which was distant from Telneshe three miles, they spent the night there, they who were carrying him, because of the great toil and from the weariness (p. 567) of the way, that they might rise early and go up to the Saint. But God who saw the faith and work of" those who brought him, and the affliction and trouble of the elder, which had lasted all this long time, did not withhold from him the gift of mercy but performed loving-kindness with him openly. For as the Saint was standing-praying, it was revealed to him by the spirit of God about the distress of the afflicted presbyter, and in what manner and by whose agency the disease had come upon him. So at midnight he summoned one of his attendants and said to him, "Take a little water in a vessel, and arise, go down to Shih. And in the court of the church thou wilt find a certain elder who is a paralytic, wasted, and bedridden. Throw some of this water on him and say to him: The sinner Simeon says, 'In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ leave thy couch in the church, and arise, walk, and come on thy feet. Long enough others have carried thee, henceforth the grace of thy Lord will strengthen thee.'" Then the attendant went down and found in the church, as he had said to him, that he was lying on his couch as though dead, in that great anguish. And as they saw the attendant, many people gathered about him, and in their presence he threw the water upon him, and as Mar Simeon had commanded him he said to him, "Mar Simeon the Blessed saith, 'Arise in the name of Christ, and walk thou on thy feet and come to me.'" And as soon as the water touched him, with the blessing by the mouth of the servant of God Mar Simeon, his diseases fled from him, he was recovered (p. 568) of his distress, and he came to his senses and saw the light, 13 and recovered his strength, and all his members grew strong and vigorous. He leapt to his feet from his couch, entirely well, and entering prayed in the church, praising and blessing God, who had shown such grace manifestly through the Saint. Then he went up afoot, |150 accompanied by many people who blessed and praised God for the manifest miracle which their eyes had seen. For they saw him who had been bedridden, like an empty vessel which is useless, that as soon as the water touched him with the blessing of the mouth of the Holy One, he sprang up from his couch as though no injury or disease had ever touched him in his life. And when he went up and entered the mandra and prostrated himself before the Blessed One, he said to him, "Arise and fear not. For even if Satan hath sought to distress thee through his agents and the servants of his will, yet the mercies of God have been manifested upon thee, and he hath shown thee lovingkindness. And as for those through whom came upon thee the trouble, lo, thou art about to find them in affliction and distress, and they will beseech of thee and implore thee to forgive them. As God hath had mercy upon thee, so also do thou forgive the folly of those who wronged thee. Take a little hnana and water, and anoint them, and God will have mercy upon them." Then the elder went, meanwhile rejoicing and praising and blessing our Lord, he and his companions, and found those his enemies in anguish and great trouble, as the Saint had said to him. But (p. 569) when he threw the water on them and anointed them with the hnana, our Lord willed it, and they recovered. Then they arose and came to the Saint's mandra, and before him in a public manner each one confessed his folly. He commanded and warned them, and they too went away recovered, rejoicing and praising God.
Again, there came to him a certain poor man from the region of Halab, weeping in distress and grief of heart. When he entered, he prostrated himself before the Saint and said to him, "Master, I seek thine aid. I hired a field and made a cucumber garden in it, that I might provide from it for myself and the orphans whom I have. But when it began to grow, some men came by night and rooted up the entire field, leaving nothing in it except ten beans." And he brought some of them and threw them down before him. Thereupon the Saint said to him, "Arise and do not be grieved; for the savor of death strikes me from this affair. But take some of this hnana and go make three signs of the cross in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in that field. And I have confidence in our Lord, that if there remains but three sprouts for thee |151 there, the Lord will bless them, and three times as much as you expected will be produced from them. As for those who did you this damage, quickly the judgment of God will overtake them. Because they dared to treat with contempt the longsuffering of God, therefore quickly his justice will lay them low. For there are three of them, and they have committed great injuries upon churches and monasteries, and caused grief to many. (p. 570) Now punishment is coming upon them which is incurable, and each punishment is distinctly separate from the others." And after three days a fearful judgment overtook them so that their agreement was shattered, they were humiliated, and their stiff necks broken. One of them was stricken with elephantiasis, until he was thoroughly diseased and putrid. Another, again, was swollen suddenly like a wine skin, and could not walk. They took him up to bring him to the Blessed One, and because he was unable to sit on an ass, as they were supporting him and he was creeping slowly along, he stumbled and fell, and his belly burst open, so that he died. And that other one, too, was smitten of an evil spirit, so that his mouth was contorted. He gnawed his tongue and arms and. tore his garments. And bound in chains they brought him to the Saint. And after he was a long time in that affliction, they with difficulty persuaded the Blessed One in his behalf. Then he prayed for him, and he was restored a little, and came to himself and recounted before every one his acts of wickedness. When the Saint heard it, he said to him, "According to your deeds has God requited you. Because of this your punishment was without mercy."
Concerning visions and revelations which appeared from God to the Blessed Mar Simeon, no one is capable of telling about them, or speaking of them. He, too, was very careful and fearful lest any one should think of him as though he told them in ostentation. But to those in whom he had confidence from time to time (p. 571) he spoke openly, making it known to them that it was not his wash that they should tell them to the public while he was living.
He saw one time a ladder placed on the earth, whose top reached the heavens. Three men stood upon it, one at its top, one midway of it, and one at its foot. A throne of majesty was set, and our Lord Jesus Christ himself sat there, while the hosts of heaven stood on his right and on his left. |152
And a voice was heard calling by name that one who stood midway and saying to him, "Come up to me, and I will show thee." He went up until he came to him. And again a voice was heard which said, "This is Moses the great prophet, who received the law from God on Mount Sinai, and by whose hands miracles and signs were done. He became great in the sight of God and honored of all men, and another prophet like him did not arise in Israel after him. Thus also thou, if thou doest well and right, shalt be greater than all thy contemporaries. And as I was with Moses, so also will I be with thee.". Then he gave him three keys. And the Blessed Mar Simeon turned around and saw that one who stood at the foot of the ladder, and said, "Lord, who is this?" And he heard a voice which said, "Call him and let him ascend and stand where thou art standing, for after thee he shall fill thy place." Then the saint called him three times, and he went up and stood where he was standing in the middle of the ladder. Again, after these things, as he stood in prayer at noon, (p. 572) a vision appeared to him, marvellous and fearful. When he saw it he was afraid and trembled, alarmed, and covered his face with his cloak from fear. For he saw a chariot of fire with horses of flame and wheels of flame and reins of flashing rays, and its rug of blazing fire.. A man sat upon it who came and stood before the saint as he was in the chariot, and said to him, "Be not afraid and be not affrighted, but be strong and valiant and brave, and of mortal man be not afraid. But rather above everything have care for the poor and the oppressed, and rebuke the oppressors and the rich. For lo, the Lord is thy helper, and there is no one who will harm or hurt thee. For thy name is written in the book of life, and a crown and honor are prepared for thee with all the Fathers, and with thy brethren the Apostles. For I am Elijah, he who in zeal shut up the heavens, and gave Ahab and Jezebel as food to the dogs, and slew the priests of Baal." "When he said these things, he departed, mounting to heaven on the chariot. But the Blessed One was greatly astounded at this vision, while he thought and pondered: "Who are those poor about whom command was given? The cripples who go about begging? The oppressed? Or those who live in monasteries, who for the sake of God left their people and their possessions and rest upon the hope of our Lord?" |153
And when he had been many days thinking and pondering about this vision, while he stood and prayed there appeared to him Mar Elijah (p. 573) a second time in the chariot of fire. And he drew near and stood before the saint and answered and said to him, "On what account is thy mind disquieted? Concerning that which I commanded about the poor? Thou shalt care equally therefore for all men, for the poor, and the injured and the monks who dwell upon the hope of our Lord. Have a care also for the priests, the churches, and the laws of God which are established, and see that no man treat with contempt or despise the commands of the priest. Deliver the oppressed from their oppressors, rescue the burdened from those who crush them, and uphold the rights of orphans and widows. Be not afraid and do not tremble and do not be terrified, neither before kings nor judges. Do not show favoritism to the rich. But openly rebuke them, and be not afraid of them, because they are not able to harm thee, just as were unable to harm me Ahab and Jezebel, when I decreed death upon them and gave their bodies as food to the fowls of the heaven. Let not thy mind therefore be disturbed, but possess thyself in patience and endurance, and do not let bodily afflictions seem irksome to thee." When Mar Elijah had commanded him again these things, he departed from him in his chariot.
Thereupon the holy Mar Simeon, after these visions and commands, was strengthened and encouraged and given resolution and animated; so he added to his former labor tenfold, and made himself a mandra, (p. 574) standing openly day and night while every one gazed at him. He deprived himself of food, so that not even that small amount he had taken would he have allowed himself to take after these visions, had they not persuaded him to take from time to time. For as he thought of those two men who were for a sign in his vision, Moses and Elijah, he said, "Oh that one would teach me and show me by what manner of conduct those two men attained all this greatness and this excellent glory! By faith? or charity? or humility? or chastity? or zeal?" for he was greatly perplexed by that vision and by that dignity. Also he continually questioned those who were versed in Scripture, that he might learn from them about their course of life. Some told him that it was in humility, and some told him, in charity, |154 and some told him, in zeal. And it was not wearisome to that spiritual wisdom that it should humble itself to inquire even of the least. And when he learned from many about their courses of life, he began to adopt them for himself, immoderate fasting, standing day and night, continual prayer, persistent supplication, godly zeal which burned like a fire in him, bodily chastity with purity of his members. For what tongue is there that dare attempt the narration concerning this man, who while he was in the flesh exhibited among men the deeds and acts of the spirit? (p. 575) For he stood like a strong man, and was valiant like an athlete, and endured with fortitude all sufferings, and held in contempt all diseases, and lightly esteemed the Evil One and defeated Satan and scattered his hosts and put to nought his army, and received the crown of victory. For he publicly fastened his feet upon a pillar, clothed mysteriously with heavenly power. The fleshly body of his feet burst open from standing, but his whole mind was kindled for his Lord. The joints of his vertebrae were dislocated by continued supplication, but he strengthened his mind with love of Christ his Helper.14
He did not mind severe diseases of his body, for his mind was kindled towards his Lord all the time. He did not grow weary in distresses, and the billows which rolled over him all the time did not harm him, because his trust was stayed on his God. He was not afraid of his physical afflictions, and gave no enjoyment to his body even for one hour. His eyes were weak from vigils, but his mind was clear in the vision of his Lord. For he chose affliction rather than repose, trouble rather than rest, hunger rather than satiety. For he ardently desired that he might be in affliction in this world, for Christ's sake, that with him he might possess full enjoyment in the Holy City. For he endured such suffering, that neither among the ancients nor the moderns could be found any who had suffered as he did. For what body is there, or what limbs, that could endure with fortitude in such a manner? (p. 576) For he stood forty years upon a pillar which was about a cubit in width. And his feet were bound and fettered as though in the stocks, so that neither to right nor left was he able to shift one of them, until even the bones and sinews of his |155 feet were visible, from suffering. Also, his belly burst open from standing. And so his disciples used to say that the suffering of his belly was more severe than of his feet. Three of the joints of his spine were dislocated from that constant supplication with which he was bowing and lifting himself up straight again before his Lord, until he had completed his discipline. Also he lost his eye-sight forty days together while he stood upon the pillar, from fasting and vigil beyond measure. But no one knew it except his disciples. For his eyes were open and he talked with everyone, but he could not see. And when our Lord willed, and he completed the forty days, suddenly his sight was restored. And no stranger knew either that it was lost or restored, because he commanded his disciples that they should not tell any one. These sufferings therefore he endured, the brave athlete. For he stood valiantly against the heat of the sun in summer, and against the severity of the cold in winter. Therefore the sun (p. 577) was like a crucible and that saint like gold. The fire therefore lowered its temperature, the furnace of testing grew cool, and the athlete of God came off victorious. For it says in Scripture, "Who can stand before his cold?"15 For the north wind came with its snow, and the west with its ice, and the east with its gale, and the south with its sultriness; all of them combined together, accompanied also by heavy rain, and joined war with the wise master-builder who had built his house upon the rock. But the wind grew calm, the ice melted, and the rain was absorbed, and the Blessed One came off victor. Who then is not astonished that he with his feet burst open, and his belly too, stood day and night! "Wounded in body like Job, he was revived spiritually like him. For Job lay upon the dung heap, yet his prayer went up on high. Thus also the Blessed Mar Simeon, his feet fastened upon the pillar, but his prayer free and well-pleasing to his God. Then the illustrious Mar Simeon was slandered by Satan, like Job, before God, when he said, "Give me power over him, that I may enter into contest with him as I please." And when he received power over him on one of those days as he stood praying, a severe disease smote him in his left foot. While he was wishing for the evening to come, it was filled with ulcers; and |156 when the next, day dawned, it burst and emitted foul odor and was alive with maggots. Matter and a disgusting smell came from the loot, and maggots (p. 578) fell out of it upon the ground. So powerful and bad was the stench that not even half way up the ladder could one ascend except with distress. Some of his disciples who forced themselves to go up to him could not ascend until after they had put on their noses incense and fragrant ointment. He suffered this way nine months until nothing was left of him except the breath only. And the report of his affliction was heard everywhere, even reaching kings. Bishops and periodeutes and many people came and tried to persuade him either to come down from the pillar until his disease was cured, or to take off one section from it, that it might be easier for a physician to go up to him and apply remedies to him; but he did not yield to persuasion. Even the victorious king Theodosius with his sisters sent bishops to him for the sake of this, that they might persuade him to come down a little while. But the Blessed One, as became him., dismissed the bishops skilfully by saying, "You, indeed, pray for me. And I have confidence in my Lord Jesus Christ whom I serve, that he will not allow his servant to be humiliated to such a degree that he should come down from his position. For he knoweth how his worshipper hath entrusted himself to him, and he will not let me need physicians and herbs and medicines."
(p. 579) When eight months were completed lacking twenty days, and the disease was gaining so much the more strength, and the trouble growing worse, and it was now the beginning of Lent, when he was accustomed to shut the door, the priests of the villages and many people gathered in order to persuade him that he should not close the door of the enclosure, lest he should happen to depart from the world in this trouble and they be deprived of his blessing. But the Saint said to them, "Far be it from me, all the days of my life, that I should break the vow I have made to my God. But what is mine to do I will do, and what rests with him his will shall accomplish. For whether I die or live, I am his."
When the door of the enclosure was shut and he had been in that affliction three days, his disciples thought the time of his departure was at hand, because he had entirely wasted away and nothing remained of him but his skeleton, and he |157 was not able to speak. Being greatly grieved, they began to beseech and implore of him that he would bless them and commend them to our Lord. Thereupon the Saint, seeing them grieved and weeping, exerted himself and talked with them with much suffering, and comforted and consoled them and said to them, "Be not troubled. For I trust our Lord, whom I serve, that he will shortly give me deliverance."
And when he had been in seclusion thirty eight days, in the night between the third day of the week and the fourth, (p. 580) in that week in which the door of the mandra was opened, at midnight suddenly there was something like lightning, and the whole cell was lighted up by it. And there appeared to him in the likeness of a youth a beautiful one clothed in white, who stood before the Blessed One between earth and heaven. And he answered and said to him, "Fear not, but be strong and of good courage. For, lo, thy discipline is ended, thy slanderer put to shame, and thy crown prepared in heaven." And as he talked with him, he stretched out his hand and touched him on that foot of his from which he was suffering. At once the disease fled from it, his pain ceased, his body was invigorated, his countenance grew radiant, his face shone, he recovered his speech, and that foul disagreeable odor passed away. And when his disciples arose early to go up to him, they found him rejoicing and serene and praising our Lord. As though our Lord had made known to him what was about to happen, he had sent away the two of them when it was evening and had not permitted them Lo remain with him as usual. When therefore they arose early and saw him in such a radiant condition, and saw that his mind was calm and that the foul odor was turned to sweet fragrance, they begged and implored him to toll them how that disease was cured. And especially John his disciple urged him, because he loved him greatly and was constantly with him. And when he had urged him much, he pledged them not to tell anyone during his life-time. Thereupon he told them how he was healed and what was said to him (p. 581) in that vision. For it was made known to him what was about to happen, and this he revealed to no one. But he was praying and groaning that he might depart from the world before that sign which was manifested to him should be fulfilled. After the door of the mandra was opened, there assembled |158 and came to him the bishops and elders and many people, and they saw him well and cheerful and seeking mercies from God. Then the good Mar Domnus,16 the Bishop of Antioch, went up with the disciple of the Saint and gave him the eucha-rist. Then every one went away to his own place in peace, and the athlete continued in his ascetic practice, rejoicing and praising God.
But in one of those times a certain man who was a counsellor seized the power that he might govern the city of Antioch. And he was a man evil and wicked, who oppressed and plundered many, but especially those who dyed skins red. He imposed upon them three times as much taxes as they had given in any year. So they came and informed the Saint; now they were about three hundred men; and they fell down before him. And when the Saint knew, he sent word to him, "This evil should not come through thee, that thou shouldst impose this burden upon these poor people and they should be required to bear it for ever. But be merciful to them and tax them as they were formerly accustomed to be taxed." But he in his pride and stubbornness made answer to the one who was sent to him, "Go say to Simeon who sent thee, Give them thyself some of the gold (p. 582) which thou hast collected. For I, if I, seize them, will imprison them, and not a thing will be left to them.'' And when the saint learned these things, he lifted his eyes to heaven and said, "Lord, thou knowest that from the day I became a monk I have not taken for myself a coin,17 and do not possess a thing except these skins with which I am clad; and lo, before God I am giving an account. But as for those who are thinking these things about me, Lord, forgive them." After three days the appointed judgment overtook the wicked one, and an incurable disease devoured him. His belly swelled up like a wineskin, even while those poor people were in the mandra.
Being in anguish, he wrote letters to the priests of some villages of his, that they should go up to beseech the Blessed One on his behalf. He also spent much money upon drugs and physicians, but no one could give him any help. And when those priests went up, and besought him much in his |159 behalf, the Saint said to them, "Take some of this water and go. If God knows that when he is healed he will turn away from his evil deeds, mercy will be shown him and he will recover. But if he would continue in his wickedness, he will never see this water at all."'
Taking the water they went, and as they arrived at the door of his dwelling, he asked that he might be turned over in his bed, whereupon on a sudden his belly burst open, and his bowels gushed out so that he died. So he did not see that water at all, according to the word of the Saint. And there was fear (p. 583) upon many, and the oppressed were delivered, and our Lord was glorified through his worshipper.
Again, there was a tribune of the empress in the north in the land of Nicopolis, who lived wickedly. He plundered and oppressed many and robbed orphans and widows of their substance, and the judgment of God was not before his eyes. They came and made it known to the Saint about his evil deeds. He sent a message to him: "Turn away from these deeds of which I hear concerning thee, and do not take by robbery that which is not thine, lest thou lose even that which is thine." But he, impious, in his pride and arrogance was not satisfied to reject the word of the Saint, but seized him who was sent to him and heaped many insults upon him, saying to him, "Go show him who sent thee." That very day he was smitten with disease for which there was no cure, and withered up like wood, and a word never again went out of his mouth, except this which he said, "Mar Simeon, have pity upon me," and immediately he expired. And they brought him and buried him, even while he who had been sent to him from the Saint was there.
One time it was rumored that men were murmuring because he wrote letters of persuasion to them in behalf of the poor and oppressed and orphans and widows who were treated with violence. (p. 584) And the Saint was troubled in his mind and said, "Sufficient for me is God, who knows that for the sake of helping their souls I persuade them to do good works. But henceforth, since this annoys them, I give the affair into the hands of God." So he commanded his disciples, and said to them, "Do not send anything to anyone, nor receive a thing from those who bring gifts, until I see what the will of God is." And after three months, in which the oppressed came |160 there and no one listened to them, and others brought alms which no one received from them, so that both parties went away grieved, there appeared to the Saint a wonderful and fearful vision. As he prayed at midnight he saw two men whose aspect was very pleasant, and many people were with them. One of them accused the Saint and said to him, "These are the commands which were enjoined upon thee: that thou shouldst be patient and longsuffering 18 towards everyone, and so shouldst prosper and succeed. But thou—instead of this thou hast been impatient, and in the little while that humanity has pressed upon thee, whom I sent to thee, thou hast grown tired of them and hast restrained thyself from sending out a word in behalf of the oppressed and sorrowful and persecuted. Besides thou hast not received thankofferings from those who brought them in recognition of the saving of their lives. But since this is thy choice, I will take away from thee those keys which I gave thee, and another will receive them; and do thou continue as thou art."
(p. 585) But the other one, when he saw how greatly chagrined the Saint was, made entreaty for him and said, "I will pledge for him that he will do everything thou commandest him." And he approached and said to the Blessed One, "It is thine to say, and thy Lord knows what he will do."
Just after this vision there came to the Blessed One two youths, sons of a certain man who was a friend of the Saint, and made known to him that a certain Comes in Antioch, a wicked man, who held the government of the East, was making great misery for them in that he was seeking to bring them into the council, because of the enmity he had against their father, and so was trying to take revenge.19 When the Saint learned it, he sent word to that wicked one, "Do not harass and vex those boys, because they are mine." But he, vile one, in mockery sent back word to the Blessed One: "If thou dost command me, I will carry filth after them and like a slave will wait on them." When that wicked man heard that the |161 door of the mandra was closed for the fast of forty days, he saw the boys as they entered the city, and seized them, taking from them pledges that they would enter and attend upon the council. They then sent their guardians with a certain attendant who was attached to them, who went and told the Saint these things. He sent word to him a second time: "I have said, to thee, Keep thyself (p. 586) from those boys and do not harass them, lest harm befall thee, and no one will be able to give thee aid." But that wicked and evil Pharaoh the second, in his pride and arrogance, could not conceal the deceit that lurked in his mind but showed his wickedness openly, and in the presence of his retinue said to the one who was sent to him from the Saint: "Go say to Simeon who sent thee, 'I hear that thou art shutting thyself up for forty days, and no one will enter thy dwelling or bother thee in that time. But take the trouble to curse me roundly during those days, for I do not desire that any of thy prayer should be inflicted on me'." Which did indeed happen to him. The fool did not know that the justice of the Lord was already standing over him. When the Saint heard this from the one who was sent, he shook his head and laughed softly to himself and said, "The simpleton! he hath sent word that all the forty days we should concern ourselves with him, and desist from the prayer in which we entreat God for our sins and for every creature; before one breath of the justice of the Lord can he stand? As for us, we counseled him that thing which we knew to be for his advantage. Since then he hath chosen for himself the curse rather than the blessing, the thing which he asketh from the Lord he will quickly grant him." The Saint closed the door of his cell on the first day of the week, and one day only remained that vile one at peace; then a destined fearful judgment such as befitted his deeds overtook him. For they accused him before the king and the governor, when he was not aware, because of the wickedness which he did and because he (p. 587) harassed many. So five officers were sent after him, whose minds were more malignantly cruel than his. And on the third day of the week, in that first week of Lent, they seized him publicly in the forum as he was passing along in state. And they dragged him down from his chariot with great violence and unbelted him and, tearing off his toga from him, cast a rope about his feet and dragged him headlong, and so |162 drew him along in a most unmerciful manner, because his humiliation was from the Lord. Then they threw him into irons, as had been commanded them. Thereupon he sent and had those boys brought, against whom he had stood, and entreated them, saying, "Go beseech the Saint to write to the king in my behalf. For I know that all this has befallen me because I treated his command with contempt." But they replied, "The Blessed One has closed the door of his cell, and is talking with no one except his Lord in prayer. But if the floor of his cell were opened and he heard, then he would write to the king and the governor. For Mar Simeon is as compassionate as his Lord." Then they led him away and brought him up with insulting treatment into all the cities on the route, and when they entered the royal city, there also he experienced great insult, all his property was plundered, and he was sent into exile. And as he was going on the way, he died a grievous death. So that curse which he had asked for followed him even to the day of his death.
Again, after the door of the Saint's cell was opened, (p. 588) there came there many people from the region of Aphshon, who made known to him about those large fieldmice and arnogs 20 which were lacerating live sheep and eating their entrails so that they died. They even leaped upon the oxen and cattle, whereupon the animals would run until they were exhausted and fell: then they ate them. They had a way of grunting like swine, and would not flee from the presence of a man. Moreover they ventured up to small children and followed after them like dogs. And when the Saint heard, he was amazed and astounded, and marvelled and said, "No one can stand before the abominable vermin if it is given power; before the justice of the Lord who can stand?" But as they greatly besought him with tears and groans, he said to them, "Take some of this hnana in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and make in every house three crosses, and on the four sides of every village make the sign of the cross; then keep vigil there and observe the eucharist three days and entreat our Lord. I have confidence in God whom I worship, that on the third day not even one will be found there." So they went |163 and did as he said to them, and on the third day no one knew what had happened to them, but it was as though the earth had opened its mouth and swallowed them up. And they turned away and went to their homes, praising our Lord who had shown lovingkindness to them.
(p. 589) Again, there came to the holy Saint many people from Lebanon, who told him about some evil creatures which went out in all Mount Lebanon and were ravaging and attacking men and devouring them. And lamentations and mournings were resounding in all the mountain, for there was not a village there in which there had not been at least two or three people eaten every day. And sometimes, forsooth, they appeared as women whose hair was shaved, wandering about lamenting; and sometimes again as beasts. And they even entered into houses and seized people, and snatched infants from their mothers' breasts, and ate them before them, while they stood and looked on at their sucklings, unable to succour their own children, so that there was mourning and lamentation. Absolutely no one was able to go out to the held unless many went together armed with swords and staves. Not even under those circumstances would they get out of a man's way, except for a little way, and then again they would turn back into their tracks. And when the holy Saint heard these things, he said to them, "God has rewarded you according to your deeds. For ye have forsaken him who made you in his goodness and feeds and cares for you in his mercy, and ye have taken refuge in dumb idols which have no profit in them, which do neither good nor evil. On this account God has delivered you over to the evil animals, which have taken vengeance on you. Go call now on those idols which ye worship; let them be your protectors and drive away from you this wrath which is sent upon you (p. 590) from God." But they entered and prostrated themselves before his pillar with loud outcries; also many people who happened to be present implored him in their behalf. When the Saint saw how they were prostrated and supplicating, and that people besides were weeping and entreating, for their story was fit to bring tears, because their affliction was without mercy (for parents saw their children eaten up before them, and their limbs torn to pieces, and their corpses dragged away, and they could not help them), he said to them: "If indeed ye forsake that error which possesses you, |164 and turn to God your Creator and make a covenant that ye will be Christians and will receive baptism, then I will entreat the God whom I serve, that he may have mercy upon you and remove from you this rod of wrath which has come upon you." And they all out of the agony of their hearts cried out as though with one mouth and said, "If thou prayest for us and this rod of wrath passeth away from us, we will covenant ourselves and bind ourselves in writing before thy holiness, that we will be Christians and receive baptism, and renounce idols and break down their shrines and smash their images. Only let this scourge pass away from us." And when the holy master saw that they repented with all their heart, he said to them, "Take some of this hnana (p. 591) in the name of Christ, and go, and on the borders of each village set up four stones; and if there are elders there, call them, and upon each stone make three signs of the cross, and keep vigil there three days. Then ye shall see the sign which God will do, because never again will they destroy the likeness of man there." Which thing God did really do. For they went and found that from that very time when the Saint prayed, not one of them ever again entered a village, neither had power to hurt a man; but they went and came in the fields,"but did not enter the villages, and were not molesting any one. For as though the command of heaven was upon them, thus they seemed. And after they went and did as the holy master said to them, there was there a great sign and marvellous wonder. For there came from all that region men, women, and children without number, and receiving baptism they became Christians and turned to God from that vain superstition. And they told before him: "After we went and set up those stones and made the sign of the cross upon them, as thy holiness commanded, and those three days of vigil passed away, we saw, forsooth, those animals going and coming and walking around those stones and howling; and their howling was loud upon the mountain. Then some of them fell down and burst open as they stood beside those stones, and some of them, again, went away howling. And, forsooth, by night their howls (p. 592) were heard like the sound of women wailing and crying out and saying, 'Woe upon thee, Simeon, what hast thou done to us!'" And they brought |165 with them the pelts of three of them, and they hung on the door of the mandra a long time. And those skins were not like leopards', nor bears', but the colors were various. They continued about ten days in that howling and wailing, and some died, and of the rest not even one could be found by searching. And the people of that region, after they received baptism and became Christians, remained in the mandra of the Saint about one week; then they went away to their houses rejoicing and praising and blessing God, who had shown lovingkindness to them. And from that time they failed not to come and go to the Saint and receive baptism, they and their children. And this was for the advantage and wellbeing of their souls.21 Again, there was a large spring in the vicinity of Ganadris in a certain village, which watered many fields. And suddenly it failed and dried up and ceased its flow, so that the trees withered and whatever was sown by them among their watercourses completely failed. And they fetched workmen who digged and delved, but all to no purpose. Then at last they were compelled to come and tell him concerning what they had done. For the Saint had issued an order that on the first day of the week no workman should work until the evening. But one of them dared to go irrigate (p. 593) on the first day of the week, at dawn, and when they saw it, instead of stopping him or hindering him, as though the thing pleased them they all scattered, went out and left the church, and each one of them went to his own quarter to irrigate. And after evening came on they left the fountain fall and gushing. Then they arose early in the morning seeking in it at least one drop of water, but there was none. And this from which they had drunk on the first day of the week was hot and dry as though a fire smouldered in it. And when they saw, they smote their faces with their hands, because of what had happened to them in their presumption. So when they had toiled and employed every device, and no help came from any quarter, they were compelled to come and tell the Saint. As soon as he heard their confused stories, he knew and understood and said to them, "This appears to me to be a case of law-breaking." |166
Seeing that they were detected, they told him the affair just as it really was and as it happened. And when the Saint knew, he was exceedingly enraged at them and scolded them severely, and ordered that they drive them out of his presence with violence and blows. For he was blazing like fire with. zeal for his Lord. And when they went out from him, they cast themselves down and fell prostrate by the outer door of the mandra, and lay three days beseeching and imploring everyone who entered or went out that he would try to persuade the Saint for them. (p. 594) And their elder went and brought elders and other periodeutes and tried to persuade his Holiness. He learned that they had indeed been at the door three days, and his compassion was manifested upon them, and he gave commandment, and they entered his presence. Then he said to them, "I advise you for your own salvation. For neither gold nor silver am I seeking for you, but your souls, that I may establish them before God in confidence." And when they entered, they confessed their folly and made an agreement in writing that they would never do the like of this again. He said to them, "In the name, of our Lord Jesus Christ take three chips and make upon them crosses and throw them into the fountain where it springs out. And take hnana and make three signs of the cross on this side and on that; then go in, keep vigil in the church. At dawn, arise, see what our Lord has done." So they went and did as he said to them, and arose at dawn and found the fields all overflowed and the fountain full and spouting forth three times as much as formerly. Then they all came in a crowd; and, praising and blessing God who did this lovingkindness for them, they went away in peace rejoicing.
These things, then, and more than these our Lord performed through the saint Mar Simeon. For what mouth can speak or tell about the signs and heroic exploits which our Lord did through him, not only in the neighborhood but also at a distance, both on sea and (p. 595) among the heathen and among Magi who worship fire and water. And really, I think, in the case of the Saint was fulfilled that which our Lord spoke in his Gospel: "Those who believe in me, the works that I do shall they do." 22 For it is written concerning Simon Peter,23 |167 that his shadow as he passed by overshadowed the sick and they were healed, and it fell upon such as were very ill and they recovered. And again 24 concerning the apostle Paul, that his girdle or his handkerchief they took and, going, put upon such as were smitten by the Enemy, and they recovered; and upon the sick who were ill of obstinate diseases, and they were delivered from their afflictions. But Mar Simeon the Blessed, while he was indeed their spiritual brother and disciple, greatly admiring their labors and following in their footsteps, with his soul exulting every time he heard of their heroic deeds, yet was one whose measure extended very far above that of all other men. For he did not walk upon the earth that his shadow might fall upon any one, nor was aught of his clothing sent to the sick at any place; but only words of prayer proceeded out of his mouth and went to far-away places, and his Lord wrought healing and recovery.
About those things which I said that our Lord did through him and through his prayer in distant places and on the sea and among the heathen, a little from much we will narrate, For they are many; and who is able to speak or tell about them? The treasury of Christians is a great ocean (p. 596) whose breadth is immeasurable and its depth unfathomable. For as one who fills a bottle from the ocean or takes a spoonful out of the Euphrates or lifts up a grain from the sand, without diminishing their quantity or lessening their number; thus also whoever draws out and takes, is satisfied with the gift of the spirit which the servants of God receive from their Lord. For He is rich, and they suffer no poverty. For, few of the many heroic acts of the faithful are written, for the benefit of humanity, and as the ear can receive. For they resemble their Lord in their activities, who follow in the footsteps of their Lord, him of whom said the Evangelist in wonder and astonishment, as he saw the deeds and works of his unnumbered mercies, which can not be reckoned up: "If one by one were written those things which did our Lord Jesus Christ, the world would not contain the books which should be written." 25 As for the holy Mar Simeon, then, since your ear loves to hear of his illustrious deeds, and more sweet to you than honey to those who eat it is the story of the |168 beautiful deeds which our Lord did through his athlete; little from much, dear Sir, from the treasury of the splendid acts of the Blessed One we are telling before you---those things which we saw with our eyes and handled with our hands; and these also which happened at a distance, and were written by faithful men to the saint.
For there came to him Antiochus bar Sabinus, made prefect of Damascus, and said to his Holiness before every one (p. 597): "Naaman came up to that desert which is near Damascus, and made a feast and invited me. For at that time there was not yet enmity between him and the Romans. While we were sitting at meat, he introduced the subject of Mar Simeon and said to me, 'This one whom you call Mar Simeon, is he a god?' And I said to him, 'No, he is not a god, but he is the servant of God.' Again Naaman said to me, 'When the report about Mar Simeon was heard among us, and some of our Arabs began to go up to him, some chiefs of my camp came and said to me, "If thou allowest them to go up to him, they are going to be Christians and will follow the Romans and rebel against thee and leave thee." Then I sent and called together all my camp and said to them, 'If any one dares to go up to Mar Simeon, I will take off his head and the heads of all his tribe, with the sword.' When I had spoken and commanded them and had let them go, at midnight as I lay in the tent I saw a certain man of splendid appearance, the like of whom I had not seen; and there were five others with him. When I saw him, my heart failed, and my knees quaked, and I fell down and worshipped him. But he indignantly returned a severe answer to me, saying, "Who art thou, that thou dost restrain the people of God from the house of God's servant?" Then he commanded those four, and they stretched me out by my hands and feet, and that other one (p. 598) gave me a severe and cruel beating. There was no one to rescue me from his hands, until he had compassion upon me and gave command; whereupon they released me. Then he drew the sword which he was carrying and showed it to me and swore to me with solemn oaths, "If again thou darest to hinder even one person from prayer in the house of Mar Simeon, with this sword I will cut off thy limbs and those of all thy tribe." I arose in the morning and assembled all the tribe and said to them, "Whoever wishes to go up to the house of |169 Mar Simeon and there receive baptism and be a Christian, let him go safely and without fear.'" And moreover Naaman said to me, 'If I were not a subject of the King of Persia, I also would go up to him and would be a Christian. By reason of that fright and beating, for more than a month I was unable to rise and go out of doors. And lo, I commanded, and there are churches, bishops, and elders in my camp. And I said, "Whoever wishes to be a Christian, may be without fear. And whoever desires to be a heathen, this again is his privilege." " And everyone who heard as it was told, gave glory to God, who was so enlarging the fame of his worshippers everywhere.
Again, a certain Magian among the Persians, chief of all the Magi, even he who was chief of all that wickedness, entered the presence of that one who was called "King of Kings", and power was given to him over the Christians, whom they called Nazarenes, that he might oppress and beat and imprison and chastise them as (p. 599) he pleased, in order to make them renounce their religion. Those who stood steadfast and did not apostatize, he had power to send out of the world by cruel tortures and painful deaths. And when this wicked and vile one received the power over the flock of Christ, like a shameless wolf without mercy, the enemy of the Lord 26 seized and bound and flogged and beat many people, men and women, elders and monks, and laymen besides, not a few, them and their wives and their children, and inflicted many torments upon them and passed sentences of torments of all kinds, like a man who did not have the judgment of God before his eyes; and the wicked one knew not that the just judgment of the Most High would quickly overtake him. For after he had tortured them as he pleased, with all tortures and torments, he seized and bound about three hundred and fifty of them, and threw on them irons and chains and fetters, and imprisoned them all together in a dark house. Then he set guards over them, so that no one should give them bread or water, but that thus they might die of hunger and thirst. But after they had been in this misery about ten days and there was no one to have compassion on them and deliver them, as they prayed they said in prayer, "O God, to whom all these things are |170 easy, at the prayers of Mar Simeon thy worshipper, according to thy divine pleasure, let there he deliverance to the souls that take refuge in thee. And let not these vile heathen say, 'The Christians have no God.'" (p. 600) While they prayed and all together made supplication, at midnight our Lord did a great miracle before them. The Saint appeared to them, standing on the pillar, and stood among them, and a great light was with him, and blazing torches, and he was clothed in white skins, and his face seemed like lightning, and he said to them, "Peace be with you, my brethren. I am Simeon, your brother, he who stands upon the pillar in the land of the Romans." Then he descended and greeted them and said to them, "Be strengthened and of good courage, neither let your minds be affrighted nor your hearts be troubled. For lo, your trial is ended, and your crown is prepared and kept in heaven before your Lord. You have two days more to be here; then on the third day you shall be released and go out in honor and triumph, and persecution shall cease and stop from the people of God, and his church. Even to-day a fearful judgment will overtake your enemy, and an affliction without mercy smite him. As he is exalted so shall he be humbled, and all the East be aware of his stroke." Having spoken thus to them, again he was found standing on the pillar in the same manner in which he entered among them, and he floated away vanishing from their midst. But their great misery was alleviated after they had seen the Blessed One, so that indeed they were thinking that they were not even in prison.
But he, the illustrious Mar Simeon, went to that impious one in fearful apparition (p. 601) and indignant countenance, as he stood on his pillar, and there were with him torches like lightning. And when the wicked one saw him, his heart trembled and his knees shook, and his spinal joints were loosened, and his color turned to pallor, and he was like a dead man. He talked to him indignantly and terribly, and said to him, "Most vile and abominable of all men, art thou trying to oppose thyself to the name of the Lord God, and hast thou received authority over his servants, to oppress and scourge, and compel them to apostatize? Lo, now, quickly will overtake? thee the justice of the Almighty; and who will be able to deliver thee or set thee loose from His hands?" When he had spoken to him these angry words, on a sudden |171 there was something like a flash of lightning, and it smote that evil man so that it threw him down on his face. And a raging fire was kindled in him, and his whole body burned, and the smell of his burning went a great distance. Then Mar Simeon said to him, "These documents which thou hast received from the king, send back to him. And send him word, 'Thus saith Mar Simeon, who standeth on a pillar in the land of the Romans, If thou dost not send and fetch out all the servants of God who are in prison, and let persecution of the church of Christ cease and come to a stop at thy command and through thy written documents'---, then I will bring upon him after three days something more severe than this judgment of thine." And when the holy Saint had said these things to him, he was taken up and ascended from his presence, (p. 602) As for the wicked man, he fell down crying out with shrieks because of that judgment, severe and bitter, which had seized him. At the sound of his howling many people collected, and when they saw him in that severe merciless pain, they quaked and feared. And when they asked him what had happened to him, he said to them, "Simeon, that Christian who stands on a pillar in the land of the Romans, has treated me thus, because I persecuted the adherents of his faith. He said to me, moreover, 'Thou worshippest the fire, so in the fire will I burn thee; we will see if it will come to thine aid.' He commanded me, too, that those documents which I received from the King concerning the Christians, I should send back to him, and send him word, 'Command that all the Christians who are persecuted and imprisoned be released.' And thus he said to me, 'Unless he shall give orders and they go out inside of two days, and there be peace upon the Christians' church, a judgment more cruel and painful than this of thine I will bring upon him.'" And he who is called "King of Kings", when he received the letters and learned from several people about the suffering and pain, cruel and severe, of that impious one, immediately issued orders, and all the incarcerated Christians were set at liberty, and the churches also that had been closed were opened. A manifesto was issued and posted in villages and cities of the Nazarenes, that no one should say a harmful word to them; but they should practice their worship according to former custom, without let or hindrance. |172
And bishops and elders who were far away and were not aware of what had happened, (p. 603) when they saw that on a sudden the command had gone forth, were astonished. And when those who had been imprisoned were released and had gone forth with great honor, and they learned from them how the Saint had appeared to them, and how he talked with them, and that all he said to them had proven true and had been realized, and they heard also of the affliction and severe judgment of that vile and wicked man, they praised and blessed God. And being all assembled together, they recorded the facts in writing and sent it to the Saint by three elders from that place; and it was read many times before them. They were with the Saint two weeks; then they returned to their home blessing and praising God. But the wicked man was in that distress, tormented with fire and consumed by worms, about ten days. Thus he died a death evil and distressing, and there was fear and terror upon all who beheld it. On account of it many turned to the fear of God, and becoming Christians received baptism.
And again, on the sea many times the Saint appeared manifestly to many sailors and helped them in their distresses in the time of danger, when storms and tempests arose against them. And they came and told him how they saw him plainly in the time when they were in peril, when immediately, as soon as he appeared, the sea grew calm, the waves were stilled, (p. 604) and the tempests were quieted. The Saint was much concerned, moreover, for the affairs of those who sail on the sea.
Now one time it happened that a certain large ship was going down from Arabia from the upper district, and there were in it many people both men and women who were going down to their homes in Syria. Having embarked, they had gone half the journey, when the waves became stirred up, a violent wind raged, darkness fell upon them, and the ship was near to capsizing. For they would mount up to the sky, as it is written (Ps. 107:2,3,6), and would descend into the abyss. And as they cried out and were distressed and supplicated with tears and groans, and there was no help nor deliverance from any quarter, every one covered himself and fell upon his face, that he might not see death approaching. For they felt sure that they should never see dry |173 land again, especially because they saw a man who was black and looked like an Indian,27 who came and stood on the top of the mast which stood amidships. For it was said of him that every time he was seen in a ship he sank her. When every one had given up hope of his life and believed he would die, and prostrate and wailing they had covered their faces, there was a man there from the village Atma, which is beside Ames,28 who had with him a little of the Saint's hnana. And our Lord willed and put it in his mind that he might show a miracle by his worshipper (p. 605) and give deliverance to those endangered souls by the hand of his believer. So he recollected, and standing up and taking that hnana, he made the sign of the cross with it on the mast which stood amidships, and rubbed handfuls of it on both sides of the ship while all the prostrate people cried out, "Mar Simeon, entreat thy Lord and help us by thy prayers!" Immediately the Saint appeared, holding a scourge in his right hand. And he went up and stood on the top of the mast and seized the Indian 29 by his hair and held him out and whipped him with the scourge, while the sound of his howling echoed over all the sea. And when he had scourged him severely and let him go, he fled still howling, as though many were pursuing him. And as he fled, thus he cried: "Woe to thee, Simeon! It is not enough for thee that thou dost banish me from the land, but lo, from the sea as well thou art driving me. Now where shall I go?" And from the time the Saint appeared to them, the waves were calm, the tempest ceased, the air was clear, and the sea was quiet from its commotion. The Saint said to them, "Fear not, for you shall suffer no harm"; then he vanished from them. And from that time the wind was fair for them, and they proceeded on their voyage quietly without fear, until, our Lord willing, they entered the haven. And many clave to the one from Atma and came to the mandra of the Saint, where they recounted those things before him (p. 606) and before everybody. And every one who heard it blessed God, who had shown lovingkindness to them and saved them at the prayer of his believer.30 |174
Again, another ship was in port in Cyprus, loaded and full of much cargo, ready to sail to the west with many passengers and sailors on board, and some who were about to go up for trade; when suddenly a whirlwind came on, it grew dark, and the wind blew a gale, and entering into the ship, like the whirlwind which it was, lifted it from among its fellows, and it went up spinning around as far as the eye could see, like a stone slung by an engine; those who were in it wailing, and those outside of it crying out for help. It was indeed matter for groans and tears. For if it came down in the sea, it would sink and never be seen again. And if, on the other hand, it fell outside on the land, it would be broken to shivers, and all the people who were in it would be killed. When they saw that it was all up with them, and help there was none unless the mercy of God willed it, they began to cry out and pray, saying, "Oh, Saint Simeon, help us by thy prayers!" And lo, once more, immediately the Saint appeared, standing beside the ship and encouraging those who were in it. And stretching out his right hand he seized hold of the ship and thus safely and gently brought her down, and drawing her along brought her and set her upright in the sea just inside the harbor, as one would take hold of a light thing. And the ship received not a particle of damage, (p. 607) and neither did the people in her. And when the ship came down and was standing in her place, those disturbances and whirwinds became quiet. Many saw the Saint, besides those who were on board the ship. And they told it before everyone, how he encouraged them as he stood by them. And all who saw and heard those things which were told gave glory to God.
And when the master of the ship saw this great miracle which was performed, he took five of the sailors who were on board the ship, and came to the holy Saint, to whom they recounted those things before everyone. He said to him, moreover, "If thy Holiness commands me to journey by sea, at thy command, sir, I will sail. But if not, I will never embark again. But I will go sell the ship and will not seek the wealth of sea-trade." Then the holy Saint said to him, "Take some of this hnana in the name of our Lord Jesus |175 Christ, and go make the sign of the cross three times on the ship and set sail. And I have hope in my Lord that he will accompany thee, and thou wilt go in safety and return prosperously." And all as many as heard when it was told were astounded and amazed and praised and blessed our Lord, who did in such wise the will of his worshipper.
Again, there was a certain maiden in the Persian domain, the daughter of a Christian, and she was beautiful to see and of comely appearance. More than her external appearance her mind was beautiful (p. 608) and excellent and charming, and acceptable to God. And one of the accursed fire-worshippers saw her, a basilisk who had the title of Marzevan, and he lusted after her to take her as one of his wives. For the girl, though a Christian, did not belong to any religious order. But when he sent to her parents many times, she neither gave heed to those who came nor gave them answer. For she said, "God forbid that I should go up to the bed of a vile man who worships the fire." Therefore he went and sought to get her by an order from him whom they called "King of Kings". Then seeing that she did not obey it, he seized her by force, with many people, as though by command of the "King of Kings". And when she remained constant to her resolve and said, "Though I die, I will not go up with thee to the bed, for I am the virgin of Christ," he scourged her and shutting her up inflicted severe and bitter tortures upon her. And as she stood by her first resolve and said, "Though I die, with thee to bed I will not go up," and he was ashamed to have her flout him, thereupon he commanded his menials to hang a great stone weight on her neck and throw her into the river at the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris. And as they took her out to throw her in, she raised her eyes to heaven and said, "O God of Saint Simeon, do thou help thy maidservant and see that for thy name's sake I am about to die, because I will not defile myself in the bed of the unclean and abominable man who denies thy name and worships dead idols." They put the weight on her and threw her into the river. At the very moment she fell, the Saint was there standing in the midst of the river, and reaching out his hand grasped her and drew her out and fetched her up out of the river and stood her on the dry land. Then he loosed the weight from her and said to her, "Fear not, |176 my daughter. The God in whose name thou believest is thy deliverer. As for that vile heathen, lo, the right hand of the Lord will smite him with an incurable disease." And he lead her and brought her as far as the edge of her village holding her by her right hand, while he exhorted her not to fear. When she reached her village he said to her, "My daughter, go in peace, and may the Lord be with thee." Then she entered, and her parents saw her, they who were sitting in great grief and mourning on her account, and they were amazed and trembled and were astonished. And when they asked her by what means she came, she told them everything as it had happened, and how the Saint drew her out and brought her up from the river and conducted her as far as the border of her village, and all he said to her, and how suddenly he vanished from before her eyes when she reached the edge of the village. As she was telling her parents, many gathered at sight of her, and lo, on a sudden the sound of violent weeping went up from the house of that wicked man who had seized her. For as he reclined and dined, and his servants were standing and waiting on him, and he was thinking how he would vent his spite on the parents of the girl (p. 610) as well, a fearful judgment overtook him. For as he reclined he saw a terrible man enter and draw his sword. And when he saw him, he was terrified and affrighted. He leaped to stand in front of him, and struck him on the head with the sword. Immediately his whole right side withered from his head to his toes, and he cried out violently with a loud voice and said, "Because I persecuted the maidservant of the God of the Christians it has happened to me thus; woe to him whoever assails or opposes him!" And he never spoke another sentence, but lay in that great affliction, tortured, suffering, and worn out, prostrate like a dried-up tree, and he became a source of terror to those who beheld him. Because of his experience many of the heathen were afraid and terrified, and refrained from persecuting or harassing the Christians. Then the father of the maid took the trouble to go up with many of the citizens of his place to the mandra of the Saint. And he told these things in the presence of the blessed St. Simeon before everyone. And all those who heard as he recounted, gave praise to God. And the father of the girl and the people of the village stayed with the Saint |177 a week, when, having received his blessing, they turned back in peace, rejoicing and praising and blessing God.
These things then and many besides our Lord did through his Athlete. Also, rain was restrained many times; whereupon they assembled (p. 611) and coming to him besought him. He then supplicated his Lord, and He did his will so that there was rain, and worn out souls were refreshed and confessed and praised God and went down from his rnandra rejoicing.
One time there was a great lack of rain; the whole winter passed, and Lent was now about to begin, yet not a drop of rain had fallen. Everybody prayed and made supplication, for the whole region of Beth Gubbe 31 was exhausted by drought. And to the mandra of the Saint every day came the priests, covered with sackcloth, their heads sprinkled with ashes, and their flocks with them, with tears and groanings. So they continued in that drought, while daily all creation was bowing down in the mandra of the Saint; yet there was no relics: from any quarter. The winter now was about past and Lent therefore just commencing, when the Saint closed the door of his mandra. There happened to be there a certain procurator who had been very constantly in the mandra, and he loved, too, the disciples of the Saint. Being a man who had great freedom of speech with them, he said to them jokingly, as they stood talking together, "It is written that Elias prayed and his Lord did his will, so that there was rain. Samuel also prayed in harvest, and his Lord answered, and there was rain in harvest. But today perhaps there is no one whose will his Lord will do as he did for those ancients. For, lo! how long a time all creation is (p. 612) tormented; yet no help comes from anywhere." When prayer was finished, and everyone went to his task, those disciples of the Saint drew near and told these things and said to him, "Thus did Kuriakos the procurator say to us."
But the Saint, when he heard these things from these his disciples, was confounded greatly and said to them, "I take oath that up to this time I have not prayed before my Lord that there should be, rain upon the earth, because I see their rebellious deeds. But now that the Evil One hath sown this |178 seed in their minds, send men everywhere and summon the priests with their flocks." But the disciples of the blessed Saint Simeon drew near and used entreaty and said to him, "Lo, every day crowds fill the mandra. Now take heed lest any should be offended and they should say, 'Behold, he is sending and gathering together the world for the sake of his aggrandisement.' If thy Holiness knows that anything will happen,---but if not, send them away about their own affairs; lo, they come and go daily of their own accord." But he said to his disciples, "Do you assemble them, and as for that which our Lord will do, it is not for you to worry about it. Do you carry out that which is commanded you, and my Lord knows what he will perform for the honor of his name.' Thereupon they sent out and summoned them to come on Friday, and many people gathered there, a countless multitude. The mountains were covered, and the mandra (p. 613) was filled inside and out with men and women. They also brought in small children who were learning the letters and placed them before the Saint, and their teachers sang anti-phonally with them in the Greek language "Kyrie eleison", which is interpreted, "Lord, have mercy upon us."
Now the blessed Saint, when he saw the priests with ashes sprinkled on their heads, standing in sorrow and in anxiety, while the cries of men and women within and without ascended on high, and those children, too, like innocent lambs, and moreover the sun as hot as in summer, he was greatly grieved, his soul was moved and his compassion grew fervent. After he had prayed and made supplication before his Lord a long time, he raised his eyes to heaven and sighed and smote upon his heart with his hand three times, inside of his kasoula.32 Then again clasping his hands behind him he bowed himself with his face upon his knees and remained bowed a long time. All the people too were praying that his Lord might do the will of his believer. As he bowed and prayed, everyone also standing in grief and tears, they looked to see what our Lord would do; when, lo, on a sudden there appeared some mist of white cloud. Thunder too, deep-toned, resounded after it and spread to every side, until the whole heavens were filled with it, and the wind blew violently. |179 Then the rain began to fall heavily, and it was also very cold. And all the people, who a little while before had been running to the shade from the (p. 614) extreme heat, took to flight for shelter from the wind and cold and heavy rain.
And when the blessed Saint heard the sound of the water which was coming down into the cisterns as he bowed in prayer, and the voice of the people who were praising and blessing God for what they had seen, he raised himself up from the position of bowing in prayer, while his face shone like the rays of the sun, and his mind exulted and rejoiced that his Lord had done his will. And when he saw those who huddled together under shelter from the cold and rain, he called them and said to them, "A little while ago ye were weeping for rain, and now, behold, ye run from it." And he encouraged them and comforted them and said to them, "See, the Lord hath given you rain; and I trust in him and his goodness, that if ye walk uprightly, fearing him with all your hearts, keeping his laws and commandments, this year, although the winter is past, and ye have come to the conclusion that no one will reap a harvest, the Lord God will bless, so that its production will be two fold, and ye eat and be satisiied and bless the name of the Lord God." So he sent them away from him rejoicing, confessing and adoring and praising God. And there was rain again and many showers, and the year was blessed, as the Saint told them. And they filled the granaries with twice asmuch as the usual produce and gathered in large crops and filled their houses with the fruits of the earth. And they ate and were satisfied, and blessed and praised God their Sustainer.
(p. 615) Then after everyone was dismissed in peace from the presence of the Saint to his own place and dwelling, when evening came and the holy man remained with these disciples who ministered to him, they drew near, the two of them prostrating themselves before the Saint, and besought him with entreaty to reveal and show them in what manner he made the petition, or what he said in his prayer when he prayed and made supplication and entreated his Lord. But he was reluctant and declined to reveal or say either what he said or saw and heard. Again they persuaded him very earnestly. Then, solemnly adjuring them to tell no one during his lifetime, he revealed it to them and said, "When I saw these priests |180 present with their flocks, their heads sprinkled with ashes' and all the people crying and these children pleading for help, I was grieved and troubled even to death. And to my Lord in prayer I said this: 'O Lord God, merciful and compassionate, either have mercy and relieve these afflicted souls who cry to thee, who are assembled on account of thy name, or take the life of thy servant and never again let. me see the distress of thy people and thy servants." After this, while I bowed and my tears fell, I saw a beautiful youth who came passing in front of me and said to me, 'Thy prayer is heard, thy petition accepted, thy wish accomplished, and thy request granted.' And at the time he spoke to me and passed before me, I heard the sound of the thunder booming and the sound of the wind blowing and the rain falling, (p. 616) Then I praised and blessed God, that he did not turn away from the prayer of his servant."
These things then, and ten times more than these signs and wonders our Lord did through the blessed Saint Simeon. For we said before that there is no one of mortal men who could enumerate or count the benefits and deliverances which God wrought through him for men. Or who, again, is able to say and recount the wonderful things which were done by his prayers in distant places? And also many visions our Lord revealed and made known to him, a multitude of which he concealed, and did not speak of to any one; because he was careful that no one should think of him that he repeated them for his own glory. About this also a revelation was made to him. For he saw two men standing before him in fair and excellent garments, talking about this matter. One of them said to his companion, "See how many visions and revelations are shown to him, which he has concealed and hidden, and not revealed one of them to any one." Thereupon the other one answered his companion, "He does very rightly. For this also he is to be commended, because he does not reveal and tell that which is shown to him from God for his encouragement. For by this it is evident that he does not seek his own glory, and there is no more any opportunity for others to speak the thing they desire." When they had discussed with each other these things and many more than these, as they were walking (p. 617) to and fro in the mandra, they disappeared. They did not say anything to the Saint |181 about this. He held his peace and they said nothing to him, but he knew that they said it as a caution. As a result of this he was extremely careful and refrained from repeating or saying anything about that which was revealed to him from God.
As for the monastic life and labor and practice, which he led and endured and suffered before God secretly and openly, this was evident and manifest to all men: that neither among the ancients nor the moderns was there a mortal body that could endure for one hour and withstand the hardships which the body of the blessed Saint Simeon bore and withstood. For we all know and are persuaded that for wonder and marvel the Holy Spirit wrote down the glorious deeds of believers in Holy Scripture for the comfort and encouragement and help and warning of humanity. For Moses, the great prophet, the clear-seeing eye of all Israel, the glorious athlete, the wise master-builder, the profitable servant, the vigilant mariner, the skilful pilot, the practiced scribe, the prince of the believing house, twice alone fasted forty days and forty nights, each time without eating bread or drinking water, while he was on the mount with his Lord, a cloud around, thick darkness encompassing, fire burning, smoke ascending, horns sounding, trumpets blaring, angels in trepidation, the watchers of Heaven alarmed, the holy angels and cherubim shouting, (p. 618) while Moses was talking and God answering him with the voice.33 And he was refreshed, and his food was the divine vision, and his drink the heavenly splendor. He fared sumptuously in the fast and was purified in prayer. Elijah, too, the zealot, the consuming fire, in the strength of that food which he received from the angel at the command of his Lord, which no one had sown and no one had provided, went forty days and forty nights and came to the mount and entered the cave. By the fast of forty days he was made worthy to hear the divine voice and see that fearful vision at which heavenly beings tremble and earthly beings are terrified; then he was sent to anoint kings and prophets. And he received thence the earnest of his fast, that from the world of sorrows he should be translated and taken up to Eden which is filled with all manner of delights. Daniel, |182 also, a man to be loved, scion of the household of faith, fasted twenty one days without eating bread or drinking water, and neither washed nor anointed himself; and a watcher from heaven, prince of the angels, was sent to him, and for his fasting and prayer revealed to him secrets and made known to him the future, and brought back the captivity from Babylon. By his fasting and prayer the seed of Abraham, the friend of God, were delivered from subjection to their enemies. And we worship our Lord for his goodness, that his compassion upon the creation of his hands was kindled, and his mercy constrained him, and coming down he wove and clothed himself with the garment of flesh which he in his goodness had formed with his holy hands as seemed good to himself; when he went (p. 619) out to the wilderness that he might be tempted, it is written that for forty days and forty nights he remained in fasting and prayer, not eating bread nor drinking water. As much as his divinity knew that the flesh of mortals can endure, so much it permitted the holy flesh which it had assumed to endure. And after the forty days in which he continued in fasting and prayer, it seemed good to his divinity and he beckoned to hunger and it came; and when he commanded, it approached him, that he might make known and show that truly indeed he had assumed the flesh of Adam, that he might be subject to hunger and thirst and weariness and sleep. And in that flesh he overcame his enemy by fasting, and put Satan to confusion and scattered his hosts, trampled sin under foot, slew death, desolated Sheol, and received the crown of victory.
If then, as we have said, our Lord performed such wonders and signs through these mighty and wonderful men, by their fasting forty days at a time, what should we say about the blessed Saint Simeon, of whom no one can tell his ascetic practices, unless it is God who knows and is acquainted with his toil and his service! For he wearied himself and struggled and toiled before his God in mighty fasts untold, and in mighty prayers unconquerable. In hunger and thirst, in heat and cold, continually, unceasingly, in supplication without interruption, and standing at all times; who gave no sleep to his eyes nor repose to his body fifty six (p. 620) years night and day. For he was in the monastery nine years, in wonderful discipline and severe practices, as we have written down and recorded above. |183
Then in the mandra besides, in Telneshe, he remained forty-seven years. He stood in a corner in the mandra ten years, some of the time in a cell, in great struggle and in contest and conflict with the Enemy. After these things he stood upon those smaller pillars seven years: on one of eleven cubits, on one of seventeen cubits, and on one of twenty-two cubits. And on that one of forty cubits he stood thirty years, while our Lord gave him strength and endurance so that on this he finished the days of his life in peace and tranquillity, with deeds of beneficence. He had the good end with men of peace,34 and his end was ten fold greater than his beginning. His Lord did his will and pleasure and granted his request. He asked and received. He knocked at the door of his Lord in truth, and it was opened unto him. For he honored God with a perfect heart, and was honored by God with all these rewards. He loved his Lord with all his heart, more than himself and his life; for he surrendered his soul and put it into the hands of his Lord. So his Lord, who saw his diligence, gave him favor in the eyes of all men and magnified the fame of his exploits from one end of the creation to the other, and granted him besides that thing which his soul earnestly desired. For many times he asked and besought his Lord in prayer, saying thus: (p. 621) "O Lord God of Hosts, Let not thy servant come to stand in need of mortal help, and let me not descend from this place, and men see me on the ground. But upon this stone, on which I have stood at thy command and at thy word, grant me to finish the days of my life. Then from it take the soul of thy worshipper, according to the will of thy Lordship."
But perhaps there is someone who says, "What need did he have, or was this required, that he should stand upon a pillar? For on the ground or in that corner could he not please our Lord?" We all know, indeed, and are aware of the fact that God is everywhere, in Heaven and on earth, in the height and in the depth, in the sea and in the abyss, and underneath the earth and above the heavens. And there is no place devoid of his divinity, except men who do not his will. Wherever a man calls upon him in truth, there he finds him. For Jonah called upon him in the lowest abysses, and |184 he heard his prayer and accepted his petition, and from the inside of Sheol below he drew him forth. Again, Daniel cried unto him from the den, and the companions of Hananiah from the fiery furnace, and he sent an angel with his grace according to his petition and was a deliverer and a savior to them. By each one of his servants, wherever they sought him, there he was found: Elijah on Carmel, Abraham on the top of the mountain, quickly he heard their prayer and granted their wish and answered their petition and exalted them. In the manner that seemed best to his Lordship, in the case of each one of his servants in (p. 622) due season, as was pleasing and good in his eyes, he sent him to preach and to teach. And again, according as he willed, he gave them laws and commandments; the sons of Adam, that they should not eat of the tree; the sons of Seth, that with the daughters of Cain they should not mingle; Noah, the rainbow and the inviolable covenant; Abraham, the sign and seal of circumcision; Moses, the Sabbath and the keeping of the law. Elijah he clothed with zeal, like flaming fire. Isaiah he commanded that he should walk before him naked and barefoot. Jeremiah he commanded to put a yoke and thongs on his neck. To Ezekiel he said,35 'Shave thy head and beard with a razor, take thy stuff upon thy shoulder and dig through the wall and go out as though insane.' Hosea, the holy prophet, he commanded, "Take a wife, a harlot." And to each one of his servants in his own season he commanded to live according to his will; because he has authority as Lord in his creation and as God over the work of his hands, and there is none who can find fault with the free will of his Lordship. Everyone who hears and observes and does, is kept and exalted and prospered. For Abraham was counted worthy to be called the friend of God, and Moses too was glorified and made chief and leader, while great exploits and wonderful our Lord performed through him. Elijah, too, was taken up and did not taste death. Thus, in the case of Saint Simeon, too: it pleased his Lord to have him stand on a pillar in these days and last times, because he saw the creation as though it were asleep, (p. 623) that by the distress of his servant he might arouse the world from the heaviness of its lethargy of sleep, and that the name of his |185 divinity might be praised through the instrumentality of his believer.
That thou mayest know that truly this was from God, I will tell thee the thing as it was and as it happened. Saint Simeon had a window in the mandra, before which a stone was placed which was three cubits high, and incense and a censer were put upon it. Once during the confinement of the forty days, when about three weeks had passed, there appeared to Saint Simeon a certain goodly man whose face was radiant as the light, who was girded as one who goes to war; and he saw him come and pray before the window of the sacred treasury. After the prayer was ended he went up and stood upon the stone, and, folding his hands behind him, he bowed and raised himself up; then looking at the Saint, again he lifted his hands towards Heaven and gazed upward. Three nights, then, he did thus from dusk to dawn. Thereupon the Saint perceived and understood that for his sake he did thus, and had been sent from the Lord to show him and teach him that thus he should be assiduous in his prayer. And when he ceased after three days and had passed out of sight, the Saint himself went and stood upon it three months. After that, he began to make for himself those small pillars, until he made the one twenty cubits high.
(p. 624) And that thou mayest know that in very truth this thing was from the Lord, that he stood upon a pillar, again I will tell thee that which really was. After he had stood upon those small ones seven years, up to that one twenty cubits high, he had the feeling that he should exchange the twenty cubit one and make one of thirty cubits. So when the Lenten fast drew near, he called that disciple of his who was with him, the one who served him many years, who closed his eyes, and on whose shoulder he laid his head as he surrendered his spirit to his Lord. And he commanded him and said to him, "Before the time when our Lord wills and the door of the mandra is opened, make and set up for me a pillar of two sections, which shall be thirty cubits high." He also summoned workmen and commanded them and said to them, "Before the door is opened, let it be made and erected and placed by the door." When the door of the mandra was closed, the workmen went about it to hew it. But it was as though something were opposing them, for whenever they quarried out |186 a section and struck it, something smote it and shattered it. So they were hewing and the stones were getting broken, until four weeks had passed, and only two weeks remained before the door would be opened. Then that disciple was troubled and the workmen as well, because the forty days were, almost gone, and up to this time they had not accomplished anything. So the disciple came to him by night and called and said (p. 625) to the Saint, in distress, "My Lord, I beseech thy holiness, entreat thy Lord on behalf of this matter, that. if it is according to his will, he will remove the difficulty and reveal to thy holiness that thus Satan is opposing us. And if it is not his will, why should we labor in vain, we and the workmen, and not accomplish anything?" But the Saint refused even to talk with the disciple, and said to him, "Go away, and come to-morrow." He did as he commanded him. And the next night he came and called and said to him, "My Lord, what does thy holiness command me? Shall we work or stop?" Then the Saint talked with him and encouraged him and said to him, "Be not troubled, for lo! God has corrected it according to his pleasure; and he revealed and made known to me, the sinner, the thing which I sought from him. For there came to me this night a certain man of goodly and pleasant appearance, who said to me, 'Be not discouraged about the matter which thy disciple reported to thee. For thus thy Lord wills, that thou shouldest make for thyself a pillar forty cubits high, and construct it of three sections symbolical of the Trinity, as thou believest.' And he gave me three gifts, pure and white, very beautiful and lovely. And thee also he called by thy name: 'Sacristan So-and-So, take this gift and cry aloud and proclaim and say, 'Sing unto the Lord a new song, all the earth.' But now go and do just as I said to thee; and I. trust the Lord God that he will open up the door before thee."
(p. 626) And when that disciple arose in the morning and took the workmen with him, that they should go out and look for a suitable stone to hew out those three sections, the Lord opened the door before them, and they found inside the mandra a suitable stone, over which they had been going out and coming in daily. They set to work at it, and by the help of the Lord in one week they quarried and shaped it and prepared it for a pillar and brought it in and placed it at the |187 door of the mandra. So when the Saint opened the door, they brought it in, raised it, and put the pillar in place. And he went up and stood upon it thirty years as a single day. And his Lord granted to him that upon it he ended his days, as he requested from God, with great renown, with deeds of beneficence, acts of righteousness, and practices of perfection. And he was of profit to many, and to himself, and the name of his Lord was praised because of him and on his behalf from one end of the creation to the other. And he waxed influential and increased in his honor and exploits in his decease more than in his life-time: The holy church was exalted by him, the horn of Christianity lifted up, and his end was much greater than his beginning, so that if there was any one of divided opinion, his mind was established and he was confirmed in the faith.
For not as an ordinary man did his Lord give him exit from the world, neither did he hide from him the day of his coronation. He revealed it to him in the manner I will describe. After he had been in the mandra (p. 627) seven years, two men appeared to him standing before him in fair and beautiful clothing. One of them grasped in his right hand a measuring rod with which he measured off forty rods, then turned to his companion and said to him, "Whenever this number forty is completed, the measure will be finished, and he will be taken. But I will make a sign the like of which has not been in these times, and then I will take him." And without the Saint fully understanding him, he repeated the measuring twice, speaking in the same way. To the Saint himself about this thing he did not say anything; only they talked with each other not a little while, then disappeared. But he was sure that it was said about him, and he was always very heedful of it. And when he saw that the number drew near, he was looking for that sign of which he had said, "I will make it, and then I will take him;" and he was reflecting as to what sort of sign this would be.
When he saw that sign 36 of anger which occurred in the city Antioch and its district, and he saw the whole creation which assembled there, thousands and tens of thousands, a countless throng, and saw the priests leading their flocks and |188 using great diligence and care, with censers and incense and lighted tapers and crosses, and all the people running from every quarter shouting and with tears and hitter groans, and he also saw that the number was completed, he felt disturbed and summoned his first disciple and said to him privately, "As I see the number is completed, and the sign is very solemn, (p. 628) I do not know---has indeed the appointed time arrived, and am I to be taken? But before the day I will say to thee, because thou hast been with me many years and knowest that clothing of any other sort has never touched my flesh, except these skins: Now let God be thy witness if thou allowest clothing of any other kind to touch my limbs!" Thus it was that clothing of any other kind did not touch the flesh of the Saint, besides those skins. And his Lord made his departure such as I think none of those born of women in these times had For there was an assembly of the people and of all humanity, innumerable and of untold size, for fifty-one days after that last sign which occurred in the district, and no one dared either to enter his house, except in fear, or to go out to the field, except in terror. No one was doing any work at all, but upon everyone a stupor had fallen, and they had all given up in despair, and the mind of every one was confused and distracted. They stood looking to see what the Saint would command them; for as though from the mouth of his Lord they looked to receive the command of his Holiness.
After fifty-one days had passed, as we said, there was also that great commemoration in the month Tammuz. After this the Saint never made another commemoration such as that one, whose congregation no one could (p. 629) describe. For since time began there has not been its like in creation. For God had aroused the whole world that he might bring it to the greeting and reverence of his loved one, and might show him his honor while he lived, as he did to Moses the holy when he took him up to the mountain and showed him the promised land, and then took him away. The blessed Saint Simeon summoned everyone, the priests and their disciples, the nobles and the humble, and exhorted them and comforted them, and gave them commands and admonitions that they should keep the laws and precepts of our Lord. Like a father good and compassionate, who commanded his beloved children, he said to them, "Go in the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, |189 and keep vigil in your districts three days. Then go out in the name of our Lord and set to work, and let every one do his task. And I trust the Lord God, that he will he your preserver."
And after he had dismissed every one to his work in peace, thirty days passed, when, on the twenty-ninth day of the month Ah at the eleventh hour of the night between Saturday and Sunday, he suddenly felt ill, as some disciples were present with him; and pain struck him, and he began to suffer, and his whole body was feverish. He felt ill all day Sunday and Monday and Tuesday. Then lovingkindness was shown him by God, which on account of its magnitude is perhaps difficult to believe; (p. 630) but to believers everything is credible, to those who know that to their Lord everything is possible. The sign was this: The heat was severe and so intense that the ground was burned from its glow, in those days during the going out of Ab and the beginning of Elul. And to the Saint this lovingkindness was shown which I will describe; and perhaps for this purpose also that intense heat came to pass, for the sake of a test, and by reason of the sign his Lord ordained to give him an earnest of the reward of his labor, while he was in this world. For the wind blew softly, and it was cool and balmy as though heavenly dew were dropping upon the Saint. And pleasant fragrance exhaled and came from it, the like of which has not been told in the world. There was not one odor of it, but wave on wave came whose several odors were different from one another, so that neither spices nor sweet herbs and pleasant smells which are in the world, can be compared to the fragrance of those waves; because it was by the care and providence of God. For neither were they exhaled in every place, nor even the whole length of that staircase, but from its middle and upward wave on wave went forth, nor in the whole mandra. No one perceived it, because of the incense which was ascending. And when that first disciple saw it, who loved him and stayed with him day and night and did not go away from him, especially in those days when he was ill, he comforted him and encouraged him and said to him, "Behold, my lord, how thy Lord loves thee. For lo, he has done thy will and (p. 631) pleasure in everything, and brought all the world to greet thee and honor thee; and lo, he shows thee thy honor in thine eyes. And this, too, |190 which has not been the lot of man, he has done in the case of thy Holiness; and even now he has given thee the. earnest of the reward of thy labors, for it was never heard nor spoken of in the world that incense exhaled in this manner; from this time thy Lord honors thee as thy labors deserve. But we beseech by thy God whom thou hast loved from thy youth, fill thy holy mouth with blessing and bless thy disciples, because thy perfection knoweth how we honor and worship thy righteousness." So he blessed them, and admonished and commanded them that they should tell no one about this incense. For the Saint himself knew that in very deed it was a divine providence.
On the fourth day of the week, in the second of the month Elul, at the ninth hour, as all his disciples were present with him, he gave command to those two about their companions and committed them all to our Lord. Then he stood up erect, and three times bowed, and again raised himself up, and gazed heavenward, and turned about and looked on all the world. Then all the people who were there cried out, "Bless us, Master." Again he gazed eastward and westward and on every side, then raised his hand from the inside of his cloak and blessed them, thrice committing them to our Lord. As his disciples stood and kept hold of him, as sons a father good and kind, again they said to him, "Master, bless thy servants, we beseech by thy Lord, who has done thy will and is taking thee to himself (p. 632) as thou didst ask him." Thereupon he grasped the hands of both of them and commanded them about one another, that they love one another. He commanded them also about their companions. Then raising his hands to Heaven he committed them to our Lord. Then again he lifted his eyes to Heaven and smote three times upon his heart with his right hand, and bowed and put his head on the shoulder of that first disciple. And the two disciples put their hands upon his eyes, and he surrendered his spirit to his Lord. So he fell asleep, and the labor and weariness and pain were over, when he put his head on the shoulder of that disciple, while they put their hands upon his eyes, and all the people stood and looked at him.
But his disciples, because they feared the people, lest the village should gather and come to snatch him away and there should be bloodshed and murder, made him a coffin and put |191 him in it on the top of the pillar, until they might secure for it a place of honor. Suddenly this was reported, and the rumor went out and spread in all the world. And astonishment and consternation seized everybody, and amazement fell upon all flesh, because so suddenly they heard this which they had not expected. Everybody's mind fell into blank confusion, their brains grew numb and hands feeble, and mourning and grief fell upon many. There were some, indeed, who mourned and sorrowed, and some again who rejoiced and gave thanks. So that rejoicing was mingled with sadness, consolation with mourning, and cheerfulness (p. 633) with gloom. For some wept and were depressed; and others, again, lifted their hands to heaven, and to God Almighty gave thanks and blessings, that this report and the good news of the coronation of Christ's servant had reached their ears.
This event was one of sadness and of joy; of mourning mid of consolation. For it was sad, that such a wise pilot who steered his worldly ship with divine wisdom was taken away from the world. But it was a matter of rejoicing, that the fleshly ship of the watchful mariner had entered and arrived at the port of bliss, laden with a rich cargo, and he had escaped the billows which continually buffeted him. Ceased now the tempests with winds and hurricanes, which had battled with him and against him. His gain in trade was an abiding possession, and his Lord he gladdened with his profits. On the other hand, it was an occasion for lamentation, my brethren, because such a wise master-builder, laden with the petition of the weight of the creation, had been taken away from the world. For like beams in an edifice, his prayers held firm the world. On the other hand, it was matter for cheer, because his Master had stretched out the hand of relief and given him strength and endurance. He began in His Name, and finished in His Goodness. His building went up to the finish and was not shaken by the winds and rain and flood of sin, which throughout forty-seven years surged against it with every sort of trial. Again it was a matter of tears and sorrow, because such a spiritual father, who nourished and (p. 634) brought up his children with heavenly nourishment, had departed from their midst. Again it was a matter of gladness, that even if he did leave his children orphans in the flesh, yet he like a heavenly eagle soared upward in flight and |192 mounted to the craggy eyrie on high, leaving behind all fears and ascending from all harms. Again, the orphans and. widows wept with tears and sighs, saying, "Where shall we seek or where find thee, who sustained and nourished us next to his Lord?" The oppressed remembered and feared, and the downtrodden were disquieted, being depressed and troubled, saying, "Woe to us, because now is opened against us the mouth of ravening and voracious wolves. And whom shall we call to awake him, the strong lion, who slumbers and lies in the death-sleep, from whose roaring they trembled, and from whose terrible voice they hid themselves like foxes in their holes?" The sufferers, too, bewailing him said, "Whither shall we go, or where seek and find a healer like thee or comparable to thee and similar to thee? Before the disease saw thee, it fled, and before the pain had come to thee it vanished; and at thy word more than by all roots and drugs they were cured."
The church, moreover, wept for him with her children, priests and their parishes, and shepherds and their nocks, with grief and with joy, with tears and with supplications, with sighs and prayers, with sorrow and cheer. For in grief they sought him who was to them as a quiet harbor and peaceful asylum. For whenever sprang up any sort of evil, which is always a trouble and disturbance of the good, either (p. 635) winds of sin or hurricane of false doctrine, he stood ready boldly, like a wise master-builder, and like a skilful workman, and like a practical pilot, and like a watchful mariner, and like a trained athlete, and like an instructed scribe, and like an armed warrior clad with the breastplate of righteousness and nerved mightily with the true faith and strengthened spiritually with trust in his Lord. He soared in prayer, and fled for refuge with courage; he raised his eyes to heaven and lifted up his gaze on high, and asked mercy from his Lord, and sought grace and help from his God. He rebuked the winds of sin and they slept, and the whirlwinds of deceit and they became still. For he roared like a lion, and was a smiter of all who stand on the wrong side. They were comforted then and rejoiced, and their gladness was mingled with thanksgiving and blessing. For they rejoiced and blessed God their Lord, who had given to his servant so that he battled and conquered, fought and won, asked and received, sought and found, and knocked and it was opened to him. He began in truth and finished in |193 righteousness. The horn of the holy church was exalted, and all her sons rejoiced with their priests, and their folds with their flocks. All the teachers of false doctrines were ashamed and confounded, who saw one thing instead of another. They were in distress then, and troubled lest at any time a root of evil should produce a plant of bitterness like unto it, and with the taste (p. 636) of its bitterness should harm and injure many. Then where should we find a healer or a burden-bearer like him or equal to him, who before the ulcer appeared cured it, or before the disease or affliction came, healed it by his prayers?
For there was once a tempest of sin and a storm of evil against the Church of Christ, through a certain evil and wicked man, whose name was Asclepiades, an uncle of the empress. He was chief procurator in the days of Theodosius the emperor; and in the days of John, Bishop of Antioch. The mind of this evil man consented with that of heathen and Jews; but he hated the Christians. He sent out an edict that their synagogues and meeting houses which the Christians had taken from the Jews should be returned to them, and that the Christians should build and purchase some for themselves. And the edict of the king and command of the prefect in regard to this was promulgated in many cities and was read to everyone. Then there was great grief and disappointment among all the Christians, especially because they saw the Jews and heathen clothed in white and appearing glad and merry. But they did not know nor understand, the fools, that quickly sadness and regret would overtake them, and it would be in their case as it was in the days of our Lord, when their fathers and priests lost their money but did not bury the truth. So also now again (p. 637) it happened to them, that the great amount of money they had given they lost, and they became a laughing-stock in the world, while their Sabbaths and synagogues remained deserted in their desolation.
For there came to the blessed Saint Simeon bishops grieved and sorrowing, who told him this; also copies of the letters of the king and prefect they brought with them. And when they read them before the Saint, he was grieved and burned with zeal for his Lord like a flaming fire. And he took a courageous stand and boldly wrote words of might filled with rebuke. He did not call Theodosius "Emperor", but he wrote |194 to him thus: "Since thy heart is exalted and thou hast forgotten the Lord thy God who gave thee the diadem of honor and a royal throne, and thou hast become friend and confederate and abettor of unbelieving Jews, God's just judgment will suddenly overtake thee and all those who are consenting to this business. Then thou wilt lift up thy hands to heaven and say in thy distress, 'In truth, this wrath has come upon me because I played false to the Lord God.'"
When the Emperor read it, his heart trembled and feared, and he was seized with compunction even unto death. He at once commanded, and letters were written to all the cities, that the former letters be annulled, and the Christians and priests of God should be honored. He also dismissed the prefect from his office in deep disgrace. (p. 638) And he wrote letters to the Saint by the hand of princes, in conciliating terms, and asked him to pray for him and bless him and be reconciled to him. So the distress passed away, and there was joy to the church and all its adherents, and the evil one was ashamed with his servants. Thus truth was victorious and God was glorified through his believer. 37
On account of these and many more things than these they were in grief and sorrow, because had departed from them the blessed father, to whom all the priests of God were like sons; and as a mother her sons, he had cherished them under the wings of his prayers. But they rejoiced and were glad because they saw that the Athlete was garlanded, and that the spiritual warrior, who had stood manfully in the contest and fought bravely, had conquered his enemy and was written down on the side of the conquerors; the diligent husbandman, whose seed brought forth a hundredfold; the wise master-builder, whose building was finished and was not shaken by the violence of the winds and the fury of the tempests and the rush of rivers, all the long time they beat upon it; the skilful sailor, whose ship arrived at the port of bliss and was not injured by the many surging billows and the fiercely raging storms which pounded and beat against it through a stretch of years; it opposed them all, and trampled upon their necks |195 by the great help which was from its Lord, and rejoiced its mariner by the multitude of its gains; the faithful steward, who controlled his fellows in righteousness, and received the promise from his Lord, that he should be appointed over his treasury; (p. 639) the practiced scribe, who wrought and taught, and his teaching and the word of his tongue was acceptable, and they meditated on it night and day, men and women, old and young, young men and maidens. All regions rejoiced in the teaching of the just man, evil was ashamed, and God was glorified in his good and faithful servant, whose talent was doubled, and his Lord rejoiced over his gain in trade. The horn of the Holy Church was exalted in the end of his labor and in the completion of his struggle. Her mouth was opened in praise and in songs of the spirit; she began to say, rejoicing, while her face was glad and her heart exulted, and her soul was joyful, "Now is exalted my head above mine enemies about me." For she saw with all her sons what honor our Lord bestowed upon her lover, the one who had honored her priests and upheld her laws; and she forgot the shame and pain which had always tormented her. So she lifted up her voice in praise and began to say, "Now, Lord, I will praise thee, for thou answeredst me and becamest to me a Saviour." For not in a simple way did his Lord make the departure for his faithful one, but above all men who lived in his day and generation he magnified his triumphs in his life and death. For while he lived there came from the ends of the earth far distant peoples and barbarian tongues to greet him, to see his radiant and dear face, and to hear his divine, teachings, and emperors did him homage in their letters continually by their ambassadors. And again at his death priests came, and so did their parishes and flocks, (p. 640) and the emperor's commander-in-chief with a multitude of soldiers who were under his command. For there was at the time of the Saint's death a generalissimo who held the control of all the East, Ardabur the general, son of Aspar; who were (both) honored like kings in their own dominions. He came bringing with him twenty-one prefects and many tribunes, and an innumerable host of soldiers, and they attended the funeral of the Saint. For the citizens of Antioch entreated the general and. besought him with tears and many sighs, that they might bring the Saint in thither, that he might be a defense to |196 their city, which was ruined because of their sins; that they might be sheltered by his prayers. This was done of the Lord, that he might show how great honor he was bestowing upon him who had loved him and honored him by good works and deeds of righteousness. For he brought him down with very great honor, and in much pomp, priests and chief priests bearing him on their hands, and all the sons of the Holy Church, until they came to the village of Shih, which was about three miles distant from the mandra. And from there, again, he was placed upon a chariot, with generals and chiefs and prefects of the cities, and many soldiers surrounding him, and people innumerable and countless. For the villagers came forth for the celebration, men and women, old and young, youths and maidens, bond and free, to show their respect for him and receive blessing (p. 641) from him, as they burned incense and carried lighted candles.
The Saint's body was conducted in pomp for five days; for on the second day of the week it went out from the mandra, and on Friday it entered the great city of Antioch in great pomp and with such chanting as is beyond description, while they burned incense and lighted candles, and sprinkled sweet perfume before it and upon all the people who accompanied it; psalms and spiritual songs were chanted before it, until into the great and holy church---which Constantine the victorious and just Emperor built, whose memory shall be blessed in both worlds---it entered and was placed, a thing which had happened to none of the saints, neither ancient or modern. For no one was ever put in the cathedral church, neither of the prophets nor of the apostles nor of the martyrs, excepting only the blessed Saint Simeon himself. Also the bishop of Antioch himself and all his clergy, every day as a mark of honor chanted hymns of the spirit before him, and served with great silver censers of incense which they placed before him, continually, burning all the time sweet odors and choice incense such as they burned while he was alive, that God might show how greatly he honored him in his life and in his death.
His Lord also showed in his funeral a great triumph through him, such that all the beholders (p. 642) were amazed, and he made known the gift of healing which was given to him from God, such a thing as his labors merited. For there was a man who was possessed of an unclean spirit of an evil |197 demon, who had lived among the tombs many years. The burial place was close to the highway, beside a village whose name was Marwa, and all those who went and came by that road saw him. His speech was taken away, and he was bereft of his reason, and roared all the time as he went to and fro at the door of the burial place. He neither knew anyone, nor did anyone dare to approach him from fear and because of the sound of his roaring. Now when he saw that the coffin of the Saint's body was passing by upon the chariot, as though mercy from heaven was shown him, and as though for this, too, he had been kept, he left the sepulchre in which he dwelt, and running at full speed, threw himself upon the coffin in which lay the Saint's body. And just as soon as he reached the coffin his demon fled from him and the evil spirit which tormented him left him. His reason returned, he knew and recognized every one, the bond of his tongue was loosed, his mouth opened, and he praised and glorified God; and astonishment seized everyone. So was fulfilled that which is written, "The power which is in his works he shows to his people." 38 And he followed the Saint (p. 643) and entered the city with him. And there he was many days in the church, rejoicing and confessing and glorifying God. Also the victorious and Christian Emperor Leo 39, worthy of blessed memory, sent letters with ambassadors, with great pains, and wrote to the military commanders and bishops that they should send him the body of the holy Saint Simeon, that he might honor him there in his abode as his works merited, and that their dominion might be guarded through his prayers. Thereupon all Antioch arose with all its inhabitants, and with tears and sighs wrote and entreated of him, "Because our city has no walls, since it fell in the visitation, we have brought him that he may be a wall for us, and we may be protected by his prayers." And with difficulty he was persuaded by them to accede to this request that they should leave him with them. Even to such a degree as this did God magnify his worshipper, and because he honored God he was honored by God and reverenced by men.40 |198
So the holy and elect of God, Mar Simeon, was at rest.41 His struggle was ended, and he received his crown with high renown and with deeds of righteousness, and there was great joy to all (p. 644) who feared God, in the year seven hundred and seventy, at the end of the δωδεκάτη, that is, the twelfth year, and at the beginning of the τρισκαιδεκάτη, that is, the thirteenth year, on the second of the month Elul, on the fourth day of the week. He remained in the mandra, after he was laid at rest in the coffin on the pillar, nineteen days. But in the reckoning of the month it was twenty days, because one day previous must be reckoned to the month for the time of the Saint's death. He was laid at rest on the second of the month, and went out of his mandra on the twenty-first of the month Elul, and entered the city of Antioch on the twenty-fifth of the month, on Friday. For he went out on the second day of the week, and on Friday he entered, that is, after a period of five days, amid rejoicing and in great and magnificent pomp. May his memory be blessed, and his prayers be over the creation forever. Amen!
Here endeth the glorious life of the blessed Mar Simeon.42
[Most footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1 The numbers enclosed in parentheses refer to the pages of Bedjan's text.
2. 1 I. e. Baptism.
3. 1 Assemani's text has: He who had come up from beneath the altar.
4. 1 I. e. the door.
5. 1 This means that he partook of food on the successive Sundays only.
6. 1 Matt. 5:11.
7. 1 Nearly half a pint.
8. 2 Lit. hot coal, see Is. 6.
9. 1 "Mercy"; a compound of consecrated earth, oil, and water.
10. 1 Cf. page 510.
11. 1 Psalm 19, 4; cf. Rom. 10, 18, 1 Thess. 1,8.
12. 1 A cor = 11 1/2 bushels.
13. 1 I. e., recovered his sight.
14. 1 There is a play on words in the Syriac.
15. 1 Ps. 147, 17.
16. 1 Ms., Domnin.
17. 2 Literally, "the image of a mortal king".
18. 1 See p. 510.
19. 2 The reason why the young men wished to escape office was because higher municipal officials were so weighted with heavy expenses that it often ruined their fortunes. Hence they represented the governor's act as a piece of vindictiveness. (Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, p. 217.)
20. 1 A kind of large mouse or rat.
21. 1 The Maronites are probably descendants of these converts who embraced Christianity after Simeon's intercession had, as they believed, Treed them from the ravages of wild beasts (Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History p. 220).
22. 1 Jo. 14,12.
23. 2 Acts 5,15.
24. 1 Acts 19, 12.
25. 2 Jo. 21, 25.
26. 1 Lit., "the son of the left hand".
27. 1 "Indian" here means Ethiopian (negro), as often.
28. 2 Assemani's text has "Amid".
29. 3 See above.
30. 4 The old popular superstition about the demon of the storm and the heavenly deliverer is here crassly transferred to Simeon, (Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, p. 222.)
31. 1 "House of "Wells".
32. 1 A coarse cloak worn by priests.
33. 1 Exod. 19,19.
34. 1 Psalm 37, 37.
35. 1 Ezekiel 12, 3 ff.
36. 1 In June and September, 459 A. D., there were severe earthquakes.
37. 1 On the trustworthiness of this account of Simeon's interference in the matter of the Jewish synagogues, see Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, p. 218, and Torrey, JAOS, vol. XX, 1899, pp. 254 ff.
38. 1 Ps 110,6.
39. 2 Leo the First, who became king in the year 457 and died in the year 474. This clause is expunged in Codex Vat, See p. 107.
40. 3 "Here ends the story of Mar Simeon the Stylite" (Assemani).
41. 1 ["And was crowned the saint Mar Simeon on the second day of the month Elul on the fourth day of the week, at the ninth hour, in the year seven hundred and seventy-one of the Greek Era (i. e. 459 A. D.). Here endeth the excellent story of the course of the life of the perfect saint Mar Simeon of the Pillar. May his prayer aid the sinner who wrote it." (B. M. Add. 12174, fol. 48 a)].
42. 2 [Dr. Lent's translation and investigations were completed in the spring' of 1906. Since then has appeared (in Harnack und Schmidt, Texte und Untersuchungen, Ed. 32, Heft 4; Leipzig, 1908) a comprehensive work on. the life of the Saint by Lietzmann and Hilgenfeld, to which the latter contributes a German translation of the Bedjan text (pp. 80 -180). Hilgenfeld also gives a translation of the Letters of Simeon (pp. 188 ff.), of which the Syriac text, with translation and an investigation regarding authenticity etc., was published by Professor Torrey in this Journal in 1899; see the reference above, p. 104. Ed.]
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_of_epiphania.htm
John of Epiphania, On the submission of Chosroës the Younger to Maurice the Roman Emperor (date) pp.
John of Epiphania, On the submission of Chosroës the Younger to Maurice the Roman Emperor (date)
Preface
Translation
JOHN OF EPIPHANIA: PREFACE TO HIS HISTORY
Very few details have been preserved for us of the writer of this history. Our only sources for information about him and his life derive from a short reference to him in the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Book V Chapter 42 and what few details he provides about himself in his short preface. All that we can say is that he was somehow related to Evagrius with whom he shared the similar titles of σχολαστικοῦ and ἀπὸ ὑπάρχων/ἀπὸ ἐπάρχων, and that he also served as a legal advisor to Gregory, the Patriarch of Antioch, therefore being present at his meeting and trips involving the Persians from which he learned what he wrote.
Of John's history, only a fragment remains containing the first five chapters in the Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1056 of which it occupies folio 94 until the manuscript breaks off six folios later from there being too badly mutilated. What happened to the rest of the work is a mystery.
John's history seems to have found a small audience in its time. Written perhaps a year or two after the restoration of Chosroës in 591 A.D., it was made use of in certainty by Evagrius Scholasticus before he finished in 593/4 A.D. and Theophylact Simocatta, whose work the Whitby's date to the reign of Heraclius (1). After this century, subsequent writers seem to have made little use or none of it. Theophanes the Confessor writing in the early ninth century apparently makes use only of Theophylact Simocatta and Evagrius for the information he reproduces concerning the submission of Chosroës. In addition, Photius in his great Library makes no mention of John though he does of Evagrius with whom (perhaps) he confused John because of their similar titles, but this seems quite unlikely given that subsequently the great compiler of histories, John Zonaras, in the mid-twelfth century makes no use of him, but of almost exclusively Simocatta in his account (2). Furthermore, the fact that his history was apparently unknown to the extractors of the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945-959 A.D.) who extracted many other works of the sixth century now lost also shows the small breadth of his readership and almost suggests that he may never have published the work, of which we possess this small fragment.
However, because his work was made use of by Evagrius and Theophylact, we can at least construct and suggest what his history must of looked like. We have the beginning and that allows us to see where to begin reconstructing. Evagrius V.6-14 obviously derive from John with a few of Evagrius's own digressions into the ancient history and characteristics of some of the places such as that of Nisibis V.9 and Apamea V.10 as well as some ecclesiastical events and the madness of Justin II, which he considerably elaborates V.11. From his text we can also see what was present in the lacunae of our text. However, after this point where the manuscript breaks off, what came next is open to conjecture, but probably Evagrius follows it in summary continuing to add his own comments in chapters 14-15 and 19-22. As Evagrius ends his fifth book with the accession of Maurice, we can suppose that there too was where John ended his first part before proceeding on to what he knew.
Of Book VI by Evagrius, Chapters 1-16 follow John's work more or less. The speech given by Gregory to the soldiers in 12 is probably taken word for word from John's history and therefore should be viewed as an example of John's style of writing speeches, which becomes useful for dealing with Theophylact Simocatta's long and tiresome discourses. Whatever the case, the letters provided in Simocatta as having passed between Varam and Chosroës almost certainly derive from John who would have had a chance to get his hands on the originals while in Persia. The subsequent information on the cross and the inscription on it as it appears in both histories also derives from John. Finally, in all probability we can say that John's history ended where his Evagrius's did with the death of Gregory while returning from Persia, since this would seem the ideal place.
The text below was translated from K. Mäller, Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, vol. 4 (1851), p.272f.
1. Michael and Mary Whitby (trans.), The History of Theophylact Simocatta: An English Translation with Introduction, Oxford University Press, (1986) pg. xiii
2. This is evidenced by the language and the rewording of Theophylact v.15.5-8 in Zonaras p. 189
History of the submission of Chosroës the Younger to Maurice the Roman Emperor
By John of Epiphania
the Scholastic and the Expraefectus
[Translated by Scott Kennedy]
PART I
1. What the Romans and Medians felt and did making war on each other during the reign of the Roman emperor Justinian has been described by Agathias of Myrina, a preeminent man amongst the rhetors of Byzantium recording after Procopius of Caesarea the events happening involving the barbarians. As it is of great importance that which we have heard: the king of the Persians taking flight from his own land after having been deposed and submitting to the Roman State in order to gain the aid of the emperor Maurice in restoring himself to the throne, I have embarked upon this work not given confidence to do so by any particular eloquence on my part, nor by any previous study, but so that such a thing as this should not be left unspoken for posterity, since if the greatest deeds are not preserved in words and committed to memory, they will be extinguished by the darkness of silence. For words provide life as things wear away. Having been involved in some of these events and spoken with Chosroës and other particularly mentionable Medians (I was previously an advisor to Gregory, the archpriest of the city of Antioch, accompanying him frequently to meetings with them, and after the end of the war, I went with Gregory to Persia when he was promoting concord amongst them), I do not believe it is misplaced for me to narrate these events, as I am able to, to those who do not know about them. As it is necessary to know precisely about important previous events to learn about what follows, I feel I must make mention of the events that took place prior to me in brief including the revolt that took place against Hormisdas the father of Chosroës before proceeding to the rest of the work reminding those who know about these things of the actions taken and giving a starting point for those who have not heard anything at all of them to learn clearly before proceeding to subsequent events.
2. When Justinian after reigning for thirty nine years ended his life, he died in peace with other nations including the Medians and was succeeded by his nephew Justin the younger under whom the peace treaties Justinian had made with Chosroës, the Persian king, for a period of fifty five years after having waged war on another, which were in their twentieth year during the seventh year of Justin's reign and would reach their end in the ninth year of the emperor Maurice, broke down. The causes of their strife with one another were as such: the Romans were displeased that the Persians intending to Homerites (an Indic race allied and subject to them), with them having no choice, had made an attack on them in the present period of peace. Besides this, as the Turks had sent envoys to the Romans to which the emperor Justin had responded sending Zemarchus, a member of the Senate, back with them again, the Persians planned to bribe the Alans through whose lands they were about to make their passage to become an obstruct Zemarchus and the Romans and Turks with him. The Medians had a similar way about it finding causes for war with the Romans as the Armenians, their vassals, had risen up in revolt, killed their ruler by the name of Surenes, and gone over to the Roman Empire with the Romans welcoming them and offering them an alliance. Their contentiousness increased even further (for whoever wishes to learn the most disgraceful reason, though true) when Justin did not deem to pay the Medians the five hundred pounds of gold each year previously agreed to under the peace treaties and let the Roman State remain forever a tributary of the Persians.
3. As the time drew near for the previously agreed sums of money to be taken to Chosroës (it had been agreed to pay the amount for ten years time), nothing was done as had been agreed and instead Justin, the Roman emperor, sent in haste to the east his general Marcian, who was amongst the patricians of the Senate and was related to him being not unskilled in war and exceptionally brave. Crossing the Euphrates River, Marcian came to Osroëne already when the summer was underway, and with the barbarians having no forewarning of war he sent a contingent of three thousand men to Arzanene entrusting Theodore and Sergius, who were descended from the family of Rabdios, with command of them as well as sending Juventinus, the commander of the legions in Chalkis. They invaded suddenly ravaging Persian land and returned carrying off a considerable amount of plunder in all haste. After the winter season, Marcian gathered together his forces again and set out from Dara meeting with the barbarians in front of the city of Nisibis led by Varaman, who was in command of the companies stationed them. A fierce battle followed in which the Romans turned to the barbarians to flight vigorously near the Persian place called Sarmathon bringing down many of them then making an attempt at the fortress of Thebython where they spent ten days. Unable to seize it, they returned to the city of Dara while it was still spring and again invaded enemy land planning to besiege Nisibis with the approval of the emperor Justin.
4. While they were encamped near the city, King Chosroës set out from Babylon with an army of Medians crossing the Tigris River and passing over empty land, as the Roman had not heard of the king's movements, and came upon the Persian fortress of Amvaron (it is five days distant from the city of Circesion), where he dispatched Adaarman, as the general was called, to cross the Euphrates River there and plunder Roman territory with thousands of his own Medians and nomadic barbarians. At the same time, he urged Avorras on to the Romans besieging Nisibis. When Adaarman reached the city of Circesion, he crossed the Euphrates and began to forage Roman lands without any restraint. For due to the previous peace and quiet that they had enjoyed during the reign of Justinian, their war time preparation had receded and their virility completely vanished. As no one dared to come to blows with the barbarians, Adaarman was able to come as far as the city of Antioch ravaging the sites and fields near the city and then advancing on Coele Syria. He made camp not far from the great city of Apamea, to whose citizens' embassies he promised to enter the city and leave it unharmed, but then actually entering it where the Persians seized their possessions, enslaved its inhabitants, and put the entire city to the flame then returning in all haste to their own land. As a result of these actions, the emperor Justin dispatched Acacius (the Romans are accustomed to add the name of Archelaus) removing Marcian, who was still besieging Nisibis, from office because he had doubts about his loyalty as the city had not yet been taken control of.
5. As the Romans were retreating, they came to a fortress on the border named Mardes by its inhabitants where King Chosroës suddenly...laying siege himself...and the water of the city...constructing great (the word is unclear -????) by the city wall and making use of projectile launching machines against it, and because no external aid came for its inhabitants, he captured the city with the Medians violently mounting onto the city walls. He plundered the entire city and enslaved its inhabitants including even John the son of Timostratus, a man of surpassing strength and honor who had been entrusted with the rule and administration of the city, and then left behind a considerable garrison and returned home while the Romans were still holed up at the fortress of Mardes with Magnus in command, who also was in charge of imperial monies. Not many days later, Justin came down suddenly with a physical ailment and fearing for it all made a truce in that year with the Persians. As his ailment grew worse, he decided to announce his adoption of Tiberius, who commanded his bodyguards (Romans call this person the comes excubitorum) and proclaimed him Caesar handing over to him the cares of government. Of all of Justin's actions, this one, besides providing a good and indeed salutary period of rule, proved responsible for a great number of fair things for Roman affairs. When it happened that Tiberius took charge in these present circumstances, lest some terrible harm befall...to save and the starting points... seemed...Theodore who was in charge of the affairs of Armenia holding many other not ignoble offices being very learned and quite well able to see to what was necessary, so he sent off the barbarians revealing the things being done about him according to his arrangement and charging Chosroës to make a truce. A short while later, he sent off in haste to the east likewise Justinian, the son of Germanus, who numbered amongst the patricians of the Senate, entrusting him with charge of the war as he had been a man raised in the ways of war coming to maturity in it being subject neither to the rashness of youth, nor the frailty of age. Justinian came in all haste to the east taking care for the good conduct and order of his soldiers. Tiberius the Caesar then sent an army not small in number off in speed taking great care for its preparation for war by allocating a boundless sum of money and raising a mighty and war-like number from the nations taking great care for the coming war. As the duration of the truce was nearing its end, the Persians gathered themselves near Dara and came upon the city of Constantina, which Dara is four hundred and ninety stades to the west of (1).
1. Unfortunately, most of this passage must derive from the History of Theophanes of Byzantium who covered the reigns of Justin and Tiberius, which is summarized by Photius in Codex 64 and also the fragments preserved of Menander the Guardsmen 14-20 who covered the same period of time.
This text was translated by Scott Kennedy, 2008, and kindly released by him into the public domain. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: licinian_letters_00_intro.htm
Licinian of Cartagena, Letters (2004). Introduction
Licinian of Cartagena, Letters (2004). Introduction
Licinian of Cartagena
Licinian was bishop of Cartagena in Spain, during the brief Byzantian restoration. His conversations with Pope Gregory I the Great (590-601) and Eutropius of Valencia (+610) place him in the second half of the sixth century. In this time, emperor Justinian I (527-565) sent his general Belisarius to reconquer the north coast of Africa on the Vandals. He also conquered a large part of coastal Spain (536), including the site of Cartagena, which had been destroyed earlier. The Byzantines rebuilt the city and made it an episcopal see again. Licinian was bishop during this period. The Byzantine rule over Cartagena ended in 674.
Isidore of Sevilla writes of Licinian in his Book on the illustrous writers of the Church (De viris illustribus sive de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis):
He was learned in the scriptures, and we can read a few of his letters. There is one about the sacrament of baptism, and several to Eutropius the abbot and later bishop of Valencia; but of his other writings and works very little has come to our notice.
He was famous in the time of Mauricius Augustus; he is buried in Constantinople, poisoned they say, murdered by a rival. But, as it is written, "He was well prepared for any death, his soul is at ease".
Only three of his letters survived to our times. The first, a letter by Licinian to Gregory the Great, about Gregory's Book of Rules (Regula pastoralis), can be found in the CCEL Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers collection. The second letter is a treatise written in collaboration with Bishop Severus in which the spirituality and incorporeality of angels and human souls is defended against an unnamed bishop. The letter is addressed to Epiphanius, the deacon of the bishop attacked.
We can theorize that Licinian was sent from Byzantium to the newly reconstructed Cartagena. His eloquent style of writing and his conversations with some great thinkers, as well as the testimony of Isidore, make us suppose that he was a great mind. We can only imagine his exasperation with his less educated colleagues in Spain, as it is evident from his letter to Vincent, bishop of Ibiza.
The letter to Vincent of Ibiza
The letter translated below shows us Licinian struggling against superstition and credulity. Coming from the center of the known world (Byzantium) to its very edge he now lives among half-savages christianised by a clergy of low moral and intellectual standards. The story goes as follows.
A letter has turned up, found on an altar dedicated to Saint Peter, fallen from heaven it is said. The letter apparently claims to be written by Christ himself. The letter talks about honouring the day of the Lord in the Jewish fashion: working and travelling are not allowed. The text of this letter from heaven isn't preserved: Licinian destroyed his copy, and urged Vincent to do the same with his original. What we know of its contents comes from the bishops letter describing it.
It is interesting that this letter has turned up in a church dedicated to Saint Peter. In the early Christian church, Peter stood for a more Jewish interpretation of the New Testament, and this letter concerning Jewish ways of honouring the day of the Lord seems more or less to fit with his ideas. His opponent, Paul, who wanted to open Christianity to the gentiles, confronted him. This is referred to in Paul's letter to the Galatians, the letter quoted by Licinian at the end of our letter. Did Licinian destroy a genuine, important early church document? We shall probably never know.
The letter was probably longer and talked about more rules than just the working and travelling, but at this point Licinian stopped reading, indignified by the obvious heresies.
Vincent, having found or received this letter, and being superstitious and credulous, thought that he had received a real message from heaven, a prophecy, and had the letter read out to the people, thereby proclaiming it de facto as church law. He also sent a copy (or copies?) to his colleague(s?), to spread this new message from heaven. So it came into Licinian's hands.
The wise bishop, either suspecting a forgery or really believing it to be an important document, takes the letter from the messenger who brings it and starts reading it, without even dismissing the messenger. He immediately sees through it, destroys the letter without reading further and gets very angry. Without hesitating he writes to Vincent - perhaps this is why he hasn't dismissed the messenger. The letter is short and to the point, and seems to be written in haste. Licinian also mentions other 'tribulations' in his first sentence.
He scolds Vincent for believing such an obvious forgery, and for proclaiming it from the public rostrum. For by doing that, Vincent has become a false prophet and thus automatically excommunicated. Another reason for haste: an excommunicated bishop, even if he isn't aware of the fact and acts in good faith, cannot perform the proper rituals and is a danger to the entire community.
We also get an indication of Licinian's personality: he doesn't like dancing. It isn't the best of examples to use in such a letter, which strengthens my suspicion that the letter was written in haste. Or perhaps the island of Ibiza had a reputation for dancing long before our own time?
Licinian ends with a guideline to help Vincent in discerning between what is orthodox and what is not: the Old and New testament hold the entire Truth, and anything that goes against them is not to be believed.
Steven Van Impe
This text was written by Steven Van Impe, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: licinian_letters_03_letter .htm
Licinian of Cartagena, Letters (2004). Letter 3: Against those who maintain that letters fell from heaven
Licinian of Cartagena, Letters (2004). Letter 3: Against those who maintain that letters fell from heaven
The third letter of Licinianus, bishop of Cartagena, to Vincent, bishop of the island of Ibiza 1.
Against those who maintain that letters fell from heaven on the shrine of Saint Peter of Rome
(now for the first time published from the manuscript of the church of Toledo).
By the charity of Christ, we have not been prevented by the difficulties of various tribulations, be they what they may, from sending some words to your Holiness, who has urged us to accept your letter, and to rejoice in your health.
But we are not a little saddened by the fact that, as your writing indicates, you have accepted a certain letter, which you forwarded to us, and that you had it read aloud from the tribunal of the people.
I, for one, when I had only just received what you sent me, read the beginning of that letter in the presence of the messenger himself. I wasn't patient and didn't stand on my dignity; I didn't read the repellent message throughout.2 I immediately tore it apart and threw it on the floor, surprised that you could have believed this. After the prophecies of the prophets, and the gospels of Christ, and the apostles and their letters, I don't know who of all people, could believe a letter written under the name of Christ was really from him, wherein no noble word, no sensible doctrine could be found.
In the first place we read in that letter that the day of the Lord is to be maintained. Who is a Christian, then, who would not hold it most revered, not because of the day itself, but because of the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, who on that day was resurrected from the dead?
But, as I see it, this new 'prophecy' says this in order to compel us to live like the Jews, and that nobody may on that day prepare the necessary food for himself, or walk on the road. But let your Holiness decide on what is worst. If only the Christian people, if they do not visit the church on that day, would do other works, instead of go dancing.
It were better for men to tend their garden, to go on the road, for women to hold the spinning staff, and not, as I said, to dance, to jump, and to badly twist ones God-given limbs and to call for stories and songs to raise the passions.
Therefor it is not fitting of your Holiness to believe that letters are now sent to us by Christ. What is said in the (books of the) prophets, by himself and by his Apostles is sufficient.
Because even to them he did not send a letter from heaven, but the Holy Spirit filled their hearts. Except for the ten commandments, that were given miraculously in the stone tablets, no letters were ever sent from heaven to prophets or apostles.
Do not believe things that were never made to be read: for even if they were made, after the proclamation of the gospels they are no longer necessary.
And if by chance this novelty pleases you, because this letter, as the forger writes, came from heaven on to the altar of Christ dedicated to the holy apostle Peter, know that it is a work of the Devil, and every divine scripture, letter, or letters are heavenly, and are transmitted to us from Heaven.
Repair then what your Holiness rashly believed, and destroy this letter, if you still possess it, in the presence of the people. And this requires penitence from you, that you had it read from the tribunals. For according to the learning of the blessed apostle, as what he wrote among other things to the Galatians: If someone preaches to you something other than that what you have accepted, let him be anathema.3
But as well as the gospel, the entire law and the prophets up to John prophesy this. If in the future some new or unusual things are spread, your Holiness will know they are to be completely cast aside and detested.
Pray for us, holy lord and dear brother in Christ.
Footnotes
1. Ebositana Insula, or Ebusitana as it is usually spelled in Latin, is translated as the island Ibiza. In this case it probably refers to the 'Illes Pitiüses' (Ibiza and Formentera, with smaller islands), or perhaps to the entire Balearic Islands (also including Majorca and Minorca, with smaller dependencies).
2. Licinian calls the letter naenia, which is usually translated as a funeral song or elegy.
3. Gal. 1.8: "If anybody preaches to you a doctrine other than that which we have preached, let him be accursed."
AMDG translated by Steven Van Impe. Original Latin text provided by Roger Pearse (from J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Latina 72, 689-700), along with helpful suggestions, corrections and general encouragment, for which I am thankful.
This text was translated by Steven Van Impe, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: life_of_mar_aba_0_intro.htm
Anon., Life of Mar Aba (2013) Introduction
Anon., Life of Mar Aba (2013) Introduction
Mar Aba I (sometimes incorrectly written Maraba) was the Catholicos, or Patriarch, of the Nestorian Church of the East in Persia during the mid-to-late th century. An anonymous Saint's Life has survived in Syriac. A few notes on the context of the work may be useful for general readers.
At that period Christianity was increasing rapidly in Persia, and encountering determined resistance from the Zoroastrian priests, or Magians.
Initially the Sassanid kings backed the Magians. But it was the period covered by the Life that things began to change. The Magians were a political threat to the Sassanid monarchs, and quite willing to assassinate an intractable King of Kings. But by the end of the th century, there were so many Christians that they could not be ignored. The kings found it convenient to play off the Christians against the Magians, and to create and uphold a balance of power with themselves in control.
Much of this change of attitude can be seen at work in the Life of Mar Aba.
Aba was a Persian of noble rank. This gave him social status, and made it possible for him to do things in the less-than-civilised Persian world that others might not have been able to do. Thus after an assassination attempt, he is forced to return from exile without the king's permission. He goes straight to court, and demands to be killed openly, rather than in a corner. Since all the Persian nobles feared intrigue, his demand is understood and understandable. Attempts to treat him like a servant are contemptuously rebuffed.
But he also benefited from the policies of the Roman emperor Justinian. Persian kings had always been suspicious that the Christians would be more loyal to the Christian Roman emperor than to themselves. But Mar Aba had visited Constantinople as a young man. He was in time to experience Justinian's crack-down on heresies, some long dormant. This made his court a dangerous place for the young Nestorian to be, and in the end he was obliged to flee across the frontier. But in consequence he could not be suspected of disloyalty to Persia, and the charge is not made against him, even by his enemies. The presence of Nestorian Christianity in the Persian realm was becoming politically acceptable.
Possession of the person of the Nestorian patriarch was also politically valuable to the Sassanid king. Christianity was spreading along the Silk Road, in places where Persian power did not exist. One episode in the Life shows a priest coming from the Hephthalites, or White Huns, seeking ordination from Mar Aba, and the latter ordains a church hierarchy, with the full knowledge and support of the Persian king.
It is unsurprising, then, that on Mar Aba's death the king interfered in the election of his successor, and ensured that a trusty royal candidate was appointed. From this period on, the Persian Nestorians were the "home" church for any Persian ruler, the ones they could trust; and this continued to be the case when the Persian Abbasid caliphs came to power in the Moslem period. This in turn facilitated the translation by Nestorian scholars of Greek science into Arabic.
The Life of Mar Aba is a hagiographical document, and inevitably various elements in it are likely to be borrowed from stock hagiographical themes, or stated in the phraseology of that genre. How much is invention, and how much historical, is a question that will always be hard to answer. But the unknown author of the work demonstrates a knowledge of the complicated politics of the transitional period, which it is unlikely that he could have acquired much after the death of Mar Aba.
A very interesting statement appears early on, which it is hard to imagine can be a hagiographical artefact. In the region in which Mar Aba lived, and worked, and was converted, the Life tells us that, to the pagans the term "Christian" meant "Marcionite". The genuine Christians had to make do with being called "Messianists"; and there were Jews there also. The narrative was interpreted by Walter Bauer as evidence that the Marcionites predated the Christians into the region of Mesopotamia generally in the nd or rd centuries. But nothing in the narrative suggests a larger context, or a period before the th century. It is perhaps equally possible that these Marcionites were a group of refugees from Justinian's anti-heretical policies, and had come to the area in question only a short time earlier. It would not be surprising if the Christian penetration into Persia was patchy, and large areas of it were still unevangelised.
The Life of Mar Aba has never been translated into English. A German translation exists in the Bibliothek der Kirchenvater series, however.* During 2012-13 I translated the German, chapter by chapter, into English as a series of blog posts, mainly for my own purposes in order to find out what the text contained. The translation that follows is collected from those posts, slightly revised. As a translation from the German, rather than the Syriac, it has no scholarly value whatever. It undoubtedly contains various mistakes, since German is by no means my best language. But I have chosen to make it available because of the very great interest of the text; but also because knowledge of German among English-speakers tends to be slight, and so doing will help things along. My purpose is to encourage interest in this obscure period of Christian history by making this text more accessible. I would like to think that it will lead a Syriac specialist to undertake the task of making a proper translation direct from the Syriac. Indeed I would be happy to commission such a translation, should anyone be interested in so doing.
Roger Pearse
September 2013
* Oskar Braun (tr.), Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer, in: Bibliothek der Kirchenvater 22, Kempten (1915), p.188-222: section 20 (online here, and at Archive.org here). The introduction states that the text was translated from P. Bedjan, Histoire de Mar-Jabalaha, de trois autres patriarches, d'un prêtre et deux laīques, Nestoriens, Paris & Leipzig (1895), p.206 f. (Online at Archive.org here).
This text was written by Roger Pearse, 2013. Footnote added 2024. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: life_of_mar_aba_1_text.htm
Anonymous, Life of Mar Aba (2013)
Anonymous, Life of Mar Aba (2013)
[Translated by Roger Pearse]
1. The history of the wonderful and divine struggles of the holy witness Mar Aba, the Catholicos, the Patriarch of the East.
(Introduction: if we honour great men with statues, how much more then is it fitting to honour the witnesses to Christ, especially Mar Aba.)
Mar Aba was originally a pagan, and surpassed most heathens in his (zeal for) paganism. He also was learned in Persian literature. Because he was very learned in literature, the nobles of his area recognised that he was very learned and perceptive, and invited him to join them, and they considered that he was suitable for the civil service and gave him an official position. And since the Blessed One listened to them, they made him an Arzabed; he went in and out with them, and was respected by many. He was a hard, bitter pagan; he reviled the Christians and taunted the Sons of the Covenant.1 But as he crossed the Tigris, Jesus threw his net over him and caught him in it. For the Lord is accustomed to do as he did to the blessed Paul, when he went to Damascus to persecute his followers, to chain them and deliver them to death. He transformed him from a persecutor into a persecuted; he was chained, suffered and died for him. Similarly Jesus sent to the saint, as he went from the village of Chale to his home, and sat with others in a boat (κέρκουρος), a student (σχολάριος) as teacher, a mortified ascetic, a humble and gentle man, modest and humble in his appearance (σχῆμα), named Joseph, with the surname Moses. On his rod he had the sweet and pleasant bait of the spiritual life, to entice the saint from death to life.
2. When the blessed one sat in the boat to go across, the student also got in, to go across with him. Then the saint saw his dress (σχῆμα), took him for a Son of the Covenant, beat him, and took the bag that he had with him and threw it ashore, and forced him to get out. The student said nothing in reply, but got out and sat on the bank of the Tigris. But once the blessed one and his companions had set out and had moved away a little distance from the shore, by the grace of God a violent wind blew against them; the Tigris became stormy like a zealous servant and its waves rose up against them, and it roared against the blessed one, because he had fought against the disciple of Christ and mocked him and prevented him from crossing. Fear came over him, and he ordered the boat to return to the shore. After he landed, the wind ceased and there was a great calm. Then he got into the boat again, and the student also got in with him, and sat down with him in the boat, and again the blessed one rose against him and forced him to go ashore. And when they had gone a little way, the wind awoke again against this pagan audacity, that he did not recognised the Creator of All, and he was even more disturbed than before. And again the blessed one and his companions returned to the shore and got out. But the excellent student was sitting on the bank of the Tigris.
3. When the blessed one looked at the habit (σχῆμα), which was chaste and (not) colourful (?), he became doubtful whether he was perhaps not a Son of the Covenant, but a Marcionite or a Jew, and he asked him, "Are you a Jew?" He said, "Yes". Again he spoke, "Are you a Christian?" He said, "Yes". Again he spoke, "Do you worship the Messiah?" He said, "Yes".
The blessed one was very angry at this answer by the student and said, "How can you be Jew, Christian and Messianist (meschîchâjâ)?" For by "Christian" he meant, after the local custom, the Marcionites.
The student said, "In private I am a Jew. I worship the living God and believe in his Son, Jesus Christ, and in the Holy Spirit. I avoid idolatry and all uncleanness. I am a Christian in truth, not like those the Marcionites lead astray and call themselves Christians. Because "Christian" is a Greek word, which means in Syriac "Messianist". And if you ask me, "Do you worship the messiah?", I worship him in truth and I avoid all evil for the sake of true life."
4. When the blessed one heard this, he rejoiced in his spirit. He recognised the wisdom and humility of the student, the disciple of Christ. Again he got into the boat and sat down, and the student also got on. And since the blessed one stopped despising the student, the wind also ceased; the waves of the Tigris calmed; they went across and came ashore. As both got out, the student said, "What did it cost you, that I came across with you?" The blessed one wondered at his calm, and very much regretted insulting him. He went to him and fell down before him, and said, "I ask you by the living and true God, forgive me for this sin committed against you." The student said, "The Lord has commanded us Christians, to retain anger against no-one, and never to return evil for evil." Then they drew near each other, greeted one another, and parted.
5. As the blessed one saw the virtue of this student, and thought much about his words, he decided in his heart to go and learn at the Christian college, and fasted and prayed much.
He was working for a respectable man named Chudaibod, the secretary of the Finance Director of the district of Beit Aramaye, and was then in Radan. After the latter was called to Ctesiphon, the blessed one also went down with the secretary for whom he was working. He fasted daily and prayed constantly at the stone church.2
The secretary heard, where he was, that the blessed was being instructed in Christianity and said one day, "Aba, have you become a messianist?" He said, "Yes, I am a messianist." The secretary said, "I will say this and accuse you before the Finance Director, and you will be put in chains."3 The blessed one said, "Just say it; I am willing to allow myself to be chained and to die for the name of Christ." So spoke the saint, although he had not yet received the seal of baptism.
After he had spent some time in Ctesiphon, he returned to his home and after fasting and praying constantly, he entered into holy baptism in the village of 'KD.4 From then on he was more eager in fasting, prayer and virtuous works. He left the secretary and his service, renounced the world, and decided to go into the desert and the mountains, there to live and to please God by his conduct.
6. Then he went up to Nisibis, and joined the local holy school, and gained the opportunity to handle the divine scriptures, dearer than his life. He learned the (Psalter) of David in a few days, and began with the contemplation of the divine scriptures. He associated with the at-peace-in-God Ma'na, the bishop of Arzon, a godly man and teacher of truth, who mainly by his good manners and through his acumen and scholarship surpassed all who were around at that time and (even) most of his predecessors. After Mar Ma'na became a bishop, he joined him and went with him and was entrusted with the authority to teach in the province of Arzon. Everyone there profited greatly from him, and he converted many heretics to the true faith.
Afterwards he returned to Nisibis and made great strides every day, in dealing with the explanation (of the scriptures) and spiritual studies.
Then he felt obliged to go even into the Roman empire, in order to see the longed-for places of the saints, to receive the blessing of their prayers and then about a man named Sergius, who had linked the Arian ideas with paganism, with whom he wanted to dispute and establish the true faith.
7. When he came to Edessa, he was joined by a brother named Thomas, who had been instructed (in the faith) from a young age. And thus he surpassed most people in his knowledge, which he acquired from the blessed one in the many years that he was with him. After wandering about a lot teaching, because he had been instructed in the Greek language also by him, he went into the Egyptian desert and enlightened many with his teaching and virtues. He went into distant lands with great effort and by difficult ways of travel. In Alexandria he expounded the holy scriptures and converted many who held pagan opinions. He refuted those who dealt in magic, and put down the heretics (αἱρεσιώτης), in which he put them in a state of admiration by his attractive conduct. Everyone was amazed at his mortification and enlightened by his teaching. From there he went to Athens, and chastised the Athenians who believed that they were something great because they had been busy from the start with pagan knowledge and he converted many to the knowledge of the truth by signs and wonders, which were done by him there and in Corinth. We would like to recount a double miracle.
8. In a holy nunnery the Superior had long been ill with lower abdominal pain and dysentery, and was near to death. In the same nunnery was a heretic woman who was arrogant towards the Superior and embittered her with her blasphemies. When the Superior, a large, excellent woman, heard of the learning and virtue of the blessed one, she believed that, if he would send her a blessing on her food, she would instantly be healed. She sent to ask.
Because she ate only peas, on which she lived, he sent her some, because she had nothing else. When the Superior, who was near to death, ate the peas, she became well and immediately the dysentery stopped, although peas are harmful for this disease. But the divine providence wills what it will. And as through the blessed Moses with bitter wood, or through the prophet Elisha with salt, bitter water was made sweet, so did it here through this blessed one.
And the Superior pleaded with God, through the prayer of the blessed one, because of the blasphemy of that woman in the monastery, and in the night, she died, because she blasphemed God and the blessed one, because the Superior had recovered through his blessing.
9. Some sophists (σοφιστής) who were well-known for their paganism, were impressed when they listened to his erudition and knowledge of the truth and burned their books of fables. The news of this spread throughout the whole land of Achaia, and became known and God was praised.
The heretics who were there were stirred up by his erudition, because he competently solved their objections and refuted their arguments, and they therefore sought to kill him. He got into a ship, travelled to the imperial capital Constantinople, and there he taught the true faith for about a year. Many brought him some gold and costly clothing; but he did not condescend to take it. He supported himself by the work of his own hands, so far as his livelihood necessitated, by weaving baskets (σπυρίς) and selling them and living thereby, so that in the land of Cilicia (?) five loaves (? φοῦρνος) of bread and a little green plant were enough to support him and his disciple for seven months.
What can I say about the thieves who left off their robberies and returned to the cities and villages, repented of their wrongdoing and became friendly to strangers (ξένοι)? One day when he was in the Thebaid, which is full of robbers, he took a road which looked dangerous, and he encountered (some) who said, "Take off and put down everything you have." He did so, and they saw that he had nothing other than his textbook. The robbers wept, fell at his feet and begged him to forgive them for troubling him and said to him, "Take gold and silver from us, as much as you want." But he would not. They turned away from their work and gave what they possessed to the poor.
10. Such things and more did he work in the west, so that even the emperor of the west desired to see him because of the reputation of his teaching and piety.5 When the blessed one heard this, he went away to Antioch. And when he came to Nisibis, and saw the schism in the hierarchy, he desired to hurry away into the desert. But when the bishop of the province (ὑπαρχία) heard this, he forbade him to leave under threat of ecclesiastical penalties. He now remained for a long time as a teacher and delighted in intellectual pursuits more than in all the blessings of this world.
Of his works then I will tell you of just one.
There was a brother studying there who was tormented by an evil devil. The blessed one fasted and prayed with the brothers, in which he said, "I trust in God, that the evil spirit will depart rapidly from him." As he spoke, it did. After three days that spirit went out of the brother and came to him no more. All who heard and saw this knew it and praised God.
11. Afterwards without his knowledge he was elected by the metropolitans and bishops and all the clergy and believers of the (two) cities to the high office of the Catholicate.6 The king sent horsemen after him, although he did not suspect this, and he was elevated to the patriarchate without having thought about it. He inherited the throne of the catholicos Mar Simon (bar Sabbâ'ê), of splendid witness, and of his blessed companions, and he inherited also their beloved struggle (ἀγών).
He brought peace to the churches, extirpated the hostility that the devil had introduced at the time of the schism, sowed peace in the remote, inaccessible provinces and cities, in which he bore much heat (and cold), renewed the old man, lightened the darkness, and established the canons of the apostles in the east.
After he had held a consultation in the provinces of Hûzâjê, Pârsâjê and Maischânâjê, which reconciled the divided churches and brought peace, and had dismissed the accompanying metropolitans and bishops to their homes, he went to meet the King of Kings, stood before him and was received by him.
Afterwards he returned to his cathedral and his cities of residence. At night he worked on the letter which he sent regarding church government in the provinces; by day (he worked) until the fourth hour on the explanation of the scriptures and from then until evening on legal matters and resolving disputes between believers, as well as between them and the pagans. The servants of Christ were pleased with him, and the churches of all the provinces of his patriarchate rejoiced.
12. Satan, the enemy of our race, could not look on, but writhed threateningly. He worked on the chief magian, the Mobedan Mobed, named Dadhormizd, and his companions, the chiefs of the magians, so that they went to the King of Kings and stirred him up with their accusations, so that they said, "The Catholicos Aba, the leader of the Christians, does not respect you as King and Lord, and he does not honour these, your great and glorious majesty. When he came to Pars and into the eastern provinces of your realm, they received him with great honour. The religion of the magians, which Hormizd was given by God, who ruled in your realm, he attacks as reprehensible and destroys it. He has converted many magians to Christianity. Our religion he harms; his own he promotes. We, the chiefs of the magians, he treats as nobodies. In short, he is a friend of the emperor7 and an enemy of your majesty."
The peaceful and benevolent King of Kings did not accept their accusations. But after they came often before him and talked, he gave over the matter to them. When they found an opportunity (to carry out) their desire, the magians sent a message to the blessed one and called him before their assembly, when the king, in the twelfth year of his reign, set out from the royal quarter (ôstân) in order to go into the northern district of the Armenians and Gûrzânâjê and make war with the Khazars.
After he had come, everyone acted as very angry and gnashing their teeth against him in great bitterness. The holy one did not allow himself to be frightened, but he made the cross of Christ on his forehead, which reinforced him with every invincible shield, and he rejoiced and exulted to be tried for the sake of Christ.
13. When the chief magian and his companions saw that he was not afraid of their threats, they marvelled at the courage of the champion of Christ and released him the same day without asking him anything. The chief magian did the same on the second and third days. On the fourth day they clamoured violently against him, shouting, "Whoever is against our religion will be swept off the earth." Then two noble magians got up; one was Shahrdawer, named Adorpareh; the other was the Rad of Pars, and they accused him, "When this one came down into the region of Pars, he caused many magians of the religion (dên) of Hormizd to alienate and he made them Christians. Many Christians in Pars, who ate the flesh of the mutterings8 now consider it anathema to eat. When the magians heard this, they clamoured more violently still and said, "This man shall be killed, because he is an opponent of magianism." Although it was the duty of the chief magian as judge to evaluate the words, and to ask the accused about the accusation, and then to pronounce judgement (ἀπόφασις) as the legal code (κανών) and case-law require, he did not do so because he was an enemy of truth. Instead, as if overcome with horror, he also howled and screamed, "If this man had a hundred heads, they would have to be cut off."
Then the soldier of Christ made the sign of the cross on his forehead, raised his voice and said, "In everything wherein I am accused by the magians concerning the true faith of Christ, O Mobedan Mobed, I am full of great joy that I have been honoured to defend it in your assembly. But only by the order of the King of Kings, when others are joined with you — then I will answer."
14. When the chief magian and his companions heard these words of the blessed one, they grew even more enraged. They went to the King of Kings and complained to him, "This man, the leader of the Christians, must not live, because he is destroying the religion (dên) of Hormizd." Since they now pressured the King of Kings strongly, the latter allowed the blessed one to be taken to the PSNIK' DRWSPN 9, to appear before the Mobedan Mobed, that PSNIK', and to explain himself to the magians who were accusing him.
When the blessed one heard this message, he threw himself down, turned to the east, made the sign of the cross on his face, stood up boldly and said, "There is one God, the Creator, Lord and ruler of all, and he is in three persons without beginning and end. To believe in and confess him is available for any man who of his own free will takes him as his Creator, and believes and confesses his Lordship. No-one can use that belief in God, of which anyone who confesses Him is guilty, to say, "He is mine alone," as other, pointless religions do. And, like the air that we breathe, which all men have in common, and like the light of the sun, the moon, the stars, and millions more, Christianity is not just mine, but for all rational people, past, present and future, who want to believe it. I say before men, what I learned from the holy scripture. Anyone who listens, accepts and does, I commend, honour and praise, and I do not push him out of the church. Because he knows his Creator, and believes in His Providence. The holy scripture does not tell me to bind someone, beat them, or take something from them. But we pray and implore God for those who err, that he will lead them to the knowledge of truth; but I would warn the Christians to guard against the uncleanness of sacrificial victims."
Then the Mobedan Mobed, and all those present gave the verdict: He is worth of death.
15. At the meeting where they were negotiating with the blessed one was also a respected believer from Bet Ardashir, named Abrodak, a man who was very close to the king and his nobles. When he heard the words of the Catholicos, he was filled with divine zeal and said to the Mobedan Mobed, "You too, you who are the chief magian, will agree with the Catholicos, if you listen to his teaching, and will desire to become a Christian, and we Christians will not push you out of the church." The Mobedan Mobed and the magians were very angry at this, but because the believer was an important man, they could do nothing to him. However the chief magian and his companions arose and came in great anger to the king, and complained bitterly of these words, "A Christian has said to the Mobedan Mobed, 'If you become a Christian, we will receive you with joy.'" The King of Kings said, to appease their anger, "Why didn't you prosecute him without delay?" When they were gone from the king, they sought to catch him, but they did not find him, because he had gone at the king's command on official business to the (capital) cities. Thus he escaped the hands of the magians.
16. After this the blessed one went daily into the assembly of the magians, who were negotiating with him and asking him about all sorts of things. And the Mobed of Bet Aramaje got up and said, "Often, when Christians bring a prosecution, and obtain a written (judgement) from the Mobedan Mobed, he sends for them, takes them out of the court house and tears up the written (judgement). All the cases that come to us are actually decided by him, and we suffer much violence through him."
The Catholicos said, "If a Christian maliciously accuses his brother, I will not allow him to come into the church."
Then a man from Samarra (?) named Dendad got up, who had put on the name of Christian, but in this, as in many other accusations, he had joined with the magians, and since he had exchanged God's truth for a lie, after a few days his body was swollen up, by God's punishment. Then he stood up publicly before the magians and said, "I have maliciously accused the Catholicos." But he died mid-sentence.
17. Because the blessed one had given himself over to the commandments of the Lord and the apostles, he warned the bishops and priests, their flock, all the time to warn all ranks of the Christian community not to break the canons of the apostles and marry their stepmother, niece, wife of their uncle, or to approach two (sisters). Anyone who did otherwise he expelled from the church with bindings and anathemas. Then the rad and the Mobed of Bet Aramaye arose and accused him also of this.
The Mobedan Mobed said to the blessed one, "Those who, before you were Catholicos, married such men or women, allow them into the church because it did not happen in your time."
The Catholicos said, "I will not transgress the command of my Lord, and to those who do, whether they have transgressed or are transgressing, I will refuse entry to the church, so that they do not contaminate the people of the Lord."
The chief Magian said, "Those who did so in your time should not enter."
The Catholicos said, "Whether the devil entered someone before or during my Catholicate, should he leave him or not?"
The chief Magian said, "He should leave him."
The Catholicos said, "In the same way should also those who have transgressed the divine commandment be freed, so that they are not delivered with Satan and the devils to eternal hell. "
18. As the Mobedan Mobed and the magians recognised that they had been refuted by the blessed one with these words, they sought out another method to link the issue with the command of the king. The Mobedan Mobed said, "If in your (holy) scriptures it says, 'If you do this, you do rightly' and if is it written in another text, that you should not do it because it is not right, and if the King of Kings says to you, that this, which you are commanded to do, you shall not do, and to do what it says not to do, will you obey the orders of the King of Kings and do his will, or will you transgress his command?"
The Catholicos said, "Far be it from the King of Kings that he, with respect to the good which is commanded of me, and the evil, which is forbidden to me, shall order me not to do good and to do evil."
The Mobedan Mobed and the magians said, "But what if he does?"
The Catholicos said, "He does not."
And as they pressured him so much, he said, "If he commands it, I will at that time answer, 'God the Creator and Lord of all things must be obeyed rather than men.'"
They said nothing in reply.
19. A few days later, the King of Kings saw the blessed one on the road; he spoke to him and accepted the salutation which the godly one made him. This excited the envy of the magians and they again brought him before their assembly. When he appeared before them, one arose as prosecutor and said, "This one used to be a pagan and the son of a pagan, and later became a Christian."
Then they all clapped their hands and said, "This man is deserving of death." Then they drew up a document of the investigation and read it to each other.
They showed him the piece of writing, which they had drawn up against him, and said, "If you do our will, and write and sign with us, that you do not forbid those who have married their stepmother, sisters and stepdaughters, as well as those others who (have contracted marriages) forbidden by your scripture, do not come before the court, do not bring any magians and pagans into Christianity, and do not forbid the Christians to eat the flesh left over from magian sacrifices, then we will leave you free and we will not throw you into prison. Go into your house and manage your Catholicate. But if you do not listen to us, then we will draw up an indictment (purschaschnâmag) against you and throw you in prison."
The Catholicos said, "God, whom I serve, forbids me to transgress the true Christian faith, which I hold and teach, and to do you will in any of the above matters. For anyone who does something like this denies Christ and is no Christian."
After they heard this, they sealed the indictment and ordered that he be thrown into prison.
20. But since the Christians at court clamoured violently and shouted because of the blessed one, the King of Kings ordered that he should not be thrown into prison. He was handed over to the Rad of Azerbaijan, named Dad(d)en, a man evil and hardened against everyone, but who through God's grace was gentle, friendly and peaceful to the blessed and his disciples.
On the advice of the devil, the enemy of truth, the Mobedan Mobed and the noble magians secretly arranged to send down the holy one into his custody in the province of Azerbaijan, which is eclipsed by error 10, in a district (rûstâkâ) darkened by paganism named PRHRWR, in a village named SRSCH by the magians, which is the birthplace of magianism.
There the magians of the whole Persian realm gather together in order to learn the foolish mutterings of Zardusht bar Spidtahman 11, people who are the enemies of all truth. They wander about in droves and bands, follow their masters, talk and argue in the nonsense of their errors, stuttering and yelling and gnashing their teeth like wild pigs. The blessed one had to endure the sight and sound of the wildness and pugnacity of the people, who had never heard the name of Christian, faced them with his greeting and attempted to talk rationally to them.12
They placed a watch on him. And because of Satan's influence, they did not allow him the slightest relief from his pains, which they made him endure so that he would quickly depart from this life.
21. When the holy one heard this, he praised God: "I praise you, Lord Christ, Lord of all kings and King of all lords, that you have done me, a weakling, this great honour, that I am persecuted and reviled, because I confess you in truth as God, your Father and the holy, life-giving Spirit, and that I, for the sake of your great and terrible name, have been handed over by your persecutors to prison and imprisonment. Show your mercy, O Lord, to me and to all your holy church, which is useful and profitable for the glory and increase of your holy name."
Then he said to the Mobedan Mobed, "The earth in all its fullness, the world and all its inhabitants, belong to the Lord." 13 Boldly he took the Rad of Azerbaijan by the hand and said, "Come, take me wherever you have been ordered to take me; see, I am pleased with you." The vigorous fighter (ἀγωνιστής) went to the field of combat in the strong power of Christ, and after his struggle had lasted seventy days, by the power of Christ he had not been overcome by the magians, but was strengthened by the struggle. The lamb of Christ emerged victorious, so that he might go and battle with the young lions.
After the Rad handed him over to the captain (Ainbed) and the policemen of the province, the Christians at the court of the King of Kings arose; they went with the blessed one and accompanied their spiritual father, who was being sent by his enemies to prison. They remembered the spiritual milk, which they had drawn constantly from his teaching, and the good shepherd, who taught and pastured them on the meadow of his spiritual words, and of which they were deprived. Some wept and sobbed, others tore their clothes and hair, others kissed his tortured feet and took grace from his footsteps.
The blessed one was very sad, and worried about what he saw his flock do, more than a wet-nurse; and they wept more than children if their mother is taken into captivity. Lastly he prayed in great anguish, blessed them, and handed them over to God and the words of his grace, and so they parted.
22. Then the blessed one came to the village which is the centre of magianism. When he came to them, they said, "It has never happened, that a Christian came into this village and spent the night here. But now the leader of the Christians has been sent to us, so that we must give him a house and he live with us." Those who were gathered there from the various provinces were at once angry, and boasted at once, "We will dispute with him and convert him to magianism." But God altered their feeling against him, and they came to greet him. And when they heard the divine wisdom that was in him, they came constantly with their arguments to him and disputed with the holy one, and through God's grace he dissolved their objections, countered their arguments and refuted their errors. Often also they sought to kill him; but God limited their wickedness and confined them to peace. When they stopped disputing with him and just asked him about God and the world, good and evil, the resurrection, the judgement to come and the life ever after in Christ, the Master spoke with them and taught them about all this. They marvelled at his spirit-filled words and closeness to God. Some disputed about this with each other, some with their teachers. Also many magians came from other places, to hear the teaching of the Master and to see how he behaved. For everywhere they called him the god of the place because of his spirit-filled teaching, his compassion for the poor and his care for the sick. But he had no financial dealings with any of them, and although the local Rad and the gentleman of the place said that he might satisfy his needs from them, he would not do so. Many believed in him. For thus did God turn their evil into good.
23. There was at that place a plague, and those who saw it trembled and those who heard about it were terrified. The blessed one was asked to leave; but he would not, and said, "Death and life are in God's hand; wherever I am, I am his in life and death. It is necessary only that we believe in him and walk in good works according to his will. Believe in him, and stay." And many remained and were not struck down by that harsh plague. But if anyone was hit, he blessed oil and gave it, and they anointed him and, depending on his faith, he recovered from that disease.
A woman from that village, whose husband, named Arwândâd (?), was the judge, was tempted by the evil spirit. She came and with her husband threw herself for a long time at the door of the blessed one, to get him to come and put his hand on her head. But he would not, but blessed oil and sent it to her. She anointed herself and the devil departed from her and she was tempted no more. All who knew her previously saw what had happened and praised God.
24. He turned the house in which he lived into a church. He set up there an altar of Christ, and every day gave himself with his disciples to fasting and prayer. What in the beginning was the dwelling of Satan became then a house of prayer to the true God. From the provinces Metropolitans, bishops, priests, deacons and believing men and women came together there, in fact, to pray and to receive his blessing. Some were standing at his door in sackcloth and ashes, for their sins, and received remission. Some received the blessing of the spiritual dignity of the episcopate. Some received the dignity of the priesthood, diaconate or other ecclesiastical ranks (τάξις). All the houses of the persecutors and blasphemers became offices of the saints and houses of prayer and praise to God. Crowds of bishops met and the sound was heard of their songs of the Holy Spirit. A stream of priests came to the offices of their comrades and told each other of the great and wonderful things that they had seen and heard. The mountains and heights of Azerbaijan became like cities, wherever the feet of the Saint went. Old men who came to see the Saint forgot their age and sprang up like deer, and those struck down by disease recovered when they were carried to him to seek his blessing.
25. After the saint had spent seven years in this way, without ever crossing the threshold of the house in which he lived, being constant in fasting, prayer, and writing letters excellent in every way, which he sent out in order to govern his subordinate provinces, Satan became full of envy and could not endure these magnificent things.
He caused a second Judas, unworthy of the name of Petrus Gurganara, who from a spiritual pastor had become a ravening wolf, to deny Christ and embrace the error of magianism, because the purity and integrity of the church expelled him from its womb because of his many abominations and immoralities, like a splinter from the eye, and, with the traitor, his associates.
He went to the chief magian and at the command of the king obtained a order of apostasy 14, that any of the bishops, priests and deacons ordained by the blessed one who did not resign should be thrown into prison, and that no-one should refer to him 15 as Catholicos, because he only became a Christian in later life.
26. When this command was broadcast by the machinations of the apostate and his associates, some fearful people were influenced, and all prayed to God that he would have mercy on his church and not deliver it into the hands of the destroyer. But when the traitor got this order and took it to Azerbaijan and convinced the Mobed of the area to prosecute the disciples of the blessed one before him and, because of his murderous ambition, to treat the blessed one in the same way as his disciples, the Lord did not fulfil his wicked desire. Instead he inspired the Mobedan (Mobed) and the magians to call him 16 before them and to question him in the way he 17 wanted. And the Mobed said, "I do not have the authority to question him." 18 Some of the magians mentioned said, however, "He shall come before us as we are very determined to see him."
And because he was persuaded to, he came before their assembly and they let him seat himself in great honour." And because they heard sound thinking from his mouth, they reviled and beat the apostate, so that he hid himself from them.
When he saw his hopes come to nothing, he sought another way to kill the saint. He hired some rascals and came with them to the place where the godly one lived, to murder him and give as an excuse that he 19 was escaping from custody.
But God, who knew the thoughts of the traitor, did not allow it. For when the traitor arrived secretly at night with his men, entered and searched for his disciples, he heard the voice of the blessed one, and from fright and shame became weak and trembly and could not lay a hand on him. 20 The men of the house found out, and the people of the village, and they came, beat the apostates, and drove him away, together with the magians that he had brought with him.
27. Afterwards the blessed one reflected, "Perhaps the murderer will find an opportunity to fulfil his murderous desire upon me, and then spread the rumour that I have run away." Then he gave himself up to death in the open, got up in the night with his disciple, named Jacob, and, trusting God, left the village accompanied by the zealous, stout and God-loving bishop of Azerbaijan, Mar Johannan. He travelled in the winter, in cold, frost and snow, over the mountains and hills, to the royal court, entered and went to the HRPDKA.21
When the King of Kings heard of his arrival, he was greatly astonished, that he had not gone elsewhere, but had come there, where everybody was afraid of ending up in the HRPDKA. The Christians of the (two) cities and everywhere arose and came to see the blessed one, and everyone awaited the outcome of this unfortunate business. But the magians rejoiced and said, "Now that he has ignored the command of the King of Kings, the latter will at once command his execution and rid us of him."
Since everyone was watching and waiting to see what would happen, the King of Kings sent to the blessed one by means of Ferruchdad Hormizd DZ'DGW, "What is the judgement on he who transgresses the command of his lord?" The Catholicos said, "If he is a serf, his food and clothing shall be taken; if he works for pay, he will not receive his pay."
Hormizd DZ'DGW said, "What is your judgement, when you have ignored the command of the king of kings and come here against his command?" The Catholicos said, "I have not ignored the command of the king of kings, but I am his friend and obey his command. Because a renegade came against me, to murder me secretly, I left there and came to his court, so that no-one would think that I had run away. If I have done wrong, let him execute me openly." Then Hormizd DZ'DGW went and reported this to the King of Kings.
28. Then the King of Kings told him: "That you ignored our command and come here, we forgive you. But the four very serious accusations that the magians make against you are as follows: that you make magians leave their religion (dên) and into Christians; that you do not let your people marry many women as they wish; that you subvert the legal processes of the magians; that you were originally a heathen and only later became a Christian. Add to this that when you were interned, you appointed bishops, priests and deacons and ordered them to teach and convert people to Christianity as you do. All this we forgive you in our benevolence. Only the fact that you became a Christian later, must you account for, if the Mobedan Mobed requires it from you. Now go home and be at peace." Then the Saint worshipped and praised God; he blessed the King of Kings, and went out of the HRPDKA with great joy.22 But because of the crush of the crowd accompanying him he could not get through the city gate, but went over the city moat. At this the aforementioned magians were amazed and upset; they went and woke the King and said: "The man, who is the enemy of the religion (dên) of Hormizd, you have let go free and he is going to his house!"
29. On the morning of the (following) day, when the blessed one in the company of the Christians went to the court in order to thank the King of Kings, the aforementioned magians sought for a way to kill him. They were afraid to seize him openly on account of the number of believers accompanying him, in case there should be an uproar when they approached him, and decided to send the Rad and the Ainbed to arrest him secretly. That day there was heavy rain, and so they went into the hunting lodge at a place called the Birdhouse, near the (palace of) the King of Kings. The magians send to him, as if they wanted to speak to him. After he entered, they closed the door so that no-one could follow him and said to the blessed one: "Ever since you became a Christian, you have converted many magians into Christians, and you cannot be allowed to live (longer)." Some said, "He should be thrown to the lions." Some said, "He should be strangled." Others said, "We'll throw him into a well so that he dies there, without the Christians knowing."
30. While they devised these things, the Christian people came up and went about everywhere in the belief that he had been crowned 23, or that he was about to be crowned. But God in his mercy delivered him from their hands. By his secret work he inspired one of the great men of the empire to stand up before the King and say, "King of Kings, best of men, may you live in eternity and may your majesty reign forever. The Christian people who are in your empire are a strong, great people, an innumerable multitude, and also useful for the service of the government. If this man, their leader, is put to death, it injures them greatly and your empire suffers no small damage." When the King of Kings in his benevolence heard this from this man, it pleased him and his whole court, so that they would not hear the petition (τάγμα) of the Magians, and he ordered that the holy one of Christ must not be killed.
31. Then they bound the saint hand and foot and neck with heavy iron fetters, and covered his face so that no-one would know him and no rebellion would break out, placed him on a mule and handed him over to the mobed who had oversight of the prison at court. The mobed did as he was commanded and the house in which the blessed one was was guarded by horsemen and foot soldiers. When the saint heard that zealous believers were hanging about, looking to break open the house, he was very worried and forbade them to remain in the vicinity of the house. Immediately they left at his command; but the saint stayed in the prison guarded by God, who had said, "With the righteous am I in distress; I will strengthen and honour him and show him my salvation." And although fettered, he consecrated bishops, priests and deacons, strengthened them with blessings and prayers, and sent them out to the provinces.
32. At the time of the journey, when the King of Kings set out to go to Azerbaijan, the saint was led with him in his fetters, in great discomfort, over mountains and hills, in heat and drought, in thirst and hunger, in much prayer with his disciples. Wherever they came, the believers welcomed him with great joy and everyone went to his tent as a means of grace and blessing. Wherever the king camped, believers came from place and asked that the Saint should be released from these harsh restraints. When the King of Kings came to Azerbaijan and the magians of the place where the Blessed One had been in custody, hearing that he was at court, all came to honour and greet him, weeping that by the removal of the Noble One they had been robbed of such a blessing. Everywhere they went, wherever the great ones of the Kingdom were, they spoke of his wisdom and manner of life. The leaders of the magians at court forbade them to say such things about him, until, of the leaders of the magians, Kardag the Ainbed, and Shahrdawer, and Azadsad the Mobedan Mobed, calmed down in their anger against him, because they became ashamed of themselves through the beautiful things which people said about him. So they told him through a Mobed, "We hear from many people that you are a good and an upright man, and we are anxious that you should be released from your bonds. Just state publically that you are not opposed to magianism and will not convert (anyone) else to Christianity, and we will immediately release you and you can go wherever you like."
33. After the Mobed spoke thus to the Lordly one, the latter instructed him extensively from the Holy Scriptures on the true faith, the permanence of Christianity, the greatness of the economy of God, about the resurrection and the judgement, about the blessings which are prepared for the righteous in heaven, and the punishments which are prepared for the wicked in eternal hell with Satan and the devils.
When the Mobed heard this, he was seized with amazement and fear; he clapped his hands together at the great manysidedness and invincibility of these thoughts, and he stood up and recognised and praised God. Then the Lordly one said, "Go and tell them: I am the servant of God and I do not transgress the command of my Lord, who says, 'Go into all nations and baptise them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.' I shall not go to eternal Hell with Satan and the devils; I am not afraid of the long agony of passing time, and I do not confuse the true life and eternal blessings with the corruptible (blessings) of this impermanent world." When the Mobed went and said this to the Magians, they marvelled at the courage of the Lordly one and said, "You see that he does not obey us and does not give way so that we might release him from his fetters. Now he can only blame himself." After a few days, when he was exhausted from his heavy fetters and the effort of (walking) the difficult paths, and had come to a stop in order to rest from the rigours, the Magians brought two pairs of thick, new fetters, took the old ones away, and left him bound with them hand and foot, so that he could no longer get up because of their weight. He received these joyfully and confessed and praised God.
34. After the Saint had been dragged along in these fetters in the wake of the king for about 400 parasangs, until the King of Kings went down to the (two) cities, he went down also and lived in fetters with his disciples in a house, where by the power of Christ he managed the patriarchate and all its obligations. Then the King of Kings commanded, in his goodness, that he should be freed; but the Magians persisted in their usual hostility and left the Saint in his fetters. Once the King of Kings departed from the (two) cities, he was taken in chains in the wake of the court to a place named PS'I. After they had tortured and tormented him in these hard fetters and the wonderful beauty of his patience in the fear of God had been revealed, then almighty God, the Lord of All, in his wonderful power, through his inexpressible works, gave an irresistible hint to the mind of the King of Kings, so that he sent and by a miracle loosed the athlete (ἀθλήτης) of Christ from all his fetters. Then there was great joy in the whole people of God and they offered praise and worship.
35. While the King of Kings intended that he should remain a few days after his release, and then go to the cities of his throne, Satan stirred up unrest and rioting through the actions of the heathen in Bet Huzaye. The Magians accused the Blessed One before the King of Kings: "If the Catholicos had wanted, the rioting would not have broken out." Immediately he was chained to a foot-soldier (paig) by a strong chain to the neck, and brought to the court of the King of Kings, and everyone believed that he would be executed immediately. The King of Kings, exasperated through the slander of the Magians, sent word to him by means of his commissioner (Farruchdâd Hôrmîzd) DZ'DGW: "You are an enemy of Our Majesty, and the Christians have become arrogant because of you. In many cities they have risen up against the noble Magians, beaten and robbed them, and even now are rioting. You chose bishops and priests and sent them into the provinces, even though you are in prison; but myself you treat as nothing. Therefore I command that in the morning you will be taken and thrown into a pit, so that you will die there."
36. The Catholicos boldly raised his voice and said, "Once the King of Kings has made such a decision about me, because of the whisperings of my enemies, (further) words are unnecessary. He orders my immediate death, and with great joy do I accept death for the truth of Christ. The Magians persecuted me, an innocent, and imprisoned me for seven years in the power of my persecutors, and sent a renegade to murder me. But God in his invincible power rescued me, after I came to the court of his Majesty the King of Kings, and they did violence on me and the people of God, although they fettered me hand and foot and neck as a malefactor, and God the almighty knows that I was dragged away by them by force. The King of Kings said that he would release me from the fetters, and after he retracted this, and they slandered me before his sublime Majesty, and he finally decided against me, so let him now demand my immediate execution."
The PSNIK' went and reported these words to the king. Then the King of Kings left the Saint alone and said to him in a friendly way, "Go and write letters to the Christians of each province, that, if the insurgents do not settle down peaceably, the sword, bow and arrows will be drawn against them, they will be attacked, and any found fighting will be killed, be they Magian, Jew or Christian." After the PSNIK' brought the message, he undertook to write it.
After this was done, God worked on the King of Kings, and it was suggested to him that he should release the Saint. And when the King of Kings went into (winter) quarters near the (two) cities, the Saint went with him.
37. Some time later, the chief of the Hephthalites (haftarân chudâ)24 sent a priest to the King of Kings, and many Christian Hephthalites sent a letter to the Saint [Mar Aba] to ask him to consecrate the priest as a bishop for the whole Hephthalite realm.
After the priest had come before the King, and set forth the business of his mission, [the King] wondered at what he heard, and marvelled at the great power of Christ, that the Christian Hephthalites also considered the Lordly One [Mar Aba] as their chief and regent, and he said to him that he should go and adorn the church as was custom, and should go into his church and house and collect the bishops according to custom, and ordain the man sent by the prince of the Hephthalites.
When the people of the Lord heard this message, and the Saint came out of prison and into the cathedral of his apostolic seat, what joy was like that joy, that the Lordly One had returned to his blessed flock after nine years, which he had spent in combat with lions and panthers for his beloved flock,25 and returned victorious.
What shepherd loves his flock like our father, the master of the holy flock, who bore every trouble and persecution for it, and gave himself over to death? As the good shepherd led his blessed sheep into the holy sheepfold, so the sheep and lambs of Christ ran in to him from all sides, when they heard his beloved voice, surrounded him, sought refuge with him, and kissed his hands and feet and whole body, which was torn and mangled by the claws and fetters. And they waited to hear the sound of his sweet hymns and to suck spiritual milk from his beloved teaching. Because the sheep heard the voice of the blessed shepherd, they were very happy about this, and only with difficulty could he enter his blessed appartment because of the crush of people.
The following morning the church was adorned with throngs of believers; the Saint ordained the Hephthalite priest as bishop for the land of the Hephthalites, and in the people of the Lord joy grew over the arrangements of divine providence.
38. Afterwards the King of Kings sent him [Mar Aba] into the province of Bêt Hûzâjê, and by God's work and his care many priests were saved from death and their blood was not shed. He encouraged them and filled their hearts with the words of spiritual teaching. Then he returned to the court of the King of Kings, who allowed him to reside wherever he wanted. The captain of the foot-soldiers (paig) who guarded him was ordered to leave him in peace.
He took up his dwelling next to the church of Bêt Narkôs. There he lived and concerned himself with divine instruction, and every day he said wonderful things to those who came to him, and converted many from heresy who had come with the King of the Arabs to pay homage to the King of Kings and that made pilgrimage to him.
When he became ill for some time because of his imprisonment, the King ordered that doctors should be sent to him to heal him; but they could not.
The Saint slept from his holy struggle on the Friday of the second week of Lent.
39. Then the magians made so much fuss, that nobody dared to bury him until the King commanded it. When he was laid on the bier (λεκτίκιον) and brought out, with great difficulty because of the crowd of believers, who threw onto it many handkerchiefs (σουδάριον) or coats and took them back again, as means of grace and blessing, until it reached the cathedral of Koke, the magians ordered that he should be thrown to the dogs.
Then the believers in droves shouted, "If anyone approaches the body of the saint, we will begin a bloodbath." They came en masse seized the litter (? BSPK') and took it as a relic, and left nothing except the coffin (γλωσσόκομον) in which was the body of the saint.
40. He was honoured for seven days in the cathedral, day and night, with scripture readings, hymns, sermons and spiritual songs, and all the hosts of believers from all the provinces took the blessings home, by means of small towels (ὠράριον) and garments, that they laid on his body. Then the King of Kings and the Mobedan Mobed sent the Mobed (of the province?) and the judge and other magians to see whether it was the saint or not, because, out of fear and terror, they didn't believe in his death.
After these delegates had seen him, the body of the saint was placed on another bier (λεκτίκιον) and buried with great honour while spiritual songs were sung. Countless multitudes eagerly honoured him with perfumes and lamps all the way through the city to the monastery of Seleucia. Likewise the judges and magians who had been sent went before the litter (? BISPK'), in which the saint's body was, and after he had been honoured through God's almighty power, the magians returned, amazed and astonished at what they had seen and heard, to those who had sent them.
Thus the multitude applauded and praised God because of the wonderful things that happened at the death of the saint.
41. In order to avoid wearying you, through hearing too much, let us pass over what God soon did through him and for his sake in many distant countries, through arbitrating disputes which Satan, the enemy of our nature, had aroused; then in the imprisonment, which he endured for seven years in Azerbaijan; then in the fetters which he wore for three years around his neck, hands and feet at the king's court.
There is much of this, and in many parts; the mouth is unable to tell it all, and you already know much of it.
So we end our words with the words of the blessed David, and say: "Blessed is the people that has such a man, and blessed is the people at whose head stands such a man, to feed the flock of our Saviour Jesus Christ."
1. This group (Syriac bnay qyāmâ) were a monastic-like group who combined asceticism with an politically and socially active life. See also
Wikipedia article.
2. German "Kalkkirche".
3. It was illegal in the Sassanid realm for Zoroastrians to convert to Christianity, and the convert could be executed.
4. This name is given in this unvocalised form in the BKV.
5. Justinian may have desired to see him for various reasons; but Mar Aba's refusal and quick exit across the frontier suggests that the invitation was of a threatening kind, where he might be asked to anathematise Nestorius.
6. I.e. as Nestorian patriarch.
7. The Roman emperor.
8. Flesh of animals offered in sacrifice.
9. According to J. Labourt, Le christianisme dans l'empireperse sous la dynastie Sassanide, Paris, 1904, p.181 n.3, this is the pasaniqarusphan, the director of prisons, although he doesn't seem that sure about it.
10. "die durch den Irrtum verfinstert ist" — I am not sure that I have rendered this correctly.
11. I.e. Zoroaster.
12. Not sure about this sentence at all: "Welchen Anblick und welches Anhören der Wildheit und Streitsucht von Leuten, die nicht einmal den Christennamen hören, seinen Gruß annehmen und mit ihm wie Menschen reden mochten, vermochte der Selige auszuhalten."
13. I.e. that wherever he is, God is with him.
14. The writer seems to mean that the order itself indicated that the person brandishing it was an apostate.
15. Mar Aba.
16. Mar Aba.
17. Petrus Gurganara.
18. Is this "question" as in "being put to the question", i.e. torture?
19. Mar Aba.
20. Not an experienced conspirator, it seems.
21. The BKV text gives no clue as to what this is. It would seem to be a rather grim prison.
22. The HRPDKA is clearly close to the court.
23. I.e. martyred
24. Also known as the White Huns; a serious military threat to the Persian state located in the north.
25. The "lions and panthers" no doubt refers to his battles with the Zoroastrian clergy.
This text was translated from the German by Roger Pearse, 2013. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ananias_of_shirak_autobiography.htm
Ananias of Shirak (A.D. 600-650), Autobiography (1897) Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6, pp.572-4.
Ananias of Shirak (A.D. 600-650), Autobiography (1897) Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6, pp.572-4.
[Translated by F. C. Conybeare]
Ananias Shirakvantzi the thrice blessed doctor, his description of his life.
"I Ananias Shirakvantzi am he who collected the literature of our race of Armenians, and was learned in divine writ; and day by day I enlightened the eyes of my mind according to the word of the psalmist. And I was for ever hearing of the blessedness of the wise and of those who seek after wisdom; even as it is commanded by Solomon: 'Do thou acquire knowledge and wisdom, and continue to drive away ignorance, calling darkness her parent. If thou expel knowledge, then will I also expel thee.' And I was in dread of these threats, and I desired to attain unto blessedness and longed for wisdom. But I was very wanting in the art of counting, and I reflected that no discourse is in keeping with wisdom in the absence of number, which I regarded as the mother of all philosophies. And among the Armenians I found no man who was learned in this science, nor in their land did I find any books of science. So I set out to go to Greece, and I came to Theodoupolis, and I found there a reasonable man, learned in the writings of the church who was named Eliazar. He told me that there was a certain man who was a mathematician in the region of fourth Armenia, Christodotus his name. And I went and spent with him a space of six months. 1) And I saw that he had not the whole science, but only a smattering of it; so I went on thence to Constantinople; and those of my acquaintance who were there met me and said to me: Why have you embarked upon such a long and toilsome journey; when Tychicus the teacher of Byzantium is near to us on the coast of Pontus, which is called Trapezon.2) He is full of wisdom and has a knowledge of Armenian literature and is well known to the princes. And I said: How do you know this? And they said: We saw many travellers going to him, because of his very great knowledge. |573
"But we now had as a fellow voyager Philagrius the deacon of the patriarch of Constantinople, who was taking many youths to him for instruction. On hearing this I glorified God, who thus fulfilled the desire of his servant, according to the saying: 'Seek ye and ye shall find.' And when I had come, I found him at the shrine of Saint Eugenia. And I announced my coming to him and he received me with joy and said: I thank God for sending thee in search of wisdom; that thou mayest use these sciences in the diocese of St. Gregory; and I am the more glad, that that land takes its instruction from my self. For in my youth I was a good deal in Armenia, and there was ignorance in the land. And the teacher Tychicus unto whom I went, loved me as his son and schooled me in all his thoughts. And the lord gave me grace, and I learned fully the art of mathematics, so that the pupils in the royal court were envious of me. And I lived with him eight years, and read and learned many writings which were not translated into our tongue. For he had an enormous library, secret books and open, ecclesiastical and profane, scientific and historical, medical and chronological. But I need not enumerate them in detail, for there is no book which was not found with him, and in translating he had such grace as comes from the holy spirit; for when be desired to translate greek books into Armenian, he did not do it hesitatingly like other translators, for he understood the Armenian tongue, as he did Armenian letters. And he told me how he came to know the Armenian tongue and to acquire such wisdom. He told me that when he was a young man in Trebizond he had been in the court of John the Warrior, and he served in Armenia, and spent a long time there until the reign of Maurice, during which he became acquainted with the tongue and the literature."
But in an irruption of the Persian army on the Greeks, he had been wounded in battle and fled to Antioch, and all his goods were taken among the spoils. "Then", said he, "I prayed to God to be healed of my wounds, and I made a vow, saying: if thou wilt bestow upon me life, I will not treasure up the treasures that pass away; but I will pursue the treasures of knowledge; as it is said 'possess yourselves of wisdom and not of silver, of knowledge rather than of gold.' And God granted my desire, and when I was recovered I went off to the city of Jerusalem and thence to Alexandria, and thence to Rome; where I stayed for some time, and then returned to Constantinople. And I found a teacher in Athens the city of philosophy, a famous man, with whom I spent not a few years in study. And having perfected myself in philosophy I returned to this place, and began to |574 teach as a doctor. But after a few years my own teacher died; and as of his pupils could be found no one equal, by the command of the emperor and of the princes, they sent an invitation that I should go and occupy his chair." But he declined, saying: I am vowed to the heavenly king not to depart from this place. And after that they came to him to learn from all over the earth, because of his exceeding knowledge. "But I was a humble Armenian and learned of him this mighty science, which is longed for by the princes and is imported into our land without there being any successor, by the help of God alone and by the prayers of the holy illuminator. Nevertheless none of my country men thanked me for my trouble; for the Armenians do not love a learned man nor his knowledge, but are lazy and stupid. For when I came into Armenia many came to me to be taught, but after getting a little knowledge, instead of remaining till they were perfect in the science, they left me and went off and began to teach what they did not know themselves and could not understand. Impostors they, and charlatans, anxious to make a show of knowledge and to be called rabbi by men. And they uttered calumnies about myself, though they were taught by myself. But I am free from the malice which they display in my teaching and instruction; for I bear in mind the holy text which says: 'Mine is vengeance and I will requite', and again the text: 'Lay my gold with the bankers, and I when I come demand it with interest.' Then I was not hindered by any who wished to teach. And this I leave unto you as a deathless gift, ye teachers of those who really desire to learn: raise no obstacles, and ye shall receive your reward from Christ who freely bestows his grace. And now be glory to Christ."
[Footnotes moved to the end]
1. 1) Or 'the days of the sixth month'.
2. 2) i. e. Trebizonde.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ananias_of_shirak_on_easter.htm
Ananias of Shirak (A.D. 600-650), On Easter (1897) Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6, pp.574-584.
Ananias of Shirak (A.D. 600-650), On Easter (1897) Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6, pp.574-584.
[Translated by F. C. Conybeare]
Ananias of Shirak the counter, his discourse on the Lord's Zadik.1) The feast of the holy Zadik we learned from Moses and from the exodus of Israel out of Egypt. For it is thus written:
'The Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt, and said: This month shall be unto you a beginning of months, shall be unto you first among the months of the year' (Exod. 12). And antecedently he says: 'On the tenth day of this month let each of you take a lamb house by house, or, if not, then according to the houses of [your] clans, sharing together because of poverty.' |575
And in the same context he says: 'And it shall be kept until the 14th of this month; and they shall slay at eventide and sprinkle the lintel and the two posts with blood', which was to protect the first-born from the Destroyer. But however this way a shadow of what was to come, even as the divine apostle reckons it, and a pattern of Christ. For Christ himself entered on the tenth day of the first month into Jerusalem on the day of the Palms and lasted until the 14th day of the month; on the evening of which did he give his quickening body to his holy apostles to eat, and accomplished the mystery (i. e. sacrament) concerning it. But on the present occasion I am concerned not to interpret, but to give the history of Zadik; and would tell you whence it is and from whom.
The Lord fixed the holy feast of Zadik by the moon. Hear the word which says, 'the 14th day of the month', because the moon is then full. As also Philo says. For he reckons the month to be the lunation (lit. days of the moon) and the first day to be the. beginning of the moon's growing full. For the Hebrews had no months previously to Moses; nor on that occasion was anything established afresh, which was not. But as we said, it is lunar months of which he speaks. Look at the words. He did not say: This month shall be for you a beginning of months, anew, which [it] was not; but this: This month shall be for you a beginning of months, shall be first among the months of the year. It is clear that the months were lunar. But the [? + solar] year was not as yet established for the Hebrews, since they were using the Chaldaean year and months: and he [i. e. Moses] defined not the fullness [of the moon] to be the [completed] orbit, as being something secondary and accidental; but the moon as it was at its original creation, this is what he meaned. For on the day of its creation the moon was a 14th days one; and although there was as yet but one day of the moon's existence, yet the fullness of its orb appeared to be that of 14 days. For it was impossible for the moon to be imperfect and half-complete on the day of its coming into existence. For all creation was full and complete as first fashioned. For instance the herbs were not undevelopt, but ripe, and the trees complete and full of fruit; and man was 30 years of age, though he was only one day as yet alive.
In the same way the moon also was a 14 days one in its fulness and completeness of light. And this the Doctors of the Hebrews considered to be so, when they represented the moon on the day of its coming into being to be a 14 days moon. For the months were fixed by reference to it, and they were to be discerned in reference to it, |576 just as the year from the sun. For the Doctors of the Hebrews assert that the sun and moon were (17) fashioned on the fourth day. For this reason they fix that day as the date of the equality (= ἰσημερία) in length of day and night; declaring that the creation was in the mid firmament. And on the sixth day they say man came into being. And they make a regular computation of the number of months 2) and reckon twelve months to be the full tale of the year; five days more being reckoned in, which elapsed before the creation of man. It is clear then that we know the year by the sun and the months by the moon; even as the divine utterance testifies, saying: Let them be for signs and seasons and days and years. And in the same context he says: And god made the two great lights. The greater luminary to rule the day, and the lesser luminary to rule the night, and the stars. And he placed them in the firmament of heaven to give light to the earth, and to rule the day and night and separate between the light and the darkness. But about the dimensions and fixt positions, and powers and limits and order of the: other stars and their natures I am prevented from speaking just now, [and shall not] until I have finished my account of the mystery of the holy Zadik and of the calendar of all peoples. And then I shall relate whatever either outsiders or church-writers have to say on these points.
Let us however return once more to the Lord's command to Moses, which says: 'This month.' By saying this he indicates the priority of its creation. 'Shall be for you a beginning of months': 'Shall be first for you among the months of the year'. He refers to the sum of full moons (lit. of fullnesses of the moon) in the cycle of its course.
Again, 'taking a lamb on the tenth day of the month.' A period of ten days includes 240 hours; by which we must understand that which is like the day, like the sun, like the dawn. For it is a type of Christ. And it is 'kept till the 14th'. He clearly commands us to wait for the full moon. For not only is the victim in itself a type of Christ, but the moon is itself as well; as was the unanimous opinion of the holy fathers, among whom is my own winner of the wreath of Christ and confessor, saint Gregory the Father of us Armenians, who declared, that the second luminary ruling the night comes fraught with a type of the only born son of God ---- is shrouded, is buried, an earnest in its burial of the resurrection from the dead.
And the feast of Zadik is called (18) by the Hebrews Phaska in |577 their tongue, which is by interpretation the 'passover', which was from Egypt into the land of Canaan.
This also the blessed Gregory the Divine, states as follows: 'Some have thought that this name implied the passion of the Saviour, and proceeded to Hellenise the word and changed ph into p, and k into ch, calling the Saviours day Pascha, to suit the word of Moses, who in Deuteronomy saith as follows: 'Seven days shall, thou eat unleavened bread with it, for it is the bread of tribulation.' The Doctors of the Hebrews assert that Moses instituted three feasts of Zadik in the desert; and afterwards when the congregation opposed him, all divine precepts and constitutions were forsaken and in abeyance, until the day on which the sons of Israel passed over the Jordan on the tenth day of the first month. Tenth, not of the month, does he call it, but of the moon, for it was the 18th of the first month which is called by the name Nisan, and tenth of the moon. This tenth, on which they took the lamb involves a great mystery, and it is a type of the baptism, [that upon it was] the passing over the Jordan, and the coming of Christ into Jerusalem on the day of Palms. And Joshua kept the Zadik on the 22nd day of the first month. But he names the 14th, according to the days of the moon; and he then renewed the constitutions which in the desert were abolished, and made as if. were a fresh beginning of constitutions and of laws. As also did Moses at the departure out of Egypt. For he also calls the passing over river Jordan an exodus from Egypt. As we also have explained in our canon appointed for the occasion of the afore described festival.
In the days of Hezekiah also it is said that it was kept by some others (? in a somewhat different way). But as that was not in the first month, but in the second, and not according to the law, it was not adhered to.3) For it was indiscriminate and unclean. And the feast was in abeyance until the 18th year of king Josiah, and then it was kept. And after that it was in abeyance till the days of Zorababel and the building of the temple. And after that Ezra renewed it and appointed (19) the nineteenth of the the moon for the Hebrew race, and it was kept without break until the Saviour's crucifixion, when the full moon fell on the 14th of Nisan on the fifth day of the week after the type presented in the exodus from Egypt. For we too were saved by the precious blood, and truly went forth from lower to higher things, eating the true body of the lamb of god. And after that the holy apostles came every year to Jerusalem, and in |578 commemoration kept the day of the Saviour's passion, and feasted the day of the resurrection. And by their divine miracles they converted many to Christ and baptised until the second year of Vespasian, when there occurred the very last destruction of the temple, and the siege, capture and laying waste of Jerusalem. And on this occasion it was commanded by the holy spirit that no one of the Christians should be there at that festival, in order to their being saved from the evils which befell Jerusalem. So they assembled outside in various places to keep the feast of the holy Zadik.
And after that Aristides merry 4), philosopher of Athens, a companion and pupil of Kodratus the apostle, constructed the period of 19 [years] of the moon for the Romans; and using the following analogy argued thus, that the first day of april is the beginning of creation; and since the moon was created on the fourth day, therefore he fixed the 14th day of the moon on the fourth day of april. And he arranged that day to be the starting point (or head) of the period (or cycle); because on the same day fall according to the Hebrews the 14th of Nisan, the full moon and the anepact.5); After whom Leontios (lege Leonidas), father of Origen, constructed the period of 19 [years] of the moon for the Egyptians and Ethiopians; after which Origen, son of the same, made the 19 years cycle of the moon for the Arabs and Macedonians, according to an analogous scheme (= καθ̕ ὁμοιότητα σχήματος), having regard to the [feast] of the Hebrews. After whom Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea, made the period of 19 [years] of the moon, having regard to the [feast] of the Greeks.
But although all these had long before arranged [the calendar]; yet the whole world did not learn of the arrangement, because of the stress of persecutions directed against the Christians. But they kept the feast simultaneously with the Jews, ---- a miscellaneous and unclean least, ---- until the days of the blessed (20) Constantine and the holy council of Nice. And then it was prescribed by the emperor that they should not any longer after that keep a feast in impure agreement with the Lord-slaying race of Jews. So he issued an edict that they should adopt the nineteen years lunar cycle of Easters, which had been drawn up by the above mentioned persons; and that they should take pupils from among all Christian nations and teach them the calendar; and so separate the Christians from the Jewish [observance]. |579
And though the business was put through agreeably to the emperor's edict, yet it was not a way of settling it quite free from perplexities. And after that in the days of Constantius, son of Constantine, Andreas 6), brother of Magnus the bishop, arranged a calendar of 200 years. And yet this was not void of perplexities. Then at the expiration of Andreas' calendar of 200 years, in the days of the emperor Justinian, there was a great deal of research on the part of learned philosophers, because the cycle of 19 did not bring the order exactly, which in 95 years comprised a period of revolution round to the same point. It seemed to all a drawback that in the course of many years there was according to the days of the cycle a want of sequence after the Bissextus.
For this reason an investigation was made at Alexandria, which is the metropolis of all sciences; and there was found a cycle free from inaccuracies of 532 years, which accurately shews the 14 days; of the Pascha. But they did not go so far as to give a new form to and efface the canon previously fixt and written down; but they exactly fixed the same 14 days adhering to the same method over nineteen times nineteen (? read twenty eight years), in order that the results arrived at might be quite clear and give offence to none. And the sum of these was calculated by philosophers, namely by Aeas of Alexandria, who associated with himself the Jew Phineas from Tiberias, Gabriel of Syria, John from among the Arabs, and Abdiah from the Ethiopians, Sergius from the Macedonians, Eulogius from the Greeks, Gigas from the Romans. And Aeas had with him others also, from among the same Egyptians, whose names we have not mentioned in this history. In fact it is said that in all there were employed 30 persons.
(21) Here, it is said, intervened Iron 7), a doctor of the royal court in the city of Constantinople, but who was by race a stranger and not a citizen, and who was by some said to be an Alexandrine. He, it is said, was offended with the committee of philosophers in Alexandria, because not being invited to join them he thought that he was flouted; and accordingly he set to work to oppose the truth, and depreciated their calculation. And the same with the results of earlier sages ---- you might say, because he reckoned them to be ignoramuses; and he constructed a new fangled chronology, opposed to divine writ and to all other chronologers; as also a calendar. And he changed |580 the 19 years cycle of the moon from the sixth of april, and fixed instead the fifth of April, and made that the starting point (or wellhead) of the period. And he based his system on the tenth Pharmuti according to the Egyptians, which among us is sounded Pharmaphiur. And he placed this day at the head of the cycle, full moon and anepact 8), contrary to the ancients. As also they had regard to the Hebrew [date] in forming their scheme, so he in the same way took the Egyptian method, as if to prove to the savants of Alexandria that they were extremely ignorant. You, he said, who do not understand your own country, how can you arrange the calendar of other countries? And for the Romans in this way he set the fifth of April at the head of the cycle; and he appointed for it an epact 9) [of] eight [days], because he declared the moon to have been 13 days old on the day of its creation, adding together 8 and 5, that is to say he reckoned the epact and the full moon for a mystery thereto.10) But he also reckoned the cycle (lit. the taking in turn) of 13 lunar numbers in connexion with the solar ones for a mystery withal.11) And he added in upon the epact a number 11x11, until the period of nineteen and the cycle were completed.
(22) And then he counted 12 for the epact according to the order in which the cycle of 19 was completed, and up top of the completion (lit. filling) of it he counted 20. And he took away 12 and 11 until the end of the period of 19 and of the cycle. And then he took away 12x12, because of the completion of the period of 19, and moved [it] on revolving. Though he prided himself on his own skill and cleverness, yet he outraged and violated the writings of the ancients; and by means of the overpowering force of the emperor's edict he established his method all over the world. But heaven forbid that we should assent to the confused time-reckoning of Iron, especially as it goes far outside holy writ; or that we should accept his fallacious calculation of the calendar, and so fall under the anathema of the holy fathers. For it is written as follows. Cursed be he who keeps Zadik after the manner of the Jews who slew the Lord, or of the Samaritans or of the Pauliani. Cursed he that keeps Zadik on the 13th of the moon. But Iron, although he esteemed himself myriad-fold clever, yet does not escape these anathemas. For a man who flees from the one and withal sullies himself in the other, is like to |581 the man who prays a little and blasphemes much. For when the fifth of April falls on a sabbath according to Iron's calculation, they reckon it full moon; and celebrate Zadik on the sixth of April, which falls on the 16th Nisan. Here and below should we not read 14th? And so they keep the feast at the same time as the Jews, offending the anathema of the fathers. For the Jews have never celebrated the festival of Zadik on the 15th Nisan; but always celebrate it on the 16th Nisan, both they and the Samaritans. For the Samaritans keep it more surely than they, although they learned from them. But the Pauliani also keep it on the same day, and whichever day chances to be that of the full moon, they call the Lord's day, just as the Jews name it sabbath, although it is not the sabbath.
But heaven forefend that we should feast with them and fall under the anathema. For the holy fathers took every trouble to separate our feast from theirs; unto which end we Armenians go so far as to truly name it 'the Lord's Zadik', so seprating it from all heathen and Jewish feasts, and making it holy as the festival of the Lord's festivals and the congregation of congregations.
Even as Gregory the Divine was pleased to say: "For this cause also the Fathers enjoined us not to keep festival on the full moons of the (23) Hebrews, but on whatever sabbath days the 14th of this moon may fall, to fast during the week (= sabbath), in order that the resurrection of the Lord may come on the Sunday 12); that so the mystery be fulfilled and the sabbath of the passion be kept as a fast. And this is why they called it pascha, which being translated is 'passion'. But if Sunday happen to be the 14th day of the moon, it is passed over; so that we may not be feasting along with Jews, but that it may come the following week. Nor is there any loitering or hesitation in keeping it six days later, but we fast. For we believe and trust that on the sabbath he fulfils the mystery of his passion and on the Sunday that of his resurrection. But if the 14th day of the moon fall on a sabbath, we skip one day, that the least be kept not with the Jew. And in order to change from the false Sunday to the true Sunday (i. e. Lord's day). [Not] as the Pauliani dare to do, but in order that the sabbath may remain the sabbath; nor as the Jews do, changing the sabbath with Gôlôn, or as the Pauliani do with the Sunday. But the church of God does not change Sunday with Sunday, nor sabbath with sabbath; but after the true sabbath will come the great day of the resurrection." |582
Let us then not be deceived by the sophistry of Iron; for if we investigate, none of his results are found true. To say nothing of his being under an anathema, his scheme at any rate is cleverly arranged to please his own whims and not to fit the truth. For in his time reckoning he asserts that 5500 years elapsed to the birth of the Saviour. And he takes as his model the measurements of the ark of testimony which was live cubits and a half. But what connection had this ark with the period of time? or what probability is there in the statement that the moon was a 13 days one on the day of its creation, seeing that all creatures were created complete and full. Why then should the moon have been imperfect and only in part full? For we know that the herbs were created, perfect, and perfect also the animals; in order that the moment they came into existence, there might be found before them crop's all ready to feed and sustain them. Just as for animals born to-day, there is found by the providence of God milk ready from the breasts of their mothers; so from the beginning the trees were full grown and laden with fruit for man to eat. So also the divine voice testifies saying: Let the (24) Earth send up the herb of grass and the tree bearing fruit, whose seed is in itself. But if all creation was at its fullest when created, then the moon cannot have been imperfect and half-full, but a perfect round of full-orbed light.
Iron however did not speak the truth, nor are his words reliable. And what evidence is there that the full moon and epact coincide with a 13 days growth of the moon? For the eleven other full moons and their epacts are in no way whatever fraught for any one with the mystery of creation (lit. coining to be). And how is the number 13 of the period (lit. taking in turn) of lunars along with solars an image (or likeness) of the days of creation. For neither do the 30th or the 60th numbers of the moon convey to anyone the thought of creation. So then if we are to judge between two bad men, we must consider the assertions of Hcrmogenes more pertinent than those of Iron; though both strayed from the truth. For Hermogenes asserts the following: that the moon was made one day old, because there was then of course only one day of its existence. And it was created along with the sun in one place in the centre of heaven on the side of the dawn, as even now it is called the first day of the moon when the moon comes across the sun. Now although he too is wrong, he is at least nearer to truth and sense than Iron. But let us keep away from both of them. But as Iron thought himself so much cleverer than all other men, why did he accept the 500 years, cycle fixt by Aeas? Why did |583 he not invent a different cycle himself? It is clear that he could not build on any other foundation than the 500 years cycle laid down, by Aeas. But what a superstructure does he build on this foundation? Such rubbishy matter will be at last detected by its tiresomeness and lengthiness by any one who reckons for nothing mere cleverness divorced from truth.
But why need we dwell upon Iron or oppose him? Let us rather leave his results to his pupils and admirers. And let us keep our feast not in a worldly, but in a godly manner; not in an earthly but in a supramundane way; not as the shadow of what shall be, but as the real. And in whatever appertains to us, and still more to the Lord, let us follow the holy fathers, lest we fall under their anathemas. Let us not feast in the 12th month, before the day and night become equal, but let (25) us keep our feast in the first month. For in the first month Christ suffered after the equinox; just as in the beginning man was created first after the equinox. Likewise also after the equinox in the first month he went up out of Egypt, was delivered from Pharaoh, was saved from the plot. On the same, day also were we saved from the invisible tyrant and from his cruel instruments, and were liberated from the mire of sin by the sufferings of Christ.
And let us not keep our feast along with the Jews who slew our Lord; lest we share their sin and suffer their curse. And let us not keep it on the thirteenth of the moon, lest we be reckoned among the ignorant and among the breakers of the law; and go forth outside the pale, and hear the words 'I know you not'. And let us not alter the definitions of the fathers. And let us not admit the 14th of the moon on the th April, but only the date appointed by the holy fathers. Nor must we set any other full moon to be head of the period, save that one prescribed by the Lord ---- the 14th Nisan, or the dates which correspond thereto among other nations. But the followers of Aeas although they set the rd Nisan at the head of their cycle, yet did not impugn the more ancient date. Only because the calendar of Andreas of 200 years ended on the third of Nisan, was the beginning of the cycle of 500 years placed on the third of Nisan. This was why that date was fixt on to head the cycle. It had not done so originally at the exodus and crucifixion, and it was only for this cycle of 500 years. But they admitted the 14th Nisan to be the head of the cycle, as prescribed by the Lord, whom we also will follow.
And now what have we left to do, except to set forth in orderly fashion the calendar of the several nations, beginning by arranging |584 first the calendar of the Hebrews, since it is the chief one and the model for all races. For as much as the tradition of the church teaches us to fast year by year the day of unleavened bread. And when the 14th of the moon [falls] the fourth of the intercalaries 13), we put off to the 28th, that is of April, our fast and celebration of Zadik. But if it be the fourth of the intercalaries, then the twelve numbers of the moon will be accomplished outside the month Adar, and we add another month to the twelve months, which is called an intercalated month. For in this year, because the number of lunations falls short of the solar number, this was so arranged as that there should be an intercalation in the years; in order that the number of lunar courses may catch up the solar courses. For if this were not done, there would fall from time to time two Zadiks in one year. But the intercalated months prolong [the time] and carry us on. For we shall always keep Zadik after the equinoxes, since it is by these we arrive at the first months. And it is quite right to make this addition and it is necessary. For it was prescribed of old that we should make the type and image in the first month. For the church has no authority to hold Zadik in the 12th month; as the divine apostle saith: The old order hath passed away, and all things have been renewed through Christ. And now therefore let us too clothe ourselves in the fast with the same sorrow year by year with which the apostles clothed themselves; and let us rejoice in the resurrection of the only born, participating in the body and blood of the true lamb, which is the heavenly bread. And this is why the church year by year of necessity celebrates the Zadik of unleavened bread, in order that the memory of the Saviour's passion may be fixt in us and abiding.
And for as much as not many are skilled in numbers, especially those who are given to edifying, ---- and the teaching of our Lord has been spread over and has taken possession of all the world, ---- for this reason compute a period of 532 years according to the reckoning of the Alexandrians from the 828th year up to the year 1360; for those who shall be on the earth, I Ananias, son of John of Shirak, have constructed [this cycle] and have put down separately one by one the whole 532 years, in 8 14) canons, in which I have included the entire number, 532 sequences (or rules) and have divided off each separate rule to each separate year.
Oxford.
Fred. C. Conybeare.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1) i. e. Easter
2. 1) The Armen. of this sentence is obscure.
3. 1) So I turn the verb angaretzav.
4. 1) So the Armenian.
5. 2) The Arm. anveradruthiun = ἀνυπέρθεσις, of which the sense may be the day beyond which Easter cannot be deferred. The Arm. veradruthiun is used to render epact: hence my rendering, for an in arm. is privative.
6. 1) Dulaurier, Recherches sur la Chronologie Arménienne, Paris 1859, adduces from Armenian sources some extracta which cover the same ground with what follows in Ananias and which seem to be ultimately derived foom this tract.
7. 2) Dulaurier (op. cit.) calls him Irion.
8. 1) = ἀνυπέρθεσις, see note on p. 578.
9. 2) = ὑπέρθεσις, see note on p. 578.
10. 3) The Arm. = id est epactum et plenitudinem in cogitationem ei numerauit.
11. 4) Cum solaribus in cogitationem (or mysterium) eidem numerauit.
12. 1) = κυριακή in the Arm.
13. 1) = e0pago&menai or render 'onfour of the intercalaries'.
14. 2) or 28
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Ananias of Shirak, On Christmas, The Expositor, th series vol. 4 (1896) Preface. pp.321-323.
Ananias of Shirak, On Christmas, The Expositor, th series vol. 4 (1896) Preface. pp.321-323.
ANANIAS OF SHIRAK UPON CHRISTMAS.
I. PREFACE OF TRANSLATOR.
The following homily is translated from an Armenian writer, Ananias, son of John of Shirak, who lived early in the seventh century. In a brief autobiography which this writer left behind him, he describes how as a youth he went to the Greek city, Theodoupolis, in search of a mathematical teacher, named Eliazar. Thence he went to another teacher called Christodotus, in fourth Armenia, for six months. Thence to Constantinople, and then to Trebizond, where he remained eight years as the pupil of a certain Tychicus, learned in both Greek and Armenian, who lived by the shrine of S. Eugenia. Tychicus, he says, had a vast library full of books apocryphal and open, ecclesiastical and profane, scientific and historical, medical or chronological. During the reign of the Emperor Maurice (who died 602), Tychicus had visited Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome, Constantinople and Athens in pursuit of learning and of books.
Thus it is conceivable that Ananias had access even to primitive sources now lost to us, and in forming an estimate of the genuineness of the long citation from Polycarp of Ephesus with which this homily concludes, this should be taken into account. I drew attention to this citation of Polycarp in the Guardian (1894, July 18), and Professor Harnack, in his Theologische Literaturzeitung (1894, No. 23), wrote in regard to it as follows: "What is related of Polycarp may be believed at a pinch, if we compare the information given by Irenaeus about the communications of Presbyters of Asia Minor; and if one thinks how early questions must have emerged about the day and month of important events in the life of Jesus; and if one also takes into account----supposing one esteems them to be |322 genuine----the alleged Responsiones of Polycarp handed down by Victor."
Professor Harnack, however, leans against the genuineness of the citation, because he cannot believe the account given by Ananias in his other tract on Easter of the calendarial activity of Aristides the Apologist, and of Leonidas, father of Origen. Surely this is hypercritical. Ananias may have been wrong about the latter, and yet have been right about Polycarp; especially if----as Harnack admits----the citation is on other grounds likely to be genuine. In any case, the citation----of which the text is, unhappily, it would seem, mutilated----must be read as part of the whole treatise, before its authenticity can be properly appraised. And I cannot but think that the general tone of the treatise is greatly in favour of it. For it proves the absolute bona fides of Ananias----proves that he is not making it up, but is quoting some document which claimed to be Polycarp's own writing. And this document was probably a note in some old calendarial document which he had read in the rich library of Tychicus of Trebizond. It is just in such documents that one expects to find preserved old opinions of the earliest fathers. This very treatise of Ananias seems to have formed, along with his other treatise on Easter, the exordium of an elaborate calendar, which, some one unspecified constructed of a cycle of 532 years,1from the year 828 of the reckoning of Alexandria to the year 1360 of the same. This we learn from the close of his treatise on Easter.
Of almost equal interest with the excerpt of Polycarp is the allusion to those, whoever they were, who declared that the celebration of the birth of Christ on December 25, and apart from the feast of the baptism, was invented by the disciples of Cerinthus. If so, we can understand the hesitation of the orthodox Church to adopt our modern festival of Christmas. Probably the real significance of the early union of the Nativity with the Baptism is that the Baptism was regarded as itself the true Birth of Christ. Docetic opinion may have been too strong in the earliest Church to permit of his carnal or earthly birth being celebrated at all. Sometime in the fourth century the very early |323 reading in Luke iii. 23: "Thou art My beloved Son, This day have I begotten Thee," was erased from nearly all codices; no doubt because it was the stronghold of those who had declared the Baptism alone to be the true nativity of Jesus Christ. Ananias also gives us some new data as regards the gradual diffusion of our modern Christmas.
The citation from Makarius I., Patriarch of Jerusalem, is also interesting; and not less so the information about the lectionary of Cyril of Jerusalem. The latter is new. As for Makarius, I hope shortly to publish in English the full text of his Encyclical to the Armenians on the feasts which should be observed in the Church.----Fred. C. Conybeare.
1. 1 I.e., one Dionysian cycle, so called.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ananias_of_shirak_on_christmas_02_text.htm
Ananias of Shirak, On Christmas, The Expositor, th series vol. 4 (1896) Translation. pp.323-337.
Ananias of Shirak, On Christmas, The Expositor, th series vol. 4 (1896) Translation. pp.323-337.
The Discourse of Ananias, called the Counter upon the Epiphany of our Lord and Saviour.
We have taken much trouble and pains about the holy festivals of God; and this is the result at which we have arrived, and which we are become worthy to set forth.
First, the Festival of the Birth of Christ our God, which is the beginning of festivals, and of our yearly [cycles],1 and chief of the fixed feasts (= πανηγυρίδων), and of all commemorations of Christ. The Festival of the holy Birth of Christ, on the 12th day before the feast of the Baptism, was not appointed by the holy apostles, nor by their successors either, as is clear from the canons of the holy apostles. For it is written in the th chapter of the canons as follows: 2 that the apostles appointed and laid it down firmly, that the Festival of the Birth and Epiphany of our Lord and Saviour, the chief and first of the festivals of the Churches [should be] on the 21st day of the month Tebeth, which is th of January, according to the Romans.
But many years after their fixing the canons, this |324 festival 3 was invented, as some say, by the disciples of the heretic Cerinthus; and was accepted by the Greeks, because they were truly fond of festivals and most fervent in piety; and by them it was spread and diffused all over the world.
But in the days of the holy Constantine, in the holy Council of Nice, this festival was not received by the holy fathers; but they appointed the festival to be held in accordance with the aforesaid canon of the holy apostles. And it is clear from the letter of the blessed Makarius, patriarch of Jerusalem, which he wrote to the country of the Armenians concerning the institution of the holy Baptism. For he was one of the 318 holy fathers of Nicaea. And it is written as follows in the sixth chapter of his letter of command and counsel (or encyclical).
"But there is the ordinance of baptism of the holy font, and there is the earnest observance of the three festivals. Wherein our race 4 is most eager with genuine piety 5 to cherish the observances dedicated to God, and to carry out the great pattern of the salutary mystery, which was fulfilled in the holy and famous days. And this celebration they are very zealous to keep in the holy places of Christ; and all Christians who fear Christ must also fulfil in them (? in themselves) the calling of baptism at the holy epiphany of the birth of the Lord, and of the saving passover of the quickening passion of Christ; and of Pentecost full of grace, when the Divine descent of the vivifying overflowed among us. And of these several festivals, of the birth and baptism, you must understand the significance, in order that you may zealously carry out the same. For on the same salutary day with the illumining |325 birth of Christ is our expiatory birth of the holy font also fulfilled. For on the same day He deigned to be baptized because of His descent unto us. For it was not that He was Himself in need of cleansing; but He desired to cleanse us from the dross of sin, he that with a loud voice cried out, saying: "Except a man be born of water and of spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God," in order that, being born along with Christ in one and the same fashion, we may also be baptized along with Him on the day of His birth.
Next in the quickening resurrection of Easter by mortifying our sins in the waters of the font, we become imitators of the mortification by death of our Lord Jesus Christ; and by the triple immersion, being buried in the waters of the holy font, we symbolize in ourselves baptized the three-days' burial of our Lord. And this also the divine apostle shows, when he says: Buried with Him in baptism, let us become imitators of the likeness of his death; that by the newness of the resurrection we may become participators with Him in life eternal.
But on the grace-bestowing day of sanctifying Pentecost was the bright revelation of the quickening Spirit, which, in the form of fiery tongues, descended on the apostles; vouchsafing to them [that] laying hands on the baptized [these shall] receive gifts from the Spirit of grace.6 After the same pattern we also, on the same day, lay hands on the baptised and bestow the same spirit. Of this we fulfil the pattern with unfailing care, that we may become perfect. So far Makarius.
Gregory Theologus also bears witness with Makarius on this point in regard to celebrating the baptism in three feasts, in his discourse "upon baptism," in which he assails those who are supine about baptism, and says: "Thou makest this and that a pretext, and allegest the excuse of |326 sins. Thou sayest: I wait for the epiphany of the Lord, for the resurrection of the Lord, which to me is more precious. I wait for the Pentecost. It is better to be illumined with Christ; with Christ to arise on the day of resurrection; to celebrate the manifesting of the Spirit. And then what? The last day will come on in a way which thou wilt not know, and in a season when thou art not thinking of it. Thou hast all thy time for baptism, because thou hast all of it also for death."
But after him Saint Cyril succeeded to the patriarchal throne of Jerusalem, and to the throne of the holy Constantine succeeded his son Constantius, along with his brothers. They say that he believed in the heresy of Arius. However, he did not fight against the truth; but left both sides alone to do as they liked. Whatsoever any one pleased he kept, whether orthodoxy or kakodoxy. In his days this festival 7 was admitted in the royal court; and in all places where any one chose to keep it they kept it freely and openly, except in the metropolises of the four Patriarchs, who had the thrones of the holy Evangelists. For at that time they had not forcibly transferred the throne of St. John from Ephesus to Constantinople. And [this] is clear from the canonical disposition of lections of St. Cyril. For therein it is written thus: "That on the 25th of the month of December is the feast of David and Jacobus, which day in other cities they make the birth of Christ." About this the Greeks say as follows: that because the patriarch, with all the clergy and the bulk of the congregation, repair to Bethlehem and there keep feast, therefore the few priests who remain in the city celebrate the feast of David and Jacobus; as if the lections only belonged to the city. And they contend that this is why he wrote the words "in other cities," as if having Bethlehem in view. But this |327 argument no really sensible person ever adopted. For if we admit it, for what reason did this same Cyril fix the canon of the birth on the th of January? For at the beginning of the canon we find it written thus: that "the feast of the holy Epiphany is kept in January, on the th of the month. They shall assemble in the shepherd's dwelling,8 and repeat the following canon; and then in Bethlehem and in the cave." Here then you see that he appoints both feasts to be celebrated on one day; and who will be so rash as to find any fault with the blessed Cyril or with his dispositions? And who [was ever] like him with Christ? And to whom else did such a sign ever appear [as to him]? and by whom else were so many myriads ever illuminated? 9 Methinks not even by St. Paul. For on the day of the apparition of the luminous cross, countless myriads of myriads believed, of Jews and of heathen. For until the day of Constantius, son of Constantine, the Jews were prevented from going down to Jerusalem, but by him many Jews were freely allowed to congregate, and they fixed their abodes in Jerusalem. But also the Jews who were in Tiberias and in other cities were congregated there for the festival. And, moreover, many of the heathen were collected there because of the general concourse [who] were come to trade; and these, having seen the divine apparition, believed in Christ; and all hastened to be baptized, so that the fonts and cistern tanks were not enough for them; till at last the blessed saint ordered the great baths which were called the public baths 10 to be cleansed, that they might there carry on the saving rite of baptism. This was the third sign which happened in Jerusalem on the day of the holy Pentecost. But I think it was on a loftier scale than the first, in so far as, |328 though the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles was seen by all in the midst of a multitude of assembled Jews and men of many other races, who in the Acts of the Apostles are mentioned by name, yet on that occasion the Spirit was bestowed on the Apostles alone. But the occasion of this multitude being assembled for holy baptism was also much more sublime than the second occasion, which Josephus relates: how that on the day of Pentecost a quaking and panic took hold first of the priests and then of the whole congregation. Then also on a sudden a voice was heard from the very depths of the temple, saying these words: We depart hence, we depart. But on this last occasion the powers of the Lord do not come forth from beneath our feet, but were plainly manifested to come from above, and were [? + not] bestowed in secret; so much so that the blessed Cyril was prompt to write to the Emperor Constantius a letter of entreaty summoning him [to be] pious and instructed in the things of God. For he thought that by his supplication he would gain his salvation; by laying before him the divine sign which had occurred, and the multitude of those converted, as if to say, Why art not thou also with them?
So then, if the Greeks are resolved to despise this, they have no respect either for time or for the gospel, because of their not admitting the festival of the birth. For the one and the other show both the birth and the baptism of Christ our God to have been on one and the same day. For it is written in Luke's Gospel, in the mystery of the baptism, thus: that Jesus Himself was of about thirty years beginning. See how clearly it proves that on the same day with His birth He was baptised, and then made a beginning both of the thirtieth year of His age and of His teaching. This also do the Greeks say, that it is possible for the twelfth day to be the beginning of the year, and not its middle or end either; if we so understand, of the seventy |329 days also it is possible to say that it is not middle of the year or end. But in regard to the apostolic canon, the Greeks argue thus: that the Apostles had no leisure to narrowly seek out feast days, for their occupation was in preaching, and in separating and holding [men] aloof from heathen festivals. Will any one really be content to hear such a thing said of the Apostles as that they were certainly so careless as this about the appointing of festivals? Why, in that case, did they teach us to worship turning towards the east? Why, also, to meet together and feast Sunday, to honour it and be idle on it? Or to fast on the fourth day of the week and on Fridays? For all these are lesser points than the festivals of the birth and baptism.
However, we would waive this point with them if only they would be persuaded in regard to others. For they declare in regard to the holy fathers at Nice that God concealed this from them; for that He does not give all graces to any one person. If the usage had not been discussed by them----yes. But they were aware of it, and condemned it, and spoke "of the Birth which in other cities they think 11 to celebrate." But I assent to those of whom the Greeks boast----I mean, to the blessed Basil and Gregory Anzianz (i.e., Nazianzen). Them I know to be holy, true, spiritual, and followers of the Apostles. And if they had any precept about this, I accept it, even as Paul commands, saying: If it be revealed to a second, let the first listen.
But I preceive no precept of theirs about this festival; but St. Cyril, who appointed the lections and psalms for the two festivals, I do not understand thereby to have separated the two, but to have kept in full the rituals, and to have celebrated the feasts of both mysteries on one and the same day. But those who suppose St. Gregory to separate the feasts in his argument, are not able to point to any precept |330 of his about it, but derive some sort of evidence from his statements, and garble them to please themselves. They declare that in the discourse on the Birth he says as follows, "A little later then thou wilt see Jesus cleansed in the Jordan" 12 and they declare that he pronounced this discourse on the day of the birth. And a little later on he refers to the twelve days which precede the baptism. To this we shall make this answer. I understand it thus: he simply uses his expression "a little later" in connection with the same passage, where he says, "But if thou art scandalized by His being made flesh and debasing Himself, why, then, 'a little later' thou shalt see Jesus cleansing the Jordan by His baptism, and not debasing but enriching the flesh by cleaving the heavens, and with divine grace testified unto by the Father and by the Spirit." In the second place, if you so understand the passage, then you must conceive Him as going to be baptized subsequently to His resurrection; for previously to this passage He has been dwelling upon His passion and resurrection, and in connection with the same He uses the same words, and says, " so then a little later." However, if you clear your mind, you will easily understand from this very discourse that He fixed both feasts on one day. For in another passage in the same discourse He speaks as follows: "But now is the feast of the Epiphany of God, for God appeared as man by birth." So, then, he combines the two. This also do the Greeks allege, that the name epiphany is used of two feasts, both of the birth and of the baptism. I reply that this is notorious to all, that the name epiphany is applied to the th of January, and not to the 25th of December, either by the Greeks or by other races, and that no one ever heard of two epiphanies, but only of one. If, therefore, He uses the term epiphany, and is discoursing on the birth, He clearly appoints both on one day. |331
Then, again, the Greeks adduce as evidence of their case the following words from the discourse on the baptism: "We have then celebrated the [things] befitting (= τὰ εἰκότα) the birth." And pondering the same, he says: "But on this occasion the action of Christ is one thing and the secret thought another." Well, I assent. The action is one and the thought another. But not on another day. For the first words testify this to me. "We have celebrated the [things] befitting the birth," he says, and not the [fact] of the birth. For, had it been by twelve days later, he must have said the [fact] of the birth, and not the [things] of the birth.
Again, if it was not all on one day, why did he mention the day of the birth, and not simply say, "the secret thought" (or mystery), as elsewhere he does of the economy and of the passion? But you mention the depredators while you pass over those who magnify and elevate, as the very same Gregory says. Come, then, mark me also that passage which in the discourse of baptism he utters as follows: " Three births our discourse knoweth, the one in the flesh, and the one by baptism, and the one by the resurrection." And, dwelling on the same, he adds: "All these births my Christ manifestly honoured, [the first] by the great afflatus, primal and animating; and the second by being made flesh and by the baptism, wherewith He was Himself baptised; but the third by the resurrection, which He Himself initiated. As he was the eldest among many brethren, so also He deigned to become eldest among the dead. But as touching two births----I mean the first and the last----the present is not the time to philosophize; but concerning the middle one and that which is now necessary to us; of the same name with which is the day of illumination.13
See how he combines the two. Let them see, who have |332 intelligence; the being made flesh and the baptism are one birth upon one day, after which, he says, is even named the day of illumination.
Bat let us see how the Greeks fit in with the dumbness of Zachariah the six-months-long lapse of days of the pregnancy of Elizabeth, at the end of which we must understand the day of the annunciation of Gabriel. This, however, is the arguments of the Greeks: On the same day on which Zachariah was dumbfounded, on that very day he approached his wife; and she conceived by him on the very same day. Then they count 180 days, which throws the day of the annunciation of Gabriel on to the 25th March. From that day they count 276 days of the Holy Virgin's pregnancy, to suit the ten months' gestation of the first-born child, and that throws the birth on the 25th of December.
Now I ask you to give me your best attention while we investigate the following passage. First the text, and then the Gospel. For the text runs as follows: "My festivals consecrated shall be called holy by you. Three times in the year shall ye keep festival. Every male of you shall be before me, and ye shall offer sacrifices to the Lord." 14 And before that he saith: "In the seventh month, the first day thereof, let it be called holy by you. No work at all shall ye do on it.15 And the tenth day of the same seventh month, let it be kept holy by you. Humble yourselves from the ninth day of the month for three days. And every one who shall not humble himself, he shall be destroyed out of his congregation. And let the tenth day be hallowed by you; for it is a day of expiation for you. No work shall ye do upon it. A Sabbath of Sabbaths is it [and] a rest. Ye shall offer a sacrifice to the Lord in expiation for yourselves. And the fifteenth day of the same seventh month, called the Festival of Tabernacles, shall be |333 holy for you. No menial work shall ye do on it. In tents ye shall dwell for seven days at rest. Offer offerings to the Lord for seven days; and the seventh day shall be called holy, a Sabbath rest. No menial work shall ye do on it." So the text.
So then Zachariah's dumbness exactly fell on the tenth of Tisri; for that is the seventh month. And it was the day of expiation, on which the high priest entered the Holy of Holies, once in the year. To which also Paul bears witness. But on the same day it was not convenient that Zachariah should approach his wife; for he was the high priest of the year, and the great Feast of Tabernacles impended, and all Israel was convoked there. For seven days they were to feast the Festival of Tabernacles, and it was impossible for the high priest to leave the congregation and go to his house; for it was far away, and he had not his dwelling in Jerusalem. And the holy Gospel is my evidence for this, for in it it is written: "And the congregation was waiting for Zachariah, and marvelled at his tarrying in the temple. And when he came out, he could not speak to them; and they understood that he had seen a vision in the temple. And he conversed with them in signs and remained dumb. And it came to pass when the days of his ministration were fulfilled, he went to his house. And after those days Elizabeth his wife conceived." See how clearly he implies that after the completion of the days of the festival it came to pass that Zachariah approached his wife. And to make the statement more sure he repeats a second time the phrase, "having completed the days of his ministry." And again, "after those days." And who can mistake their meaning, namely, that it was so long as he was enjoining the congregation to sanctify and respect, not only the feast, but also, because of the feast, the beginning of the month and the first day's evening. How then between two chief festivals could the high priest leave the |334 congregation, and, going to his house, approach his wife? or [could he] on the very day of the feast? Be it not therefore ours to contradict and dispute, puffed up with our subtleties; but let us assent to the truth and to the Divine writings, which make it clear that it was on the tenth of the month Tisri that Zachariah approached his wife and that Elizabeth conceived. If we then count the 180 days of six months, that fixes the 16th of the month Nisan ----which is the th April according to the Romans----and at this date was the annunciation of the Holy Virgin. Then, counting the period of ten months' gestation of the firstborn, we have a full 276 days, ending on the 21st of the month Tebeth, which is the sixth of January, according to the Romans.
Here let us take a firm stand, and one not to be overthrown. And heaven forbid we should divide it into two. But on one day let us keep the birth and the baptism, and, maintaining intact the appointments of both, let us follow the holy Apostles and blessed fathers of Nice and our own teachers. For it is not true that [the new Christmas] did not reach them, and that therefore they did not receive it; but a long time ago [this feast] came to our land, and was accepted as by men who were ignorant of the truth. And it lasted many, many years, until the blessed John Katholicos, who by family was a Mandakuni. And then he made search for the truth, and after inquiry and getting at the truth, he commanded it to be abandoned. And after him we too will follow and give this answer to the Greeks, that we are pupils of the holy fathers in Nice; and what we learned we keep firmly and will not twist it awry. As for you, if ye do not walk in the paths of your own fathers, it appears to me that the temper of the Jews has taken possession of you, as they taught the Samaritans. And the Samaritans kept what they learned. But you resemble them. It does no harm to us. |335
But we are on surer ground than the Samaritans, and by far more sublime and divine; and for you we have no other answer. For you do not enjoin on us to do the truth, but impose always on us your own tyrannical and over-subtle fancies. I know a few of the Greeks who kept this feast until the Emperor Justinian; but all were constrained by him, and received it----Jerusalem, Rome, Alexandria, and every land. But be it not ours to feel any such dread of human commands as that we should over-ride the divine. And if it please you, I will utter Job's words: If I should go wrong, make me intelligent. But if they scorn the words of truth, at least let us not turn perversely from the path of the fathers.
Let us then set forth clearly in what month and on what days of the month the several nations keep the holy Epiphany:----
A. The Epiphany, according to the Hebrews, falls in the month Tebeth, on the 21st day always.
B. The Epiphany, according to the Syrians, in the month Kanoun, on the th day always.
C. The Epiphany, according to the Arabs, in the month Arson (? Assam), on the 21st day always.
D. The Epiphany, according to the Ethiopians, in the month Teras ( = Tir), on the 11th day always.
E. The Epiphany, according to the Egyptians, in the month Tubil, on the 11th day always.
F. The Epiphany, according to the Macedonians, in the month Maimakterion,16 on the 21st day always.
G. The Epiphany, according to the Greeks, in the month Eudineus (Αὐδυναῖος), on the th day always.
H. The Epiphany, according to the Romans, in the month of January, on the th day always.
I. The Epiphany, according to the Armenians, changes |336 its date every four years.17 And how this comes to be must be explained, and why it is not adjusted to [the dates] of other nations; this I will explain according to the order of the calendar. But many ask why was not the day of the holy Epiphany made clear? On what number of day of the month it falls, and we keep it, I will explain.
We have a tradition from the holy fathers. Inasmuch as it happened on the 20th day of the month, on the same day we also keep festival; the reason of which is this, That the feast of the holy Epiphany is no Jewish feast, but a Christian one only. And since there was no need to separate it from any other [feast],18 it was not fixed in a regular manner, nor was the day [of the week] signified; but it was fixed by reference to the number of the day in the month on which it occurred. But some have declared about the day [of the week] of the holy Epiphany that it happened on a Friday, because on Friday was the creation of the first man; and others assert on the Sabbath. But I am persuaded by the holy Polycarp, for he was a pupil of John the Evangelist, and heard with his own ears all the history of the Saviour. And he declares that the birth happened on the first of the week. And it was fitting that on this day on which was the beginning of creation----it was indeed portended----that on this day the Saviour of all should come into the world by being born, but keeping the virginity intact. And [he said] that the resurrection after the stay under the seal of the rock [was on the first day of the week], as also prior to that the entrance into Jerusalem on the day of the palms, and subsequently thereto the |337 descent of the Spirit on the Apostles. But he (i.e. Polycarp) declared that the day of the baptism fell, after thirty years, on the same number of day in the month, only on the fourth day of the week. And he declares that the creation of the sun on the fourth day was for a mystery and foretype.19 From the fourth tribe of Israel was the Saviour born, according to the Apostle, [who says] that from the tribe of Judah sprang our Lord. And because we feast both events on one day of the month, it was impossible to declare the day [of the week], because they (i.e. particular week days) fall, one on one day in the month, another on another.20 But we keep the number of the day of the month;21 and for seven days we purify ourselves and fast before it, and on whatever day [i.e. of the week] it falls, we feast seven days after it. For God is not limited by time or power of days, according to the Lord's utterance, that the Son of Man is Lord also of the Sabbath.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 Words in square brackets have been supplied by the translator as being necessary to the sense.
2. 2 In the Arm. Edition (Dashian, Vienna, 1896), and in the MSS. of these apocryphal canons the citation given by Ananias occurs in Can. vii.
3. 1 I.e., the separate commemoration of the Birth----apart from the baptism----on the 12th day before the th January----Christmas Day as we now call it.
4. 2 I.e., the Christians, who are commonly spoken of as a genus or race in the earlier fathers. The Arm. text has megazd, a vox nihili, for which I read mer azg, and render accordingly,
5. 3 Heading mtermouthiun for the vox nihili mrtouthiun.
6. 1 Such seems the meaning of an unusually cumbrous sentence.
7. 1 I.e., the modern Christmas on December 25th as opposed to the older joint festival on January th.
8. 1 Perhaps this was a building traditionally associated with the shepherds who watched their flocks by night.
9. 2 I.e., baptised.
10. 3 The Armenian has "demesosin," a misspelling of "dêmosios."
11. 1 Perhaps render "are accustomed to celebrate," as if νομίζουσι underlay the Armenian.
12. 1 Greg. Theol., Or. 38. In Theophania, p. 673.
13. 1 See Gregory Naz., Discourse 39 on Holy Baptism, near the beginning.
14. 1 Deut. xvi. 16.
15. 2 Lev. xxiii. 24, foll.
16. 1 Arm. has Makaterion.
17. 1 The Armenian year contained 365 days only, or one quarter of a day less than the solar year. Consequently any day of any one month in this year of the Julian era will coincide with the day preceding it after a lapse of four years. E.g. the th June this year will answer to the rd June four years hence. For the Armenian calendar gains one day in four years upon the Julian.
18. 2 As the Christian Easter was of set purpose altered from the 14th of Nisan, the date of the Jewish Passover.
19. 1 The citation of Polycarp seems to end here.
20. 2 I.e., if the 20th day of a particular month is a Friday in one year, it need not be Friday in another.
21. 3 Ananias implies----though he does not expressly say it----that Polycarp put the Nativity on the 20th day of a month, which was a Sunday; and exactly thirty years later, also on the 20th day of the same month, but on a Wednesday, the baptism.
The resurrection, the entry into Jerusalem, and the day of Pentecost, according to the same authority, all these occurred on the first day of the week, herein agreeing with the Syriac "Teaching of the Apostles."
Ananias omits to say which of the Armenian months it was on the 20th of which the Epiphany fell.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_the_lydian_months_04.htm
John the Lydian, De Mensibus / On the months (2011) Book 4. March
John the Lydian, De Mensibus / On the months (2011) Book 4. March.
[Translated by Andrew Eastbourne]
91
MARCH
33. The Romans considered March the beginning of the year, as I have already said, and they dedicated it to Ares—it was previously named Zephyrites and Primus. For Rômus, the one who founded Rome and made in it a sanctuary of Ares in this very month, gave it the name "Martius" ["Mars' (city)"]—that is, Ares' [city], in his ancestral speech.
34. The mythologists say: Zeus, by intercourse with his sister Hera, generated Ares—that is, the aether in contact with the aer squeezes out the aerial fire. But the natural philosophers say that Ares was so named, not, as the children of the grammarians say, from "removal" [arsis] and "destruction" [anairesis], but from the "aiding" [arêgein] and "helping" [syllambanein]1 given in occurrences of violence and fighting—or alternatively, as "originative" [arktikon] and "causative of change" [metabolês aition].2 And as his exaltation, they gave him Capricorn.3
The Romans 92 called Mars mors, that is, "death"—either as being the one who sets crafts in motion, or as being Ares who is honored only by males [arrenes], or on the basis of "fighting" [marnasthai] (according to Philoxenus). And in Egyptian he is called "Ertôsi."4 This signifies generation of every kind and every essence and material in accordance with nature and an ordering, generative power.
Ares was the discoverer of bronze and of iron.
The natural philosophers join Aphrodite sometimes to Ares, sometimes to Hephaestus—as it were, the fiery substance with the moist, obscurely hinting, presumably, that generation proceeds from wetness and heat—or indeed, because Scorpio is common to them [both], with Ares being the stinger and Aphrodite the claws.5 And just as in the myth, Aphrodite turns away from Ares, since storms follow Ares in his own characteristic position, but Aphrodite is temperate. And so, they are opposite to each other, but not wholly so. For indeed, they seem to be connected to each other at adjacent times, since after the winter [storms]6 the spring returns.
And Ares is worshipped by the sounds of weapons and by trumpets, and for this reason the Romans celebrated their first festival in his honor, calling it Armilustrium,7 or "purification of weapons," when neither winter cold nor any other circumstance hinders the movement of weapons, on the Field of Mars.8
And his name according to the Egyptians is Pyroeis ["fiery / red-yellow"], hence also Xanthikos ["tawny"] among the Macedonians. But the Greeks, as I have said, addressed him as Ares, on the basis of his actions. 93 For no one would [ever] discover the proper appellation of a deity, nor indeed the true mark of [a deity's] nature—since the philosophers portray their forms now as male, now female—but they bestowed names on the basis of the [gods'] effects, portraying the creative powers as male deities, and the generative ones as females.9
35. The star of Ares [i.e., the planet Mars] is especially good—as is that of Cronus [i.e., Saturn],10 if, that is, all things are good and nothing despicable, as Plato says.11 Sublunar things decay, however, not being able to bear the divinity of these [stars], as Iamblichus says.
The astrologers say that Ares is a worker of evil,12 not because he is such by nature, but because he attends with the law of justice the souls that are descending toward their birth, and does to them what is just, in accordance with their merit—and one who is the ally of justice is good.
One can learn from Proclus Diadochus that evil is not in subsistence or existence; he says:13
Evil is not even able to exist, without appearing contrariwise as good. For evil itself is for the sake of the good; but everything is for the sake of the good—and the divinity is not the cause of evil; for the evil is not evil because of it, but as a result of other causes, things whose generative action occurs not by virtue of capacity but by virtue of weakness.14 It is for this reason, I think, that Plato placed all things around the king of everything,15 and granted the existence of evil when appearing as good. For if it [i.e., divinity] is one of those things that truly exists, and it would thus be necessary to call it 94 the cause of all 16 things—and not simply of all things, nor of evil things, but in fact not the cause of the latter and the cause of all that exists—then, the gods do not produce evil, but rather make [it first] as good, and [then] remove it as being evil.17
For evil is not defined as a living and animate substance, but as a disposition in the soul that is contrary to virtue and that comes to be there through carelessness on account of a falling away from the good. Therefore, a pious understanding of the so-called evil-working planets would be that they are not such by nature, but rather contribute toward the providential management of the universe. For if Cronus is cold, and Ares is hot,18 then they contribute to [physical] generation, and by themselves they are destructive, but when mingled together they are salutary.
36. Ptolemy, in his Harmonics:19 The numbers have been defined through which there arises a concordant harmony in all those things which are in agreement and attunement with each other. And nothing at all is able to harmonize with anything except by virtue of these numbers. They are as follows: 4/3; 3/2; 1/1;20 2/1; 3/1; 4/1.21
37. That which is perceptible comes to us from the sun; that which is physical,22 from the lunar sphere; and this life of ours—well, our mode of living—has its existence by the special beneficence of these two lights. And the success of our actions is on the hand attributed to these two lights, and on the other, to the five planets. But some of these stars are beautifully united and joined with the lights 95 by the mediation of the higher numbers already mentioned, and no other numerical connection brings them together with the lights. Well then, the stars of Aphrodite and Zeus [i.e., Venus and Jupiter] are united to each of the lights by these numbers, but the star of Zeus is joined with the sun by them all, with the moon by the majority; but the star of Aphrodite is brought into connection with the moon by all the numbers, with the sun by the majority. Hence, if each of these produces good, for the most part, nevertheless the star of Zeus is more beneficial when paired with the sun, and the star of Aphrodite with the moon. But the stars of Cronus and Ares [i.e., Saturn and Mars] do not have a conjunction with the lights in this way—nevertheless, by a certain final reflection / appearance of the numbers, Cronus looks toward the sun, and Ares toward the moon—and for this reason, they seem less beneficial to human life. But why, sometimes, are they themselves actually believed to provide riches and distinction to men? This is appropriate to a further investigation. Now indeed Plotinus, in his book entitled "How the stars cause [events],"23 giving his opinion about this, says that none of these things happens to human beings by virtue of [the stars'] power or authority, but rather, what the necessity belonging to divine providence has decreed is revealed as such by the forward motion, stopping, or retrograde motion of these seven bodies—just as birds, either spreading out or remaining stationary, knowingly indicate the future with their wings or their voices.24 In the same discourse, 96 Plotinus says:25 "Their symbolic power extends to the entire realm of sense, their efficacy only to what they patently do. For our part, nature keeps us upon the work of the Soul as long as we are not wrecked in the multiplicity of the Universe: once thus sunk and held we pay the penalty."
38. Likewise, Plotinus says:26
To Plato the Spindle represents the co-operation of the moving and the stable elements of the kosmic circuit: the Fates with Necessity, Mother of the Fates, manipulate it and spin at the birth of every being, so that all comes into existence through Necessity.
In the Timaeus,27 the creating God bestows the essential of the Soul, but it is the divinities moving in the kosmos [the stars] that infuse the powerful affections holding from Necessity our impulse and our desire, our sense of pleasure and of pain—and that lower phase of the Soul in which such experiences originate. By this statement our personality is bound up with the stars, whence our Soul [as total of Principle and affections] takes shape; and we are set under necessity at our very entrance into the world: our temperament will be of the stars' ordering, and so, therefore, the actions which derive from temperament, and all the experiences of a nature shaped to impressions.
So then, what remains as 'us'? Precisely that which we truly are: beings to whom nature has granted, along with the passions, the power of also governing them.28 Cut off as we are by the body,29 God has yet given us, in the midst of all this evil, virtue the unconquerable, meaningless in a state of tranquil safety but everything where its absence would be peril of fall.
Our task, then, is to work for our liberation from this sphere, severing ourselves from all that has gathered about us; the total man is to be something better than a body ensouled 97—the bodily element dominant with a trace of Soul running through it and a resultant life-course mainly of the body—for in such a combination all is, in fact, bodily. There is another life, emancipated, whose quality is progression towards the higher realm, towards the good and divine, towards that Principle which no one possesses except by deliberate usage but so may be in and live by It30—unless one choose to go bereaved of that higher Soul and therefore, to live fate-bound, no longer profiting, merely, by the significance of the sidereal system but becoming31 as it were a part sunken in it and dragged along with the whole thus adopted.
For every human Being is of twofold character; there is that compromise-total and there is the Authentic Man: and it is so with the Kosmos as a whole; it is in the one phase a conjunction of body with a certain form of the Soul bound up in body; in the other phase it is the Universal Soul, that which is not itself embodied but flashes down its rays into the embodied Soul: and the same twofold quality belongs to the Sun and the other members of the heavenly system.
39. Because this universe has been finely and variously crafted with ineffable skill, and is full of blessed harmony, then it is necessary, I presume, that its nature has been, so to speak, "harmonized together" out of shrill and deep, gentle and harsh sounds and rhythms and dynamics.
40. The ancients would burn the bodies after death, deifying as it were the body too, together with the soul. For just as the latter is fiery by nature and rushes upwards, so the body is heavy and cold and tends downwards. Therefore, they thought they were actually purifying the very image of the body by the rite of fire. For the account of Anaximander is not true 98—he asserted that this universe is derived from fire, and that for this reason bodies were consigned to fire by the ancients—[nor are] the Stoics [correct], who turned the dead to ashes in advance, since they were awaiting the universal conflagration—for that sort of dissolution of bodies belongs to the most ancient by far of philosophical teachings. The teeth, however, not being of such a nature as to be consumed either by fire or length of time, they would leave behind on the very pyre, as being useless for the future—they were thinking of the doctrine of rebirth; for they themselves strongly accepted the account of this because of the fact that a person who was, it seemed, going to be reborn hereafter had no need of teeth in the mother's womb.
41. There are no "evil-working" stars; they are all good. But since the universe subsists in harmony, some of them are dry, others are moist; and others have some other quality in relation to their mixtures. For this reason, they seem to cause harm in their effects—but not on purpose—and because earthly things are harmed when, as sometimes happens, they cannot endure their unmitigated powers. So, for example, the eyes are harmed by an excess of light.
42. On the first day of March, they would honor Hera, as the moon, because of the new moon. And the priest would announce that everyone should partake of sweet drinks and foods, for the preservation of health. And the Romans would shake their weapons on the Field (or precinct) of Mars. 99 On this day, also, they would rest from toils, and those called matronae ("matrons") among them—that is, the "well-born"—would feast their household servants, just as at the Cronia it was customary for those who had slaves to do this. The former, by way of honoring Ares, acted as slaves to their male servants, because of their more powerful nature; and the latter, by way of performing an evil-averting service to Cronus, would serve their own slaves, so as not to suffer some sort of retribution in reality and thereby fall into servitude to their enemies.
And everyone would take sustenance from the bean in March—the bean [kuamos] belongs to Ares, based on the "conceiving" [kuein] of "blood" [haima]. They would smear each others' faces, using the oil of the bean in place of blood, and in this way worshipping Ares.
Pythagoras very much avoided the bean; for when eaten, it stirs bodies up toward intercourse much more than the other fruits, and in this manner it draws souls downwards towards "coming-to-be."32 And Heraclides Ponticus says that if someone places a bean in a common receptacle and covers it over with dung for forty full days, he will find that the bean has changed into the appearance of a fleshly man—and that for this reason the poet said:
It is the same, I tell you, to eat beans as to eat the heads of your parents.33
And Diogenes says this in the 13th [book] of Incredible Things. 100 Then, [he says,] a man was congealed from the same putrefaction, and sprouted a bean. And he supplied clear proofs of this. For if someone should chew apart a bean, grind it with his teeth, and deposit it in the warmth of the sunlight for a little while, then get up and return not much later, he would find that it smells of human gore. And if, while the bean [plant] is blossoming in its growth, one should take a little of the flower as it is darkening and place it in an earthenware vessel, put a cover on top, bury it deep in the ground and watch over it for ninety days after it has been buried, and then after that dig it up, take it and remove the lid, he would find that in place of the bean, the head of a child has taken shape, or a woman's genitals. Therefore, as Pythagoras says, one should abstain from beans, as well as from the so-called "golden-greens,"34 since their process of generation derives from women's menses. For this reason, beans are cast into graves on behalf of human salvation.35
And the fact that the word "bean" [kuamos] derives from "blood" [haima] can be ascertained by experiment. For if someone soaks it for a night and a day, he will find the water in it [has become] blood.
43. And the bakers, being the makers of servile [i.e., coarse] 101 bread, would send "Romulian provisions" to those of high repute—and so they called these, on account of their being offered by Romulus at the ninth hour as sustenance for his soldiers...For indeed, Valentinian was uneducated and only...very angry.36
44. On the th day before the Nones of March,37 Eudoxus predicts that a fairly violent wind blows, in general.
45. On the rd day before the Nones of March,38 the "sailing of Isis" was celebrated, which is performed even to this day, and called the Ploiaphesia ["Ship-launching"]. "Isis," in the speech of the Egyptians, signifies "old"—that is, [in reference to] the moon. And fittingly do they honor her as they begin to engage in sea-going travel, because she is in charge of the nature of the waters, as I said. And they say that she is also a giver of health, just as we say Asclepius is. And it would be the same thing.39 For just as we, taking the sun as Asclepius after its setting, when night falls—being the cause of sleep and night and rest, they cause and giver of health...they relate...40 And the Chaeronean [Plutarch] thinks Isis is the earth, and Osiris the Nile, Typhon the sea, into which the Nile falls and disappears.
46. The Greeks write that Tyche is cow-faced. But I think she is the nature of moisture, and thus the Romans customarily call her Aqua ["water"], from her "equality" [i.e., Lat. aequ(al)itas] 102: water is homogeneous and equal in nature. And aqua was appropriately named by them, since by derivation from aqua they bestow the designation "equality" and "homogeneity."41
47. "Sibyl" is a Roman expression, translated "prophetess" or "seer," whence the female seers were all named, by the single designation, "Sibyls." And there have been ten Sibyls in various places and at various times.42 First was the one called Chaldaean and Persian and (by some) Hebrew; her personal name was Sambethe, and she was of the family of the most blessed Noah—the one who is said to have predicted the events pertaining to Alexander the Macedonian; Nicanor the biographer of Alexander mentions her; she spoke very many oracles about the Lord God and his coming. But the others also harmonize with her, except that to her belong 24 books containing [messages] about every nation and land. And as to the fact that her verses are found to be incomplete and unmetrical, it is not the fault of the prophetess but of the stenographers, who were not able to follow along with the rush of her words—or even because they were uneducated and inexperienced in literacy. For the memory of what had been said ceased in her at the same time as the inspiration, and for this reason there are found to be incomplete verses and a halting sense—or else this happened by the providence of God, so that her oracles would not become known to the many who were unworthy. Second was the Libyan Sibyl. Third, 103 the Delphian Sibyl, the one who was born at Delphi—she lived before the Trojan War and wrote oracles in verse during the time of the Judges, when Deborah was a prophetess among the Jews. Fourth, the Italian [Sibyl], who was in Cimmeria in Italy. Fifth, the Erythraean [Sibyl], from the city called "Erythra"43 in Ionia, who made predictions about the Trojan War. Sixth, the Samian [Sibyl], whose personal name was Phyto, about whom Eratosthenes wrote; she too lived in the time of the Hebrew Judges. Seventh, the Cumaean [Sibyl], also called Amalthaea and Herophile. Cumae is an Italian city, near which there is a cave, covered over and well-polished, in which this Sibyl lived and gave oracles to those who inquired of her. Eighth, the Gergithian [Sibyl]—Gergithium is a town near the Hellespont. Ninth, the Tiburtine [Sibyl], named Albunaea.
The Jewish Sibyl was also called Chaldaean. For indeed, Philo, writing his "Life" of Moses, says that he [i.e., Moses] was a Chaldaean, but had been born in Egypt, since his ancestors had come down there because of a famine that had struck Babylon and the neighboring regions. And as it seems, the Canaanites were called this [i.e., Chaldaeans] from the beginning, or because Abraham had set out from there. And Philo likewise, with regard to the writings of Moses, says that they were written by him in the Chaldaean language, but later were translated into Greek by Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, who was the third to receive Egypt after Alexander.
And I read a book by this Hebrew Sibyl in Cyprus: in it she treats prophetically many things, including Greek affairs—and indeed even regarding Homer, that God will raise up a certain wise man, who will record the war of the heroes and will praise the noblest of these. And she also prophesies about Christ and the events that happened after Christ's coming—and indeed even about those that will take place, until the very end; among these, she also gives a kind of ominous prophecy regarding Cyprus and Antioch: that the one will fall, as in battle, and will no longer rise up again; and the island will become under water. For she says:
Wretched Antioch, they will no longer call you a city,
when you fall in among spears for your wicked-mindedness.
And again:
Alas, alas, miserable Cyprus, and a great wave will cover you
with stormy darts—and the sea stirred up.
This Sibyl anticipated the coming of Christ by 2000 years, and this is her verse predicting the precious cross:
O blessed wood, by which God was stretched out.
Tarquinius Priscus was the fourth king in Rome after the founder, Romus; and a certain woman, Amalthaea, came to him carrying with her three books, oracles 105 of the Cumaean Sibyl, and was wanting to give them to him for 300 gold coins. When he showed disdain, she became angry and burned one of the books, and once again approached him and requested 300 gold coins for the remaining two books. When he only despised her the more, she burned a second book, and then finally asked the very same price for the other, single book. So the king, guessing that it was essential for his kingdom, accepted it and gave her the 300 gold coins. He found written in it, especially and exclusively, the fortunes of the Romans; and he put these into the safekeeping of a group of 60 patricians.
48. On the Nones of March,44 Varro says that Corona sets, and the north wind blows.
49. On the Ides of March,45 there is a festival of Zeus, on account of the mid-month, and public prayers that the year will be healthful. And they would also sacrifice a 6-year-old bull on behalf of the mountain country, under the leadership of the high priest and the "reed-bearers"46 of the Mother. And 106 a man clothed with a goat-skin would be led in, and they would strike him with long, slender rods, calling him "Mamurius." (This man was a craftsman involved in weapon-manufacture; in order that the ancilia that "fell from Zeus" should not decay from continuously being "moved,"47 he crafted [new ones] similar to the originals.) Hence most people say proverbially, when they are mocking those who are being beaten, that those who are doing the beating are "playing Mamurius on him." For according to the story, the [original] Mamurius himself was beaten with rods and driven out of the city when, because of the removal of the original ancilia, difficulties had befallen the Romans.48
Metrodorus teaches that this day is bad.
50. The 16th day before the Kalends of April:49 no work. On this day, Eudoxus says that Pisces rises and the north wind blows.
51. Liber, the name for Dionysus among the Romans, meaning "free"—that is, the Sun. Mysteries [mysteria], from the removal of impurity [mysos] as equivalent to50 holiness. Dionysus, "because of whom [is] the race-post" [di' hon hê nyssa]—that is, the turning-post—and the cycles of time. Indeed, Terpander of Lesbos says that Nyssa nursed the Dionysus called "Sabazius" by some, who was born of Zeus and Persephone, and later 107 torn to pieces by the Titans. And it is also told concerning him, according to Apollodorus, that he was born of Zeus and Earth, Earth being designated "Semele" because all things have it as their foundation [katathemeliousthai]: By changing one letter, 's,' the poets have called her "Semele."
According to the poets, [there have been] five Dionysi:51 First, the son of Zeus and Lysithea; second, the son of Nilus, who ruled over Libya and Ethiopia and Arabia; third, the child of Cabirus, who ruled over, from whom come the Cabirian initiation; fourth, the child of Zeus and Semele, for whom the mysteries of Orpheus were performed, and by whom wine was mingled;52 fifth, the son of Nisus and Thyone, who introduced the "Triennial Festival."53 So far, the Greek [account]. But the Romans call Dionysus the "Bacchanal of Cithaeron"—meaning, one who is in a Bacchic frenzy and runs up to the heavens, they named "Citharon" on the basis of the harmony54 of the seven "stars," and hence Hermes mystically gives the cithara to Apollo, as the Logos grants the attunement of the universe to the Sun. And the mysteries in honor of Dionysus were conducted in secret, because of the fact that the sun's shared association with the nature of the universe is hidden from everyone. 108 And in his sacred rites they would carry along phalli, as being the generative organs, and a mirror, as [representing] the translucent / radiant heavens, and a ball, as [representing] the earth. For Plato says in his Timaeus, "to earth, the spherical form."55 For this reason also Pythagoras says that souls have been scattered in the ten spheres in this way, and in it [i.e., the earth]. And in the sacred rites, they would call him Pyrigenês ["fire-born"] and Pankratês ["all-powerful"], because on the one hand the sun is of a fiery nature, and on the other, it governs and rules over all. And they say that the panther receives its name from him, as [representing] the "all-animal" [pan-thêr-os]56 earth which receives from him its life-giving and joy-bringing sustenance. And they depict his Bacchantes and Nymphs as [representing] the waters that obey him, and by the movement of the sun the nature of the waters is given life; and they give them cymbals and thyrsi57 [to represent] the sound of the waters. And they depict the Maenads being driven off by Satyrs, as [representing] the production of thunder and noise when the waters are thrust away by the winds. And [they describe] Dionysus as the "mind of Zeus," as [representing] the soul of the cosmos; for we find everywhere that the entire cosmos is named "Zeus," on account of its eternal life and endlessness. They describe him as the son of Semele, as being hidden under earth and coming forth by virtue of Hermes, that is, the Logos; and being fostered in the thigh of Zeus, as lying hidden in the secret places of the cosmos; and they call him Dithyrambus58 and Dimêtôr ["having two mothers"], the one who has two paths of procession, the 109 one, from the East toward the South, in winter, and the other, from the North toward the West, in summer. So much regarding Dionysus.
And on the day of the Bacchanalia, Democritus says that Pisces sets, and Varro teaches that there will be a "fight of the winds."
All this, antiquity [has handed down] about the Dionysia.
52. When a disturbance had occurred on the Capitol, caused by the rioters, it is said that at that time, a shepherd seemed to appear in the place and decided that the people should be gathered, and the commons should hurry to assemble; and when the workmen had been sent off thither by the shepherd, the people came to be at peace, and he himself disappeared.
53. There has been and still is much disagreement among the theologians59 regarding the god who is worshipped by the Hebrews. For the Egyptians—and Hermes [i.e., Trismegistus] first of all—theologize that he is Osiris, "the one who exists," about whom Plato says in the Timaeus: "What is it that always exists, and has no 'coming-to-be'; and what is it that comes to be, but never exists?"60 But the Greeks say that he is the Dionysus of Orpheus, because, as they themselves say, at the holy place61 of the temple in Jerusalem, from both pillars vines fashioned from gold used to hold up62 the curtains that were variegated with purple and scarlet: On the basis of this, they supposed that it was a temple of Dionysus. But Livy asserts in his general Roman history that the god worshipped there is unknown.63 Following him, Lucan 110 says that the temple in Jerusalem belongs to an "obscure / unseen"64 god.65 And Numenius says that he is "incommunicable / unique,"66 and the father of all the gods, who does not consider it worthy for any to share in his honor. And also the Emperor Julian, when he was going on his expedition against the Persians, wrote to the Jews as follows: "For I am raising the temple of the Most High God with all enthusiasm."67 For this reason68—and also because of circumcision—some of the uneducated even consider him to be Cronus: For they say that Cronus [i.e., Saturn] is the most elevated of the planets. But they do not understand that circumcision is a symbol of the purification of the spiritual soul, as the more initiated69 Hebrews believe, and that circumcision is not a ritual of Cronus. Those of the Arabs who are called "Scênitae" ["tent-dwellers"] circumcise their own sons at the age of thirteen, as Origen says,70 although they are honoring Astartê, not Cronus. And also the Ethiopians mark the knee-caps of the young for the sake of Apollo. Porphyry, however, in his commentary on the Oracles, considers the one honored by the Jews to be the "twice transcendent," that is, the creator of the universe, whom the Chaldaean theologizes as the second after the "once transcendent," that is, the Good. Of course, the schools of Iamblichus and Syrianus and Proclus71 think he is the creator of the perceptible world, calling him the god of the "four-element [world]." But the Roman Varro, 111 when discussing him, says that among the Chaldaeans, in their mystical [writings], he is called "Iaô," meaning "mentally perceived light" in the language of the Phoenicians, as Herennius [Philo] says. And he is frequently called "Sabaôth," meaning the one who is "above the seven heavenly spheres"72—that is, the creator. So then, there are many opinions about him; but those who theorize that he is unknown and obscure are predominant. They are mistaken, who consider him to be Dionysus, on the basis of the vines which held up the curtains, as mentioned above—and further, on the basis of a conviction (from whatever source) that the profane73 among the Hebrews abstain from wine. This mistake can be perceived from their very own laws. For they reveal that it is not the profane, but the consecrated who do this, as follows: "Wine and strong drink you shall not drink...when you enter into the tent."74
54. On the 15th day before the Kalends of April,75 Euctemon says that various winds blow.
And one might call Athena "cephalic prudence." For indeed, prudence is said to reside near the "roots" of the human brain, in the front of the head, opposite the back of the head76—hence, Homer represented Achilles becoming angry, [then] seized by Athena from the front of the head, as follows: "And she seized the son of Peleus by his tawny hair."77 112 And they write that she is "gleaming-eyed" [glaukôpis]78 on account of her fieriness, and for her bird they attribute to her the owl [glaux], which stays awake all through the night, as though one were saying that [she represents] the human soul, not idle at any time—for indeed, it is immortal and ever-moving by nature. As Plato says, "That which...ceases to move ceases to live."79
55. On the 14th day before the Kalends of April,80 it was the custom for the Salian [priests], whom Numa established, to "put in storage"81 the weapons that "fell from Zeus," the ones which they called ancilia. It was customary for these to be "moved," in honor of Ares, on that day on which it is said that a voice from the heavens was heard, saying that the city would be kept safe as long as the ancilia were kept safe.
56. Also in Rome, they would laugh at the sinful citizen women on wagons, and lead them out unseen in accordance with the practice of the Athenians, who would threaten the sinners with saying the things "from the wagon."
57. On the 14th day before the Kalends of April,82 there was a festival which was honored among the Romans not because it was Roman but because it held the highest honor among the Egyptians, for the following reason: When the Nile once refused to provide the yearly beneficence of its waters, and thus the Egyptians were perishing, a certain good daemon appeared as a man, his whole body covered in mud [pepêlômenos] and proclaimed to the Egyptians that the Nile had gushed forth, and he himself had fallen in its waters. When they disbelieved him, but then found that it was really the truth, a festival was established among them and among the Greeks, called Pêlousion.
58. Philadelphia in Lydia was built by the Egyptians. The school of Proclus called Philadelphia "little Athens" because of their enthusiasm for it, on account of its festivals and the sacred rites of its idols.
59. On the 11th day before the Kalends of April,83 a pine tree would be carried on the Palatine by the dendrophori ["tree-bearers"]. The festival was established by the Emperor Claudius, a man so just in his judgments that he ordered a mother who was denying her own child to be married to him [i.e., the child], on the grounds that she was a stranger to him; but by her refusal he determined that she was the mother.
60. On the 10th day before the Kalends of April,84 there is trumpet-purification85 and movement of the weapons, and honors for Ares and Nerinê—a goddess so named in the Sabine language, who they understood to be Athena or else Aphrodite. For nerinê means "courage" and the Sabines call the courageous nerônas. And Homer demonstrates that she does take the lead in warfare, along with Ares: "All these things will be the concern of quick Ares and Athena."86 For those who consider Nerinê to be Aphrodite are mistaken, and Homer is equally a witness on this point: "My child [i.e., Aphrodite], warlike deeds have not been given to you."87 114
61. Philip says that on the 9th day before the Kalends of April,88 the Hyades set, along with a south wind; but Metrodorus says they rise. On the th day before the Kalends,89 the spring equinox.
62. A vault is a kind of building having the form of a half-cylinder.
63. Demeter is one who makes the beginning of a city, as being the earth. And hence, they depict her bearing a tower.90 And the earth is also called Cybele, from its cubic shape in accordance with geometry—although the Stoics define it as spherical.
1 This term seems to have been added as a synonym of the previous, not because it has any significant phonetic sequence of its own.
2 As before, this term seems to have been added as a synonym of the previous, not because it has any significant phonetic sequence of its own.
3 Cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1.19. "Exaltation" (Greek hupsôma) indicates that the planet is supposed to be particularly powerful in this sign.
4 Not elsewhere attested.
5 The "claws" of Scorpio = Libra. For the associations, cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 1.17.
6 The Greek term here means both "winter" and "storms."
7 Oct. 19, according to others, but see section 42 below.
8 I.e., the Campus Martius.
9 "Creative" (dêmiourgikos) in the sense of craftsman-like fashioning of materials, "generative" (zôogonos) as the "life-giving" reproductive function.
10 Saturn, like Mars, is classified as "maleficent" (cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1.5).
11 Timaeus 30a.
12 Cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1.5.
13 Proclus, De malorum subsistentia 61 (ed. Boese, Tria opuscula [Berlin, 1960]; cf. also the recent translation by Opsomer and Steel, Proclus: On the Existence of Evils [Ithaca, 2003])—the text presented by John Lydus, however, truncates and diverges a little from Proclus' work.
14 The basic point appears to be that evil per se is a deficiency, a lack, rather than a positive substance in its own right. The phrase kata dunamin, however, appears to derive from Tim. 30a, where it has the meaning, "as far as possible." That is, the phraseology here seems to be based on a misreading of Plato.
15 Cf. Plato, Epistle 2.312e. At this point, John's quotation begins to diverge more significantly from Proclus' text.
16 Here, the term "good" does not appear in Wuensch's text, but is present in the text of Proclus and the passage of Plato still being alluded to; although John's "quotation" of Proclus is quite free at this point, the word "good" does seem to be required by the sense.
17 The last phrase, "and [then] remove it as being evil," is not present in any form in the text of Proclus.
18 Cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1.4.
19 Not a precise quote from a known passage.
20 Gk. spondeios, that is, the "spondee" in which the relationship between the two long feet is 1:1. (The first proportion in the list, 4/3, is also a metrical term, epitritos, long-long-short-long, in which the relationship between the first two syllables and the last two syllables is 4:3.
21 These ratios also represent musical intervals: the perfect fourth, the perfect fifth, the octave, etc.
22 Greek physikos. Lit., "natural," or "innate."
23 Enneads 2.3: "Concerning whether the stars cause [events]."
24 Cf. Enn. 2.3.3 (end) on birds; otherwise, this is not a very close paraphrase of Plotinus' argument.
25 Enn. 2.3.8 (tr. MacKenna and Page). The translation of MacKenna and Page is available online at: http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/plotenn/index.htm
26 Enn. 2.3.9 (tr. MacKenna and Page—lightly edited as indicated in the footnotes).
27 30b.
28 I have altered the translation of MacKenna and Page here, which reads: "What, after all this, remains to stand for the "We"? The "We" is the actual resultant of a Being whose nature includes, with certain sensibilities, the power of governing them."
29 Here John Lydus' text is slightly shorter than the extant text of Plotinus, and so I have altered the translation of MacKenna and Page, which reads: "...by the nature of the body."
30 Here MacKenna and Page seem to have expanded the text of Plotinus, and so I have shortened their translation to reflect the text as quoted by John Lydus; their translation reads: "...except by deliberate usage but so may appropriate, becoming, each personally, the higher, the beautiful, the Godlike, and living, remote, in and by It..."
31 The translation here is needlessly obscure; more simply, "not only do the stars give him indications, but he himself becomes..."
32 Or, "generation"—that is, the physical world of "coming-to-be" (and sexual reproduction) rather than the non-corporeal world of true "being."
33 Orph. fr. 263 Abel.
34 Also called atraphaxys and andraphaxys in Greek, in English orach [LSJ].
35 Or "safety," but John Lydus here clearly seems to indicate that the practice is meant to guarantee a better afterlife.
36 Some text is missing here.
37 4 March.
38 5 March.
39 I.e., they have the same function / significance.
40 Missing text here: "they relate the same things about Isis" must be the thought.
41 This appears to contradict the previous sentence, where John claimed that water (aqua) was named after "equality," not the other way around; however, if, in his view, aqua "means" equal, then the derivations can work in either direction.
42 For this list, cf. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6.
43 Should be "Erythrae."
44 7 March.
45 15 March.
46 Wuensch's text here gives kanêphoroi, "basket-bearers," but this is commonly understood as an intended reference rather to kannophoroi, "reed-bearers," especially given the entry in the Calendar of Philocalus for 15 March (Canna intrat, "the reed enters"). See Showerman, "Canna Intrat and the Cannophori," Classical Journal 2.1 (1906), p. 28 n. 1; Fishwick, "The Cannophori and the March Festival of Magna Mater," Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 97 (1966), pp. 193-202.
47 "Moving" the ancilia was the term used for the act of carrying them in procession.
48 For Mamurius, cf. (e.g.) Plutarch, Numa 13; Ovid, Fasti 3.383ff. In the Calendar of Philocalus, 14 March (not the Ides) is designated Mamuralia.
49 17 March.
50 Or, "instead of."
51 For this list, cf. Cicero, De Natura Deorum 3.23 (58).
52 I.e., who first invented wine, although the words could be taken to indicate the invention of mixing wine with water.
53 At Thebes.
54 The association envisioned here is with the "harmony" represented by the cithara ("lyre").
55 Tim. 55d, but the standard text reads "cubic" rather than "spherical."
56 According to LSJ, citing this passage alone, this epithet means, "supporting all animals."
57 I.e., the fennel-stalks topped by pine-cones that were brandished in Dionysian worship.
58 As though from di- ["two"] and thura ["door"].
59 Gk. theologoi, used for pagan writers about the gods as well as Christian theologians.
60 Tim. 27d.
61 Gk. adyton.
62 Or, "hold back" (?).
63 Not in the extant text of Livy, but perhaps in a section now lost.
64 Gk. adêlos.
65 Pharsalia 2.592-3: dedita sacris incerti Iudaea dei.
66 Gk. akoinônêtos.
67 Ep. 134 Bidez (= Bidez, Lettres, p. 197). For this fragment, cf. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate, pp. 120-22; W. C. Wright (tr.), Works of the Emperor Julian, LCL, vol. 3, p. xxi.
68 I.e., because of the designation "Most High."
69 Gk. mystikoi; that is, "having to do with mysteries."
70 Philocalia 33.
71 Lit., "those around Iamblichus " etc.—a frequent periphrasis, in fact, for the simple "Iamblichus" (etc.).
72 Gk. poloi.
73 I.e., the non-priestly, or those not consecrated in some special way.
74 Lev. 10.9.
75 18 March.
76 The spatial relationships here are not particularly clear.
77 Iliad 1.197.
78 Traditionally, "grey-eyed."
79 Phaedrus 245c.
80 19 March.
81 "Storing" the ancilia was the term used for returning them after the yearly procession, the "moving" of the ancilia.
82 19 March.
83 22 March.
84 23 March.
85 Equivalent to the Lat. tubilustrium.
86 Iliad 5.430.
87 Iliad 5.428.
88 24 March.
89 25 March.
90 I.e., wearing the so-called "mural crown" representing the walls and towers of a city. This is more standard for the goddess Cybele.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: antiochus_strategos_capture.htm
Antiochus Strategos, The Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians in 614 AD
Antiochus Strategos, The Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians in 614 AD,
F.C. CONYBEARE, English Historical Review 25 (1910) pp. 502-517
Antiochus Strategos Account of the Sack of Jerusalem in A.D. 614.
IN the ninth volume of his Texts and Studies in Armenogruzinian Philology (Tekstwe i Razweskaniyah po Armyâno-Gruzînskoe Phîlo-logii) Professor N. Marr, of the University of Petersburg, published early last year the old Georgian version of a narrative entitled 'Antiochus Strategos, the Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians in the year 614 ' (Antiokh Strateg, Playnenie Jerusalima Persami). The Greek text of this narrative is lost, all except an insignificant fragment; but as it is our only detailed narrative by an eye-witness of this important but hitherto obscure episode, I have thought it worth translating for English readers. The Georgian text, edited by Professor Marr from two codices, of which one was written in the thirteenth century, fills sixty-six large octavo pages of thirty-three lines each. I have much reduced its bulk by omitting pious ejaculations and other passages devoid of historical interest. These omissions I note. Professor Marr's book contains, besides the Georgian text, a long and learned introduction, and a careful Eussian translation of the Georgian. The latter materially aided me in my rendering, because, as students of Georgian well know, the lexicons of that language are very imperfect. Without it I could only have conjectured the meaning of several words omitted in the lexicons. Professor Marr ascribes the Georgian version to the tenth century; and, on grounds which to me are a little doubtful, argues that it was made not directly from the Greek but from an Arabic version of the Greek. He prints a fragment of the Arabic text which contains the enumeration of the dead.
FREDERICK C. CONYBEARE.
The Capture of Jerusalem.
The treatise of the blessed monk Strateg, who lived in the Laura of our father Saba.
He told about the devastation of Jerusalem, the capture of the Cross of Christ, which is the tree of our life, and of the burning of the holy churches, and their demolition; the captivity of the patriarch Zachariah, |503 the destruction of priests, of deacons and monks; about the folk which believed in Christ, and about all that befell Jerusalem and its inhabitants from Babylon, at the hands of Persians and Chaldeans by command of their king Chosro.1
For Zachariah, the chief of fathers of Jerusalem, patriarch and shepherd of the holy city, was shepherding his flock in a manner correct and decent and pleasing to God. But in these days there arrived certain wicked men, who settled in Jerusalem. Some of them aforetime dwelled in this holy city with the devil's aid. They were named after the dress which they wore, and one faction was dubbed the Greens and the other the Blues. They were full of all villainy, and were not content with merely assaulting and plundering the faithful; but were banded together for bloodshed as well and for homicide. There was war and extermination ever among them, and they constantly committed evil deeds, even against the inhabitants of Jerusalem....2
Then the Judge of truth, who desires not the death of the sinner, but that he may turn again and live, sent on us the evil Persian race, as a rod of chastisement and medicine of rebuke. And they advanced with a great force and numerous host. They seized all the land of Syria; they put to flight the Greek 3 detachments and forces, and sundry of them they captured, and thereafter began to enter with a swarming army and to capture every city and village. And they reached Palestine and its borders, and they arrived at Caesarea, which is the metropolis. But there they begged for a truce, and bowed their necks in submission. After that the enemy advanced to Sarapeon, and captured it, as well as all the seaboard cities together with their hamlets....4
Next they reached Judea; and came to a large and famous city, a Christian city, which is Jerusalem, city of the Son of God. And they came on in wrath and mighty anger of soul; and the Lord surrendered it into their hands, and they fulfilled all in accordance with His will. And who can depict what took place within Jerusalem and in her streets? Who number the multitude of dead who lay stretched in Jerusalem?...5
But who, my brethren, will not grieve over this deed which was done in Constantinople by the Emperor Justinian, when he cried out 'Victory! Victory!' When a river of blood flowed in the middle of the city, from the massacring of an innumerable multitude? And who has not heard what happened in the great city of Antioch, what woes and disasters overtook its inhabitants? Who will not lament and deplore the fate which overtook the city of Laodicea 6 and its inhabitants, how that souls innumerable were destroyed by the jealousy and passion of a God-hating enemy? Who can keep silence and restrain his tears in presence of all this evil and suffering? Who compute the multitude of woes and labours, and how many tens of thousands were slain in consequence of the crime committed by the worthless Bonosus?...7
And if you would fain understand that which happened, listen to what I had related to me by a certain God-loving man about the death of that |504 worthless man who was called Bonosus, that you may know that I am telling the truth. For this worthy man, who lived in the Jordan region,8 recounted to me and said: ' Just when the ill-starred Bonosus died, I saw terrible folk who carried his soul to a well which was sealed, and on it sat a sentinel, and they said to him: "We bid thee, O man, open for us the well, that we may shut in it the soul of Bonosus." The man answered them, he that sat on the well: "I cannot open this well, until the Lord commands me so to do." But one of them that carried the soul of Bonosus, made haste and furnished unto him a document9 of the Lord. Forthwith the sentry that sat on the well glanced thereat, sighed from the depth of his heart, and, smiting himself on the breast, said: "Woe to this ill-starred soul, forasmuch as since the time of the impious Emperor Julian, I have not opened the door of this darkling abyss of hell." ' For this reason we have told this, namely that you may know what men lived in our country; and how many villainies they committed, in the way of slaughter and desolation and extermination of your brethren.
And leader in all was this worthless Bonosus. For he was full of all sorts of godlessness and on the watch for the demolition of cities and desolating of churches together with the aforementioned worthless men; so that riot and destruction overtook the churches, and he had a design to seize and kill the patriarch who preceded the patriarch Zachariah, and to lay waste the churches. Such deeds did these men commit, who sojourned among us. And as we knew not God, nor observed His commands, God delivered us into the hands of our enemies, and we fell under the lordship of this abominable tribe of Persians, and they dealt with us in all ways as they pleased. And now I will begin to tell you what happened. For these evil tribes, when they had seized all the land of Syria 10 and the littoral, laid hold of a certain couple of monks out of the monasteries by the sea....11
And when they seized the monks and led them to their chief, he looked them in the face and considered their worth. And although the chief was an enemy of God, he ordered that they should be preserved until he should see how the matter should end. And as he approached the holy city of Jerusalem, he began from day to day to ask them, saying: 'What say ye, O ye monks, will yon city surrender to me or not?' The monks in answer said: 'In vain dost thou hasten, and idle are thy designs, leader of an evil and foul race, for the right hand of God protects this holy city.' And when they reached Jerusalem, the magnates and chiefs of his host went and reconnoitred the city and its walls. And when they perceived the number of the monasteries and habitations of the Godfearing ones, which were in the environs of the city, their mind was opened and they desired to conclude a treaty with the inhabitants of the city. Then the blessed patriarch Zachariah, when he learned their desire and understood from the Lord what had overtaken the city, likewise was minded to conclude a treaty with the enemies...,12
But when the leaders of the riotous factions became aware what the |505 patriarch designed to do, they gathered together and, assailing him like wild beasts, said to him: 'We warn thee, who art leader of this people, thou art intent on no good thing, in so far as thou thinkest of making peace with the enemy....13
Then, beholding their folly and that on which they were bent, the blessed Zachariah began to lament and bewail his flock and the destruction of his faithful folk. He feared moreover the miscreants lest they should slay him....14
And in the same manner the walls of Jericho, when it pleased God to lay them low, were suddenly overthrown; and He, the all good, humbled also by the Emperor Heraclius the multitude of the Persians, so soon as He, the clement One, looked with pity on His people. But the blessed Zachariah, a true shepherd, invited them to make peace; and when they hearkened not to him, he gave them other counsel; and he summoned a monk, who was named Abba Modestus, and he was superior of the monastery of St. Theodosius,15 and bade him go and muster men from the Greek 16 troops which were in Jericho, to help them in their struggle. But the blessed Modestus received the order of the patriarch, went out, and mustered the Greek troops which were in Jericho.
The Persians however beleaguered the entire city, and surrounded it for the combat; and hourly they questioned the monks in regard to the city, whether God would deliver it or not into their hands. And the first day they asked them the same question afresh. Then the monks consulted one with the other and said: 'If we lie, 'tis evil; but if we tell the truth, woe to us. Rather, whether we tell or whether we conceal the truth, it cannot but be that this city be laid waste. So it is right that we should not conceal the truth.' Then the monks sighed from the depths of their hearts, and smiting themselves on the face, and shedding tears, as if in a flood from their eyes, they replied: ' For our sins God hath delivered us into your hands.'
We however, when we were delivered into captivity, said to those monks: 'Why did you then from the first not tell us that the city was to be delivered into the hands of the enemy? On the contrary you declared that by God it would be saved; and we know that your word was of the Lord; and again you said that He had delivered it over to devastation.' The monks answered us and said: ' We were not prophets and forecasters of divine decree; but rather were, because of our sins, given over into the hands of our enemies; and have been taken captive at their hands, and been smitten together with this people according as our deeds merited. But as regards the holy city be not surprised at this having overtaken it; for as we were with God, so too was God with us. But as for us, when the Persians had led us out of our caves, they conducted us here to Jerusalem. We looked on the wall of the city, and saw a marvellous sight. For on each of the towers and battlements stood an angel holding in his hands shield and fiery lance. And when we beheld this sign, we were much rejoiced. We understood that God was on our side. Wherefore we said to the enemy: "In vain you hasten, idly do you imagine of this city, that it is to be delivered into your hands."...' 17 |506
In that season there came down from heaven an angel three days before this evil overtook us and advanced as far as the angels which were standing upon the wall of Jerusalem and guarded it; and he said to them: 'Depart hence, withdraw; for the Lord has given over this holy city into the hands of the enemy.' And when the assembly of angels heard this, they departed; for they could not oppose the will of God. And thereby we knew that our sins exceeded God's grace... 18
But the Persians when they found that the inhabitants of the city would not consent to submit, were agitated with lively anger, like ferocious beasts, and planned all sorts of hurt against Jerusalem; and they laid siege to it with much watchfulness and gave battle. Meanwhile the monk Abba Modestus, who had been sent by the patriarch to collect Greek troops to aid them in distress, persuaded them to start. But God willed not to help them. For when the Greeks saw the numbers of the Persian host which was encamped around Jerusalem they fled with one accord, put to flight by the Persians. Then the Abba Modestus was left alone, inasmuch as he could not flee. He saw a rock in a ravine and climbed up on to it. The rock was already surrounded by Persians: some of them stood on it, and others again stood over against the rock. But God, who preserved the prophet Elisha and destroyed the murderers who came against him before they sighted him, darkened the eyes of the enemy, and preserved His servant unscathed. And he peacefully went down to Jericho. But the inhabitants of the city began to grieve when they learned of the flight of the Greeks, and there was found from no quarter any aid for them. Then the Persians perceived that God had forsaken the Christians, and that they had no helper; and with intensified anger they began to search out ways and means to the extent of building towers around the city; and they placed on them balistas for a struggle with the inhabitants of Jerusalem; and they made ready every sort of military engine, as is customary with warriors; and with lively wrath they engaged the Christians. They were however all the more on the watch, and desired to get possession of Jerusalem, because they knew that that city was a refuge of all Christians and a fortress of their dominion.
The beginning of the struggle of the Persians with the Christians of Jerusalem was on the 15th April, in the second indiction, in the fourth year of the Emperor Heraclius. They spent twenty days in the struggle. And they shot from their balistas with such violence, that on the twenty-first day they broke down the city wall. Thereupon the evil foemen entered the city in great fury, like infuriated wild beasts and irritated serpents. The men however who defended the city wall fled, and hid themselves in caverns, fosses, and cisterns in order to save themselves; and the people in crowds fled into churches and altars; and there they destroyed them. For the enemy entered in mighty wrath, gnashing their teeth in violent fury; like evil beasts they roared, bellowed like lions, hissed like ferocious serpents, and slew all whom they found. Like mad |507 dogs they tore with their teeth the flesh of the faithful, and respected none at all, neither male nor female, neither young nor old, neither child nor baby, neither priest nor monk, neither virgin nor widow... 19
Meanwhile the evil Persians, who had no pity in their hearts, raced to every place in the city and with one accord extirpated all the people. Anyone who ran away in terror they caught hold of; and if any cried out from fear, they roared at them with gnashing of teeth, and by breaking their teeth forced them to close their mouths. They slaughtered tender infants on the ground, and then with loud yelps called their parents. Their parents bewailed20 the children with vociferations and sobbings, but were promptly despatched along with them. Any that were caught armed were massacred with their own weapons. Those who ran swiftly were pierced with arrows, the unresisting and quiet they slew without mercy. They listened not to appeals of supplicants, nor pitied youthful beauty, nor had compassion on old men's age, nor blushed before the humility of the clergy. On the contrary they destroyed persons of every age, massacred them like animals, cut them in pieces, mowed sundry of them down like cabbages, so that all alike had severally to drain the cup full of bitterness. Lamentation and terror might be seen in Jerusalem. Holy churches were burned with fire, others were demolished, majestic altars fell prone, sacred crosses were trampled underfoot, life-giving icons were spat upon by the unclean. Then their wrath fell upon priests and deacons: they slew them in their churches like dumb animals....21
And who can relate what the evil foes committed and what horrors were to be seen in Jerusalem? However, my beloved brethren, listen to me with patience, because my heartache impels me to speak and forbids me to keep silent; and once having begun to describe this calamity, I am minded to recount to you the whole of it. For when the Persians had entered the city, and slain countless souls, and blood ran deep in all places, the enemy in consequence no longer had the strength to slay, and much Christian population remained that was unslain. So when the ferocity of the wrath of the Persians was appeased, then their leader, whom they called Rasmi Ozdan, ordered the public criers to go forth and to make proclamation saying: 'Come out, all of you that are in hiding. Fear not. For the sword is put away from you, and by me is granted peace.' Then, as soon as they heard that, a very numerous crowd came forth that had been hidden in cisterns and fosses. But many of them were already dead within them, some owing to the darkness, others from hunger and thirst. Who can count the number of those who died? for many tens of thousands were destroyed by the number of privations and diversity of hardships, before those in hiding came out owing to the number of their privations; and they abandoned themselves to death when they heard the chief's command, as if he was encouraging them for their good, and they would get alleviation by coming out. But when those in hiding had come out, the prince summoned them and began to question the whole people as to what they knew of the art of building.22 When they had one by one specified their crafts, he bade those be picked out on one side who were |508 skilled in architecture, that they might be carried captive to Persia; but he seized the remainder of the people and shut them up in the reservoir23 of Mamel, which lies outside the city at a distance of about two stades from the tower of David. And he ordered sentinels to guard those thus confined in the moat.24
O my brethren, who can estimate the hardships and privations which befell the Christians on that day? For the multitude of people suffocated25 one the other, and fathers and mothers perished together owing to the confinement of the place. Like sheep devoted to slaughter, so were the crowd of believers got ready for massacre. Death on every side declared itself, since the intense heat, like fire, consumed the multitude of people, as they trampled on one another in the press, and many perished without the sword....26
Thereupon the vile Jews, enemies of the truth and haters of Christ, when they perceived that the Christians were given over into the hands of the enemy, rejoiced exceedingly, because they detested the Christians; and they conceived an evil plan in keeping with their vileness about the people. For in the eyes of the Persians their importance was great, because they were the betrayers of the Christians. And in this season then the Jews approached the edge of the reservoir 27 and called out to the children of God, while they were shut up therein, and said to them: 'If ye would escape from death, become Jews and deny Christ; and then ye shall step up from your place and join us. We will ransom you with our money, and ye shall be benefited by us.' But their plot and desire were not fulfilled, their labours proved to be in vain; because the children of Holy Church chose death for Christ's sake rather than to live in godless-ness: and they reckoned it better for their flesh to be punished, rather than their souls ruined, so that their portion were not with the Jews. And when the unclean Jews saw the steadfast uprightness of the Christians and their immovable faith, then they were agitated with lively ire, like evil beasts, and thereupon imagined another plot. As of old they bought the Lord from the Jews with silver, so they purchased Christians out of the reservoir; for they gave the Persians silver, and they bought a Christian and slew him like a sheep.28 The Christians however rejoiced because they were being slain for Christ's sake and shed their blood for His blood, and took on themselves death in return for His death... 29
When the people were carried into Persia, and the Jews were left in Jerusalem, they began with their own hands to demolish and burn such of the holy churches as were left standing....30
How many souls were slain in the reservoir 31 of Mamel! How many perished of hunger and thirst! How many priests and monks were massacred by the sword! How many infants were crushed under foot, or perished by hunger and thirst, or languished through fear and horror of the foe! How many maidens, refusing their abominable outrages, |509 were given over to death by the enemy! How many parents perished on top of their own children! How many of the people were bought up by the Jews and butchered, and became confessors of Christ! How many persons, fathers, mothers, and tender infants, having concealed themselves in fosses and cisterns, perished of darkness and hunger! How many fled into the Church of the Anastasis, into that of Sion and other churches, and were therein massacred and consumed with fire! Who can count the multitude of the corpses of those who were massacred in Jerusalem!
We have recounted this, for it all happened to us in reality, that in this chastisement we may recognise the Lord, as Paul the Apostle said: 'If we are judged by the Lord, we are chastened, that we may not with the world be condemned... ' 32
Listen to me, my brethren, and I will relate to you what befell the holy mothers.33 In Jerusalem, on the Mount of Olives, there was a monastery, in which lived holy virgins 400 in number. The enemy entered that monastery, and expelled, like doves from their nest, those brides of Christ, blessed, of worthy life and blameless in chastity. Having led them out of the monastery, they began to pen34 them in like cattle; and they shared them among themselves and led them away each to their own quarters... 35
Now listen, my brethren, and I will relate. For after all this evil doing they captured the good shepherd, the patriarch Zachariah, and conducted him to Sion through the gate through which our Lord Jesus Christ came in; and he was conducted cautiously, like a brigand, pinioned with cords....36 Then they led out the good shepherd, as they did Christ when He went forth from Sion to the Cross. But Zachariah they led forth from the gate of Jerusalem, like Adam forth from paradise... 37 Then went forth the blessed pastor with the people by the gate called Probatike, from which also went forth the Saviour for His Passion; and he sat down on the Mount of Olives, and as for a widowed bride so he wept for the holy church. Then there came up before him all the people. They fell prone on their faces furrowed 38 with excess of mourning. He gazed upon them, and beheld the members of his flock, that weakened with lamentation, overcast with grief, and beset with perils, were brought nigh unto death. Then he began to console them... 39
Once more they raised up their eyes, and gazed upon Jerusalem and the holy churches. A flame, as out of a furnace, reached up to the clouds, and it was burning. Then they fell to sobbing and lamenting all at once and loudly. Some smote themselves on the face, others strewed ashes on their heads, others rubbed their faces in the dust, and some tore their |510 hair, when they beheld the holy Anastasis afire, Sion in smoke and flames, and Jerusalem devastated.
.................... 40
These words the blessed Zachariah uttered before the people on the holy Mount of Olives. And as he ended his words, he heard a tramping and outcry of the people. He looked round and perceived that the multitude of the Persians was advancing, who intended to take them to Persia into captivity....41 Then the enemy were mingled with the company, like wild beasts among sheep; they carried them off to slaughter like lambs, and seized the blessed Zachariah, and led him off. Meanwhile the righteous man ceased not to lament and sob, but every moment he looked away and said: 'Farewell,42 O Jerusalem!' And from that time forth he never beheld her again. But he said: 'Farewell, holy city! Forget not thy servant! Thou knowest my love for thee, and my earnest zeal to serve thee; and therefore I pray thee to remember me and this people, whenever thou shalt pray to Christ:'... 43
And they descended from the Mount of Olives in the direction of Jericho by the road which leads to Jordan. Then, my brethren, there took hold of all the Christians of the whole world great sorrow and ineffable grief, at the fact that the city, the elect, famous, and imperial city had been given over to rapine; that the holy places and refuges of all the faithful had been given up to fire, and Christian folk vowed to captivity and death.44... My own eyes witnessed further more another incident, worthy of tears. For there were two striplings, brothers in the flesh, twins born in one and the same hour, and they were carried off into captivity from the Holy City. About them we heard of a marvellous episode, which their parents and neighbours related of them, how that between the boys there existed such intense affection, that they could not be parted even for a minute from one another. For their birth was on the same day, and their baptism was on the same day, their mother brought them up together, and they shared a single bed.45
So far I have given you an account of what happened in Jerusalem and on the road to captivity. But henceforth I shall inform you of how our entry into Persia took place, of what sorrow fell upon God's children, and how their grief, pain, and mourning burst out afresh. For before our entry into Babylon they halted us in an enclosure of great dimensions, and afterwards they brought the Cross of Christ, the tree of our life, and laid it at the threshold of the gate which led into the enclosure. Then the wicked enemy came up and began to arrest the faithful. They drove them, like lambs out of a pen, with great haste, and they said: 'You shall trample on this Cross of yours, in which you set your trust. If not, we will slay you and throw your bodies to the dogs to devour.'46... And |511 godless and merciless, they acted as follows; for they took their stand at the gate with naked swords in their hands and cut down those who had faith in the Lord, but left alive the renegades. All the same not many obeyed their godless word so far as to go through the gate, and insult the Cross of Christ by denying it, but only a few, of weak mind.
But the majority of the folk perished for the sake of Christ, preferring to die rather than insult the Cross with their feet. Then, my brethren, vehement sorrow and immeasurable pain befell us all, because on our approaching Babylon, it was not to the river of Babylon they led us, but to the river of Persia. Nor was it to a purifying bath that they presented us, but drove us into a bloody river. And not before a Christian emperor they brought us forward, but before a Persian emperor, by name Khosro;47 and we reached not confessors of the Holy Trinity, but for our sins were ranked with deniers of the Holy Trinity.
But the blessed Zachariah the Patriarch on reaching the gate remembered the captivity of the children of Israel and exclaimed: 'Blessed be the Lord, who hath brought on us also all that happened in former days of the people of Israel and in the time of Moses.' Then the man of God asked the Persians to leave him for a time and cease their molestation. And when they did so, the blessed man bade assemble all the priests, deacons, and monks; and as soon as they were assembled he took his stand in their midst, and he kneeled down48 to the East, and all together with him kneeled down to the Lord. When they rose from prayer, the saint ordered them to chant three psalms of David....49 When they had ended the chanting of the psalms, the blessed Zachariah went up to much higher ground and uttered the 'Allejuia,' which the monks repeat at the hour of the rising sun. He twice uttered it together with the sticheron,50 and all the people chanted it after him. Then the blessed one extended his hand in the direction of the river and said: 'By the rivers of Babylon we sat down and wept, when we remembered thee, O Sion. If I forget thee, Jerusalem, then may thy right hand forget me.' When he uttered this, the people were moved to sobs and could no longer utter the second Alleluia. But they bowed their heads in pensive grief to the earth, while the good pastor, the holy Zachariah, prayed to Christ with tears and groans. And then, while the people with bowed heads prayed a long time to the Lord, Zachariah ordered them to collect the children from seven years of age and less. And their number was 3000. The enemy however did not prevent their collecting them, but looked on to see what they were about to do. When they had collected the crowd of children, the blessed Zachariah stood to the East some space away from the people, placed the children before him and behind him the people, and bade all to call upon the Lord out loud and say: ' Merciful Lord, have mercy on us! '...51
Now listen, my brethren, and I will tell you. For when we reached Babylon, and they had informed the evil King of our arrival—one day previously he summoned his table-companions and princes, his magi, sorcerers, and diviners, for he imagined that our faith in the Cross was |512 vain. And he said to us: 'Look ye, the might of the fire in which we put our trust, has given us the great city of the Christians, Jerusalem, and their Cross which they trust in and adore. There has also been delivered into our hands the leader of their religion, and he will to-morrow arrive before us together with his people. Therefore hasten ye now and prepare for an encounter with him, and work some miraculous effect such as they are not able to work; and if you can prevent their doing anything, and they do not accomplish the like of your achievements, I will magnify you with gifts and great honours.' Then one of the Magi answered the King as follows: 'O King, live for ever, and let not your heart be disturbed about their leader, the Christians' president. For to-morrow you shall see and know of what quality your servants are and of what the table-companions who sit in your presence.'
When we reached the city, they led us like sheep to be slaughtered; and they conducted us to the palace and set us in the presence of the King. Before him stood also the Cross of our Redemption, even as our Lord Jesus Christ stood before the ruler Pilate; and they began among themselves to mock and rail at the Cross....52 Then the King commanded them to present and set before him the blessed Zachariah, and he said to him: 'Who are you, or whence come you? What miracle have you the power to accomplish, that we may behold it and believe in you? ' But the holy man addressed the King in answer: 'O King, I am a sinful man and sunk 53 in sins; and now behold, how because of our sins the Lord has delivered us into your hands for chastisement; yet I will not tempt the Lord my God, but rather accept with gratitude this visitation of misery; but you desire me to tempt Him. Thou knowest.' The King said to him: 'How can you affirm that there is no other god like unto your God? Behold, now you know that my faith is above your faith, and my god greater than your God.' And when he had said this, he invited the Magus in presence of all the people, and said: 'Tell me what you are minded to do or with what sign you intend to overcome him.'
But the Magus began to praise [himself], and said to the blessed Zachariah in presence of the King: 'Tell me what I did yesterday and what I mean to do to-day, in order that I may recognise the power of your God and believe in you. If not, I will tell you what you did yesterday and what you are prepared to do to-day; and you will put your trust in fire and abandon your Christian faith.' On hearing this the holy patriarch, the peaceful shepherd, was filled with the Holy Spirit and said to the King: 'O King, is it right that your servants should lie before you and outrage your majesty with lies and phantasy? 'But the King when he heard these words began to swear and imprecate in the presence of all the people, and said: 'In truth, I declare, if my servant dares to utter a lie before me, I will order his head to be cut off: but if my servant tells the truth I will order the Christian president to be slain.' Then the saint rejoiced because he knew what God intended to do through him. He went up to the Magus and said: 'Tell me, O evil Magus, and enemy of God, are you able to tell me what I did yesterday and what I intend to do to-day?' The Magus replied: 'Yes, I am able to tell to you the secrets of your heart.' |513
That very moment, the good shepherd stretched out his hand and took the rod which the Magus had, for that the Magi should hold a rod in their hands is their custom, and he said to him: 'Tell me, evil Magus, this very moment what I mean to do, and do not slily busy yourself with lies for yesterday or to-day. Am I going to smite you with this rod or not?' Then the Magus, when he heard this, was surprised. His face changed colour, and he could not answer anything; but he began to take counsel with himself and said: 'What have I done? I have doomed myself to ruin! I know not now what answer to make. If I say: You intend to strike me, he will reply to me: I do not intend to strike you. But if I tell him: You do not intend to smite me, then at once he will strike me. And I do not know what to answer. For I am defeated in either case. Where is the essence of fire and the majesty of the sun? I pray he may come to aid his servant, and save me now in the hour of disaster.' So he spake in his mind, but it did not advantage him. And inasmuch as the Magus and sorcerer remained silent, stupefied by his own reflections, and could make no answer, the King ordered his head to be cut off, because of his oath and of his table-companions. For shame took hold of them because of the people. But the Magus, as soon as he knew of this, was seized with fear and trembling. And all the Chaldaeans were confounded when they witnessed the speedy execution of the Magus, and from that moment forth no one any more dared to go near the Lord's Cross, the tree of our salvation, because fear took possession of all alike owing to this miracle.
Now, my brethren, I will acquaint you with a miracle which was wrought by our holy Father, and which I learned from others. For I myself only witnessed the one of the Magus; and owing to my impatience I, herein negligent, became pusillanimous and fled. I could not display perfect endurance along with the holy Father Zachariah, so as to remain with him for a long time. Nor could I persevere with the people, so as to share with them in the reward. Among the prisoners on the contrary there were certain monks, who fled from the Persians by night, and I, poor wretch, fled together with them, reached Jerusalem, and longed to acquaint you with all that my eyes beheld. But what remains I learned from the brethren who deserve credence. Now there was a certain monk whom they called Abba Simeon. He recounted to me about the patriarch Zachariah and said: After a good time they began to show much honour by the will of God to him, who was magnified on all occasions and respected by those who truly honour and magnify him, as the Word of God says: 'I magnify them that magnify me.'54 For there was found among the wives of the King Khosro a certain woman who adored the tree of holy Cross and the holy man, the patriarch Zachariah. For this woman was in name a Christian, but after the heresy of Nestorius, the impious and despised of God. She petitioned the King and obtained of him the tree of the holy Cross duly sealed, together with the patriarch and certain of the prisoners, as she chose. She led them into her palace and gave them a good place and reposeful. She lavished honour on them and gifts, and bestowed upon them abundance of fragrant incense with candles and everything they wanted. |514
After a certain time one of the Hebrews became jealous of the honour which all bestowed on the man of God, and delated him to the King; for with the triumphant help of the devil the Hebrews had liberty of access to him. And they said: 'He is given up to fornication.' And they promised money to a certain wretched girl, who had only a few days before been delivered of a child, and so induced her to complain of him to the Shah.55...
And another similar wonder to this in connexion with the holy patriarch Zachariah was related to us by the same Simeon. The wife of a prince of that land was barren and had no child. She had petitioned several sorcerers and soothsayers in order to have children, but did not attain her object. Her husband however went in faith to the holy man and besought him to pray, and then God would grant him a son.56
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The number of the slain that were found in Jerusalem.58
Hear, my beloved brethren, the number of the slain who were found in Jerusalem after the invasion of the Persians, and the massacre of the population, and their taking into captivity; and by what sort of death the flocks of Christ our God were destroyed. In Jerusalem there was a certain one by name Thomas. He, blessed one, was armed with the might of Christ. He resembled Nicodemus who buried the body of the Lord, and his wife Mary Magdalene. For they accomplished good deeds, for which they are worthy to be remembered; and it is our duty to mention them. He who wishes to inform himself of what happened to those of Jerusalem, let him ask them. For these blessed ones displayed divine zeal. They were on the spot when the Persians came; and they knew in detail everything which was done by them, and in every deed shewed true zeal in God's service.
When the Persians withdrew, they began to search for all the dead that had fallen at the hands of the Persians in the city and in its environs, in all the alleys and public places. Those whom they found they collected in great haste and with much zeal, and buried them in the grotto of Mamel, and in other grottos they collected and buried them. And from these blessed persons we learnt about the terrible massacre of the faithful people, and some people we ourselves saw destroyed by similar wounds. For some were lying cloven asunder from head to breast; others lay with fissures from shoulder to belly; some lay transfixed with the sword and cut in bits like grass; some lay cut in twain. Some had their belly cloven asunder with the sword and their entrails gushing out, and others lay cut into pieces, limb by limb, like the carcasses in a butcher's shop. But above all it was piteous and deplorable to think of, how some wallowed |515 in the streets mixed up with the soil; others with clay and mud, besmirched with impurities; while others wallowed in the churches and houses imbrued in blood. Some had fled into the Holy of Holies, where they lay cut up like grass. And some were found of the slain who had in their hands the glorious and life-giving body of Christ, and in the act of receiving it had been butchered like sheep. Others were clasping the horns of the altars; others the holy Cross, and the slain were heaped on them. Others had fled to the Baptistery and lay covered with wounds on the edge of the font.59 Others were massacred as they hid under the holy table,60 and were offered victims to Christ.
Listen, and I will acquaint you with the number of all the slain, for the blessed Thomas informed us of the following: After the departure of the Persians, he said, I remained in Jerusalem, and began to search out the corpses of the slain that had died by the hands of the evil foe. And I found in the church of the holy martyr George, which is outside the town, and I began from this spot to search for corpses and to bury them in the grottos. We found at the altar of the holy church seven persons lying. The Lord and Saint George gave us strength and we buried them. Next we set about to seek for all the dead and to bury them. Some we collected in the grottos, others we buried in sepulchres and graves.61 And we found them as follows:—
For we found in the court of the government62 28 (18) persons. In the cisterns we found of the slain 275 (250) persons. In front of the gates of Holy Sion we found 2270 persons.63 At the altar of the Holy New 64 we found 600 (290) souls. In the church of St. Sophia we found 477 (369) souls. In the church of Saints Cosmas and Damian we found 2212 (2112) souls. In the Book room65 of Holy New 70 souls. And we found in the monastery of Holy Anastasis 212 souls. And we found in the market place 38 souls. In front of the Samaritan temple 66 we found 919 (723) souls. In the lane of St. Kiriakos we found 1449 (1409) souls. And we found on the western side of Holy Sion 196 (197) souls. At the gate Probatike we found 2107 souls. In the passage of St. Jacob we found 308 (1700) souls. In the flesher's row we found 921 souls.67 And we found at the spring of Siloam 2818 (2318) souls. And we found in the cistern68 of Mamel 24,518 souls. In the Gerakomia of the patriarch we found 318 souls. In the place called the Golden City 1202 souls. In the monastery of Saint John we found 4219 (4250) souls. In the imperial Gerakomia 780 (167) souls. We found on the Mount of Olives 1207 souls. On the steps69 of the Anastasis we found 300 (83) souls. In the place of Little Assembly we found 202 (102) souls. In the place of Large Assembly we found 317 (417) souls. In the church of Saint Serapion we found 338 souls. We found in front of Holy Golgotha 80 souls. We found in the grottos, fosses, cisterns, gardens, 6917 (6907) souls. At the Tower of David we found 2210. Within the city we found 265 souls. Just where |516 the enemy overthrew the wall of the city we found 9809 (1800) souls. And in Jerusalem we buried many others in addition that were massacred by the Persians beside these saints. The total number of all was 66,509 souls....70
The story of how the life-giving Cross was brought back from Babylon to Jerusalem.
In the 15th year after the capture of Jerusalem, in the 19th year of the reign of Heraclius, the 10th indiction, Khosro the Persian king was slain by his son, Siron by name, in the month of March. Now about that time King Heraclius with his forces had already reached Persia, and took possession of many of his cities and of the royal palaces, slew thousands of the Persian soldiers, and led back again the Greeks 71 who had been carried into captivity and liberated the Christians from slavery by force. But the King Siron who had taken possession of his father's kingdom died in the month of September; and his son Artasir took the kingdom. He was only a child, and his reign lasted three months. Between the Greeks and the Persians was then concluded a written peace through the mediation of Rasmi-Ozan, who was the Persian commander-in-chief. But before this King Heraclius sent a eunuch whose name was Nerses, his principal chamberlain.72 He advanced with a numerous army to fight the Persians. The multitude of the Persians drawn up in battle was defeated, and they fled in terror before the face of the eunuch: so that the Persians in great sorrow exclaimed once more: 'How has this happened to us? For we have been worsted by a eunuch who is despised among women and is not reckoned a man. And this piques our spirits all the more, that we flee before a woman.'
But in the 17th year however after the capture of Jerusalem, in the rd year after the murder of Khosro, in the 21st year after the accession of Heraclius, the rd indiction, the Persian general Rasmi-Ozan slew the Persian king Artasir, whom we mentioned above. He seized the kingdom, became an ally of the Greeks, and bestowed on the King Heraclius the life-giving tree, the Cross of Christ, as the treasure of the whole world, and as the richest of gifts, and he gave it him. But King Heraclius took it to Jerusalem on the occasion of his going there with Martina, who was daughter of his father's brother; and he had married her against the law, and therefore was very much afraid that the high priests would rebuke him on the score of that indecent action. And when he had entered Jerusalem, he on the 21st of the month of March re-established in its own place the glorious and precious tree of the Cross, sealed as before in a chest, just as it had been carried away. And it was set up altogether unopened; for just as the ark of the covenant was left unopened among strangers, so was left the life-giving tree of the Cross, which had vanquished death and trampled on Hell. Then King Heraclius, seeing the glorious event—namely, the restoration of the holy places, which had been rebuilt by the blessed Modestus, was much rejoiced and ordered him to be consecrated patriarch over Jerusalem; for the blessed Zachariah had died in Persia, and the church was widowed.
But in the th indiction, in the 21st year of the reign of Heraclius, the blessed Modestus assumed the patriarchate of Jerusalem. Not long |517 time afterwards the blessed Modestus set off to go to the king about certain advantages conducive to the administration of the churches, to ask Heraclius the king for his gracious sanction. Having reached a town called Sozos, which is on the borders of Palestine, he died on September 17. Some say that he was poisoned by malignant people who were with him. From that city they brought the holy body of Modestus and laid it side by side with the holy patriarchs in the Martyrium, with chanting on the part of the crowd, with incense and candles in the hands of the faithful folk, who carried his body to the tomb.
Let us with all them give glory to God extolled in the Trinity and glorified as Unity, to whom is due reverence and prostrations to Father together with Son and Holy Ghost now and ever.
[Footnotes have been moved to the end. Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.]
1. 1 Spelled Khuasro. Here I omit four pages.
2. 2 I omit half a page.
3. 3 Berdzen.
4. 4 Three lines omitted.
5. 5 Eleven lines omitted.
6. 6 Spelled Lavdikia.
7. 7 Five lines omitted.
8. 8 This story seems to contradict the generally received account, according to which Bonosus was murdered in Constantinople.
9. 9 = xeiro&grafon.
10. 10 Shami.
11. 11 I omit eight lines.
12. 12 Four lines omitted.
13. 13 Seven lines omitted.
14. 14 I omit half a page.
15. 15 Thevdos.
16. 16 Berdzen.
17. 17 Five lines omitted.
18. 18 Two pages omitted, of which the original Greek exists in two Sinai MSS., no. 448, f. 335 and no. 432, f. 162, of the years 1004 and 1334 respectively. The episode is that of John, a monk of St. Saba who lived in the place called Seven Mouths, who narrates to his disciple a vision he has had of the impending ruin of the Anastasis church, and is then slain by the Persians.
19. 19 Eight lines omitted.
20. 20 Lit. 'beat themselves,' i.e. e0ko&yanto.
21. 21 Nearly one page omitted.
22. 22 Or 'carpentering.'
23. 23 Birqa.
24. 24 Fliskhina.
25. 25 Lit. 'submerged.'
26. 26 One page omitted.
27. 27 Birqa.
28. 28 Here but a single Christian is mentioned. In the sequel however many are declared to have thus perished at the hands of the Jews.
29. 29 Half a page omitted.
30. 30 Four lines omitted.
31. 31 Fliskhina.
32. 32 A page is here omitted.
33. 33 Or 'women.'
34. 34 Professor Marr renders 'slay,' which offends in the context. I conjecture aghdcherad ' for the form, omitting the e, given in the MS.
35. 35 There follows the story of a maiden who offered her would-be ravisher, if he would spare her virginity, a phial of miraculous oil of a kind to guard him from being wounded in battle. She rubs her neck with it and invites him to smite her with his sword, in token of her good faith. He smites and beheads her. This episode fills two pages.
36. 36 Two-thirds of a page omitted.
37. 37 Six lines omitted.
38. 38 Lit. 'destroyed.'
39. 39 Six lines omitted.
40. 40 Eight pages omitted.
41. 41 Two and a half pages omitted.
42. 42 Or 'Peace with Thee,' and so below.
43. 43 Six lines omitted.
44. 44 I omit the episode of Eusebius, deacon of the Anastasis, who is martyred along with his two daughters because they will not accept the Magian religion. It fills three pages.
45. 45 In the sequel their parting scene is described, and also how, subsequently, they met by accident for a moment on the way to Persia. Three pages omitted.
46. 46 Five lines omitted.
47. 47 Spelled Khuasro.
48. 48 Or 'adored.'
49. 49 Psalms cxix., cxvii., cxx., cxxii., cxxvi. (in the Greek numeration) are cited. I omit half a page.
50. 50 Dasdebeli. I use Professor Marr's equivalent.
51. 51 Two and a half pages omitted.
52. 52 Thirteen lines omitted.
53. 53 'Or 'sold.'
54. 54 1 Reg. ii. 30.
55. 55 In the sequel the infant speaking like an adult denies before the judges that Zachariah is its father. Half a page omitted.
56. 56 The patriarch washes his face in water and sends the water to the wife to drink. She refuses, and remains sterile. I here omit three quarters of a page.
57. 57 Four pages omitted.
58. 58 This is preceded by the Epistle of Zachariah, here omitted, to those who had escaped captivity.
59. 59 Embasis.
60. 60 Trapeza.
61. 61 Georgian akaldama.
62. 62 Or 'Praetorium.' The numbers given here and below in parenthesis are those of the Arabic text wherever it differs from the Georgian.
63. 63 The Arabic omits this item.
64. 64 Nia i.e. nea&.
65. 65 Or 'writing room '; perhaps 'library.'
66. 66 Bagin.
67. 67 The Arabic omits this.
68. 68 Birqa.
69. 69 Sapatronike.
70. 70 One page omitted.
71. 71 Berdzen.
72. 72 Senakapan.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 25th October 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: theodore_syncellus_00_eintro.htm
Theodore the Syncellus, Homily on the siege of Constantinople in 626 AD (2007). Preface to the online edition
Theodore the Syncellus, Homily on the siege of Constantinople in 626 AD (2007). Preface to the online edition
The following sermon on the deliverance of Constantinople from the siege by the Avars, Slavs and Persians in 626 in the reign of the emperor Heraclius is generally attributed in modern times to Theodore the Syncellus. The events of the siege are also discussed in the Chronicon Pascale and George of Pisidia.
It was first published by Angelo Mai in 1853 in Nova Patrum Bibliotheca vol. 6.2 pp. 423-437 with a Latin translation. However Mai only had access to a truncated form of the text contained in Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1572, on folios 41v-74v. This Vatican library manuscript was dated to the 10th century by Mai, and by 11-13th by various other scholars in the catalogue of the Vatican library Greek mss. published in 1899 by the Bollandists.
Sternbach discovered the complete text in the only other manuscript known, Codex Parisinus Suppl. Graecus 241, a parchment folio-size codex of the 10th century in the Bibliotheque Nationale Français, on folios 32v-53r.
This translation has been made from the French of Ferenc Makk. Such a proceeding is obviously unsatisfactory, but it has value in that it is accessible. To the best of my knowledge no English translation exists, and a remarkable number of people are unable to read French, which is in any case offline and inaccessible.
It is hoped that making this version available will stimulate interest in the text. If it leads more people to take an interest in the text of Theodore, it will have been worthwhile.
Bibliography
Ferenc Makk, Traduction et Commentaire de l'homélie écrite probablement par Théodore le Syncelle sur le siège de Constantinople en 626. Szeged (1975). Checked. Contains French introduction, translation and brief notes, followed by Greek text reprinted from L. Sternbach, Analecta Avarica, Cracow (1900).
Roger Pearse
27th August, 2007
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: theodore_syncellus_01_homily.htm
Theodore the Syncellus, Homily on the siege of Constantinople in 626 AD (2007)
Theodore the Syncellus, Homily on the siege of Constantinople in 626 AD (2007). English translation
On the foolish attack of the Avars and godless Persians against this city, protected by God, and of their shameful retreat which the divine love brought about for mankind by the intervention of the Mother of God. I. Prophesying long ago, by the prophetic inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the benevolence of God the Father, with regard to the incarnation and the birth of the divine Word by the Mother of God, the eminent prophet Isaiah proclaimed and says: "Go up a high mountain, to announce good news in Sion: raise up your voice loudly, to announce good news in Jerusalem: 'Lift up your voice without fear!' Say to the cities of Judah: 'Here is our God! Here is the Lord God who comes with power, extending his sovereign arms.'" The prophet says this by divine inspiration; and by the mountains overhanging the naked and the ground, according to my opinion, he referred, tropologically to the high and elevated thought which does not wish anything to see things stuck to the world, except that which is absolutely necessary. Such was his thought and his word, and such of all those who, being prophets and apostles, like Isaiah merited the grace of the Holy Spirit. Since there are, here and now, such things to tell which, so to speak, by a miracle, resulted from the kindness of God towards us, amidst great suffering, exceeding even the celestial spheres, which none could show to the world and show clearly to men, except someone who had the prophetic heart, and who was worthy of the light of the Holy Spirit.
II. Come then, holy Isaiah, because indeed your powerful spirit envisaged and predicted great things, inspire me, by the pen of your prophetic grace, the things which I have to tell; approach me, you who predicted the glory of the only son of God and the mystery of the Virgin, after having seen the throne of God, and having heard the song of the Seraphs, and the doors trembling before you on their hinges, and besides every obstacle depart before he that entered the sacrosanct residence of God. It is for you to paint for me the current miracle, and to give the grace which I can see in the figure and the example of old Jerusalem, all these admirable miracles that the Mother of God accomplished for this city because of the divine love for men. Listen then, and understand thereafter, the picture that is before us, what it represents and what it shows. In the house of David at once time reigned king Ahaz, the son of Ozias the leper, the heir to both the spite and the kingdom of his father. And because even Ahaz fell easily into sin, and was inclined to injustice, he did not accept in his heart the teaching of the divine mystery of the Virgin, though he was invited by God, by the prophet, to ask that He grant to him a sign of the end of the reign of death, or further, on the divine incarnation. The sign was anyway given to the house of David, and this sign is completed, because the Virgin gave birth to God, while keeping until the end her virginity. Ahaz remained nevertheless the image of unbelief, while the Jewish people shout until our own day: "I do not ask for a sign, because I will not test the Lord."
III. So Ahaz reigned over Jerusalem, but the picture that I intend to give differs anyway from the description of the prophet. Because my emperor is religious and without misdeeds, devoting, it can be said, all his life to completing and observing the divine commands and he encourages all his subjects to do the same. How could our city not obtain help and divine support more than the other Jerusalem, — our city which has received from God such an emperor 1, who loves God particularly, and has another Isaiah, i.e. my archpriest 2, ever vigilant, and who transmits in a sober spirit the decrees of God to his people? But, my prophet, paint for me the other details of the picture, since the difference between the two monarchs and their characters is obvious! So while Ahaz was the king to devastate the town of Jerusalem, and to dethrone the descendant of David, and to help to power the son of Tabeel who formed part of and became companion in their spite, it is beautiful to read the words of the prophet himself about them, not only because they are full of holiness and divine grace, but also so that you see your own eyes, by listening to what was said in paraboles, the figure of the prophet, painting this picture. IV. "In the time of Ahaz, son of Joatham, son of Oziah, king of Judah, Rezin, king of Aram, went up with Phacaeus, son of Romelius, king of Samaria, against Jerusalem, to besiege it. He brought this news brought to the house of David while saying: Aram has allied itself to Ephraim. Then the heart of the king and the heart of his people began to sway, like the trees in the forest sway in the wind. The Lord said to Isaiah: So go and join Ahaz, you and your son that survives and is called Jaschub (i.e. "returning to God"), at the end of the channel of the upper pool, on the road of the field of the Fuller, and you will say to him: Hey, don't be disturbed! don't be afraid, so that your heart does not weaken because of these ends of smoking firebrands. Because every time my anger is raised, it is calmed. The son of Aram and the son of Remaliah have exploited your loss, saying: Let us go up against Judah, to terrify it and to plunder, and we will make the son of Tabeel king there! But that won't happen."
V. And all that the prophet said and wrote, as history and parabole, happened to those of the Jews who then lived in Jerusalem, as a figure and example, but was used also as a prediction for us, to whom God spread the grace of his love, by the mediation of the Mother of God. Because look: God revealed by the prophet the blessed message of the redemption of Ahaz, a descendant of David in the carnal way, and through him of the unbelieving people of the Jews, by the way of the channel of the higher pool, on the road of the field of the Fuller. Because the word clearly shows that any redemption which was purchased, purchases and will purchase mankind, flows from the teaching of the mystery of Christ. Because I know that his words say "field" for the Universe, because man is a microcosm, and he symbolically names the Fuller, according to the Bible, that which can clean the stain. From all that, it is obvious that conversion, leading to baptism by true knowledge, opens to the men the way to heaven.VI. But it is time to return to our main subject, because there is no point in missing the target, however skillfully one draws one's arrows. "Hear this, therefore, all the peoples, listen, all the inhabitants of the world, the descendants of earth and the sons of men. (Because the descendants of earth 3 are those who are interested only in terrestrial things, and the sons of men are those who keep the dignity of the image of God.) Listen well, and I will tell you what great things the Lord of armies has done through the Mother of God. But I will not relate further events with these details (because that would exceed the power of even the wisest) but, as a my talent allows, my report will have the value of the words of a modest historiographer. In the past Syria and Samaria undertook the war against Jerusalem, of which the monarch and the king in Damascus was Rezin, and that in Samaria, the son of Remaliah, who reigned indeed over the people living next to the country of Judah, but which were rightly minimised by their neighbors, because their power was short-lived. But the heart of Ahaz and the heart of his people began to sway anyway as the trees in the forest sway, as you heard in the prophetic words. Against this city and the man reigning there in the love of God with his pious father, the Chaldaeans and Assyrians started to boast; they had been formerly the Masters of the Eastern people, vicious and cruel, according to every writing, famous for their malice and power. The other dog also started to boast and was mad, furious and barbarous, the ruler of savage peoples, who made foreign peoples migrate, living in the north and most of the west, whose the number is only like the grains of sand of the beaches of the sea; these deliberated, advanced, sprang, and surrounded the earth and the sea, like a swarm of bees.
VII. However the powerful emperor was far away, because he had left on campaign for a remote area, against those who were devastating all the Eastern part of the Roman empire; he did not see the the three-headed chimera, but the many-headed, Nabuchodonosor 4; I speak about the current tyrant of Babylon: of the devil Chosrau who owes his life and empire over the Persians to the grace of the Christian emperor 5. The mighty emperor was thus far away, and entrusted the throne to his son, the imperial prince 6, who wished to follow the piety and devotion of his father. The emperor thus entrusting him with his brothers and the city to the guardianship of God and the Virgin, left them. But the Persian Shahrbaraz (as the Babylonians call this Holophernes) outrunning all the elite army of Persia, encircled Chalcedon nearby with his cavalry and his siege-engines, because God prevented his passage, because of the favorable situation of the city: he laid out in front of the city our Jordan, to put an obstacle to the incursion of those which are uncircumcised in their hearts. But he did not prevent the wickedness of that demented person who showed himself by words, councils and by the sending of troops, the ally and battle-companion of this pig, attacking our city from the west; and after having burned all the holy places, every imperial building, every warehouse and private dwelling, in his advance without delay and his effervescent fury, he even intended to burn the imperial city.VIII. However, the enemy of the west, which was led by a terribly abominable little runt, called by the barbarians in their own language the Khagan, attacked the ramparts of the city for several days, making advance innumerable people which covered the land and the sea with their arms. Because he was the devastating revenge of the eternal malignant spirit; he showed himself to be the child of the devil, not by nature, but by his own decision, and every diabolical wickedness was incarnate in him. Like an anti-god, believing that he had power over land and sea, he mouthed off at heaven and reached the land of his language, to crush the people of God, like abandonned eggs, according to his plan. This is why he extended his hands, soiled with blood, from the confines of the land down to the sea. Using his pirate fleet, he transformed the sea into firm ground, and he covered the firm ground with cavalry and infantry, because he wanted to devastate this Jerusalem from all sides. So what led him into so great a nonsense? And who inspired him with this malevolent plan? I will answer the first question initially, then finally I will be able to do the second also.IX. Firstly, I say and I report as the primary cause, the multiplicity and the variety of our sins, and that we run our public life unworthily from every point of view of the divine commands of our redeemer God, because we corrode ourselves and we devour ourselves, and we attempt to commit every form of wickedness. In the second place I mention the insatiability and culpability of this wild beast, and there is nothing which could and would satisfy this leech. Because his carnal procreator (if only it had not happened!) had taken refuge, like a plague sent by God, in the remote lands near these regions, where his people currently live, by beseeching previous Roman emperors. Those had treated him then as a refugee, had clothed him naked, and had given food to him starving; they did not even suspect what a infamous creature they admitted in their vicinity, and what a devastating danger for the Roman empire they accomodated almost at their heart! 7 The empire of the father was inherited by his son, the successor, the elder brother of this dog of today. However in a short time, these seized control of nearby people by plunderings and massacres, and making them their slaves; little by little they grew and multiplied, and covered that land by their multitude.X. And when this crafty and malignant fox became his brother's heir (which he was not!), which means of intriguing did he not try against us? And on the other hand what did our emperor not do to try to alleviate his spite? Which forms of kindness did he not show towards this dog? But apparently there is no end to the spite of this wild beast, and there is nothing so strong and capable which can soften his low and barbarian intentions. So who does not know of his devastating invasion that it dared to carry out a few years ago, when the pious and good emperor left to meet him, according to certain treaties, to greet him from the Long Walls. At the same time the emperor gave orders to surround him with every care and courtesy, hoping by this to reconcile and appease this savage. Who doesn't know the plot and the trick of this serpent, and that his unexpected trickery seized a mass of men, and made them captives? With the men, women, old men and children also were chained and removed in great number to the enemy land. But he did not put an end to his spite, even there, and spread himself with threats that he would devastate this city, reigning over the other cities, unless he received half of all the treasures and goods in the city. But it is inappropriate on this occasion to recount now all the events then. In short, he received enough money and property to fill even the hands of Briaraeus, and would have improved the cruelty of Phalaris also, but all that did not satisfy this leech; on the contrary, the payment of treasure became the stimulant to still greater faithlessness for this dog. He received all that in consequence of the earlier peace treaty, and he reinforced the terms of the treaty also with an ancient formula on oath, given by his emissary. But neither the ancient oath, nor the payment of so much treasure, nor the imperial treatment, nor the wisdom and the influence of so powerful an emperor were effective to change his perfidy.XI. However, when the most pious emperor left, as was told earlier, against the Eastern enemies of God, he did not leave this proud and boastful man without making peace with him. But he entrusted the city, his imperial children and the palace to God and the Virgin, and in the unquestionable hope, flowing from what he had done, he left courageously on campaign, supposing at the same time that he would succeed in appeasing this wild beast by a reasonable subsidy; he thought this since he had already earlier entrusted to this barbarian the city, his children and the palace 8. For a good man is to be able to conclude his business reasonably, and the judicious king makes the prosperity of his people and his city, as the wise kings, David and Solomon say in the Holy Scriptures. But even this did not make the spite of this dragon more moderate, though even demons would have been ashamed. On the contrary, when he was informed that the emperor had gone on campaign against the Persians, when he learned that his benefactor and his father — as he called him — had left the city, at once the preparations started: the concentration of the barbarian peoples, better called the wild beasts, the preparation of arms and helepoles, the gathering of the monoxyles on the sea which can travel the sea by oar, while transporting the tribes. There they devised all kinds of tricks, even manufactured engines, to make the town of God, protected by the Virgin, the booty of this deer. All this was premeditated and carried out by him; he concentrated all the barbarian armed forces subjected to him, he covered land and sea with the wild tribes whose element of life is war.XII. The most pious emperor, after having heard all this, stimulated to action the guardian of public affairs (this was Bonos, a man known by all), directed him by letters, and helped him with all things necessary. While raising his hands towards the sky, he protested thus to the Lord: "You, Lord, you see all, and you know all, and you know that I had entrusted to you and your Immaculate Mother my children, the city and your people living there. I believed that the Khagan, this barbarian savage, would quieten down, and based on this opinion, I entrusted my business to him; I believed that thus this beast would change, perhaps. Even so I could not achieve a result, and I did not succeed in dominating the insatiability of his spirit. However you see what great things he devises against your people trusting in your name. Therefore you, Lord of the Universe, to whom I entrusted my heart, my life and the children that you gave me, just as the city given by you to my care, keep your pledge intact. Because you gave the law to Moses, your servant on pledges, when you ordered that a deposit or a pledge was to be kept intact and without fault. So keep now, according to your own law, safe and well, the city which I entrusted to the force of your power and the mother of your kindness, to the Mother of God."XIII. Is it thus that the powerful emperor beseeched God? balancing up this and that, weighing up his care and plans, finding himself between two distresses. While the children of the emperor, in the oratory of the Mother of God, being attached to the palace, offered their ingenuous innocence and their heart, just as the virginity and the purity of their bodies, as an entreaty and an aromatic incense, and they exclaimed all in tears: "All-Powerful Lady! our father had entrusted to you your city and us, your servants who are still children, as you see it, very Holy Lady, and he had given us to you; then, raising his cross, he went against these wolves which were ravaging the sheep of the sheep-fold of your son. So save us, save the city and its inhabitants, save us from the snake who attacks us." The Preceptor of the city, spending his nights in prayer and speeches, was the worthy archpriest, our Isaiah who knew himself the concentration of the troops and their armament. The fact that they raised their hands to God, and asked the Virgin for assistance and protection, was a weapon, sabre and shield for all the inhabitants of the city, because our archpriest gathered everyone, if he were a priest or clerk, living as a monk or among the people, — of the men of any age, from the child to the old man, and by the following words, as if he armed them, he harangued them to be brave and not discouraged. "Come, and let us prostrate ourselves before the only son of God the Father, because it is him, our God. Come and cry before the Lord who created us; and because he holds the fate of the war in his hands, except by the will of God the multitude cannot be saved, even by unequalled power the emperor cannot be saved, nor will the city remain intact, if the Lord does not keep it. The enemy attacks us on horse and with war engines, with an enormous multitude, but we will overcome by the holy name of our Lord God. Because the Lord himself fights for us, and because the Virgin Mother of God will also be protective of this city, if we ourselves turn all our heart toward them with all our heart and a devoted soul." So saying, and so teaching the city, the archpriest prayed to God, day and night, unceasingly.
XIV. However, the man that the wise and powerful emperor left to manage and supervise the affairs of the city did not neglect at all his duties; he showed his ingenuity in various ways in accomplishing everything that depends on the effort and diligence of man. Because God himself delights in such men, because he does not wish that those who have confidence in him to be saved, be lazy and impotent. It was thus that Joshua, son of Nun, in the past gave the order in which he drew up an ambush against the town of Hal; and he made Gideon arm his men with jugs and torches against the Midianites. The guardian of the affairs of the emperor thus examined everything with a very vigilant eye, reinforced the walls, and made provision for all that was necessary for the battle. He was motivated to this by fear of the mighty emperor, and by his letters, arriving unceasingly from afar, and containing instructions, because even in his absence the struggle was led by the servant of God: the emperor, teaching his duty, and motivating his most faithful guardian.
XV. At the same time at all the western doors of the city, from which left even the revenge of darkness, the holy archpriest, after having painted on icons the holy features of the Virgin carrying in her arms that which she had given birth to, the Lord, — and these icons were like the most brilliant sun, driving out the darkness by its rays, — the archpriest, I say, shouted in a comprehensible and reasonable voice to the masses of barbarians and the demons leading them: "Oh foreign people and diabolical hordes, you have undertaken the whole war against these. But the Mother of God will put an end to all your boldness and pride by its only call, because she is really the mother of He which drowned Pharaoh and all his army in the middle of the Red Sea, and discouraged and weakened all the diabolical horde." This was done and said by the archpriest, then he beseeched God and the Virgin to keep the city, the lighthouse of the law of the Christians, intact, because it is to be feared that with her even the lessons of the mystery of Christ could run into extreme danger.
XVI. The enemy tribes thus encircled the city on the East and on the West, by sea and on the North. A poet named what he saw on one side Scylla, on the other side Charybdis. But the city begged in tears the Virgin by the words of the inspired mouth of the archpriest: "Save me, oh Lady, save me, because I will perish. Do not remain dumb, inactive, silent any longer, because I know that you are powerful. See, my adversaries thunder and say: 'Come let's cut it off from the nations so that no-one will remember the name of Israel. 'Have they conspired there, with one heart, Moab and Agaranians, Gebal, Ammon and Amalek and all the Philistines? even Assur has joined them. But treat them like a straw blown in the wind, when a fire devours a forest, so that they can never say: 'She has no refuge in her God.' " The city was in this state and did what it did, because there are not human words which took to tell what was done and said in their houses and publicly in this city entrusted to the government and direction of the most holy shepherd.
XVII. The barbarian of the East, camped with all his army close to the town of Chalcedon, was the first to start fires. The enemy of the West at once put himself in contention with him, as if they were responding to each other and wanted to increase their zeal on both sides; they set ablaze and razed to the ground the sanctuaries of God and all the imperial buildings and all the private buildings. Moses, when he led in Israel to war against Amalek, lifted his arms towards the sky (his form thus showing the shape of the cross), while Aaron and Hur supported the hands of the legislator on the two sides, because they were tired. That means the loss of the power of the Law, because it dealt too much with the flesh, it is for this reason that God sent his Son into the world. However, our Moses raised with his own innocent hands the effigy of the only son of God whom even the demons fear and of whom it is said that He was not created by human hands. He did not need corporeal support, because, according to the Gospel of Christ-God, He died, crucified, for the world. He passed, pouring tears, around all the ramparts of the city, and he showed the effigy, as an invincible weapon, towards the nebulous troops of darkness and the phalanxes of the West. And in a low voice, like the first Moses, when he had the Ark of the Covenant carried before of the people, said to the Lord: "Arise, Lord! let your enemies be scattered! Let those who hate you flee before you!" and he added to it again the words of king David: "As smoke is dissipated, they are dissipated; as wax melts before a fire, so perish the foreign tribes opposing our God who comes from the west to help us." XVIII. So it was the first day of the siege of the peoples come from the west, when things happened thus. And it was the third day of the week 9. The archpriest, like a second Moses, instead of going up the mountain, went up on the Western wall, preceded and followed by a procession of priests, all selected. The guardian of the affairs of the emperor, on the other hand, ordered the soldiers and a selected part of the people to make a fierce résistence, like Gideon once, who faced tens of thousands with a limited number of soldiers. The barbarian tribes lined up opposite, from sea to sea, like swarms of wasps, and filled all the earth with their weapons. At the same time, on the side of the sea, the barbarian army was not yet prepared for battle. On the other hand, the view from the side of the land was most terrible, and the aspect of the enemies was such as to almost drive one mad. Because for each of our soldiers there was a hundred or even more barbarians, each one was covered in armour, they all wore a helmet and they carried all kinds of military machines. The sun which reflected on them, on the side of the East, refleced its rays on their steel, and showed them still more terrible, making those who looked at them shiver with fear. But so far the barbarian only wanted, so to speak, to show his power and numbers; then --- yielding to the night --- he withdrew into his camp. The following day, the barbarian prepared all that was necessary for war, and covered the ground, in front of the army, with turrets, so called. But this voracious and greedy dog did not restrain himself even then, and demanded food from the city. This the son of the emperor gave him, with a generosity of an emperor, while letting the barbarian dog know what follows: "Even if you hate me, I treat you with friendship, and all while preparing myself for war, my goal is peace. This is because I am raised thus by my God and my very pious father." The other, though he accepted the food and listened to the remarks of the monarch, remained the mad and barking dog that he had been before, and continued to behave like a voracious dog.
XIX. The third day arrived, and the enemy attacked the walls, like a hail accompanied by lightnings, because he thought that he would subjugate all, with a single blow. But the All-Powerful Virgin, after having made known to him her own power by experience, revealed to him the presages of the fall which quickly awaits the sinner. Because she attracted a great number of soldiers of the Khagan into a trap before of one of her churches, being in front of the wall of the city. This place bore the name of a healing spring which was there. The Virgin, by massacring the barbariabs at the hands of the Christian soldiers, struck the pride of the Khagan down to the ground, and weakened all his army. The crafty man did not show his fear then, but all this gave courage to our men who knew on the one hand by experience the power of the Virgin, and on the other hand believed that the Mother of God really hastened to fight for the interest of her city. Because then, throughout the day, unceasingly, different local skirmishes took place and shooting with bow and sling, all along the wall. The Virgin was present everywhere, overcame without being overcome, spread fear and horror on the enemy, while giving strength to her servants. She preserved her subjects safe and sound, and devastated the enemy masses. The third day of the presence of the barbarians proceeded thus, as we said, when all this occurred.
XX. On the fourth day, this imbecile started to draw up the helepoles and the catapults; in addition, he built siege-towers out of wood. The construction of all that was a very easy task for him, and did not require much time; all this was done almost more quickly than the pronunciation of the orders, on the one hand, because a whole multitude of barbarians worked there, on the other hand, because the wooden material was within his range, since he used the waggons, on which he travelled here, and at the same time material from the houses destroyed by him. But God made fun of him, and in his fury he addressed sarcastic words to him, terrifying him in his rage, he and all his people. On the fifth day, the very young monarch, having taken men on his side, those naturally which were his companions in all the plans and his support in the execution of the decisions: the archpriest himself and the best of the senate, --- he sent gifts and a delegation, to again summon the tyrant to a armistice. So he sent Somnas, Eliakim and Joach; I overlook the fourth legate 10, because Hezekiah in the past also sent only three men to the Babylonian Rabshakah who in the past wanted to devastate Jerusalem.
XXI. But the legates returned without result, though they had handed over the gifts willing or not; then they said to those which had sent them: "We saw a terrestrial Proteus, a demon in human form whose word is unstable, his appearance and character terrible. Ah! the filth of his body and clothing --- which we saw --- ah! his words --- which we heard ---, we feel sick to speak to you about him and we are afraid of him. Like a second Salmoneus, he tattoos his skin below, thinks nothing of the future, and never reasons justly. But, since it is absolutely necessary that we tell you the essence of the words that he said to us, the tyrant, this depraved monster said to us what follows: 'Let your God not mislead you. You trust him by saying that you will not hand over the city, to me and to the people which are with me Tomorrow I will occupy the city in any case, and I will render it uninhabited. I will make —by my kindness — a gift of their lives to the inhabitants, and I will make possible for them to leave the city completely naked, but in mercy I will leave to each one a chiton, to hide their shame. I will summon Shahrbaraz to them and the Persian troops so that they cause you no loss. So leave, right now as I said, the city, but do not ask anything humanitarian of me!' These are the words that he said to us, and he threatened us with still more serious things. He added further: if we do not leave early, we will see that tomorrow the mass of Persians will fight beside the tyrant in front of the ramparts of the city. And, indeed, we saw also the Persian legates sent by Shahrbaraz who brought him gifts. We understand again that they have concluded an alliance, to send the Slavic monoxyles, to transport the Persian army from Chalcedon, by sea."
XXII. These were the words of the legates. Of course the barbarian did not ask for an army of Perses, as if he was short of allies, because the firm ground and the sea were both full of wild people under his command, but he wanted to make known to us his alliance with the Persians, who moved against us. When night fell, the monoxyles were launched; there were a multitude of Slavs who directed them to transport the advancing army of the allied Persians. Because the Slavs had already great experience with regard to bravery at sea, since the time when they also attacked the territories of the Romans. The monarch, the archpriest and guardian of the affairs of the emperor, after listening to the words of the legates, sighed seriously, raised their hands with all those which lived the city towards the sky, and said: "Mighty Lord --- you who bring low every proud man, you who can decide according to your will everything that happens in the world, whose force is incomparable and whose power can be neglected by none, because all the Universe is suject to you --- hear all the words of Sennacherib that he transmitted, to blaspheme you, the Master of the Universe. For our hope does not reside in our arrows, and we do not have a sword to save us. It is you, our strong bastion, even against these so powerful enemies. And for this reason thus, you, omnipotent and all-mighty --- who is seated on the Cherubins, and it is from there that you look at the Hells --- throw a glance from the throne of the Master on the masses of the peoples who do not know each other, and who have surrounded us from the east and the west.
XXIII. Our Lord, it is in your power to save small and great, because you have the power to do so, when you wish. And so who could face the strength of your arm, our Lord God? Do not give the sceptre of your glory to those which do not even exist! 11 Do not let these men overcome you. Because, see, see that this Rezin and the son of Remaliah were allied, fell into agreement, and concluded a contract, in order to abolish the tabernacle of your glory, and to choke the voice of those who glorify you, 'Let them fall into their own traps, our Lord, because under the pride of the impious people your unhappy people is consumed.' Who is it that by his will alone conquered the Ethiopian Zare who led formerly his army with a thousand times a thousand men against king Asa? Who killed the enemy peoples whose number was innumerable, when Josaphat, deprived of any human help, lifted his hands towards you? Since you are able, now also, to do everything, by your pure will, save then the city of your heritage, and save the people who are called by your name, so that no-one can say 'Where is their God?' On the contrary: Let these people understand that they are only men." Thus they the monarch, the archpriest, the head of the army and the city prayed constantly.
XXIV. But God put an obstacle in the passing of the Persians to this dog, preparing an ambush for them, and by killing some of those which were sent by the tyrants to each other. The fight did not cease, neither on the sixth, seventh, nor eighth day and continued with shootings and local brawls. For the barbarian, it was a very tiring and extremely serious task, on the one hand, to draw up on the land the siege-engines, to build helepoles against the bastions, and on the other hand, to prepare on the sea the monoxyles of the Slavs, so that they could start the siege at the same time, at the same hour, by land and sea, against the city. Because he had already transformed earlier, using the monoxyles filled with foreign tribes, the bay of the Horn into firm ground. He thought that to approach the city this was the best place. But he did not know, the devil, what he knew later, by experience, that the invincible guard of the city was the holy house of the Mother of God, being at Blachernae, close to the bay of Horn, and this is what safeguarded the city and all its inhabitants. It is there, that it was necessary that all the army of this Pharaoh perish in the sea, and so the bay was named Red Sea after the event. While this nutcase prepared the fight by land and sea, he advanced some armoured riders, selected as well as he could --- this happened in the areas where those who were sailing towards the Euxine Sea took to sea --- to show himself to the Persian army and to Shahrbraz which showed themselves in their turn. Because on the other side, he did the same, and filled all the opposite bank with heavy cavalry. The latter attacked the part of the city in Asia, and the former that in Europe, like mad beasts, thinking that she would be surely their booty.
XXV. When the ninth day came, on firm ground, the most violent fighting burst out, all along the wall, and consequently the enemy perished in heaps, carrying off his dead in the sight of all our men. Some of ours were also wounded. Even the following night did not put an end to the fight, and the combat continued on both sides throughout the night, without rest. The foreign tribe, in its combat against us, did not have men who would have been worthy of ours. Our army overcame the enemy everywhere with great courage. There came the tenth day of the stay of this dog. It was the fifth day of the week, and the seventh of the month, that the Romans call August. But who has the strength to tell the miraculous deeds of God, and who is able to show the power of the Virgin? Glory to he that names holy the chosen day which was the day of the most and most miraculous deeds, of the divine love, shown towards us. Because even the fifth, but the seventh also, and especially the tenth proved --- one for certain things, the other for others --- clearly such days which showed us all the miracles of our rescue, of divine origin. The fifth day, by its effect, fills with divine happiness all our senses which are at the center of the spiritual combats. The seventh on the other hand, like a virgin and without mother, was worthy of the grace of the Eternal Virgin, the Mother of God. Finally the tenth, which completes all, brought to us, by God and the Virgin, total freedom.12
XXVI. I believe that even Zachariah, one of the twelve minor prophets, prophesied by his prophetic heart that day, and he named it that of happiness and of divine exaltation, in the words that he says to us: "The fast of the fifth, the fast of the seventh and the fast of the tenth will become for the house of Judah happiness, joy and merry feastdays." It is true, we know that the sons of the Hebrews interpreted differently the words of prophecy, by saying that the fact that Jerusalem would pass into the hands of strangers in the days mentioned, and what would follow: the disastrous humiliation and the austere fasting, would become joy and happiness for Judah. What I do not know, it is the date when the Jews hope for that, the Jews which are always precisely in mourning, because they condemned innocent blood. It is God whom they nailed on the cross, and it is very right which they wear mourning for that. Moreover nobody prevents them from understanding, and believing in the words of Zachariah, as they wish. In any case for us the fifth, the seventh and the tenth days became absolutely identical, because they carried in themselves the love of God and the Virgin towards us.
XXVII. The tenth day has also another mystery about which I cannot keep silent, because doing so, in my opinion, would be a sin against justice itself. Because Nabuzardan, the commander of the guard of the Babylonian Nabuchodonosor, set fire to the Temple of Jerusalem on the tenth day of the fifth month of the Hebrews, and conquered the city by assault. The infallible witness is Jeremiah who is wisest in the things of God, and who was crowned already in the belly of his mother by the Lord; he writes in his book these words: "This happened in the fifth month, the ten of the month. Nabuzardan, commanding the guard, one of the immediate entourage of the king of Babylon, made his entry into Jerusalem. He set fire to the Temple of the Lord, the royal palace, and he set fire to all the houses of the city and all the palaces. The army of Chaldaeans which was with the commander of the guard, threw down all the ramparts which surrounded Jerusalem. Nabuzardan left part of the ordinary people of the country, as vine growers and ploughmen."
XXVIII. These words of the prophet tell us that the fifth month of the Hebrews was in its tenth day, when the Persians set fire to the Temple and the capital of the Jews. Among the Hebrews the fifth month is named Ab, because God had ordered that they hold and call Nisan the first among the months newly named. And thus we find the month Ab is the fifth starting from Nisan. Nisan among Hebrews is usually what is among Romans April. Among the Romans we find that the fifth month is August, starting from April. And if the Hebrews learned how to count the months according to the changes of the moon, then it is clear --- as anyone could say --- that the months and the days of the Hebrews are not harmonized exactly with the days and the months of the Romans, but they agree only in general: thus the month of Nisan often falls in April. As the commander of the guard thus occupied Jerusalem on the tenth day of the fifth month of the Hebrews, the Khagan hoped to occupy Constantinople, on the tenth day of his arrival.
XXIX. Because even the Roman emperor who carried out the punishment of the Jews, for their sin against our Saviour, set fire to the Temple of Jerusalem and destroyed the city, on the tenth day of the fifth month. Josephus, a writer worthy of trust, writes thus in the sixth book of the History of the Fall of the Jews:13 "God already condemned beforehand the Temple to be delivered to the flames; and by the passage of time, the tenth day of the month Loos arrived, on which day the monarch of Babylon had formerly made it burn. Therefore everyone can admire the punctuality of the flow of time: because fate fixed the same month and the same day when Babylonians had set fire to the Temple formerly." However, Josephus correctly wrote that the tenth day of the month of Ab, where according to divine Jeremiah, the king of Babylon had occupied the Temple and Jerusalem, is identical with the tenth day of the month of Loos, when Titus devastated the same city; it is thus proof that Josephus knew himself that the months of the Hebrews show, from time to time, several times a simultaneity; and it happens that the fifth month of the Hebrews is at the same time as August of the Romans.
XXX. All that is true, even if it is a digression. Our history shows that Nabuzardan demolished the Temple and Jerusalem, on the tenth day of the fifth month. Titus destroyed them in the same way, on the tenth day of the fifth month. The Khagan also, this sinful tyrant, spread out against the city so great a mass of enemies, from the east, from the west, by land and sea, exactly in the fifth month, and on the tenth day of his stay, if we count the first month in the series of the months lately established in accordance with the law of God. But God and the Virgin covered him with shame, him and those who were gathered, in order to show their divine kindness towards us, who were unworthy of rescue, and to show that before God the worship which is pure and without cruelty of the Christians is much more valuable and much better received than that which is according to the law. This last includes all the fatty and bloody sacrifices that the people of Israel, according to the flesh, had to carry out. Our worship is better received, even if we, so to speak, are not afraid to approach boldly, very many of the divine sacraments, with sinful conscience and hands which were not washed.
XXXI. That which is to be told about the tenth day, was not hidden by me; but with regard to the numerical coincidence with the tenth day, I believe that I did not understand it until the end. As for the devastation of Jerusalem, it; was accomplished by the devastators on the tenth of the month. And the tyrant thought, even now, that he was going to take the city on the tenth day after his arrival. Because the months did not differ much from the other, since the Jewish Ab, the Macedonian Loos and the month named August among the Romans, often coincide completely, even if they differ in their names. That is allowed, and that will surely be it, because it is really thus. That is to say August the fifth month, and the day the tenth, even if we do not count it from the beginning of the month, but of the arrival of this enemy criminal. Both the two dates coincide with the former ones. But with regard to the care of God towards us, our case is very differ from the others. It is about this that we will speak in the continuation.
XXXII. Now it is time to tell, if possible, the miraculous deeds of God and the Virgin, accomplished that day. It was the fifth day of the week, as we mentioned earlier, the seventh of August, the tenth day of the attack against us by this ravaging dog. He began the battle, on land and sea, at the same time against the city. Strong clamours were heard and a great noise of war all along the wall and over all the sea; the bugles sounded the signs of the attack everywhere and all the city was filled with noises and clamours all around. The tyrant prepared so that the catapults were put in motion and a multitude of projectiles was launched, at a single gesture, all along the wall; he had everything prepared that he wanted for the attack against the city. In the bay of Horn he filled the monoxyles with the Slavs and other wild peoples, which he had brought with him; and he gave the order that the barbarians with the heavy weapons, being transported in an innumerable mass in the monoxyles, should start to row against the city with terrible cries. Because he had tested and planned: while the besiegers from the land were going to destroy the walls of the city, those who attacked from the sea, in the bay of Horn, could easily approach the city. God and the Lady Virgin, on the other hand, showed him that his hopes were unrealizable and were overcome on all sides. Because on each point of the wall a so great number of corpses lay, and the enemy fell unceasingly that the barbarians were no longer in a position to take away and to burn their dead.
XXXIII. The Mother of God, in the sea battle, in front of her holy church of Blachernae, made the monoxyles with their men sink. If this expression were not serious, one could have said that all the bay could have been passed on dry foot because of the corpses lying there, and the monoxyles tossing randomly quite empty and moving without a goal. The fact that the Virgin herself won this fight, and won this victory, was shown clearly by the following facts: those who fought on the sea, on our vessels, turn around at the first attack of the enemy force and they failed to beat a retreat, and by that they would have made almost possible attacks by the enemy, if the pity of the Virgin had not prevented this misfortune, refusing to endure such a spectacle. She put in action her own force and power. Not like Moses, dividing and uniting again the floods of the Red Sea by his staff, but only by her gesture and her pure will she made the chariots of Pharaoh and his army to sink. Everyone sank there, with the sailors and their instruments. Some say that ours were not withdrawn from the fear of the enemy, but that it is the Virgin itself which ordered ours to pretend to retire, because she wanted to achieve a miracle. In consequence of that, the barbarians sank completely, in front of her holy church, in the bridge of our rescue, our calm harbour, because all that was the church of the Mother of God in Blachernae. And this sight and astonishing and mighty miracle could be seen: while all the bay became firm ground, covered in blood, because of the corpses and abandoned monoxyles, some of the barbarians who --- as good swimmers --- succeeded in escaping from the dead and devastation at sea, and to reach the north bank, fled into the mountains, not being pursued by anybody.
XXXIV. It is said that even the wicked tyrant was an eyewitness of his own shame, courtesy of the Virgin, and at the same time he was the minister of his own loss. After having contemplated his own defeat from a hill, sitting on a horse and surrounded by his men-at-arms, he returned shaken to his camp, drawn up in front of the walls of the city, while beating his chest and his cheeks with his hands. Many days passed during which our men succeeded, on the one hand to collect with weariness the corpses of the barbarians floating in the water, on the other hand to fish out their monoxyles so that they could be burned. When those who fought on the walls against the enemy, learned the happy news of the loss of the barbarians at sea, and still more admired the multitude of the heads splitted on the lances that our men carried slowly towards the man to whom the mighty emperor had entrusted the management of the affairs of state, encouraged by the power of God and protected by the strength of the Virgin, they opened wide the doors of the ramparts and --- making noise and cries, indicating confidence and victory --- poured outside for a hand- to- hand fight against the enemy and his engines. Our men were full of such happiness and strength, while the barbarians felt grief and despair to such a state that even the children and the women marched against them, arriving in the camp of the enemy. One could see how one can drive out a thousand, and two pursue ten thousand in an attack, as Moses said formerly.
XXXV. The Mother of God, the Virgin, the Lady gave such strength to those which did not have any and such power to the weak, only by her goodwill. It is also obvious that the Mother of God did this so that our men could burn the siege-engines of the enemy, and she wanted to show by that also a greater sign of her love for us. Because very wisely she influenced the guardian of the affairs of the state, to justly prevent those who were leaving with all enthusiasm, to have care for a greater security, and prevent the exit of our men, and recall at the same time those which were running outside of the walls. And he did it, not by bugles sounding the retirement, but by cries, by running, by gesticulating and by exhorting with words our men with sure and reasonable words. That was affirmed as a safety measure and an precautionary act by the head of the army. The Virgin Mother of God reached and ensures that these orders are carried out by the barbarians themselves, because she trusted them to destroy by fire their own siege-engines. The course of the events proves it too. At sunset, when the night fell, these devils lit and burned, along the wall, the tortoises, the caltrops, the helepoles, assault-towers on wheels, all the machines of war and the catapults, all that was there, or had been transferred onto chariots, or had been manufactured on the spot. So they started the similar fire which does not die out and which will absorb them. In consequence of that, during all the night, in the Western part of the city, all the air was lit by the light of the burning. For most of the following day, we could see neither the city nor the sea, because of widespread smoke. The archpriest, the General and a considerable multitude of townsmen, being outside the door whom we call, in accordance with reality, the Gilded Door, and looking at the fire and the smoke of the barbarian engines, raised their hands towards heaven, and uttered cries and tears of gratitude: "Your law, Lord, was shown by its strength; your right hand, Lord, cut the enemy in pieces, and by the excess of your glory, you have defeated the adversaries."
XXXVI. Since the impudent dog thus received the reward of his own baseness, he withdrew to his own lands. In his retreat, he was to see thousands of corpses of the men and animals which he had brought with him; he was about to leave even more as casualties; the fugitives reported to us that these soon died. This fool could thus learn, by experience, that there is no god more powerful than our God, and that there is no power which could oppose the very Blessed Virgin. Thus the enemy of the west returned empty-handed and ashamed, the son of darkness; and as it is said, he blamed extremely those which had instigated him to this boldness, and that with true title, though he never needed a Master in spite.
XXXVII. The other enemy, the tyrant of Babylon who camped in the surroundings of Chalcedon, seeing the smoke of the fire, caused by the burning of the engines by the barbarians of the west, thought, it is said, that the city burned (God keep us!), was delighted at this, but at the same time he was saddened. He was delighted, because he thought in error that the capital of the Romans was already vanished; but he sighed and was saddened at the same time as it was not him, but --- as he believed --- the other tyrant who had devastated the city. Because this Holophernes had promised to his king Nabuchodonosor that he would succeed, either by fighting, or trickery; and that this scumbag would be the Master of the city. This is why he still camped several days at Chalcedon, even after the departure of the Western enemies, and the unlucky one hoped for the execution of his own foolish plan. Finally when God and the Virgin also reversed his hopes, he himself withdrew, ashamed and rightly humiliated, as he had made him his companion and accessory to turpitude.
XXXVIII. The two ends of smoking firebrands thus appeared, according to wise Isaiah: Rezin, the king of Syria and son of Remaliah, Phaceus, the monarch of Samariah, this one because of the flame and smoke of the fire which he had lit himself, the other because of the darkness and the sadness of his sinful conscience. They were in no state either to harm Jerusalem, either to strip the son of David of his power or to make the son of Tabeel monarch, --- plans in which they agreed and that they concluded at the time of their alliance. On the contrary: their lot became opprobrium and eternal shame before each people and nation. It became obvious to us that very holy Isaiah depicted in the figure and example of the old Jerusalem the miracles accomplished today, and now he spoke to the descendant of David reigning in our time; "Do not fear a allied attack of these two ends of smoking firebrands which they have organised against you, against my city and my people." According to what I know, all this also occurred as divine Isaiah had predicted, in the figure and example in connection with Jerusalem and Achaz, of the then king of the two tribes.
XXXIX. However, we all were eyewitnesses of the fact that the Virgin and Mother of God put to flight with a single blow the armed strength of both enemies; she did not do it with a blow of a lance, like Phineas who transfixed a Midianite and an Israelite. She did that by her voice and will only, terrifying and pursueing this one and that one at the same time. Because it is not only the tyrant of the west who withdrew shamefully, but the Persian also returned humiliated, as he was to ruminate in these words, himself: " If so strong peoples of which the number can be compared only with the grains of sand of the sea, camped so many days under the walls of the city, reaching without a battle the edge of the sea, but could do nothing against this city and were lost despite every apparent advantage, then why I do remain still here, on the beach, ready, in vain, for the fight, and why I still nourish in myself these vain hopes? It is obvious that a divine and superhuman power guard this city and have kept it safe and sound; it is impossible for anyone to harm it." This said, and apparently very astonished, he took the road of retreat, the murderer. Because disappointment in their hopes usually determines even the barbarians to hold the power of God as invincible. This was the experience of the Egyptians also who, after having tried the divine power at sea, were constrained to say: " Let us run, run because God fights against the Egyptians for Israel."
XL. I believe that the words and the visions of the prophet Ezechiel who saw great things, are fulfilled now. In these, instigated by the prophetic inspiration, he gave a prophecy in the Holy Scriptures on Gog. There are some who say that in Hebrew "Gog" means "assembly of the people" because they believe that no-one was ever called by this name. It appears obvious that what Ezechiel said was prophesied about the land of the people of Israel according to the flesh, but neither the date of what the prophet condescended to predict, nor the events of war against Judah which followed, make it acceptable to us to think that the things said concern the land of Israel and the people which mark themselves by the circumcision of the flesh. Because the prophet Ezechiel wrote what has been said before the deportation of the people to Babylonia; after this time, on the other hand, the people which marched against Judah did not withdraw empty-handed, and did not become, as the prophet says, the spoils of the wild beasts and the birds of prey. Because did not the Romans and Titus attack Judah after the activity of the prophet Ezechiel, and burn the Temple by fire and the city to the ground, and killed the majority of the population, by famine and sword? those who remained, men and the holy objects, became their property, as booty. But before that, Titus and the Romans, when Mattathias and his sons had to face the attack of the peoples neighbouring Judah which wanted to exterminate the remainder of the people, the enemy often fell, but, in these wars, we do not find anything similar to what the prophet wrote. Since neither time, nor the events make it possible for us to accept prophecy as relating to the land of Israel, it must be that we seek that which the prophet names Israel, and what he names his land, against which Gog led his armies, then it became the grazing ground of the birds of prey and the wild beasts.
XLI. But so that what I say become clear and quite comprehensible, it is reasonable and suitable to quote words of the prophet, finding the place given; but the prophetic words will not be complete and continual; I restrict myself to what is relevant because the length of the place quoted: "The word of the Lord was addressed to me in these terms: Son of man, turn to Gog and prophesy against him and say to him: Thus speaks the Lord God: Here, I declare myself against you, Prince de Rosh, Mesoch and Thobel; and I will make you go out, with all your army, horses and riders, all perfectly armoured, many troop, all bearing shields and helmets. The Persians, the Ethiopians and the Libyans are with them and you. Many peoples will come from the extreme north with you. That day, thoughts will be born in your spirit and you will utter evil designs: I will go up against a country without defense, march against the quiet people which live in the land in safety where there are no ramparts, nor bolts, nor doors. I will plunder them and make booty of them. I will go up against those which live on the navel of the earth. They are Sheba, Dedan and the traffickers of Chalcedon 14. You will get under way and you will leave your residence in the extreme north and of the many people with you, all will be mounted on horses. You will go up against Israel, my people. You will be like a cloud which covers the earth. And I will bring you against my country so that all the nations know me, when I express my holiness, on your subject, Gog, in their eyes. Thus speaks the Lord God to Gog: My anger will go up and my jealousy in the heat of my fury, and I will express my greatness and holiness and glory and I will make myself known to the eyes of the many nations, and they will know that I am the Lord. I will break your bow in your left hand, and I will make your arrows fall from your right hand. I will drive you over the mountains of Israel and you will succumb, and all your army and the people with you will be given to the multitude of the birds of prey. I give you like pasture to the wild beasts of the earth; and people will live in the islands in safety; and the day will arrive, says the Lord God, when I will give a famous place for his burial to Gog, in Israel, the common grave of the Passers- by which is on the sea; and the people of Gog will be buried there. Says the Lord God.
XLII. So, you have heard the words of the prophet. Can anyone, by clear reasoning, form an opinion, which examines whether the prophecies quoted relate to the old Israel and its land, and if they can be accomplished on them? The date excludes the accomplishment of the prophecy in Israel, and even the places where according to the words of the prophet all that should be accomplished do not lead us to think of the land of Israel, according to the flesh. Because the prophet had said that for the people marching against the land of Israel their common grave will be in the sea, and by their fall, the islands will be delivered from their terror. My attention is not diverted from the fact that the prophet has predicted that with the people Gog himself would fall to earth and would subside, and thus time could come when somebody will set out again and say that if this assassin did not fall with those who perished, then we cannot well relate the prophetic predictions to the events of today. However, everyone who knows the Holy Scriptures well, knows that the verb "to fall" into the divine writings has several senses and several meanings. It can be interpreted in several fashions and in various ways. The verb "to fall" is used in one of its meanings and senses: to break down in certain foolish hopes. The divine Ezechiel prophet declared rightly in this sense that the wicked tyrant falls, and his fall can be also noted by that the part armed with his people fell indeed and really. But if the sons of the Hebrews wish to interpret the words of the prophet in another way, and not of this one, they can understand them as they wish. But what other common grave, to be found at sea and pertaining to the people travelling with Gog against the land of Israel, can they show? When and how were the islands lived in in safety after Gog, fighting against Israel, had vanished?
XLIII. And if after the deportation of the Jews, when Ezechiel did prophesy, nothing accomplishes the words of the prophet in the land of Israel, according to the flesh, what then must we think? Because the Romans, as we have just said, undertook their attack only after these events against the land of Israel; they devastated all the landd, they returned with booty, they killed the majority of the people by a terrible famine and the murderous sword, and they put in prison those which remained. At the time of Hasmonaeans, the sons of Mattathias heroically fought against the neighbouring peoples, threatening Israel; however, from the words of the prophet nothing occurred with the people which went on campaign against the land of Israel.
It remains after that to examine whether in the times which follow, the words of the prophet could have been accomplished. The fact that the Jews live today all dispersed, among all the peoples, and Israel, according to the flesh, does not have its own land, against which Gog could fight in the intention to have profit and booty, is obvious to any reasonable man. After all that, what goal could there be for peoples attack the land of Israel? The goal of war is in general the hope of booty, the removal of men, the seizure of goods; this is why the barbarian peoples begin a war. On the land of Israel there is nothing, neither today, nor in the future of any sort that could be such a cause of war. If thus the words of the prophet, neither in the past, nor in the future, could not and cannot be fulfilled, it only remains to interpret them in fact by the events of the present.
XLIV. Thus, I have reasoned carefully, if it is not inconsiderate to say so, that we should interpret the word "Gog" for the assembly of these people led against us by this mad dog. I have learned from other people that the name Gog means the multitude and the assembly of the people, but it is I who took this city for "the land of Israel" where God and the Virgin is glorified with a holy piety, and where the rite of the true piety of God is celebrated. Because the real existence of the true Israel means that the Lord is glorified with true heart and a devoted soul, and to live the innocent land of Israel means to celebrate a sacrifice everywhere pure and without bloodshed to God. What other but our city would rightly be that which could be named infallibly and correctly, in its totality, the place of sacrifice of God, and one can see that it is generally speaking the only church which sings the glory and the anthems of God and the Virgin. Thus, Gog, i.e. a multitude of people, assembled against this land of Israel, saying: "So let us go up against those who live on the navel of the earth where Sheba, Dedan and the traffickers of Chalcedon are found, let us pillage plunder, and get booty." Those who know the significance of the names, existing among the Hebrews, say that Sheba and Dedan are people subject to the Romans. However, so that I do not appear one who deploys more zeal than one should, and who deals too much with superfluous things, I pass over the circumstances which relate to this. But if we must understand for traffickers of Chalcedon the neighbours of this city, then my reasoning is on the right road and is irrefutable. Even if somebody said that by the "Chalcedonians" it is necessary to understand Libyan traffickers, even in this case there is no possibility that the prophet spoke about the land of Israel, according to the flesh. Because the Chalcedonian traffickers never traded with that land of Israel.
XLV. It is also necessary to examine these words of the prophet, where he ensures that Gog, in arranging his wicked plans, says: "I will go up against a country without defense, march against quiet people which live on the land in safety where there are no ramparts, bolts, or doors. I will plunder them and make booty of them. I will go up against the navel of the earth." Because the fool thinks that the country is without defense, and the city without monarch, because he had news of the departure of the powerful emperor. He supposed that the people lived quietly and lived in the city in safety; he believed that the people of the Christians were not expert in war, and he missed men too. And when this most shameless dog advanced against the Long Walls, and did all that he did, as a foolish man, he said in his heart: "There is no God here, and as ramparts, neither the Virgin, nor the arm of the divine power will save the city. This is why I go up against the navel of the earth, and I will plunder it and I will make booty of it. And there will be nobody who can stop me." The insatiability and the greed of the barbarian pushed him to think all that.
XLVI. And what other place could one name as "the navel of the earth" but this city where God put the imperial residence of the Christians, and that He made, by its central position, such that it can by itself be used as an intermediary between the east and the west. It is against this city that sovereigns, peoples and nations gathered, and it is their strength which was overcome by the Lord who had said in Sion: "Be without fear, Sion! Let not your hands weaken! See, your God is in the midst of you, it is He which can save you." The gathering of the peoples of the northern lands, of the horses and armoured riders, and with them of Persians, presented themselves in front of this city. That was said word for word by the prophet. The strength of our God made their bows fall from their left hands and from their right, it was the Virgin who broke their arrows. They fell on the mountains of Israel and they became the pasture of wild beasts and birds of prey. All that was prophesied by Ezechiel, the divine prophet: "On that day, says the Lord God, I will give to Gog a famous place for his burial in Israel, the common grave of the Passers- by which is on the sea, where all the people of Gog will be buried." I think that that means another thing than the loss of the foreign people, on the sea, the mass of whom was drowned by God and the Virgin in the bay of Horn. This bay is named not only the Bay of Horn, even if it is here that the Mother of God became the "horn of safety" for the city, but also the common grave of Gog, the place of burial of the people which is on the sea, and at the same time the Red Sea, where the chariots of Pharaoh drowned, even all its army.
XLVII. Because the zeal of the Lord of armies, God Almighty, did all that, and as the prophet says: "Our Lord God manifested His greatness and His holiness and He became glorious in the eyes of the nations and the people. And all the earth knew, that he alone is the Lord. Because our enemies learned from all that they had suffered, even if they wander in darkness, and the sun of justice has not yet risen on them, that death carries out them to feed and that their strength is lost in Hell, and that they are banished from glory, and that they will be thus too in the future." I thought that it is good, in this place, to quote the words of the prophet Ezechiel, and my opinion which follows, though I know indeed that it is possible to accuse me of verbosity. You who judge rightly, it is for you to decide if you accept my procedure, i.e. if it is necessary that I refer to this prophecy, or indeed to correct me by saying that the prophecy did not logically relate to my discourse. However, the fact of the achieved rescue, in your interest, by the Lord, cannot be discussed, because it is an indisputable fact.
XLVIII. It is a beautiful and worthy thing that the Deborah of today employs the words of the Deborah of before, in singing the anthem of the victory against this Sisera. This current Deborah is called by me the church of God who --- raising his hands towards God --- pierced this Sisera with a lance. However, the mother of this Sisera watched by the grilles of her window, believing that her son already was distributing the spoils. What does she say, then, our Deborah, singing a song of victory to our Lord: "Kings, listen; princes, lend an ear; let us sing for the Lord, God of Israel! How the great ones of the people praise the Lord! Make heard the song of those who sing briskly, marching in the middle of the road. May they do justice to the Lord! Lord! Strengthen justice among the people of Israel, and humiliate those who are stronger than your people!" The current Deborah, the church of God, says this, and adds to it, in giving the example of virginal purity, of the mortification of the flesh, and the sound of drum also to its song, as the sister of Moses did. Let us sing with the Lord because He was greatly glorified, because Bel has bowed and Dagon broken down; and all those who adored the idols were humiliated, and those who glorified images were covered with shame. We others --- the people God saved with so much difficulty, beyond hope, and that He saved, by the sttrength of His own arm, from death and bitter and imminent slavery --- let us show by good deeds our recognition of the Saviour. Because it is not those who just say: My Lord, My Lord, who will be saved, but those who fulfill the will of the Lord.
XLIX. However, let us not look only at the deeds committed towards us by the barbarians, by burning the forsaken houses and by devastating the best lands, so as not to reduce in this way our recognition of the rescue and kindness of being delivered! It is necessary that we consider also from what a powerful danger the Lord delivered us! And at this point in time we will recognize the greatness of the benefits with which God and the Virgin have filled us. Because we already believed that we saw with our eyes, as an immediate danger, priests, leaders, children --- all who could beforehand have fled from death and in exchange ensured a miserable life, carried in a bitter servitude, in irons to foreign lands, to a deplorable life to which even death is preferable. As if we had seen women and children, - - women who were obscenely dishonoured and who became toys of barbarian vice, and at the same time, objects of mockery placed in the sight of their husbands who do not dare to howl, even if they must endure such terrible things. As if we had seen children who, because of their age cannot be useful yet, massacred; those, on the other hand, which can be, are deported in front of our eyes, by these foreign hands. Is there a sight more miserable than this? It would be all as well as to traverse, contemplate and count the holy churches, the palace, all the city lying on the ground.
L. Even if we have received forgiveness now, because of the multitude of our sins, we could have been the cause of the devastation of this great city, the beautiful buildings and the brilliant houses, and we could have become unworthy of all that. But now, that the Lord saved us of all these dangers, what thanksgivings do we owe, in exchange for what they did for us, to the Lord and the Virgin Mother of God? What praise and what glorification should we sing for the benefits in which we have taken part --- even unworthily? "Because the Lord has rescued the poor, He did not scorn the prisoners! How the heavens and the earth acclaim Him, the sea and all that is stirred up there! Because the Lord God has saved Sion, and He comforted the poor wretches of its people." It is necessary that we appear neither good-for-nothings, neither lazy, nor inactive; each one according to his possibilities must accomplish good deeds, and thus he will glorify and praise the Saviour.
LI. And while these miraculous things took place by the love of God the merciful, proven towards us, according to the envoys bringing the imperial rescripts the faithful and mighty emperor who, himself held open day and night his ears and eyes, and his spirit was vigilant, he looked at and watched for every part of the roads and the sea; and his spirit meditated ceaselessly, and he reflected during long sleepless nights on the outcome of this complex concern: what news would he receive on the rescue of this city by God. There when on the other hand, as it is reported, the couriers arrived, announcing the marvellous deeds of God, he did not ask them the news that they brought. Beforehand he ran to the church of the Virgin and the Mother of God, and prostrated himself on the ground, asking Her that he would hear good news brought by the newly-arrived legates. And when he found that the news corresponded to that which he solicited, he knelt again on the ground, in the sight of the army and the people present, and while pouring out tears, he prayed to God and the Virgin: "I give you grace, he said, Divine Word, our Saviour and king of all things visible and invisible, and you also Virgin, Mother of God and Lady, because you did not denied anything to the city which you condescended to entrust to me and the people of whom you made me shepherd, and more precisely you have made them praise you with myself, but you have carried them towards the waters of saving baptism giving peace, you safeguarded them from any distress and you made the herd inaccessible to the wolves." Those which brought back the imperial rescripts, have said that the most wise emperor said and did all that, but this was proven by the letters of the emperor also which he condescended to address in imperial manner to several; all this shows, how it was in cosideration of former pains taken, and what happened, at the invitation of God, after these events.
LII. At the same time, the very worthy archpriest dedicated himself to God without ceasing, like a favourable holocaust, on the one hand by the mortification of his own flesh, on the other hand by the divine enthusiasm of his heart. And he obtains for us safety for the future not by the blood of sheep and goats, but by the sacrifice without bloodshed, offered in favour of the delivery in the sacrosanct church of the Mother of God, at Blachernae. He unceasingly celebrates the triumphal festival of the delivery from evil with communal litanies and asks that the city remain intact for the eternity of all time. Oh, very wise Isaiah --- as you outlined to me at the beginning of my speech in broad outline the delivery of this city ---, seal, yourself, with your seal again the end of this sermon, and announce that the city will be safeguarded, in the future also, from war. Speak thus to this city: "Here is the oracle of the Lord, our God: I will protect this city to save it, because of myself, and David, my servant." Because by the devotion for God and tenderness for his subjects, our emperor is also a David; and with the example of David, that the Lord adorned him with victories, just as he makes his son reigning with him a man distinguished for wisdom and love of peace, with the example of Solomon, and that he is endowed with devotion and the true faith, just like his father! Because the devotion and the faith of Solomon was not to follow. Pray, prophet, to God, and also beseech the Virgin whom you saw in your heart, in advance, that she would be really the Mother of God, and you announced it by your prophetic words. Thus beseech them that they save always the city and its people which are sinners, but can always escape thanks to God and to the Virgin. Because it is God who has glory and strength in the centuries of the centuries. Amen.
Notes
1. Heraclius (610-641 AD).
2. Sergius, Patriarch from 610-658 AD.
3. Cf. Hesiod, Theogony 185; also George of Pisidia, Bellum Avaricum 215.
4. The references to Nabuchodonosor and Holophernes are a reference to the apocryphal book of Judith.
5. Khosrau II was restored to his throne by the emperor Maurice in 590 AD. After the murder of Maurice, Khosrau used the murder as a pretext to throw off his obligation and wage war on the Eastern Roman Empire.
6. Constantine, the 14-year old son of Heraclius.
7. In Pannonia.
8. When Heraclius was preparing to campaign against the Persinas, he addressed a letter to the Avar Khagan, reminding him of the treaty agreed in 620, and appointing him tutor to his sons. In April 622 the emperor left to campaign in the east against the Persians.
9. 29th July 626 AD.
10. Theodore the Syncellus himself.
11. See Esther 4:17 and Deuteronomy 6:4. The gods of the pagans do not really exist, nor their worshippers.
12. This numerology of 7 and 10 is discussed in Hierocles Alexandrinus, Commentarius in Aureum Carmen 20, 45-48. Ed. Fr. G. A. Mullachius, Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, vol. 1. Paris (1883), pp. 464-465.
13. Josephus, Jewish War, book 6, 4:8.
14. The Septuagint reads Καρχηδόνιοι, so the biblical reading may have been massaged here to fit the interpretation. The whole passage is from Ezechiel 38-39.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: isidore_chronicon_00_intro.htm
Isidore of Seville, Chronicon (2004). Introduction.
Isidore of Seville, Chronicon (2004). Introduction.
With St. Isidore of Seville (Isidorus Hispalensis, born ca. 560, d. 636 AD), the patristic age in the West comes to an end. He became Archbishop of Seville in 600-601. He was a very industrious author, and exercised an immense influence on medieval Europe. His works are mainly compilations from earlier authors, but of great value because he was the last author still in touch with antiquity. Many of his works, especially the exegetical ones, have never been printed. More details of his works with a limited bibliography can be found in B. Altaner, Patrology, tr. H. Graef, Freiburg:Herder (1960) pp. 594-8.
In the same way, Isidore is the last Latin historian of the patristic period, producing two historical works. His brief Chronicon or Chronicle of the World extends to 615 AD, and is given here. The work appears in the Patrologia Latina 83: cols. 1017-1058. There is also a critical text in Mommsen, Chronica Minora saec. IV-VII, 2 vols (Monumenta Germania Historia vols. 9 and 11) vol. 2 pp.391-488, and the text will be reedited in the near future for the Corpus Christianorum series. His other work, the Historia Gothorum, a chronicle of the Visigoths to 625 with two short appendices on the Vandals and Suevians, can be found in the same sources.
This text is something of a departure for this series, in that it was translated recently from the PL text by Dr. Kenneth B. WOLF as a teaching aid for his students. I came across it online one day, and felt it deserved to be more generally known. To the best of my knowledge it is the only English translation. Dr. Wolf has very kindly released this version into the public domain, so that it can appear here, but warns that this is only a first draft. The master copy can be found at his site, at "http://www.history.pomona.edu/kbw/h100y/chronicon.htm", with revisions as they are made.
Roger PEARSE
th February, 2004
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: isidore_chronicon_01_trans.htm
Isidore of Seville, Chronicon (2004). English Translation.
Isidore of Seville, Chronicon (2004). English Translation.
Preface
First age of the world
Second age of the world
Third age of the world
Fourth age of the world
Fifth age of the world
Sixth age of the world
[Translated by Kenneth B. Wolf]
PREFACE
Julius Africanus, under the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antonius, was the first among us to compose, using a simple style of history, a brief chronology organized according to generations and reigns. From there, Bishop Eusebius of Caesaria and the priest Jerome of holy memory edited a multipart history of the canons of chronicles organized according to reigns and times. After these came others, in particular, Bishop Victor of Tunnunna who, having reviewed the histories of the previous times, filled out the deeds of succeeding ages up to the consolate of Justin the Younger. We have recorded here, as briefly as we were able, a summary of the times from the beginning of the world up to the principates of the emperor Heraclius and of King Sisebut of the Goths, laying down, bit by bit, the descending order of times, so that, by means of the information provided, the whole of the past ages might be known.
FIRST AGE OF THE WORLD
1. God created everything in six days. On the first day he fashioned light; on the second, the firmament of heaven; on the third, the land and the sea; on the fourth, the stars; on the fifth, the fish and the birds; on the sixth, the animals and the beasts of burden and finally the first man, Adam, in his image.
2. Adam, at age 230, bore Seth, who was born in the place of Abel. Seth means "resurrection" because in him was resuscitated the first seed, that is, the seed of the sons of God. Seth, at age 205, bore Enosh, who was the first to begin invoking the name of God. Enosh, at age 190, bore Kenan, whose name means "the nature of God." At the same time, Cain became the first, before the flood, to build a city, which he filled solely with the multitude of his own descendents.
3. Kenan, at age 170, bore Mahalalel, whose name means "plantation of God." Mahalalel, at age 165, bore Jared, which means "descending" or "beseeching." Jared, at age 162, bore Enoch, who was lifted up by God, and who is reported to have written quite a few things, but which, on account of their antiquity, are refuted by the fathers as of suspect faith.
4. Enoch, at age 165, bore Methuselah, who, according to his lifespan, is discovered to have lived fourteen years after the flood, yet he is not found to have been on the ark. On account of this, some conjecture, with false opinion, that he might have lived after the flood, having spent some time with his father Enoch, who was lifted up. In this generation, the sons of God lusted after the daughters of men. Methuselah, at age 167, bore Lamech. In this generation, giants were born. In this age also, Jubal, from the line of Cain, discovered the art of music and his brother Tubal Cain was the inventor of the arts of copper and iron.
5. Lamech, at age 190, bore Noah who, by divine oracle, was ordered to build the arc in the five-hundredth year of his life. In these times, as Josephus reports, some men, who knew that they were about to die by either fire or water, inscribed their discoveries on two columns made of brick and stone, so that the memory of those things which they had discovered in their wisdom might not be erased. Their stone columns are reported to have withstood the flood and remain in Syria to this very day.
6. In Noah's six-hundredth year, the flood is recorded to have occurred. Josephus reports that his ark came to rest among the mountains of Armenia, which are called Ararat. There were three sons of Noah, out of which seventy-two nations were born, that is, fifteen from Japheth, thirty from Ham, and twenty-seven from Shem.
The first age came to an end in the year 2,242.
THE SECOND AGE OF THE WORLD
7. Shem, in the second year after the flood, when he was 100 years old, bore Arpachshad, from whom the people of the Chaldeans arose. This Shem is reported to have been Melchisedech, who was the first after the flood to build the city of Salem, which now is called Jerusalem.
8. Arphaxad, at age 135, bore Shelah, from whom came the ancient Salamites or Medians. Shelah, at age 130, bore Eber, after whom the Hebrews were named.
9. Eber, at age 134, bore Peleg, in whose time the Tower of Babel was built, and the division of languages was effected. The height of this tower is said to have stretched four miles, starting out wide and becoming narrower so that the immense weight might be more easily sustained. They describe the marble temples there as being unmatched in precious stones and gold and many other things that seem unbelievable. The giant Nimrod constructed this tower. After the confusion of tongues, he departed from there for Persia and taught them to worship fire.
10. Peleg, at age 130, bore Reu. In these times, temples were first constructed. And certain princes of the peoples began to be adored as gods. Reu, at age 132, bore Serug, under whom the kingdom of the Scythians arose, where Tanaus first ruled. Serug, at age 130, bore Nachor. The kingdom of the Egyptians arose for the first time, with Zoes ruling there first.
11. Nachor, at age 79, bore Terah, at the time when the kingdom of the Assyrians and the Sicyonans rose up. The first who ruled in Assyria was Belus, though some consider it to have been Saturnus. And the first in Sicyon was Aegialeus, after whom Aegialea, which today is called the Peloponnesus, is named.
12. Terah, at age 70, bore Abraham. At the same time Ninus ruled as king of the Assyrians. He was the first to institute wars and invented the instruments of weaponry. In this age the art of magic was discovered in Persia by Zoroaster, the king of the Bactrians. He was killed by King Ninus. Also the walls of Babylon were built by Samiramis, queen of the Assyrians. From the flood to the birth of Abraham: 942 years. The second age came to an end in the year 3,184.
THE THIRD AGE OF THE WORLD
13. Abraham, at age 100, bore Isaac from the "liberated" Sarah. But previously he had born, from his handmaiden Hagar, Ishmael, from whom came the people of the Ishmaelites, who later were called "Agarenes" and finally, "Saracens."
14. Isaac, at age 60, bore twins, of whom the first was Esau, from whom came the Edomites, and the second, Jacob, who bore the cognomen "Israel," after whom the Israelites were named. In this time, the kingdom of the Greeks began, where Inachus was the first to rule.
15. Jacob, at age 91, bore Joseph. In these times, Serapis, son of Jove, king of the Egyptians, upon dying, was lifted up among the gods and the city of Memphis was founded in Egypt. In that time, at Lake Triton, Minerva appeared in the form of a virgin. She is said to have excelled with many inventions. She is said to have been the inventor of craftsmanship. She invented the shield and the bow and she taught how to make spears and dye wool. In this age also King Phoroneus, son of Inachus, excelled. He was the first to institute laws and trials in Greece.
16. Joseph lived 110 years. From this time, Greece, with Argos ruling, began to have crops, with seeds imported from elsewhere. One hundred forty four years after the death of Joseph, the Jews found themselves in servitude in Egypt. Prometheus, whom fables imagine to have formed men out of mud, is recorded to have lived in these times. At this time also, his brother Atlas discovered astrology and was the first to consider the movement and order of the sky. Also, Mercury, grandson of Atlas, was expert in many arts. On account of this, upon his death, he was lifted up among the gods. In that age also, Proclytus was the first to harness a team of horses. At the same time Cecrops founded Athens and called the people of Attica "Athenians" after the other name of Minerva. He also was the first to order Jove to be adored with a gentile rite, immolating a bull in sacrifice. At this time Corinth was founded in Greece and there the art of painting was discovered by Cleanthes. At that time the Curetes and Corybantes were the first to invent harmonious and modulated formations of soldiers. At that time also a flood in Thessaly under Deucalion and a fabulous fire with Phaethon are recorded to have happened.
17. Moses, at age 40, guided the people, liberated from servitude in Egypt, into the wilderness. At this time the Jews began to have, through Moses, both letters and law. At that time the Temple of Delphi was built. Viticulture was invented in Greece.
18. Joshua, the successor of Moses, led the people for twenty-seven years. In these times, Erichthonius, the prince of the Athenians, was the first to harness a team of horses in Greece.
19. Othniel led for forty years. Cadmus, the first to invent Greek letters, ruled in Thebes. At the same time Linus and Amphion were the first among the Greeks to excell in the art of music. The Idaean Dactylites, at the same time, discovered the use of iron in Greece.
20. Ehud led for eighty years. In these times fables were devised: about Triptolemus who, born aloft with the wings of dragons, distributed food to the poor as he flew at the command of Ceres; about the Hippocentaurs, in which were combined the characteristics of man and horse; about Phrixus and his sister Helle who crossed the sea conveyed by rams; about the harlot Gorgon who had serpents for hair and anyone looking at whom was turned into stone; about Bellerophon who fought (on the back of) a horse that flew with wings; about Amphion who, with the music of the zither, moved rocks and stones.
21. Deborah led for forty years. In this same time Apollo discovered the zither and invented the art of medicine. Then, also, fables were devised about Daedalus and his son Icarus who flew with wings they fashioned themselves. In this age, Latinus Picus, thought to be the son of Saturn, first ruled.
22. Gideon led for forty years. In the age the city of Tyre was constructed. Also the other Mercury discovered the lyre and gave it to Orpheus. In this time Philemon was the first to institute the chorus in Pythium. At that time also Linus of Thrace, the [music] teacher of Hercules, was said to have been illustrious in the art of music. In addition the navigation of the Argonauts is recorded.
23. Abimelech led for three years. He killed his 70 brothers. Hercules devastated Ilium and in Libya killed Antaeus, the inventor of the art of gymnastics.
24. Tola led for twenty-three years. In his times Priam ruled Troy, after Laomedon. A fable is told at that time about the beast of the Minotaur enclosed in the labyrinth.
25. Jair led for twenty-two years. At the same time Hercules instituted the Olympic competition. The nymph Carmentis invented Latin letters.
26. Jephthah led for six years. In his time, Hercules, living in his fifty-second year, injected himself with flames on account of the pain of his disease. At the same time Alexander raped Helen and the Trojan war surged for ten years. Ibzan led for seven years. The Amazons took up arms for the first time. Abdon led for eight years. In his third year, Troy was captured and Aeneas came to Italy.
27. Sampson led for twenty years. Ascanius, son of Aeneas, founded Alba. Also fables were devised about Ulysses and of the Sirens at the same time.
28. The priest Heli led for forty years. The Ark of the Covenant was captured by foreigners. The kingdom of the Sicyonans came to an end. Samuel and Saul led for forty years. The kingdom of the Lacedaemonians arose. And Homer is reputed to have been the first poet in Greece. From the promise of Abraham until David: 940 years. The third age came to an end in the year 4,125.
THE FOURTH AGE OF THE WORLD
29. David ruled for forty years. Codrus, king of the Athenians, was killed as he voluntarily offered himself to the enemy for the well-being of the country. And Carthage was built by Dido, with Gath, Nathan, and Asapaht prophesying in Judea.
30. Solomon ruled for forty years. He (began) building the Temple of Jerusalem in the fourth year of his reign and finished it in the eigth year.
31. Rehoboam ruled for seventeen years. The kingdom of Israel was separated from Judah, the ten tribes being separated from the two, and they began to have kings in Samaria. In this age, Samos was founded and the sibyl Erythraea was regarded as illustrious.
32. Abijam ruled for three years. Under him Abimelech, high priest of the Jews, was regarded as illustrious. Asa ruled for forty-one years. Achias, Amos, Jehu, Joel, and Azaria prophesied in Judea. Josaphat ruled for twenty-five years. Elijah, Elisha, Abdias, Azarias, and Micaeas prophesied. Jehoram ruled for eight years. Elijah, Elisha, and Abdias prophesied. Ahaziah ruled for one year. Elijah, whose worthy miracles numbered seven, was taken up (by God).
33. Athalia ruled for seven years. The priest Jonadab, son of Rechab, was regarded as brilliant, etc. Joida the priest was the only one after Moses who was said to have lived 130 years. Joash ruled for forty years. Zacarias the prophet was killed. Elisha, whose miracles (virtutes) were said to number fourteen, died. Lycurgus was regarded as a distinguished lawmaker in Greece. Amaziah ruled for twenty-nine years. Some assert that Carthage was founded at this time, but others say earlier.
34. Azariah ruled for fifty-two years. The Olympic (games) were established for the first time by the Greeks. A sheep spoke in Greece. King Sardanapalus was burned willingly in a fire. The kingdom of the Assyrians was removed to Media. At that time, Hesiod the poet excelled. And Phidon Argivus discovered weights and measures, with Hosea, Amos, Isaiah and Jonah prophesying in this age in Judea.
35. Jotham ruled for sixteen years. Remus and Romulus were born, with Hosea, Joel, Isaiah, and Micah prophesying in Judea. Ahaz ruled for sixteen years. In his times Romulus founded Rome. And Sennacherib, king of the Assyrians, moved the ten tribes of Israel from Samaria to Media, and sent the neighboring Samarites to Judea.
36. Hezekiah ruled for twenty-nine years. Under him Isaiah and Hosea prophesied. At this time Romulus first chose soldiers from among the people. He also chose one hundred most noble men from among the people, who, because of their age, were called "senators" and because of their care and solicitude were called "fathers of the republic."
37. Manasseh ruled for fifty-five years. At the same time Numa Pompilius was placed over the Romans. He was the first to institute vestal virgins and priests among the Romans and he filled the city with a great number of false gods. He added two months to the ten months of the Roman year: he dedicated January to the heavenly gods and February to the gods of the underworld. At that time also, the sibyl Samia excelled.
38. Ammon ruled for twelve years. In his time Tullus Hostilius, king of the Romans, (74) took a census of the republic for the first time, because the population of the whole world was still unknown. He was also the first to use the color purple as a sign of honor. (4,556)
39. Josiah ruled for thirty-two years. Thales of Miletus (Milesius) excelled as a philosopher of physics. Having come to understand the defects of the sun with the most acute scrutiny, he was the first to investigate the number of astrology, with Jeremiah, Olda, and Sophonia prophesying in Judea.
40. Jehoiakim ruled for eleven years. In his third year Nebachodnezzar made captive Judea a tributary. At that time Daniel, Ananias, Azarias, and Misael excelled in Babylonia. Zedekiah ruled for eleven years. The king of Babylon, coming to Jerusalem a second time, led him away captive along with his people, the Temple having been burned down in the 454 year after its construction. At the same time, the woman Sappho excelled in Greece with various poems. Solon gave laws to the Athenians.
41. From David to the migration to Babylon: 485 years. The fourth age came to an end in the year 4,610.
THE FIFTH AGE OF THE WORLD
42. The captivity of the Hebrews lasted for seventy years, during which time the fire was removed from the altar of God and deposited in filth. It is claimed that it was still burning after the seventieth year, the year of the return (of the Jews). During the same period of captivity, the story of Judith was written. Also Pythagoras, the philosopher and inventor of the art of arithmetic; Pherecydes, the first writer of histories; and Xenophanes, the inventor of tragedies, were regarded as distinguished.
43. Darius ruled for thirty-four years. In his second year, the captivity of the Jews ended, from which time in Jerusalem there were princes, not kings, up until Aristobulus. At that time the Romans, having expelled their kings, began to have consuls.
44. Xerxes ruled for twenty years. Aeschylus, Pindar, Sophocles, and Euripides, were celebrated as distinguished authors of tragedies. Herodotus, the author of histories, and Zeuxis, the painter, were also acknowledged.
45. Artaxerxes, also known as Longimanus, ruled for forty years. With him ruling, Ezra the priest renovated the law that had been burned by the invading peoples and Nehemiah restored the walls of Jerusalem. Aristarchus, Aristophanes, and Sophocles were regarded as distinguished authors of tragedy. Also Hippocrates the doctor, Socrates the philosopher, and Democritus excelled.
46. Darius, also known as Nothus, ruled for nineteen years. This age saw the philosopher, Plato, and Gorgias, the first rhetor.
47. Artaxerxes ruled for forty years. In his time the story of Esther, it is taught, was completed. Also Plato and Xenophon were regarded as distinguished Socratics. (4,834)
48. Artaxerxes, also known as Ochus, ruled for twenty-six years. Demosthenes was acknowledged to be the first orator and Aristotle was reported to be the first dialectician. Plato died.
49. Arses, son of Ochus, ruled for four years. Xenocrates was regarded as an illustrious philosopher.
50. Darius ruled for six years. Alexander, conquering Illyricum and Thrace, from there took Jerusalem and, entering the Temple, burned sacrifices to God. The kingdom of the Persians still remained standing. From this point began the kings of the Greeks.
51. Alexander the Macedonian ruled for fifteen years. In his last five years, in the order of years by which they are numbered, he obtained the monarchy of Asia, having destroyed the kingdom of the Persians. His first seven years are thought to have been spent among the kings of the Persians. From this point begin the kings of Alexandria.
52. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, ruled for forty years. Having seized Judea, he moved many of the Hebrews into Egypt. In this time Zeno the Stoic, Menander the comic, and Theophrastus the philosopher excelled. At the same time the first book of the Maccabees was begun.
53. Ptolemy Philadelphus ruled for thirty-eight years. He released the Jews that were in Egypt and, restoring the holy vase to Eleazar the priest, he sought out seventy translators and translated the divine scriptures into Greek. At the same time Aratus was acknowledged as an astrologer and the silver coins of the Romans were minted for the first time.
54. Ptolemy Evergetes ruled for twenty-six years. Under him Jesus, the son of Sirach, composed the Book of Wisdom. (4,978)
55. Ptolemy Philopator ruled for twenty-seven years. The Jews were defeated by him in battle, 60,000 soldiers falling. At the same time the consul Marcellus conquered Sicily.
56. Ptolemy Epiphanes ruled for twenty-four years. In his time the events occurred which are contained in the story of the second book of the Maccabees. In this age the Romans ordered the vanquished Greeks to be freed, saying: "It is impious to enslave people from the place where philosophy, the master of morals and the inventor of liberal disciplines, first arose." At the same time Ennius was celebrated as the first distinguished Latin poet of Rome.
57. Ptolemy Philomater ruled for thirty-five years. Antiochus overcame him in battle and oppressed the Jews with various calamities. At the same time Scipio conquered Africa. Terence the comic excelled.
58. Ptolemy Evergetes ruled for twenty-nine years. At this time Spain was conquered by the Romans under the consul Brutus.
59. Ptolemy Soter ruled for seventeen years. Varro and Cicero were born. Thrace was subjected to the Romans.
60. Ptolemy Alexander ruled for ten years. Syria passed under the dominion of the Romans under the general Gabinus. Also the poet Lucretius was born, who later killed himself as a result of a lover's madness.
61. Ptolemy, son of Cleopatra, ruled for eight years. At the same time Plotius Gallus was the first to teach Latin rhetoric in Rome. At that time also Sallust the historian was born.
62. Ptolemy Dionysius ruled for thirty years. Pompey, having captured Jerusalem, made the Jews tributaries to the Romans. At the same time the philosopher Cato excelled. Virgil was born in Mantua, Horace in Venusia. At that time also Apollodorus, preceptor of the emperor, was regarded as illustrious and Cicero was celebrated with praise for his oratory.
63. Cleopatra ruled for two years. She was the daughter of Ptolemy (XI), king of the Egyptians, and sister and wife of her brother Ptolemy (XIII). Desiring to defraud him of the kingdom, in a time of civil war in Alexandria, she went to Caesar, who was besieging the city, and, using pretense and debasing herself, she begged, in the presence of Julius, for the death of Ptolemy and to have the kingdom for herself. The kingdom of Alexandria, in the third year of the reign of Cleopatra, passed under the dominion of the Romans under Julius Caesar.
64. Gaius Julius Caesar ruled for five years. Before he was made consul, he conquered Gaul and triumphed in Britain. And after having waged a war against Pompey, he obtained the monarchy of the entire empire. The succeeding emperors were called "Caesars" after his name.
65. From the migration to Babylonia up to the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ: 587 years. The fifth age came to an end in the year 5,155.
THE SIXTH AGE OF THE WORLD
66. Octavian Augustus ruled for fifty-six years. He, in his imperium, after the Sicilian war, had three triumphs: Dalmatia, Asia, and later Alexandria against Anthony. From there, Spain. At that point, having brought peace on land and sea to the entire world, he closed the gates of Janus. Under his imperium, the writings of Daniel were completed in seventy weeks and, as the kingdom and priesthood of the Jews was coming to an end, the Lord Jesus Christ was born from a virgin in Bethlehem of Judah in the forty-second year of Octavian's rule.
67. Tiberus, the son of the Augustus, ruled for twenty-two years. He, out of cupidity, did not let the kings coming to him return, and many peoples receded from the Roman empire. The Lord was crucified in the eighteenth year of his reign, 5,229 years having elapsed since the beginning of the world.
68. Caius Caligula ruled for four years. He was fierce with avarice, cruelty, and lust and, elevating himself to the level of the gods, he ordered a statue of Olympian Jove to be placed under his name in the Temple of Jerusalem. At the same time, in Judea, the apostle Matthew was the first to write a gospel.
69. Claudius ruled for fourteen years. With him ruling, the apostle Peter went to Rome against Simon Magus. Also Mark the Evangelist, preaching Christ in Alexandria, wrote his gospel.
70. Nero ruled for fourteen years. Given to injury, cruelty, and lust, he even fished with nets of gold. He prostituted and killed his mother and sister, wiped out much of the senate, lost many cities and provinces of the republic, and also burned down the city of Rome so that he might witness an image of the destruction of Troy. In his times, Simon Magus was reported to have had an altercation with the apostles Peter and Paul. Claiming that a certain great power that he had came from God, he proposed at midday to fly to the Father in heaven with the help of demons, by whom he was to be born aloft. But, with Peter swearing at the demons and Paul praying, Simon was cast down and he crashed. Because of Simon's death, Peter was crucified by Nero and Paul was killed with a sword. In this same storm, a Persian poet died. In addition, Lucan and Seneca were killed by order of Nero.
71. Vespasian ruled for ten years. Vigorous in military discipline, through his fighting he restored to the republic many provinces which Nero had lost. He was unmindful of offenses and he bore lightly the insults said against him. In his second year Titus took and overthrew Jerusalem, where 1,100,000 Jews perished by famine and the sword. Beyond these, another 100,000 were publicly sold into slavery.
72. Titus ruled for eleven years. He was so eloquent in both languages that he could prepare legal cases in Latin and compose poems and tragedies in Greek. He was, however, so bellicose that in the assault on Jerusalem, fighting under his father, he pierced twelve soldiers with twelve arrows. But he was of such magnanimity in the exercise of his imperial rule, that he punished no one at all, but dismissed those convicted of conspiring against him and maintained the same familiarity with them which he had had before. Among all of his sayings, the most famous was: "The day is lost in which nothing good is accomplished."
73. Domitian, brother of Titus, ruled for sixteen years. He was the second after Nero who, cursed with pride, commanded that he be considered a god and ordered the Christians to be persecuted by the pagans. Under him, the apostle John was banished to the island of Patmos, where he wrote the Apocalypse. (Domitian) killed and sent many of the senators into exile, and he ordered everyone from the line of David to be killed so that none of the Jews from the royal line would survive.
74. Nerva ruled for one year. A moderate man in his imperium, he presented himself as equal to, and approachable by, everyone. In his time, John the Apostle returned from exile to Ephesus and, entreated by the bishops of Asia, became the most recent to edit a new gospel.
75. Trajan ruled for nineteen years. He extended the empire of the Romans with wondrous power far and wide to the east. Tranquil and liberal in all things, he took Babylonia and Arabia and reached all the way to the territory of India, like Alexander. Among all of the things he said, the most extraordinary is reported to have been his response when asked why he was so approachable by everyone around him: (to wit), that he would rather deprive himself of being emperor than be a private emperor. Simon Cleophas, bishop of Jerusalem, was crucified at this time and John the Apostle passed away.
76. Hadrian ruled for twenty-one years. Envying the glory of Trajan, he surrendered the provinces of the east to the Persians and established the boundary of the Roman empire at the river Euphrates. He also subjugated the Jews who, for a second time, had become rebels, and he restored the city of Jerusalem and called it by his own name, Aelia. At the same time, Aquila Ponticus, the second translator after the Septuagint, arose. And Basilides was acknowledged to be a heresiarch.
77. Antoninus Pius ruled for twenty-two years. He received this cognomen on account of his clemency, because throughout the entire Roman kingdom he relaxed the debts of everyone, burning the notes. For which reason he is also called the "Father of the Country." He was the first to divide the imperium of the Roman world, which he did with Antoninus the Younger, making him equal in power. With Antoninus Pius ruling, Valentius and Marcion were shown to be heresiarchs and the doctor Galen, born in Pergamum, was regarded as illustrious in Rome.
78. Antoninus Minor ruled for eighteen years. Having advanced to Parthia, he took Seleucia, the city of Assyria, with 400,000 men. He triumphed over the Parthians and the Persians. With him ruling, Montanus, the author of the Cataphrygites and Tatian, from whom came the heresy of the Encratitarites, appeared.
79. Commodus ruled for thirteen years. He was a man of great lust. Under his imperial rule, Theodotian of Ephesus, the third translator, appeared. And Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons, was regarded as illustrious in his teaching.
80. Aelius Pertinax ruled for one year. With the senate entreating him to make his wife "Augustus" and his son "Caesar," he refused, saying that he ought to be replaced because he ruled unwillingly.
81. Severus Pertinax ruled for eighteen years. He successfully waged many wars. He conquered Parthia, acquired Arabia, and took Britain by force. He had a knowledge of literature and philosophy. In his time Symmachus, the fourth translator, was acknowledged. Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem, was celebrated with many virtues. Tertullian of Africa was regarded as illustrious in the church. Origen of Alexandria was erudite in his studies.
82. Antoninus Caracalla, the son of Severus, ruled for seven years. He was impatient in his desires. He took his stepmother as his wife. He did nothing memorable. In his time, in Jericho, a fifth edition of the holy scriptures was found, the author of which was not known.
83. Macrinus ruled for one year. Ruling with his own son, he undertook nothing memorable during his brief time as emperor. For after only one year, both were killed as a result of a military uprising.
84. Aurelius Antoninus ruled for four years. He lived most obscenely and was himself killed by a military revolt. In his time, a sixth edition was found in Nicopolis. The heresiarch Sabellius appeared.
85. Alexander ruled for thirteen years. He most gloriously conquered the Persians. He was favorable to the citizens. In his time, Origen of Alexandria excelled and in Rome, the legal expert Ulpian was illustrious.
86. Maximinus ruled for three years. He was the first to be made emperor by the body of the military without a senate decree. He persecuted Christians.
87. Gordian ruled for six years. He afflicted the rebelling Parthians and Persians. Returning victorious from Persia, he died as a result of the treachery of his own men. In his time, Zephyrinus, with the witness of the holy spirit descending in the form of a dove over his head, was ordained bishop of Rome.
88. Philip ruled for seven years. He was the first among the emperors to believe in Christ. In his first year, the one thousandth year of the city of Rome was reported to have passed.
89. Decius ruled for one year. In his time, St. Anthony the monk, by whom monasteries were first founded, is reported to have appeared.
90. Gallus and his son Volusianus ruled for two years. Novatus, a priest under bishop Cyprian, came to Rome and founded the Novatian hersesy.
91. Valerian, with Gallienus, ruled for fifteen years. Cyprian, first rhetor and them bishop, was crowned with martyrdom. Also the Goths depopulated Greece, Macedonia, and Pontus in Asia. Valerian, orchestrating a persecution of the Christians, was captured by Sapor, king of the Persians, and there he grew old with the disgrace of his life.
92. Claudius ruled for two years. He conquered and devastated the Goths (in) Illyricum and Macedonia. Paul of Samostenus was acknowledged to be a heresiarch.
93. Aurelian ruled for six years. He extended the empire of the Romans by force almost to its previous boundaries. Carrying out the persecution against the Christians, he was seized with a sudden calamity and died without delay.
94. Tacitus ruled for one year. His brief life left no deed worthy of record.
95. Probus ruled for six years. Vigorous in war and illustrious in civilian life, he restored to the Romans, by force, Gaul, which had been occupied by the barbarians. In his time the heresy of the Manicheans arose. (5,481)
96. Carus ruled with his sons Carinus and Numerianus for two years. (134) Carus, after he triumphed over the Persians and, victorious, placed fortifications along the Tigris, was killed by a stroke of misfortune.
97. Diocletian and Maximian ruled for twenty years. Diocletian, having burned holy books, persecuted Christians throughout the world. He was the first to order gems put on clothes and shoes. At that time princes were to wear only purple on their backs. These emperors waged various wars and, having conquered Persia, took Mesopotamia. After awhile, when both had left the rank of emperor, they lived as private citizens.
98. Galerius ruled for two years. His brief imperium saw nothing worthy of historical record.
99. Constantine ruled for thirty years. He prepared for war with the Persians and they feared his arrival, so that supplicants came forth promising to carry out his orders. He also became a Christian, giving permission to Christians to congregate freely, and built basilicas in honor of Christ. In these times, the Arian heresy appeared. Also the Nicene Council was convoked by Constantine for the condemnation of Arius. Also at that time the schism of the Donatists arose. At the same time the cross of Christ was discovered in Jerusalem by Helen, the mother of Constantine. But Constantine, baptised by Bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia at the very end of his life, was converted to the Arian dogma. O the pain! Such a good beginning, such a bad end.
100. Constantius and Constans ruled for twenty-four years. Constantius, terrible in the cruelty of his ways, endured many things from the Persians. From that time on he became an Arian and persecuted Catholics all over the world. Relying on his favor, Arius proceeded to the church in Constantinople, about to fight against those of our faith. Diverted through the forum of Constantine for the sake of some necessity, suddenly his viscera and his life simultaneously poured out. At the same time, Athanasius and Hilary were celebrated for their doctrine and confession of the faith. The heresy of the Anthropomorphites arose in Syria, Macedonia, and Constantinople. Donatus, an author of the art of grammar and instructor of Jerome, was regarded as illustrious in Rome. Anthony the monk died. The bones of the apostles Andrew and Luke were translated to Constantinople.
101. Julian ruled for two years. He went from being a cleric to being an emperor and a pagan. He was converted to the cult of the idols and instituted martyrdom for the Christians. He forbade Christians to teach or learn the liberal arts. At that time he also, out of his hatred for Christ, permitted the Jews to repair the Temple of Jerusalem. Jews gathered from all the provinces and laid new foundations for the Temple. Suddenly at night an earthquake struck and the stones from the deepest parts of the foundation were shaken and scattered far and wide. In addition a fiery ball came out from the interior of the building of the Temple and prostrated many with its fire. Those remaining were frightened by this terror and involuntarily confessed Christ. And lest they thought it was over with this destruction, the sign of the cross appeared the following night on everyone's clothing. Julian, proceeding against the Persians, died, having been hit with a javelin as the attack was being launched.
102. Jovian ruled for one year. When he realized that he was being chosen emperor by the army, he confirmed that he was a Christian and decided that it was no longer permissable for pagans to hold office. "And we," he said to all of the army, "who through Julianus rejected the name of Christ, wish to be Christians again." He then received the sceptre of the imperium from those who had heard him and returned after having made peace with the Persians. He gave the priveleges back to the Christians with a law granted in perpetuity and ordered the temples of the idols closed.
103. Valentinian and his brother Valens ruled for fourteen years. The Goths, in Istrus, were divided into two kingdoms under kings Fridigern and Athalaric. But Fridigern overcame Athalaric with the help of Valens, the Arian emperor, having been persuaded, in exchange for the aid, to convert form being a catholic to being an Arian along with all of the people of the Goths, thus following Valens' error. Also at that time Ulfilas, bishop of the Goths, invented letters for the Goths like the letters of the Greeks and then translated both (the New and Old) Testaments into their own tongue. Also Photinus, Eunomius, and Apollonaris were acknowledged to be heresiarchs at this same time.
104. Gratian with his brother Valentinian ruled for six years. Ambrose, bishop of Milan, excelled in the dogma of the Catholics. Priscillian introduced into Spain the evil heresy bearing his name. Martin, bishop of Tours, the city of Gaul, was resplendent with the signs of many miracles.
105. Valentinian ruled with Theodosius for eight years. The Synod of Constantinople, with one hundred fifty holy fathers, at which all heresies were condemned, was convoked by Theodosius. The priest Jerome in Bethlehem was regarded as illustrious throughout the world. Priscillian, being accused by Itacius, was killed with the sword by the tyrant Maximus. At the same time the head of John the Baptist was taken to Constantinople and buried at the seventh milestone (septimo milliario) of the city. And in the same time the temples of the gentiles all over the world were torn down by order of Theodosius, for until then they had remained untouched.
106. Theodosius, with Arcadius and Honorius, ruled for three years. At the same time, John the Anchorite was regarded as noteworthy in the miracles of his virtues. Also, when consulted by Theodosius, he foretold his victory over the tyrant Eugenius.
107. Arcadius and his brother Honorius ruled for thirteen years. In his time, bishop Augustine was regarded as noteworthy in the knowledge of his teaching. Also John of Constantinople and Theophilus of Alexandria were proclaimed to be illustrious bishops. At the same time, Donatus, bishop of Epirus, was regarded as noteworthy in his miracles (virtutes). He killed, by spitting in its eye, an immense dragon, which even with eight yoke of oxen was scarcely able to be dragged to the place where it was to be burned so that it would not corrupt the air as it decomposed. At the same time, the bodies of the holy prophets Habucuc and Micah were found by divine revelation. The Goths plundered Italy. And the Vandals and Alans invaded Gaul.
108. Honorius, with Theodosius the Younger, the son of his brother, ruled for fifteen years. With these two governing, the Goths took Rome and the Vandals, Alans and Suevi seized Spain. In this time Pelagius preached the dogma of his error against the grace of Christ. A council of 214 of bishops was convoked in Carthage for his condemnation. In this time Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, was regarded as noteworthy.
109. Theodosius the younger, son of Arcadius, ruled for twenty-seven years. The Vandals crossed over from Spain into Africa. There they subverted the Catholic faith with Arian impiety. At the same time Nestor, bishop of Constantinople, stirred up the error of his perfidy. The synod of Ephesus, convoked against him, condemned his impious dogma. In this same time, the devil in the guise of Moses appeared to the Jews in Crete and promised to lead them to the promised land over the sea without even getting their feet wet. After many had been killed, those remaining, who survived, were converted immediately to the grace of Christ.
110. Marcian ruled for six years. The beginning of his imperial reign, the Council of Chalcedon was held, where Eutyches along with Dioscorus, the Alexandrian bishop, were condemned. In the sixth year of his imperium, Theodoric, king of the Goths, invaded Spain with a huge army.
111. Leo the older ruled with Leo the younger for sixteen years. Alexandria and Egypt, despising the Synod of Chalcedon and languishing in the error of the heretic Dioscorus, barked with canine madness, filled with an unclean spirit. At the same time appeared the heresy of the Acephali, attacking the Council of Chalcedon. They are called Acephali, that is, "without a head," because the one who first introduced this heresy is not known. Many to the east languish with the disease of this heresy.
112. Zeno ruled for seventeen years. The heresy of the Acephali was defended by him and the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon were abandoned. Zeno sought to kill his son Leo Augustus. But his mother handed over to Zeno someone similar to Leo in appearance and secretly made Leo a cleric. He lived among the clergy until the time of Justinian. At the same time the body of Barnabas the apostle and the gospel of Matthew, written with his own stylus, having revealed themselves, were found.
113. Anastasius ruled for twenty-seven years. Appropriating the error of the Acephali, he condemned to exile the bishops who were defenders of the Synod of Chalcedon and also found fault with, and corrected, the gospels as if they had been composed by idiot evangelists. In his time, Bishop Fulgentius excelled in his knowledge and confession of God. Trasemundus, king of the Vandals, closed Catholic churches in Africa, sent 120 bishops to Sardinia, and raged against Catholics. At the same time in Carthage, Olympus, a certain Arian who blasphemed the holy Trinity in the balineum, was ignited in public by three fiery javelins thrown by angels. Also a certain Arian bishop by the name of Barbas is reported to have spoken against a rule of the faith while baptising ("Barbas baptises you in the name of the Father, through the Son, in the name of the Holy Spirit") and immediately the water in the font which had been brought for baptism disappeared. Seeing this, the one who was to be baptised immediately rushed away to the Catholic faith and received the baptism of Christ according to the custom of the evangelic faith.
114. Justin the older ruled for nine years. A love of the Synod of Chalcedon, he abandoned the heresy of the Acephali. In his time, after Trasemundus, Childeric, born of the captive daughter of the emperor Valentinian, received the kingdom among the Vandals. Though bound by an oath to Trasemundus that he would not show favor to the Catholics in the kingdom, before assuming power he ordered the bishops to be returned from exile and commanded that their own churches be restored to them.
115. Justinian ruled for thirty-nine years. Receiving the heresy of the Acephali, he compelled every bishop in his kingdom to condemn the three chapters of the Council of Chalcedon. In Alexandria, the Theodosian and Gaianan heresies appeared. In Spain the Roman "miles" was invaded by the tyrant Athanagild. The patricius Belisarius triumphed wonderfully over the Persians. From there he was sent by Justinian to Africa and destroyed the people of the Vandals. Also in Italy, Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, was overcome by Narses, the Roman patricius. At the same time, the body of St. Anthony the monk, discovered by divine revelation, was taken to Alexandria and buried in the church of St. John the Baptist.
116. Justin the younger ruled for eleven years. He destroyed those who had spoken out against the Synod of Chalcedon and ordered the effigy of the 150 fathers to be burned by the people in the time of sacrifice. The Armenians first received the faith of Christ at that time. The Gepids were extinguished by the Lombards. At the same time Martin, bishop of Braga in Galicia, was regarded as illustrious in prudence and the teaching of the Catholic faith. The patricius Narses, after he had overcome King Totila of the Goths in Italy in the time of the Augustus Justinian, was frightened by the threats of the empress Sophia, wife of Justin, and so invited the Lombards from Pannonia and introduced them into Italy. At that time Leovigild, king of the Goths, brought back, under the power of his kingdom, certain regions of Spain that were rebelling against him.
117. Tiberius ruled for seven years. The Lombards, expelled by the Romans, entered Italy. The Goths were divided into two by Hermenegild, son of King Leovigild, and they were devastated with mutual slaughter.
118. Maurice ruled for twenty-one years. The Suevi, held by King Leovigild, were subjected by the Goths. The Goths were also converted to the Catholic faith, having been summoned by that most religious prince, Reccared. The Avars, fighting against the Romans, were defeated more by gold than by iron. Thrace was seized by the Huns. At this time, Leander excelled in the teaching of the faith and the sciences for the conversion of the Gothic people in Spain.
119. Phocas ruled for eight years. Made emperor as the result of a military revolt, he killed the emperor Maurice and many of the nobles. In his time the Prasini and the Veneti waged civil war throughout the east and Egypt and prostrated themselves with mutual slaughter. In addition, very grave battles were fought against the republic of the Persians, in which the Romans were forcefully beaten and lost many provinces up to the Euphrates River as well as, they say, Jerusalem.
120. Heraclius has completed five years of his imperial rule. At the beginning, the Slavs took Greece from the Romans; the Persians took Syria, Egypt, and many provinces. Also in Spain, Sisebut, king of the Goths, took certain cities from the same Roman "militia" and converted the Jews subject to his kingdom to the faith of Christ. 121. 5,814 years have passed from the beginning of the world to the present era 654 [616 AD], that is, to the fifth year of the imperium of Heraclius and the fourth of the most glorious prince Sisebut.
122. The time remaining for the world cannot be ascertained by human investigation. Our Lord Jesus Christ forestalled every question about this matter when he said: "It is not for you to know times or the moment which the Father has fixed by his own authority." And elsewhere: "But of that day," he said, "and that hour no one knows, not even the angels of heaven, but the Father only." Each one, then, should think about his own passing, as holy scripture says: "In all works, be mindful of the most recent." When, therefore, any one passes away that moment is the end of his world.
Source: Patrologia Latina 83: 1017-1058
This text was translated by Kenneth B. Wolf and this copy made available here as public domain by his kind permission. The master version is located at Dr. Wolf's own site. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nikiu _intro.htm
John, Bishop of Nikiu: Chronicle. London (1916). Introduction
John, Bishop of Nikiu: Chronicle. London (1916). Introduction
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MESSRS. WILLIAMS & NORGATE, 14 HENRIETTA STREET, LONDON, W.C.
THE CHRONICLE
OF
JOHN, BISHOP OF NIKIU
TRANSLATED FROM
ZOTENBERG'S ETHIOPIC TEXT
BY
R. H. CHARLES, D.Litt, D.D.
CANON OF WESTMINSTER
FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
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1916
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INTRODUCTION
§ 1. JOHN, BISHOP OF NIKIU AND HIS CHRONICLE.
JOHN OF NIKIU 1 was probably born about the time of the Mohammedan invasion of Egypt. He was the Coptic bishop of Nikiu and 'rector' of the bishops of Upper Egypt who took part in the election of the successor of John of Samnûd in 690 A.D. In 696 he was appointed administrator general of the Monasteries, but was later deposed from these offices on the ground that he had abused his powers.
His Chronicle, though even imperfectly preserved, is of immense value to historians of Egypt. As Butler2 remarks: 'It is the acquisition of John's manuscript by the British Abyssinian expedition which has made it possible to write a history of the Arab conquest of Egypt.' Unhappily, however, his Chronicle has suffered in the course of transmission. Large portions of it have been lost. That some of these losses, were sustained after it had been translated into Arabic is shown by the fact that the rubrics (see pp. 1-14 of this book), which were prefixed by the Arabic translator, do not always correspond to the chapters they profess to summarize. Thus rubric CXIV (CXV)3: 'How the Moslem took Misr in the fourteenth year of the cycle and made the fortress of Babylon open its gates in the fifteenth year', has no relation to the actual contents of that chapter. Again, there is a lamentable gap of thirty years, from 610 to 640, from the accession of Heraclius to the arrival of the Arabs before Babylon in Egypt. Hence we are without John's account of the Persian wars, |iv of the Persian occupation of Egypt, and of their evacuation of it early in 627 under pressure of Heraclius's victories: also of the ten years' persecution of the Copts by Cyrus, patriarch of Alexandria, and of the first acts of the invasion of Egypt by the Arabs. When John resumes his story Theodore the Commander-in-chief of the Roman armies in Egypt has just learnt the defeat of the local levies under John and the death of that general.
Those who wish to gain a coherent and historical knowledge of the contribution made to the history of Egypt by John of Nikiu have only to read the resumé in Butler's The Arab Conquest of Egypt, pp. 8-27. But this work must be read as a whole for the new light it throws on Egyptian history of this date. In this field Gibbon fails us, since he often misconceives the role played by Egypt at this period. Seeing that Egypt took a prominent part in the revolution against Phocas and was one of the most turbulent countries in the whole Empire, as we now learn from John of Nikiu and other less authoritative sources, it is clear that he could not have described the rebellion of Heraclius against Phocas in the terms he did (v. 66-7, Bury's ed.) and declared that Egypt was 'the only province which had been exempt, since the time of Diocletian, from foreign and domestic war' (v. 71) if he had had John of Nikiu's Chronicle at his disposal.
§ 2. VERSIONS OF JOHN OF NIKIU.
John of Nikiu was written originally in Greek, but it is not improbable, as Zotenberg points out, that some chapters which dealt with purely Egyptian affairs were written in Coptic. This hypothesis is supported by the Coptic forms of proper names. But this question needs to be critically and fully threshed out. It is impossible at present to attempt to delimit the boundaries of the Coptic sections.
A Sahidic fragment was discovered in the Berlin Museum, which according to its discoverer, Dr. Schafer, is closely related to John's Chronicle. Future investigation must determine whether this Sahidic fragment is derived directly from the original work or translated from one of its versions, |v or whether it is merely an independent document dealing with the same material as our Chronicle.
From Greek the Chronicle was translated into Arabic, and from Arabic into Ethiopic in the year 1602. The Arabic version is wholly lost, though Amélineau, in his Vie du Patriarche Copte Isaac, p. xxiv, n, states that he knows of an Arabic manuscript of John's Chronicle. But when asked for further information by Dr. Butler, none was forthcoming (see Butler, op. cit., p. ix, n.).
The Ethiopic version gives the student the impression of being a literal reproduction of the Arabic. It is rather of a hybrid description. The Ethiopia itself is very late and unclassical, and exhibits idioms impossible in the earlier period. It contains many transliterations from the earlier languages in which the Chronicle was written. Thus we have
'Iw_ ma&kaira transliterated in 224, pano&pthj in 33, o9 pa&ntarxoj in 5162, h9liakh&.. selhniakh& in 746, a nagnw&sthj in 7913,
filalh&qhj in 8953, &c., &c. The Arabic names of five of the planets are transliterated in 21, and other Arabic words in 8430, 972,16, 10210, 10718,33, 1093, &c., &c. Amharic words appear occasionally, as 962, 10710, 10810, but this is due to the Ethiopia translator's use of Amharic colloquially. The Coptic article has survived in 311, 10714, as Zotenberg has shown.
§ 3. THE ETHIOPIC MANUSCRIPTS.
There are only two manuscripts at present known of this version, which for convenience are designated A and B.
A is No. 146 in Zotenberg's Catalogue of the Ethiopic manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It is written on vellum, being about 368 mm. by 296. Each page has three columns of thirty-two lines each. According to Zotenberg it was written in the seventeenth century. Our Chronicle begins on fol. 62 and ends on fol. 138.
B. This manuscript is Orient. 818 in the British Museum (391a in Wright's Catalogue of the Ethiopic manuscripts there). It is written on vellum, being about 14 7/8 in. by 13, and contains 191 folios. Each page has three columns of thirty-six lines each. It is well written, and belongs to the first half of the eighteenth century. |vi
John of Nikiu begins on fol. 48a and ends on fol. 102b. In the last column it is stated that it was translated from the Arabic version in 1602 by Gabriel the Egyptian, son of John of Kaljûb, at the order of the Abyssinian general Athanasius and of Mariam Sena (Malak Mogasa), the wife of Jacob, Malak Sagad the younger (1597-1603 A.D.).
These two manuscripts are not copies of the same manuscript, but are derived, and not distantly, from one and the same exemplar.
§ 4. ZOTENBERG'S ETHIOPIC TEXT.
Zotenberg's text (Chronique de Jean, Évêque de Nikiou, Texte éthiopien publié et traduit, Paris, 1883) is on the whole reasonably good as a first edition. Since there are only two manuscripts, and these are closely related, there was little difficulty experienced in forming the text. But Zotenberg's chief merit lies not in the making of the text, but in the great ingenuity he has shown in deciphering the very corrupt forms under which a considerable number of the proper names are disguised. The corruptions in question are due to the fact that the Ethiopic translators were using an unpointed Arabic text, and were largely ignorant of the historical persons and events described in John of Nikiu's Chronicle. But this merit should be dealt with rather in connexion with Zotenberg's translation than with his text.
We have observed that the text is reasonably good. This qualified praise will become more intelligible as we proceed. Thus, frequently, where the text is unquestionably and sometimes hopelessly corrupt, no attention is drawn to this fact either by the use of obeli in the text or footnotes, and not unfrequently the translation proceeds as if the constructions were quite normal. In footnotes in my translation I have called attention to some of these passages. Here I mention a few cases either where an absolutely corrupt text has been reproduced, or the text has been wrongly emended. First let us take the proper name [Ethiopic] (i.e. Maximian), which is allowed to stand wrongly in 7747,48,73,74,83,88,92, where it should have been emended into [Ethiopic] (i.e. Maximin). |vii On the other hand, he wrongly allows the latter to remain in 772,25..In his translation, however, these errors are set right silently save in two instances. In 8869 Zotenberg omits the clause 'to set free her mother' ([Ethiopic]), and thus fails to recognize the meaning of this verb in 8867, where he renders it by permettre, i.e. 'de permettre à Vérine de demeurer dans le château d'Isaurie'. But this gives exactly the opposite sense to what we require. See my emendation on p. 117, note 4.
In the passage just dealt with we have a very common kind of error into which Zotenberg falls. He emends a passage in such a way as to make it inconsistent with its context or with the universal tradition on the subject. Thus in 8867Zotenberg emends the vox nulla [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] (='to put her to death'), but the rest of the verse suggests that Zeno only intended to keep the empress under guard. Hence we should read [Ethiopic].
Another instance of Zotenberg's wrong restoration of the text occurs earlier in this chapter. In 8844 he renders his reconstructed text as follows, the words enclosed in brackets being Zotenberg's addition to supply an indubitable loss: 43. 'Quant au patriarche Pierre, on le transporta, chargé de chaînes, dans la ville d'Euchaïtès.... 44. [On nomma ensuite patriarche d'Antioche Étienne] qui proscrivait la secte de Nestorius. En conséquence tous les habitants de la ville le détestaient, et il fut massacré par la population d'Antioche et le clergé.' Here, according to Zotenberg's restored text, Peter the Fuller is transported to Euchaites, and his successor Stephen is put to death by the clergy and laity of Antioch because he had persecuted the Nestorians. Now the facts are exactly the opposite. Peter was a persecutor of the Nestorians, but Stephen was charged before a Council of Nestorianism and, when his enemies failed to prove their accusation, the inhabitants of Antioch, who were strong opponents of Nestorianism, took the law into their own hands and put Stephen to death. See my note on p. 113.
In 821 Zotenberg inserts [Ethiopic] after [Ethiopic], and [Ethiopic] before [Ethiopic]. Thus he arrives at the following translation, in which he omits [Ethiopic]: 'Après la mort de Jovien, l'ami de Dieu, |viii [régna] Valentinien. Comme il y avait une grande affliction parmi les officiers, à cause de la mort de 1'empereur Jovien, [il était venu] pour pleurer avec les autres.' I have inserted in square brackets Zotenberg's additions. Now this is not John of Nikiu, but Zotenberg. John's text is literally as follows: 'And after the death of the Godloving Jovian, Valentinian, being the foremost amongst the officers, came to mourn with them over the death of the emperor Jovian.'
In 12046 the text is not defective and is perfectly right historically and grammatically. The literal rendering of the text is: 'This letter was sent by Martina... to David... (urging him)... to put down the sons of Constantine, who had been emperor with Heraclius, his brother.' The persons referred to are as follows: Heraclius I married first Eudocia and had by her Constantine III here mentioned, and married secondly Martina and had by her the Heraclius II here mentioned. Thus 'brother' in the text means in reality 'half-brother'. Again, 'the sons of Constantine III' in the text were Constantine (i. e. Constans II) and Theodosius. Now it is these grandchildren of Heraclius I that Martina requested David to remove in favour of her own children by Heraclius I. Zotenberg, however, misconceives the passage utterly and emends it. His rendering then is: 'Une lettre que l'on disait avoir été adressée par Martine... à David... pour l'engager... à deposséder les fils de Constantin, c'est-a-dire Constantin (le jeune), qui gouvernait avec Heraclius et son frere.' The phrase 'c'est... Constantin' is needlessly inserted by Zotenberg, and 'et' quite wrongly added before 'son frere'. This last addition makes the text unintelligible.
I will content myself with adducing another erroneous emendation. On p. 25 of his text Zotenberg quite rightly follows his manuscripts in reading [Ethiopic], but as a footnote on p. 236 of his translation, and in the list of 'Corrections' on p. 487, he writes that [Ethiopic] must be emended into [Ethiopic] or [Ethiopic]. Thus he takes [Ethiopic] to be a transitive verb and accordingly translates 'tu détruiras bientôt le gouvernement'. But [Ethiopic] is always intransitive. Hence the manuscripts are right, and the text should be rendered: 'the kingdom... will speedily be destroyed.' |ix
This list could be largely increased, but sufficient facts have been given to prove that Zotenberg's text needs to be carefully revised.
§ 5. ZOTENBERG'S TRANSLATION AND INDEX.
Though this translation is still more faulty than the text, the gratitude of all scholars interested in this subject is due to this scholar for the immense industry and the great learning he has shown in the illustration and explanation of his author. The student will find the results of such studies in the notes on the French translation as well as in the earlier contributions in the Journal Asiatique, t. x, 1877, p. 451 sqq.; t. xii, 1878, p. 245 sqq.; t. xiii, 1879, p. 291 sqq. I have learnt much from the notes, but I have preferred to work to — a great extent independently with the help of the Greek chronographers. The translation is suprisingly faulty. I will confine my criticism to the later chapters, and select from these only a limited number of typical mistranslations.
In 12044 the text is to be rendered 'whom Heracleonas had taken unto him (as colleague)', as is manifest from 12043. But Zotenberg renders 'qu' Héracléonas avait levé des fonts baptismaux' (!). In 824 he emends the text and reads [Ethiopic], (MSS. [Ethiopic]) [Ethiopic]. This = 'he did not accept gifts and bribes rashly' — a statement which would imply that he exercised great discretion in his acts of maladministration. But this is quite contrary to the context, and so Zotenberg abandons his emended text and likewise the manuscripts and simply writes 'il ne se laissait pas corrompre par des dons'. But [Ethiopic] (='rashly') must be rendered. Hence we have only to emend [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] and we arrive at the following excellent sense: 'he refused bribes, and did not give his confidence rashly.'
In 8497 [Ethiopic] and [Ethiopic] are omitted in his translation. In 8851 he renders [Ethiopic] by 'il... y fit reconnaître la souveraineté de l'empereur Zenon'. This is an impossible rendering. If the Ethiopic means anything it is: 'he made the city of (or 'to belong to') 'the emperor Zeno.' But, as I have shown in the note on p. 115 of my translation, the key to the text is given by |x John Malalas, and the text must be emended accordingly. Of 8880 [Ethiopic] is given the strange rendering of 'pour être 1'exécuteur fidèle de notre autorité'. The words are literally: 'that he might be chosen for our commands.' But the original form of the phrase occurs in 8882, where Verina declares that she has chosen Leontius emperor 'that he may be solicitous after every good work'. Hence here [Ethiopic] is to be emended into [Ethiopic], and so we have 'that he might be solicitous as regards our commands'.
In 9031 [Ethiopic] cannot under any circumstances be rendered 'certaines femmes firent paraître leurs enfants', but 'others (i. e. men) drew forth certain women'. It is extraordinary that Zotenberg should make [Ethiopic] (feminine) the subject of the transitive verb [Ethiopic] (masculine termination) and omit [Ethiopic] ( = 'others' (masc.) ), which is the real subject of the verb.
In 11918 we have an instance of Zotenberg's paraphrasing the text — a thing he does frequently. 'Après la mort de Constantin, fils d'Heraclius, on fit monter sur le trône Heraclius, son frere d'un autre lit.' The italicized phrase is a rendering of [Ethiopic], which should be rendered literally 'on his father's side'. Heraclius II was a half-brother of Constantine, son of Heraclius, by the same father. But 'd'un autre lit' does not express this fact.
I will only adduce one more of the many errors in translation. In 12013 we find an astonishing misrendering of the text. 'Il fit ouvrir (?) la citerne dans laquelle se trouvait la Sainte-Croix qu'il avait reçue avant son exil du général Jean.' It is true that the query after ouvrir is Zotenberg's. But [Ethiopic] cannot under any circumstances be rendered by ouvrir. It means 'extolled'. As Butler (Arab Conquest, 538 sq.) remarks, Cyrus was here 'recounting the story of the Invention of the Cross... with the Eastern Church the Invention and the Exaltation of the Cross were always celebrated on one and the same day, September 14.'
In his Index, which is admirable in its fullness, there are some errors. Constans II is not to be found in 12039-45 as appears in his index, though he is there named 'Constantine the younger' (12045). Constantine (i.e. Constans II), son of |xi Constantine III, though expressly mentioned in 2038,44,45, is not given in the index. Under 'Jean l'Évangeliste' two personalities are confused, i. e. 'John the Fourth Evangelist' and 'John the Theologian or Divine', the author of Revelation. Under 'Jean (Talaïa), patriarche d'Alexandrie' lies another error. The John actually mentioned in 9423 had been patriarch of Alexandria under Tiberius, 578-582 A.D., whereas John Talaia was elected patriarch of Alexandria in 482, and is actually referred to in 8860-61. Maximin is not mentioned in the Index, while Jeroboam, the son of Nebat (935), appears as Roboam. Apparently Zotenberg confuses him with Rehoboam.
§ 6. THE PRESENT TRANSLATION.
Since John of Nikiu is merely an annalist, who records in the simplest language the facts at his disposal, the present translator has made it his aim to translate the Ethiopic version as literally as possible. In this respect his translation differs greatly from Zotenberg's, which is of the nature of a paraphrase, and aims at giving a smooth and rather a literary version of a very rough piece of writing.
In the present translation the roughness of the Ethiopic version is reflected. Form has been sacrificed to accuracy. As respects accuracy, owing to the corruptness of the text this has not been achieved to the extent I could wish. Subsequent translators will carry forward the identification of corrupt proper names, as well as the further emendation of the text.
In the translation words enclosed thus ( ) are supplied by the translator, and words enclosed ( ) are necessary restorations; while words enclosed + + are treated as corrupt, and words enclosed [ ] are regarded as interpolations.
Amongst the Greek Chroniclers I have chiefly relied on John Malalas (the Bonn edition), John of Antioch (fragments of whose Chronicle are edited in Müller's Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, iv. 535-622), Chronicon Paschale (ed. Ducange). These were undoubtedly at our author's disposal. But I have found the Church History of Eusebius, as well |xii as those of Evagrius and Socrates, of great service, and in a slight degree that of Theodoret. The Chronicles of Syncellus (Bonn ed.) and Cedrenus (Bonn ed.) have also been found helpful as preserving more accurate accounts of events recorded in our author.
On the later chapters regarding the Mohammedan invasion of Egypt, Butler's work—The Arab Conquest of Egypt (Oxford University Press, 1902)—is simply indispensable.
[Footnotes have been moved to the end. Text in Ethiopic font has been omitted. Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.]
1. 1 I have followed the general usage in England, using the Coptic form of the name. In the Ethiopic text, however, this form never occurs. Sometimes we have Nikius and at others Nakius (the Arabic form of the word). The Greek was
Niki/on; but see p. 15, note 2.
2. 2 Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. ix.
3. 3 See p. 13.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 23rd October 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nikiu _chronicle.htm
John, Bishop of Nikiu: Chronicle. London (1916). English Translation
John, Bishop of Nikiu: Chronicle. London (1916). English Translation
THE CHRONICLE
OF
JOHN, BISHOP OF NIKIU
(Pp. 1-14 CONTENTS OF THE CXXII CHAPTERS)
IN the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, one God. An introduction to this Chronicle with an enumeration of its one hundred and twenty-two chapters. These accounts of the primitive events which are past and gone (the author) has put together from the chronicles of primitive generations: i.e. (the events) from Adam to Tîw (=Dido) who reigned over the Greeks and over Africa, and from the time of Rômânôs (? = Remus) and Romulus, who reigned over Rome, of happy memory, to the end of the reign of the holy Constantine, first Christian emperor of Rome; from the accession of the sons of the great Christian emperor, the Godfearing Constantine, to the end of the Godloving emperor Jovian; and from the accession of Andejâs (? Valentinian) to the end of Theodosius, the great and blessed emperor; and from the time of Arcadius and Honorius, the sons of the Godloving emperor Theodosius, to the end of the blessed emperor Anastasius; and from the days of the emperor Justin to the days of the reign of Heraclius (even) to its end; and from the time of Theodore, chief prefect of the province of Egypt, to John, monk of the convent of Sinai, who believed in the faith of the Chalcedonians. And furthermore these accounts were put together in (their) completeness by John the ascetic and Maddabbar,1 which is by interpretation, administrator, who was bishop of the town of Nakijus in Egypt, which is called Absai, And these he has put together from more extended histories, and these are (in) |2 chapters to the number of one hundred and twenty-two, which is (thus) a chronography beginning with the generation of primitive men.
CHAPTER I. Concerning the names of Adam and Eve and their children and all creatures.
CHAPTER II. Concerning the names of the stars and of the sun and of the moon and the things that are found in the books of the Hebrews.
CHAPTER III. Concerning those who first began to make ships2 and went upon the sea.
CHAPTER IV. Concerning those who engraved astrolabes from first to last.
CHAPTER V. Concerning the beginning of the building of Babylon, and those who worship the image of the horse as a god, and the beginning of the chase and the eating of animal food.
CHAPTER VI. Concerning those who first eat human flesh, and him who first slew his sons, and likewise him who slew his father.
CHAPTER VII. Concerning him who first took his sister and made her (his) wife.
CHAPTER VIII. Concerning him who founded the city of Nineveh and who first took his mother and made her (his) wife.
CHAPTER IX. Concerning him who first wrought gold and brought (it) from mines.
CHAPTER X. Concerning him who first made weapons of war.
CHAPTER XI. Concerning him who first made a furnace and who married two women.
CHAPTER XII. Concerning him who built a city named the City of the Sun.
CHAPTER XIII. Concerning him who built two cities, Abusir, the one in upper Egypt, the other in northern Egypt.
CHAPTER XIV. Concerning him who built the city of Samnûd and Elbarâbî, which is the house of idols.
CHAPTER XV. Concerning the Greeks, who were the first to proclaim the glory of the coequal Trinity.
CHAPTER XVI. Concerning those who first made a plough in the provinces of Egypt, and in what condition Egypt was at the first.
CHAPTER XVII. Concerning him who first levied taxes on the country of Egypt and measured the land with a reed and made |3 the inhabitants give (a return) to the king. And who it was that dug channels in the land for the water to flow in and the canal named Dîk.
CHAPTER XVIII. Concerning him who made the waters to disappear and drained the marshes of Egypt, so that they could build cities and villages thereon and plant plantations.
CHAPTER XIX. Concerning those who built three temples (? pyramids) in the city of Memphis.
CHAPTER. XX. Concerning him who first made dyes for garments.
CHAPTER XXI. Concerning him who made beautiful statues and worshipped them. And concerning him who founded the cities of Iconium and Tarsus. And who named Assyria Persia, and who planted trees in Egypt, and who was the first to worship the sun and the moon and fire and water.
CHAPTER XXII. Concerning him who worshipped the moon only and built an altar to her as a goddess.
CHAPTER XXIII. Concerning him who named Libya. And who built Tyre and who named Canaan, and Syria and Cilicia.
CHAPTER XXIV. Concerning him who named the cities of Europe and built the city of Gortyna.
CHAPTER XXV. Concerning him who first put beams of wood to the feet of men.
CHAPTER XXVI. Concerning him who first built an altar to idols and worshipped them.
CHAPTER XXVII. Concerning Melchizedek the priest, the nature of his descent: and concerning those who built Sidon and Sion, which is called Salem; and the naming of the Jews, that is, the Hebrews.
CHAPTER XXVIII. Concerning those who first invented the letters of the Greeks and the teaching of the writing of letters.
CHAPTER XXIX. Concerning the deluge in Attica, and the cause of the long continuance (of the waters) upon it and of its becoming a desert.
CHAPTER XXX. Concerning the condition (?) of Pharaoh before Moses and his destruction with his own in the depths of the Red Sea..
CHAPTER XXXI. Concerning him who changed the name of the |4 town of Absâi and named it Nakijus, and the cause owing to which the river changed its course from the east and came to be on the west of the city according to the commandment of God.
CHAPTER XXXII. Concerning the building of Jerusalem, and the alteration of its name into Nablos, and concerning the house of God which was built in it.
CHAPTER XXXIII. He who first pursued a handicraft among the ancients.
CHAPTER XXXIV. Concerning him who was the first to find an inscription and communicate it to men: and concerning him who found the teaching and who interpreted the verses which were written on the table of stone.
CHAPTER XXXV. Concerning him who established the law of marriage, that men should take to wife young virgins and call them spouses: and concerning him who was the first to institute the (common) meal.
CHAPTER XXXVI. Concerning him who first among the Greeks believed in the Holy Trinity as coequal in one Godhead.
CHAPTER, XXXVII. Concerning those who first practised medicine in the world.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. Concerning him who first built a bath in the world.
CHAPTER XXXIX. Concerning him who first played on the flute and like instruments such as the horn and the trumpet.
CHAPTER XL. Concerning the building of Cyzicum and the cause which led the spirits to confess the unity of the Holy Trinity and announce to all men that God should be born of a virgin.
CHAPTER XLI. Concerning him who established the sanctuary of Sosthenium and the building of a church by the command of the Godloving emperor Constantine.
CHAPTER XLII. Concerning the nails (of the cross) of our Lord Jesus Christ and the victory which the kings won by their means.
CHAPTER XLIII. Concerning him who gave their names to the two provinces Achaia and Laconia.
CHAPTER XLIV. Concerning him who named the Peloponnesus3 and built in it a city called Peloponnesus.4
CHAPTER XLV. Concerning him who built Farma and Bulkinun. |5
CHAPTER XLVI. Concerning him who first taught playing on instruments of music.
CHAPTER XLVII. Concerning him who named the island of Ephesus which is in Asia; formerly it was named Saqâlbah, but they changed its name and called it Iconia (sic).
CHAPTER XLVIII. Concerning him who built the city which is named Bûlmîz (= Palmyra), for5 in its neighbourhood David conquered the Philistine.
CHAPTER XLIX. Concerning the cause of Nebuchadnezzar's conquest of the city of Tyre, which is an island.
CHAPTER L. Concerning the Ark of God and the tables and Aaron's rod which budded and the measure of manna and the fragment of hard rocks, and concerning him who hid them from men.
CHAPTER LI. Concerning the kingdom of King Cyrus and his sending back the captive children of Israel; and how Cambyses forbade them to build the temple and Yasid the Commander of the Egyptian forces provoked Cambyses and Cambyses6 slew the Egyptian officers and took away captives, which he had taken from Egypt, to his own country, and (how) the Egyptians returned a second time to their own land, and (how) after forty and one years Alexander of Macedon, called the conqueror of the world, became king.
CHAPTER LII. Concerning the building of the city named Lavinia.7
CHAPTER LIII. Concerning him who was the first to build a house and call it a palace.
CHAPTER LIV. Concerning him who built the city named Alba.8
CHAPTER LV. Concerning him who built Carthage.
CHAPTER LVL Concerning him who built Rome and the reason they were named Romans: and concerning the origin of the formulas in demanding and decreeing, and the circuit of the courts,9 and how the army went to battle on horseback: and concerning the establishment of a place of combat for women, and the administrative decrees for the army and concerning those who are sent and those |6 who minister to them; and the reason on account of which our Fathers the monks of Egypt celebrated the Eucharist on the first day of every month.
CHAPTER LVII. Concerning him who invented, as it appears, stamped money, which gave rise to selling and buying. And concerning the institution of prefects, magistrates, and judges.
CHAPTER LVIII. Concerning him who built the city of Thessalonica.
CHAPTER LIX. Concerning him who built the cities of Alexandria and Chrysopolis of Byzantium, i.e. Alexander. How he conquered Darius and took his daughter captive: and how queen Candace took Alexander prisoner when he came to her with spies (even) the messengers whom he had sent to her: and how he made her his wife.
CHAPTER LX. Concerning the epoch when the Scriptures inspired by God were translated, and how many translations there were.
CHAPTER LXI. Concerning him who built Antigonia, and Antioch, and Laodicea and Apamea, cities of renown.
CHAPTER LXII. Concerning him who first wrote chronicles and named them.
CHAPTER LXIII. Concerning him who persecuted the Maccabean saints.
CHAPTER LXIV. Concerning the birth of Julius Caesar, King of Rome: and the reign of Cleopatra, and the building of a great Church named Caesarion in the city of Alexandria.
CHAPTER LXV (LXVI). Concerning him who built Caesarea in Palestine.
CHAPTER LXVI (LXVII). Concerning him who built the Pharos of Alexandria and made a channel through the land in order to conduct the canal of Kariûn, which is by interpretation 'ditch', so that the water came from the great river Gihon to the great city Alexandria. And concerning the passage of the water to the skilfully constructed and deep reservoir. And at what time our Lord Jesus Christ was born in the flesh. And why the Romans made their months to begin with the sixth month of the year.
CHAPTER LXVII (LXVIII). Concerning him who fixed one of the 'changes' on the sixth day of the month Ter. And how Ezra, the holy man, was unjustly rejected. |7
CHAPTER LXVIII (LXIX). Concerning the reign of the Emperor in which our Lord Jesus Christ was crucified: and concerning him who built the city Tiberias.
CHAPTER LXIX (LXX). Concerning that which befell the Emperor Nero and his bitter death.
CHAPTER LXX (LXXI). Concerning the Emperor Domitian and how he sent St. John the Evangelist twice into exile, and concerning his (St. John's) death: and how he built Domitianopolis, and concerning the grievous death of Domitian, and the abolition of (gladiatorial) combats and the smiting of men.
CHAPTER LXXI (LXXII). Concerning the death of Ignatius, clothed (?) with God and the women who became martyrs with him: and the building of a fortress in the Egyptian Babylon. And concerning him who named it Babylon and him who made the channel for the canal called by the name of Trajan which terminates in the Red Sea, and concerning (him who built) the fortress in Manûf.
CHAPTER LXXII (LXXIII). Concerning him who built Antinoê in the province of Rîf.
CHAPTER LXXIII (LXXIV). Concerning him who established the decree as to fathers that they should make wills in favour of their children: and the construction of two gates in the city of Alexandria in its east and west.
CHAPTER LXXIV (LXXV). Concerning him who introduced lions into Egypt and Palestine.
CHAPTER LXXV (LXXVI). Concerning him who founded the usage of writing accounts and pledges that a man might be made secure.
CHAPTER LXXVI (LXXVII). Concerning the reign of Diocletian the Egyptian and how he lost his reason and was exiled: and which of his sons wrought the evil. And concerning the pestilence which God brought on the idolaters till there were none to bury them. And concerning the reign of the Godloving Constantine and the achievement of the works which he wrought and the magnificence of the churches 10 in his days. And concerning him who was the first to make a qanâtra11, i. e. a bridge. And concerning the finding of |8 the cross. And concerning the building of Constantinople and its designation by this name, being called aforetime Byzantium. And concerning the faith of Gelasinus (which was produced) by a wonder which he saw, i.e. the holy baptism, and his marvellous death: and in what way the Indians came to know our Lord Jesus Christ, one God. For the holy Athanasius, the apostolic, was the first to ordain for them a bishop of India and of Yemen. And (how) there had been visible to Constantine all the days of his life an angel of God who awaked him for prayer.
CHAPTER LXXVII (LXXVIII). Concerning the building of a qantarâh (sic), i.e. a bridge on the river named Pyramus: and the disaster at Nicaea, and the appearance of the holy cross at midday on Golgotha in the place where our Lord was crucified. And the tribulations which the holy Athanasius, the apostolic, had to endure at the hands of the Arians. And the exile of Liberius and the holy bishops who were with him through the evil devices of the Arians. And moreover concerning the emperor Julian, the apostate: and how he forsook the orders of the Church and became the general of the army until he acceded to the throne in the place of Gallus his brother: and how he persecuted the holy Athanasius, in order to slay him at the instigation of the heathen. And how Alexandria was deemed worthy to receive the body of St. John the Baptist, that it might dwell there and a magnificent building might be. constructed for it by the command of the patriarch Theophilus.
CHAPTER LXXVIII (LXXIX). Through whom it is we know the city and family12 of Theophilus, the patriarch of Alexandria and the place of the birth of Cyril, his sister's son.
CHAPTER LXXIX (LXXX). Concerning the consummation of the death of the holy martyr Domecius: and the vengeance which God brought upon Julian, the apostate, and how God punished him by the hand of the holy martyr Mercurius and how he died by an evil death.
CHAPTER LXXX (LXXXI). Concerning the reign of Jovian and how the Church became glorious: and how the holy Athanasius returned to his throne with great honour: and the Church everywhere was conspicuously in the orthodox faith.
CHAPTER LXXXI (LXXXII). Concerning the reign of Sallustius (? Valentinian) and his hatred of iniquity and his just and equitable |9 judgement: and his construction of stone gates, i.e. the Heracleotis, the gates of the great river of Egypt which he had caused to be made with excessive labour. And how the ocean tide rose to Alexandria to such a height that it would have submerged the city had not the holy Athanasius the patriarch checked it by his prayers.
CHAPTER LXXXII (LXXXIII). Concerning the reign of the Godloving Theodosius the elder: and the address which he pronounced before Amphilochius bishop of Iconium on the unity of the Holy Trinity. And concerning the Council which the emperor convoked in Constantinople: concerning the strengthening of the Churches. And concerning Timothy, patriarch of Alexandria, who admonished Gregory bishop of Nazianzum 13 to leave the city of the emperor Constantine and go to his own city and nominated a man named Maximus patriarch of Constantinople. And further concerning the building of the church of Theodosius at Alexandria and the church of the holy martyrs Cosmas and Damian and the martyrs their brethren. And concerning the burning by fire of the city of Antioch by the command of the emperor: and the reproof which was sent to him by the holy monk of the desert of Asqêto on this matter and the grief of the emperor regarding it. And further concerning the wine-merchants and the brothels which were suppressed in his days: and the splendour of his reign in all places,
CHAPTER LXXXIII (LXXXIV). Concerning the accession of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius: and Arcadius was over Constantinople and Honorius over Home. And concerning Arcadius' love of God and the devotion of Honorius. And concerning the revolt which Alaric raised in the city of Rome. And how the sister of the emperor Honorius was taken prisoner by him. And the plundering of all the treasures of the palace. And further how Honorius quitted Rome and went to Constantinople and became the colleague of the emperor Theodosius the younger, the son of his brother Arcadius, till the day of his death. And further concerning the empress Eudocia, the consort of the emperor Theodosius the younger — her family, and how the emperor made an alliance |10 with her and took her to wife. And at what time they inscribed the name of St. John Chrysostom in the diptychs, after he had gone to our Lord. And concerning the anathema of Nestorius and the victory of Cyril. And further concerning a heathen woman of Alexandria and the tumults which she caused between the Jews and Christians in Alexandria. And how the holy Cyril took the Synagogue of the Jews and made it a church in consequence of his controversy with the Jews. And how they dragged the heathen woman through the streets till she died. And how they burned her body with fire by the command of the patriarch, Abba Cyril.
CHAPTER LXXXIV (LXXXV). Concerning the massacre made by the Jews in Qîmîtrâ: concerning the mockery they practised against the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, when in mockery they crucified a young infant and put it to death.
CHAPTER LXXXV (LXXXVI). Concerning Fînkeser the Jew who presented himself to the Jews saying, I am Moses the chief of the prophets.
CHAPTER LXXXVI (LXXXVII). Concerning the apple which they brought as a present to the emperor Theodosius and the appointment of his sister Pulcheria: and the darkness which prevailed over all the earth from morning to evening on the day that Marcian the schismatic became emperor.
CHAPTER LXXXVII (LXXXVIII). Concerning the occasion when the heaven rained diran, i.e. the lightnings on Constantinople, and the fire flamed from sea to sea: and the conversion of the heathen philosopher Isocasius to the orthodox faith. And from what place came the patriarch Timotheus. And concerning the terrible pestilence which prevailed in Constantinople: and the fall of the mountain in Syria and the apostasy of Basiliscus after the manner of the Chalcedonians for corruptible goods. And concerning the reign of the emperor Zenon over the imperial city of Constantinople, and the banishment of Basiliscus for life, and the death which was inflicted on the judges because of their negligence in the administration of justice. And concerning the reign of Zenon and his command that the letter should be read in every place. And concerning Verina his mother-in-law and her warring against him till death overtook her and her adherents.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII (LXXXIX). Concerning the reign of Godloving Anastasius in consequence of the prophecy of Abbâ |11 Jeremiah, an anchorite of the convent of Manûf: and the building of the stone gates of Elmûwrad and a trench in order to make a great bridge which should start from Babylon and terminate with the river. And concerning the naming of Philaletes, and the victory of the great patriarch Severus, and the banishment of Macedonius and the abrogation of the Chalcedonian Council.
CHAPTER LXXXIX (XC). Concerning the banishment of the holy Severus from his throne in Antioch through the instrumentality of heretics, and the prayer which he made to God on behalf of the inhabitants of Constantinople regarding the evil that the emperor Justin had wrought, and the admonition which he heard from God. And concerning the fire which raged in Antioch and in the cities of the East: and the destruction of many oratories of the Martyrs, and all kinds of marvels which befell. And concerning the baptism of the people of the Arians (?), and the kings of India and the Elmarîts, that is, the Nubians. And of what religion they had been formerly. And concerning the earthquake in Egypt: and the Huns14 (?) without the city. And the Indians, that is the Elmâkûrîds, were formerly Jews.
CHAPTER XC (XCI). Concerning the manifestation of the towel and mandîl of our Lord Jesus Christ: they were found in the house of a Jew who lived in Alexandria.
CHAPTER XCI (XCII). Concerning the reason of us Christians being named after the name of Theodosius, and the appearance of the Athenâwjân and their doctrine. And concerning that which the chief officials published in the market-places that there should be a memorial with them till all who wished might take.
CHAPTER XCII (XCIII). Concerning the primitive building of the city of Rome.
CHAPTER XCIII (XCIV). The tumults which took place in the city of Constantinople concerning the holy body of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER XCIV (XCV). Regarding Aristomachus the son of Theodosius of the city of Absâi and the accusation which they brought against him the emperor, so that he was put in bonds. And how Chosroes the King of the Persians believed and became a Christian.
CHAPTER XCV (XCVI). Concerning Galandûh, a woman of |12 patrician rank—the name of a dignity—and the vision which she clearly saw in prison daring her exile.
CHAPTER XCVI (XCVII). Concerning those who were in a corner of a dwelling in the city of Mausal: and concerning the animal which appeared in the likeness of a woman in the river of Egypt.
CHAPTER XCVII (XCVIII). Concerning Paulinus the magician who sacrificed to demons in a silver bowl.
CHAPTER XCVIII (XCIX). Concerning him who first wrote 'In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ'.
CHAPTER XCIX (C). Concerning the flood that covered the city of Antinous and of Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, in the same night.
CHAPTER C (CI). Concerning the setting of the sun at midday, and the appearance of stars and a great earthquake.
CHAPTER CI (CII). Concerning Sûrîkûs the prefect who practised piety and the death which overtook him, and how the inhabitants of Constantinople chased the emperor Maurice.
CHAPTER CII (CIII). How the captains of vessels were discharged of responsibility when their cargo was lost at sea. And concerning the reign of Phocas and his murders,
CHAPTER CIII (CIV). How it was forbidden to appoint a Patriarch or any other Church dignitary without the consent of Phocas: and concerning the action of the people of the East and of Palestine in this matter so that the tombs (?)15 of the churches were filled with blood when the people took refuge in the baptisteries.
CHAPTER CIV (CV). Concerning Theophilus of the city of Maurad: and the massacre which Phocas carried out because of his death in Antioch and Palestine.
CHAPTER CV (CVI). Concerning the wife of Heraclius the elder and the wife of Heraclius the younger and Fabia16 her daughter, a virgin: and how Crispus the magistrate saved them from the impure attempts of Phocas.
CHAPTER CVI (CVII). Concerning the tumults which were raised against Phocas in Egypt, in Mareotis and the city of Alexandria, and the great massacres which were made in connexion with this matter. And how they cast his statue to the ground. |13
CHAPTER CVII (CVIII). Concerning Theophilus the Stylite and his prophecy to Nicetas17: 'Thou wilt conquer him and the kingdom of Phocas will speedily be destroyed and then Heraclius will reign.'
CHAPTER CVIII (CIX). Concerning the bridge which was in the city of Dafâsher near the church of St. Mînâs.
CHAPTER CIX (CX). Concerning the death of Phocas and the dispersion of the treasures of the palace: and the chastisement which Heraclius inflicted on Phocas because of the outrage he had done to his wife and daughter.
CHAPTER CX (CXI). Concerning the appearance of the Moslem on the confines of Fîjûm and the defeat of the Romans who dwelt there.
CHAPTER CXI (CXII). Concerning the first encounter of 'Amar with the Romans at the city of 'Awn (i. e. Heliopolis).
CHAPTER CXII (CXIII). How all the Jews assembled in the city of Manûf owing to their fear of the Moslem, the cruelties of 'Amar and the seizure of their possessions till (at last) they left the gates of Misr open and fled to Alexandria. And how wicked men multiplied in the beginning of wickedness and began to help ('Amar) to destroy the people of Egypt.
CHAPTER CXIII (CXIV). How the people of Samnûd so flouted 'Amar as to refuse to receive him: and concerning the return of Kalâdî to the Romans: and how they seized his mother and his wife—now he had hidden them in Alexandria—because he had joined and helped the Moslem.
CHAPTER CXIV (CXV). How the Moslem took Misr in the fourteenth year of the cycle and made the fortress of Babylon open its gates in the fifteenth year.
CHAPTER CXV (CXVI). Concerning the death of the emperor Heraclius and the return of Cyrus the Patriarch from exile and his departure for Mesr to pay tribute to the Moslem.
CHAPTER CXVI (CXVII). How God gave the Romans into the hands of the Moslem and rejected them because of their incredulity and their divisions and the persecution which they had brought on the Christians of Egypt.
CHAPTER CXVII (CXVIII). How 'Amar got possession of |14 Absâdî, that is, Niqîjûs: and (concerning) the flight of the general Domitian and the destruction of his army in the river, and the great massacre which took place in the city of Absâdî, and in all the remaining cities—till 'Amar came to the island of Sawnâ— which were under the sway of Absâi and its island on the eighteenth day of the month Genbôt, in the fifteenth year of the cycle.
CHAPTER CXVIII. How the Moslem got possession of Caesarea in Palestine and the trials that overtook it.
CHAPTER CXIX. Concerning the great earthquake and the loss of life in Crete both in their island and in all their cities round about.
CHAPTER CXX. Concerning Cyrus the Patriarch of the Chalcedonians—the same who went to Babylon and to 'Amar the chief of the Moslem and took the tribute in a vessel and paid it into his hands. And further how 'Amar increased the taxes of the Egyptians: and concerning the death of Cyrus the Chalcedonian after he had repented of having delivered the city of Alexandria into the hands of the Moslem.
CHAPTER CXXI. Concerning the return of Abba Benjamin the patriarch of Egypt from his exile in the city of Rîf (where he had been) fourteen years, and of these (he had been there) ten years because the Roman emperors had exiled him, and four under the dominion of the Moslem. And concerning the remaining history with the conclusion of the work.
CHAPTER CXXII. A second epilogue concluding this history. |15
IN THE NAME OF GOD MERCIFUL AND GRACIOUS
THE holy father,18 John bishop of Nikiu,19 who put this work together, said: 'O thou that hast loved toil till thou hast acquired the love of goodness, till the love of toil, which is pain, giveth increase to all the good qualities which every zealous man covets, and for the sake of all the good qualities which constitute the eternal wisdom belonging to the Omnipotent and Lord of all; for He hath reserved it for those who come after them, that they may accomplish what they have chosen.' For this task, moreover, I am wanting in eloquence beyond all authors and feeble in discourse, though with many a testing I have tested the chosen portions. We will begin to compose this work from many ancient books, which deal with the (various) periods and the historical events, which we have witnessed also in the times to which we have come. And I have been honest (in this work) in order to recount and leave a noble memorial to the lovers of virtue in this present life. And we have left this narrative which is written in good order and in an exalted translation. Yea it is exalted beyond everything that has been by the interpretation of the translator, so that those who find it may not be without past and present gain, without portion or inheritance.
CHAPTER I. We will begin with the first beings that were created; for it is written concerning Adam and Eve, that it was God who named them, but as for his children and all created things it was Adam that named them all. |16
CHAPTER II. 1. And Seth, the son of Adam, who received wisdom from God, named five planets20: the first Cronus; the second Zeus; the third Ares; the fourth Aphrodite; the fifth Hermes. 2. And on a different ground he named the sun and the moon. And the number of the planets was seven. 3. And, moreover, he was the first to write letters in the language of the Hebrews; for he had received wisdom from God: and he composed history in it in the times of the giants. And, moreover, he said that Ovid a wise man of the heathen and Plutarch wrote about them after the deluge.21
CHAPTER III. The sons of Noah were great and strong, (and) they began to build ships 22 and to go upon the sea.
CHAPTER IV. 1. It is told regarding Cainan,23 the son of Arphaxad, who was sprung from Shem, the son of Noah, that he was a wise man and a shepherd. 2. He was the first to compose + astrolabes + (read 'astronomy') after the deluge.
CHAPTER V. 1. And after him the Indians composed (it),24 and there was a man from India, named Qantûrjûs,25 an Ethiopian of the |17 race of Ham, who was named Cush, 2. He begat Afrûd, i. e. Nimrod, the giant. He it was that built the city of Babylon. 3. And the Persians served him and worshipped him as a god, and named him after the name of the stars of heaven and called him Orion,26 that is, Dabarah. 4. And he was the first to hunt27 and eat the flesh of animals.
CHAPTER VI. 1. Cronus, moreover, was a giant of the race of Shem,28 the firstborn of Noah, who was thus named after the name of the first planet, which is Cronus. 2. + And his son, named Domjos,+ 29 was a warrior, a redoubtable man and a slayer (of men). 3. He was the first to rule over Persia and Assyria: and he married an Assyrian woman, named Rhea, and she bare him two sons, Picus whom they named Zeus,30 and Ninus, who built a royal city in. Assyria, i. e. Nineveh. 4. And Cronus left his son in his kingdom and went to the west and ruled over the people (there) as they had no king. 5. And Picus his son, who was named Zeus, rebelled against Cronus his father and slew him, because he had devoured his children.
CHAPTER VII. 1. And he made pregnant the daughter of + Niks+ his mother, who was named Rhea. And Picus, moreover, that is, |18 Zeus, was the first to take his sister to wife. 2. And he begat by her a son named Belus, who resembled his grandfather Cronus. 3. And this Belus ruled in Assyria after the disappearance of his father and his grandfather Cronus. 4. And him also after his death the Persians worshipped with the gods.
CHAPTER VIII. 1. And after the death of Belus, Ninus his father's brother reigned over Assyria. 2. He married Semiramis his mother and made her his wife, and established this impure custom and transmitted it to his successors: and they are + designated by this evil name + till the present day. 3. This conduct does not create a scandal amongst the Persians; for they take to wife their mothers and sisters and daughters.
CHAPTER. IX. 1. After the death of Picus, Faunus, called Hermes, ruled in the west for thirty-five years. 2. And he became a silversmith. He was the first to begin to work in gold in the west, and to smelt it. 3. And when he learnt that his brothers were envious of him and wished to slay him, he became afraid and fled to Egypt, taking with him a great quantity of gold. 4. And he dwelt in Egypt and clothed himself in a beautiful robe of gold. 5. And furthermore he became a diviner, for he declared everything before it came to pass, and he gave to people money in abundance and he gave gifts in abundance to the people of Egypt. 6. And for this reason they received him with honour and called him 'the Lord of gold'. And he was honoured by them as a god. And the poor worshipped him.
CHAPTER. X. 1. And there was a man named Hephaestus. He ruled over Egypt: and they made him a god. And he was warlike and full of fury. 2. And men believed that he investigated hidden things and received weapons of war from the non-existent; |19 for he was an ironsmith and was the first to make weapons of war to fight with in time of war and stones wherewith men contended. 3. Now he was lame; (for) when going to war he fell from (his) horse and was injured and was lame all his days.
CHAPTER XI. 1. And Methuselah begat Lamech, and Lamech married two wives. The name of the one was Ada and the name of the other was Zillah. 2. And Ada bare Qabel and after some time she bare Tobel who wielded the hammer in working brass and iron. 3. And Tobel the son of Lamech was a brass and iron smith before the deluge; for he had received wisdom from God—Praise be to Him.
CHAPTER XII. 1. And after Hephaestus, who was named the Sun, there reigned in Egypt his son who was named the Sun after his father's name. 2. It was he who built the city of the Sun after his own name, and in it there were temples of. the supreme gods and likewise the bodies of kings.
CHAPTER XIII. 1. And there was a man named Matunavis who succeeded Aiqasbera which name is by interpretation Dionysus.31 2. He built a city in upper Egypt, named Busir, and another Busir in the north of Egypt.
CHAPTER XIV. Osiris, which is by interpretation Apollo, being so named by the Greeks, built the city of Samnud and (in it) a temple of the supreme gods. And this is the city which is called Bab'el Fegor.
CHAPTER XV. 1. In the writings of the Egyptian sages 'Abratus32 is mentioned... at that time, (i. e.) he who was Hermes, a man of extraordinary judgement, through whom they declared among the |20 heathen saying: c There are three supreme powers that have created all things, (but only) one divinity.' 2. And this same Hermes, who was a great sage among the heathen, declared, saying: 'The Majesty of the holy coequal Trinity is the Giver of life and King over all things.'
CHAPTER XVI. 1. And there was a certain city that was the first to learn the use of the plough (and) the sowing of seeds and all kinds of grain. 2. It was the most elevated city in Egypt; for the land of Egypt is full of waters and lakes owing to the abundance of water in the river Gihon.
CHAPTER XVII. 1. And Sesostris, who ruled over all the land of Egypt and the adjoining countries, was the first to levy taxes and to measure the land. 2, And when he had gathered together much booty and many captives from all countries, thereupon [gathering them together] he brought them to the land of Egypt: and all the souls over whom authority was given to levy taxes he made to dig channels in the land and to fill up all the waters of Egypt with earth. 3. And owing to this measure the Egyptians were enabled to plant plantations and plough arable lands like those of Said, which was the first province to learn the art of ploughing. 4. And besides he commanded (the people) to pay taxes and a proportionate return of the products of the earth to the king. 5. And he dug the canal which is called Dik unto this day.33
CHAPTER XVIII. 1. And after him Sabacon, king of India, reigned over the country of Egypt fifty years. 2. And he was a lover of his kind and was averse to shedding blood unjustly. And he established a law in Egypt to this effect, that no criminal should be put to death or torture; but should be permitted to live: and every criminal according to his crime he ordered to purify the earth and to collect soil together and cast it upon the morasses (lit. river or sea). 3. And when they had been long engaged in these forced labours, the waters of the river retired from the land, and (the inhabitants) made their towns higher through fear of being inundated by the waters. 4. And previously indeed in the days of Sesostris there had been inundations before that they had dug channels in the land for the river. And yet, notwithstanding all they did in casting earth into the marshes, they failed to realize their purpose because of the great quantity of water brought down |21 by the river. 5. And Sabacon, king of India, in the vigilance of his affection had dwellings made for the people on the heights.34
CHAPTER XIX. 1. And there was a man named Rampsinitus,35 the Pharaoh who reigned over Egypt. 2. He (i. e. Cheops) closed the temples of the gods and the other idols which the Egyptians worshipped: and they sacrificed to demons. And he built three temples (i. e. pyramids) in the city of Memphis and made the Egyptians worship the Sun. 3. And he paid the builders 16,000 talents of silver besides leeks and vegetables; for so it was found written in the inscriptions in the Egyptian language, which were engraved on a stone wall and made known these facts to such as read (them). 4. And he paid away all the taxes and exhausted the royal treasuries owing to the multitude of builders—and yet to no good purpose. 5. For when he fell into great poverty and want he was sore troubled: he had a daughter of beautiful form (who) was stirred up by the practices and foul seductions of Satan, and he placed her in the quarter of the debauchees: and she dwelt there in obscurity and sorrow and became a prostitute. 6. And such as wished to lie with her had to carry one of the great stones and add it to the structure. 7. And the stone so carried measured, it is said, not less than thirty feet, i. e. twenty cubits. (So they did) until they had built one of the three pyramids by means of the shameful lust of this wretched girl.
CHAPTER XX. 1. Heracles, a philosopher of the city of Tyre, discovered the art of making silk36 and clothed himself (with it), 2. And Phoenix, king of Tyre, the Canaanite, and all the kings of all countries, as well as his successors, did likewise and so became conspicuously distinguished from the multitude. 3. Now the clothing of the ancients was of wool, but the kings and chief rulers abandoned such clothing and clad themselves in silk.
CHAPTER XXI. 1. And there was a man named Perseus.37 He aspired to the throne of Assyria; but the sons of Ninus, the brother. |22 of his father Zeus,1 were his rivals. 2. And when he came to Qorontos, there met him a young38 girl, walking alone. 3. And he seized her by her hair and cut off her head with (his) sword, and placed it on the shield which he had according to the magic which his father Zeus had taught him. 4. And he carried it with him in all his warlike expeditions. 5. And after he had journeyed and gone down into 'Elbawna, he turned towards Assyria. And when the Lycaonians made war upon him; he took the head of the Gorgon the virgin magician and by displaying it before them vanquished them. 6. And he built the town of Iconium, which had previously been a small town named Amandra; because he had set up formerly his statue (ei0kw&n) near it together with the detestable Gorgon. 7. And when he came to Isauria, a city of Cilicia, and its people, moreover, warred against him, he vanquished them by the magical power residing in the head of the Gorgon. 8. And the village of Cilicia, named Andrasus, he made into a city and named it Tarsus. 9. And from Cilicia he went to the land of Assyria, and there moreover he slew Sardanapalus—now this is the name of a dignity. 10. And he disowned his claims of consanguinity and took possession of his kingdom as a spoil, and changed the name of the country, that is, Assyria, and named it Persia 39 after his own name and their kingdom by the second name. 11. And when he had taken away this name he planted trees there, called Persea, that is plums.40 12. These trees, moreover, are planted to the present day in memory of his name. And the Persians were Assyrians at that time, and he reigned over them all during fifty and three years. 13. And there was a great commotion and a hissing and much rain, and the river in Syria, named Orontes, was quickly filled. 14. (And) he urged the Ionians41 to make prayers, and when they had |23 offered supplications there fell from heaven a globe of fire in the likeness of lightning. 15. And the people became still and ceased to be indignant, and the flowings of the river were stayed. 16. And as Perseus was surprised at what had befallen, forthwith from that lire he kindled a fire and preserved it. 17. And this fire he took and brought to Persia on his return and placed it in the kingdom of Assyria. 18. And the Persians made it a god and honoured it and built it a temple and named it 'The immortal fire'. 19. And they say that fire is a son of the Sun enveloped in crystal, and the form of the crystal resembles the cotton tree (?), the colour of which is like water; for it is born from water and its interior resembles water.
CHAPTER XXII. 1. Inachus of the race of Japhet, the son of Noah, who ruled in the west over the country of the Argives, was the first to rule over that country. 2. He paid honour to the Moon and made her a goddess. 3. And he built in the country of the Argives a city named Iopolis after the name of the Moon; for the Argives in their secret mysteries name the moon Io unto this day. 4. And he built a temple, and set up an altar in it, and he |24 represented the Moon by a brazen image, whereon he inscribed 0I0w_ ma&kaira, which is by interpretation, 'full of light '.42
CHAPTER XXIII. 1. And Libya, who was the daughter of Picus by her mother Qalfmja, became the wife of Poseidon, who ruled in the south. 2. And he named the country over which he ruled after the name of his wife Libya. And he begat by her Poseidon and Belus and Agenor. 3. And this (last), having gone to Canaan, took him a wife named Diro, and also built a city and named it Dairus, that is Tyre, after the name of his wife. 4. And during his reign there he begat by her three sons, men of renown and founders, i. e. Syrus and Cilix and Phoenix who was the first to wear silk. 5. And when about to die he divided (his empire) among his three sons and made the land subject to them. 6. And Phoenix took Canaan and all the adjoining country and named it Phoenicia after his own name. 7. And the second took Syria and gave it his name, 8. And Cilix the third took his territory and named.it Cilicia after his own name.
CHAPTER XXIV. 1. And there was a man named Taurus, king' of Crete, and he made an expedition against Tyre about the hour of sunset, and attacked it, and made himself master of it, and took its riches and + led away captive many cities +. 2. And in that way he took Europa and made her his wife. For Taurus having made a night expedition by sea returned to his own country, Crete, and having taken Europa to be his wife, he named that country after the name of; his wife. 3. And he built a city there and |25 named it Gortyna after the name of his mother. Now she was of the race of Picus, i.e. Zeus.
CHAPTER XXV. And there was a certain man named Laius. + His father was Waika,+ who, seeing that his son would have commerce with his mother, commanded his soldiers to suspend him on a tree of which they had cloven the branches in order that the feet of him that was suspended might be made fast in it.
CHAPTER XXVI. 1. And there was a man named Seruch of the race of Japhet, the son of Noah. 2. He appears to have been the first of those who worshipped idols through the influence of Satan. And he set up altars to the idols and served them.
CHAPTER XXVII. 1. And Melchizedek was found to be holy though of Gentile origin, and he served God and was chaste (and) without sin. 2. And Holy Scripture declares him to be without father and mother because he was not of the family of Abraham. 3. And he hated his father's gods and made himself a priest of the living God. 4. He was descended from the race of Sidus, son of (Egyptus) the king of Egypt and Nubia, on whose account the Egyptians are (so) called. 5. Now Melchizedek signifies king of righteousness. 6. Now King Sidus, though a priest, ruled over Canaan, being sprung of a powerful race, and the Egyptians so named him because of (the land of) the Canaanites, which is the land of Palestine until this day. 7. And when he warred with them, they submitted themselves to him, and as they were pleasing unto him, he dwelt in their country, and built a city and called it Sidon after his own name, which till the present day has been reckoned in |26 Canaan. 8. Now as touching the father of Melchizedek who went forth from Sidon, we have learnt that such was his origin. But his father was an idolater and his mother likewise. And this holy man used to reprove his father and his mother for their idolatry. 9. And afterwards he fled away and became priest of the living God as has been recounted. And he ruled over the Canaanites and built on Golgotha a city named Zion, i.e. Salem, a name which being interpreted means in the language of the Hebrews 'the city of peace'. 10. And he ruled over it one hundred and thirteen years and died, having preserved his chastity and righteousness as the wise Josephus,43 the historian, has written in the beginning of his work on the history of the Jews. 11. For he was the first (to offer) sacrifices to the God of heaven and bloodless oblations of bread and wine in the likeness of the holy mysteries of our Lord Jesus Christ; as David has sung, saying: 'Thou art His priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek.'44 12. And again he said: 'God manifested Himself in Zion 45 and His name is great in Israel, and His place abideth in peace 46 and His dwelling is in Zion.' For the Jews learnt from Abraham the knowledge of God. 13. And Salem also, that is, Jerusalem, is named [Jerusalem] 47 because peace abideth in Zion, that is, Melchizedek. 14. And the Jews were called 48 Hebrews from Heber, from whom Abraham, the chosen vessel, was descended. 15. And when the rebels against God built the tower and laboured in vain in their impious designs, Heber indeed refused to join with them: he alone preserved without wavering his loyalty to God. 16. And when the confusion of tongues took place, Heber alone was not deprived of his speech 49 |27 in its integrity and perfectness. 17. And his successors guarded the language of angels which Adam spoke. And for this reason they are called Hebrews and their language Hebrew.
CHAPTER XXVIII. 1. There was a man named Hesiod of the race of Japhet, the son of Noah. 2. He invented Greek letters and was the first to teach them. 3. It is told that there was in the times of the kings of the country + in Lydia + a certain philosopher descended from the children of the giants who were of the race of Japhet, named Endymion. 4. He, it is told, prayed in secret to the Moon, and they say that he learnt from the Moon in a vision the name of God. 5. And when he +went one day+, he heard the sacred name and thereupon he gave up the ghost and died and rose not again. 6. And his body is preserved unto this day in the city of + Lydia +, and any one can see it once a year when they open the coffin in which it is.
CHAPTER XXIX. 1. It is told that in the time of Joshua the son of Nun, a king named Ogyges ruled over Attica, and that there was a great deluge in that country only. And the king himself perished and the inhabitants of that country. 2. And it became a desert and no man dwelt therein for two hundred and six years,50 as Africanus has recorded in his chronicle.
CHAPTER XXX. 1. And in the days of Moses the lawgiver, the servant of God who led the exodus of the children of Israel out of |28 Egypt, + in the days of Petissonius, that is, Pharaoh Amosius, king of Egypt, who ruled by the help of the book of the magicians Jannes and Jambres, who wrought shameful things before the mighty Moses, who talked with God—for this reason, they say, they were not willing to let the children of Israel go after the signs and the wonders which were wrought by his staff, + 51 2. Now (Petissonius) went to the diviners who were in Memphis and to the celebrated oracle and offered sacrifice. 3. And when one of the Hebrews asked the diviner Taninus 52 'He who is in heaven, the Immortal, the First: before whom the heavens quake and likewise the earth and all the seas fear, and the Satans are affrighted and but a few angels stand; for He is the creator of powers and measures.' 4. And Petissonius inscribed this oracle on a tablet and placed it in the temple of the gods near the water-measure whereby they learn the volume of the Nile. 5. We should recount that, when the temple was already destroyed: this tablet was the only one in Egypt that was still unbroken till the foundations of the idol temples were overthrown, and it was no longer possible for any one to maintain the temple of Memphis. 6. It was only through the power of our Lord Jesus Christ that all the temples were destroyed. 7. Now this mad Petissonius, that is, the Pharaoh Amosius, was overwhelmed in the Red Sea together with his horses and horsemen. 8. And when, after the children of Israel had gone forth from Egypt, he learnt that they had taken (with them) the riches of the Egyptians— a thing they had done with the approval of God and in accordance with His law; for the children of Israel had taken the riches of the Egyptians in compensation for the heavy labours which had been imposed upon them without intermission—Pharaoh was filled with indignation. 9. Thereupon he went forth in pursuit of them with his army. And he was overwhelmed in the sea with his followers and there was not one left. 10. And the children of Israel marched in the sea as on dry land, and they came to the place where God willed: for. He is the conqueror of all the elements of creation.—Glory be to Him. 11. And, after the Egyptians had been destroyed, those who remained worshipped demons and forsook God, Those unhappy ones destroyed themselves and became like |29 unto the angels who rebelled against God, and they worshipped the work of their own hands. 12. Some worshipped the cow, and some the ox, and some the dog and also the mule: and some the ass, and some the lion: and some fish, and some the crocodile: and some the leek and many other like things. 13. And they named their cities of Egypt after the name of their god. And they worshipped the + buildings+ of Busir and Manuf and Samnud and Sahraisht and Esna and of the Tree and of the Crocodile. And they gave divine honours to + the building of many cities + 53 and likewise to the storm.
CHAPTER XXXI. 1. And during the time of him who first reigned over the Egyptians, when they served idols and such creatures as have already been mentioned and as regards the celebrated city Absâi, that is, Nakius, and its king was named Prosopis, a name which being interpreted means 'Lover of the deities with three faces'—now he lived on the west bank of the river and he was continually at war with the barbarians who were named Mauritanians who came from the five countries.54 2. And when these came in wrath, the inhabitants warred vigorously against them and slew many of them. 3. And in consequence of this happy victory, (the barbarians) did not for a long period come again against the city) through the mercy of God who by the mighty power of his Godhead hath made all things to come into being out of nothingness. 4. And the great river of Egypt was named Chrysorroas by the Greeks but it is named Gihon in the book that is inspired by God. 5. Now this river flowed (anciently) to the east of the city, but it changed its course from the east to the west of the city, and the city became like an island in the midst of the river like a plantation of trees named Akrejas, that is, the myrtle.
CHAPTER XXXII. 1. And as for Jerusalem which had been built by Melchizedek its king under the sway of the Canaanites, that is, the Philistines, Joshua the son of Nun subdued it and called it Jebus. 2. And he dwelt in Shechem; for he had subdued all the adjoining country. And this (city) is named Nablus unto this day. 3. And in the days of the wise kings David and Solomon, David prepared all the building materials for the building of the holy temple of God, and Solomon built it in Jerusalem. 4. And he |30 called it the city of the sanctuary on account of the consecration and the sacrifices according to the law and the abundance of righteousness and because our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ— praise be unto Him—underwent the passion there.
CHAPTER XXXIII. And in the days of the Judges, there was a judge of the Greeks named Pano&pthj, who was so named in regard to the hundred piercing eyes with which he beheld afar and saw better than all men. He was the first to devise in a city of the west all manner of handicrafts.
CHAPTER XXXIV. 1. Prometheus and Epimetheus discovered a stone tablet with an inscription which had been written and engraved in the days of the ancients. 2. And Elijah the prophet interpreted the verses. So the Greeks (have recounted) this saying that on account of this he ascended to heaven and that what had been in heaven was in his heart. 3. And Deucalion, moreover, wrote a detailed history55 of what had happened in the days of the deluge and the strange events (of that time).
CHAPTER XXXV. 1. And after the deluge in Attica, the sovereignty passed into the hands of the Athenians. 2. And there ruled there a man named Elwates56 and he established the (common) meal as a legal institution. 3. And he was also the first to ordain that all men should take as their wives young virgins and name them spouses: and that they should dig a fountain in a hidden place in order to cause milk to spring (from the earth) in abundance as a visible stream. 4. Now before his reign the women of Attica and the Athenians lived in unclean intercourse and male was joined to male. And they were like beasts: each lusted (after the other) and none had a woman to himself; but they ravished with wicked violence as we have already recounted. 5. And they knew not their own offspring, either their male or female. And who could have known, seeing that none of them had fathers and all whom they bare57 were begotten by all. Owing to their promiscuous intercourse they could not know whether they had male or female offspring. And they were all pleased with this unclean mode of living. 6. As Cecrops the author of the prescript in his law has said: 'This country of Attica will be destroyed bv a deluge from God.' 7. And after this time they became wise and |31 conformed to the law of marriage, the men and the women. 8. And Cecrops was highly honoured and esteemed all his days, and he brought it about that the children knew their fathers, as was befitting.
CHAPTER XXXVI. 1. And in these days lived Orpheus of Thrace, the lyric poet of the Odrysae, called the great sage among the Greeks. 2. He expounded to them that which is called the Theogony, which being interpreted in their language means 'The combatant of God', which things are recounted by the chronicler Timothy. 3. He said: 'Before all time was the holy Trinity coequal in one Godhead, Creator of all things.'
CHAPTER XXXVII. 1. It is said that certain savants of the Athenians were the first to practise the art of medicine. 2. Indeed the philosophers were the first who made known the noble art of using medicines which agreed with the stomach. 3. And many people go to Athens for the sake of this art also, for it flourishes there until this day.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. 1. King Solomon the son of David was the first to build baths and places for reading and instruction in every place under his dominion; for he had the demons subject to him. 2. Now he enjoyed this privilege before he provoked God the Lord of all through the strange women who lived with him. These polluted Jerusalem with their gods.
CHAPTER XXXIX. 1. In the days of the Judges also there arose in Phrygia a philosopher named Marsyas. 2. He was the first to play upon the flute and the horn and the drum (?). And he deafened the ears of men and made himself out to be a god, saying: 'I have found food for man by means of a small member.' 3. And God was wroth with him and punished him and he became insane and cast himself into the river and perished.
CHAPTER XL. 1. And in those days also lived the hero Heracles and the Argonauts, the people that were with Jason. And they |32 went to the Hellespont. 2. And the people (of the Hellespont) had a king named Cyzicus. And they attacked and slew the king Cyzicus without knowing it. 3. And when they learned (this), they were grieved; for they were all his kinsmen (and he was sprung) from their country. 4. And after they had attacked Cyzicus, who was called the lord of the seven images, and won the victory named its name Rhea, which is by interpretation, mother of the gods. 5. It is told (further) that they went to the place of those who announced (oracles) and to the seat of the elders and asked one of them, saying: 'Prophesy to us, O prophet, servant of Apollo, of what nature this building will be and to whom shall it belong.' 6. And they presented gifts to him who spake to them and he said unto them: 'There are three (Persons) but one God only. And behold a virgin will conceive His word, and this house will be His and His name shall belong to thousands.' 7. And the idolaters wrote down this prophecy on a fragment of marble with a brazen pen, and they placed it in one of the temples. 8. After these times in the days of the Godloving emperor Zeno, this temple was converted into a church, dedicated to the holy Virgin Mary, the Mother of God. 9. This the emperor Zeno did at his own costs. And thus was accomplished the prophecy of the demons who proclaimed the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER XLI. 1. The Argonauts sailed to the Hellespont to an island named Principus. 2. Thence they went to Chalcedon and sought to pass into the sea of Pontus. 3. But the inhabitants brought with them a man of valour and fought with them. (And) he gained the mastery and overcame them. 4. And fearing the wrath of this man, they fled to a very desolate extremity of the coast. 5. And they saw a mighty portent from heaven which resembled a man with great wings on his shoulders after the likeness of a very terrible eagle. 6. And it said unto them: 'When ye fight with Amyous ye will overcome.' And when they heard these words from the apparition which they saw, they |33 took courage and fought and overcame him and slew him. 7. And they honoured that place where they had seen the mighty figure, and they built there a temple and they placed in it a statue resembling the apparition they had seen. 8. And they named this temple Sosthenium because they had sought refuge there and were saved. And so they name it unto this day. 9. And in the days of Constantine, the greatest and most illustrious of Christian emperors, the servant of Jesus Christ, when he first established the seat of empire in Byzantium, that is in Rome, he came to the Sosthenium to close the temple of the idols to be found there. 10. And when he saw the statue which was in it, he at once recognized that it was the statue of an angel. And as his thoughts were troubled with doubts he prayed and besought our Lord Jesus Christ in whom he trusted, saying: 'Make me to know, O Lord, whose image this is.' 11. And thereupon he fell asleep and heard in a vision that the image was the image of S. Michael the archangel. 12. Having learnt that it was he who had sent people to fight Amycus the emperor caused this temple to be adorned and commanded them to turn it to the east and [commanded them] to consecrate it in the name of the archangel Michael.
13. And numerous miracles were wrought in this (temple) through healings of the sick. And after that Christians began to build churches in the name of S. Michael the chief of the angels. And they offered in them holy offerings unto God.
CHAPTER XLII. 1, It is said touching the holy nails which were found in the cross of our Saviour Jesus Christ and with which his holy body was nailed, that the holy, Godloving Constantine took one of them and fixed it in the saddle of his horse; and the second he made into a bit for his horse; and the third he cast into the pass of Chalcedon. 2. For they were in grievous danger till by means of this holy nail the waves of the sea, yea all the waves of the ocean, were quieted. 3. And the empire made itself strong in the city of Constantine. Now in the days of Zeno the empire had had its seat in Rome. Afterwards the (two) empires were united in one by a decree of the Senate. |34 4. For one (of these) had been established on account of the continual outbreaks of the barbarians, and the other in accordance with the counsel of the prefects in order that they might have another authority in Asia.
CHAPTER XLIII. 1. And in the days of Samson the last of the Judges, Lapathus ruled in the land58 of Aegistheus.59 And he had two sons, whose names were Achaius and Lacon.60 2. And he divided the provinces of his kingdom into two parts, one half for himself and the other half for his sons. 3. And when he died, one province was named Achaia after the name of his eldest son, and the other was named Laconia after the name of the younger son (and such are their names) unto this day.
CHAPTER XLIV. 1. And at that epoch there reigned in Hellas a king whose name was Pelops. 2. After this man the Hellenes called the kingdom Peloponnesian by his name unto this day. 3. And he built a city and they named it Peloponnesus after his name. And the name of his kingdom is Hellas unto this day.
CHAPTER XLV. 1. And there was a man named Bilawon. He built the city Farma after his own name. 2. And Priam built the city of Malkibinun ( = Ilium?), in Phrygia... in the city of Sparta in the country of Hellas, when he came there.
CHAPTER XLVI. And there was a wise and sagacious man named Palamedes. He was the first to teach the arts of playing on the harp and lyre 61 and the flute and all manner of musical instruments.
CHAPTER XLVII. 1. And Tros, also, who ruled over the country of Phrygia 62... before that he had slain Priam and Hecuba, and he slew their young men and plundered their royal palaces that it might be a memorial unto him, and this city came under his power, and he named it Enderjan. 2. And Setabarja of Panton he named Asia of the Ephesians.63 It was named... which is now Saqilja |35 (= Sicily?), and it became a great island and its earlier name was Qubaba.
CHAPTER XL VIII. 1. And Solomon the son of David, king of Israel, built a great structure in + Bilimiktun+ in the midst of the city to be a memorial unto him in order that his name and the name of his father should not be forgotten. 2. And he gave it to a man named Aiwani, which is by interpretation in the language of Canaan 'light', but he named the structure Palmyra. 3. Indeed it was in that place that David his father, the strong and mighty one, was victorious when he slew and was victorious over Goliath the Philistine. 4. It is for this reason that he appointed its name to be Mezad in order that strange peoples (azmad) might dwell therein. And a great number of Jewish soldiers dwelt there. 5. And Nebuchadnezzar king of Persia took this city, having to expend much toil and severe effort before he could take it and burn it with fire. And he caused the memorial of it to disappear till this day.
CHAPTER XLIX. 1. And (he took) the city Tyre also, which is an island surrounded by water. And he put forth many a mighty effort to take it. 2. And he commanded his soldiers, the cavalry and foot-soldiers, and all the Persians to cast earth into the arm of the sea which surrounded it. 3. And they filled it with earth till the water of the sea dried up and (the strait) became as land. And by these means Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Persians was able to take this city.
CHAPTER L. 1. And at the time of the Captivity which took place through Nebuchadnezzar — he was commanded to do so by God and a force of angels was given to him — before Nebuchadnezzar had come and burnt the sanctuary of God with fire, Jeremiah, a prophet great among the prophets and a lover of that which is good, went into the second chamber which is called the Holy of Holies, and took the ark of God which was covered with gold, without and within, |36 and the glorious objects which were in it,64 i. e. the tables of the law, and the golden box of manna, and Aaron's rod which bore almonds, and the stone from the hard rock, from which Moses had given the people to drink when they thirsted. 2. And, moreover, Moses the prophet carried this stone as he went before the people in their journey through the wilderness, according to the commandment of God. 3. And as often as the people thirsted, he cast it upon the earth and smote it with the rod, and water came forth and the people were satisfied and all the cattle. 4. And Jeremiah took those objects and the stone, and went hastily to the rock and hid them there until this day. 5. And on the second coming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who will be preceded by the sign of the cross, this ark borne by angels will appear, and Moses also who made it will come and Jeremiah who hid it in the rock. 6. When the dead shall rise, the sign of the cross will appear and after it our Lord Jesus Christ who was crucified—glory be unto Him. 7. And these words are to be found in the teaching of S. Epiphanius, our light-giving father, bishop of Cyprus, who has written in his book a complete history of the prophets after the overthrow of Jerusalem and the disappearance of the kingdom of Judah.
CHAPTER LI. 1. Cyrus the Persian overcame Astyages and Cyrus became king 65... that is, Cambyses. 2. And Croesus was stiffnecked and overweening. And all the kingdoms afar off and close at hand had submitted to him. 3. And the peoples that were subject to him paid him tribute and dwelt in peace. But those which resisted him, he led away captive, and spoiled their possessions and made himself master of their territories. For he was very great and formidable and victorious. 4. And Cyrus was disquieted in heart; for he had a wife named Bardane, who had previously been the wife of Darius the successor of Belshazzar. 5. She spake, saying: 'We have amongst us a prophet of the Hebrews named Daniel, in whom is the wisdom of God. He belongs to the captivity of the children of Israel. 6. Now Darius used to do nothing without his counsel, and every thing that he declared to him (beforehand) was accomplished.' 7. And when Cyrus heard these words he sent to Daniel the prophet and had |37 him brought with honour, and he asked him and said unto him: 'Shall I conquer Croesus or not?' 8. But he was silent and did not speak for the space of an hour. And thereupon he spake, saying: 'Who can know the wisdom of God?' And then Daniel the prophet prayed and besought the Lord his God to reveal unto him whether he (Cyrus) could resist this rapacious (and) overweening Croesus. 9. And God said unto him: 'If he sends back the captivity of the children of Israel, he shall surely conquer and take to himself the power of Croesus.'
10. And when he heard these words from God, he told Cyrus that he should conquer Croesus if he sent back the children of Israel. 11. And when Cyrus heard these words he cast himself at Daniel's feet and sware, saying: ' As the Lord thy God liveth, I will send Israel back to their city Jerusalem, and they shall serve the Lord their God.' 12. And Cyrus, in accordance with his duty to God, heaped benefits upon Israel and sent them back (to their own country).
13. Now Croesus went out with a great army to war against the provinces of Cyrus. And having crossed the river of Cappadocia in order to slay Cyrus, Cyrus put him to shame and he was not able to escape secretly because of the river confronting him. 14. Indeed when Croesus came to this river, a large multitude of his soldiers were speedily overwhelmed (in it); but he himself was not able to cross; for God had delivered him into Cyrus's hands by this means. 15. And Cyrus's soldiers pursued him and took him alive and seized him and put him in chains, and slew of his army 40,000 men. And Cyrus had his adversary Croesus suspended on a tree, and the rest of his army he humiliated and shamed. 16. As for the Jews and their king he sent them off that they might return to their own country as he had promised to Daniel the prophet. 17. And when Cyrus returned into Persia, he settled all the affairs of his government and appointed his son Cambyses to be king over Persia and Babylon. And he was a bad man, and he rejected the wisdom of his father and the worship of the Lord God. 18. And Apries moreover was king of Egypt and dwelt in the city of Thebes and in Memphis and in two (other) cities, Muhil and |38 Sufiru. 19. And in those days, in consequence of the intrigues of the neighbouring peoples Cambyses sent to Jerusalem and gave orders (to his officers) to restrain them (the Jews) from rebuilding the sanctuary of God. 20. And afterwards he made an expedition to Egypt with a great (and) innumerable army of horse and foot from Media. 21. And the inhabitants of Syria and Palestine got ready to oppose him (but in vain), and he destroyed not a few but many cities of the Jews, for he was supreme over all the world. 22. And in the pride of (his) heart he changed his name and named himself Nebuchadnezzar. And his disposition resembled that of a barbarian, and in the evil counsel of his desire he hated mankind. 23. And his father Cyrus had been great and honoured before the living God, and had commanded that they should build the temple of God in Jerusalem with (all) vigilance and zeal, what time he had sent Joshua the high priest, the son of Jozadak and Zerubbabel, that is Ezra, and all the captivity of Judah that they might return to the land of the Hebrews and Palestine. 24. But Cambyses, that is, Nebuchadnezzar the second, and Belshazzar burnt the holy city Jerusalem and the sanctuary according to the prophecies of the holy prophets Jeremiah and Daniel. 25. And after they had burnt the city Cambyses came to Gaza and got together troops and all the materials of war, and he went down into Egypt to war against it. And in the war he gained the victory and he captured the Egyptian cities Parma and Sanhur and San and Basta. And he captured Apries, the Pharaoh, alive in the city of Thebes and he slew him with his own hand.
26. Now there was in Egypt a warrior named Fusid who practised righteousness and hated iniquity. When there was war between the Persians and Egyptians, he had gone and fought in Syria and Assyria and he had taken four sons of Cambyses prisoner as well as his wives—in all forty souls. 27. And he bound them and burnt their houses and took all that they had captive and brought them to the city of Memphis and he imprisoned them in the palace of the king. 28. And when a second war arose between the Assyrians and Egyptians, the Assyrians proved the stronger and gained the mastery over the Egyptians and took the palace which is in the city of Thebes. 29. And the Assyrian soldiers shot arrows, and, as they shot, an arrow smote the warrior Fusid on the right side. But the Egyptian soldiers carried off the |39 warrior Fusid from the Assyrians, before he died. And he lived but an hour more and after this died and left a memory to those that came after. 30. But the Egyptians were moved with fear because they had lost such a warrior as Fusid. And for this reason they fled for refuge into the city Sais, because it was a strong city and its fortifications stronger than those of the others. 31. And Cambyses attacked this city a second time and carried 66 it by storm and destroyed 66 it. And he captured all the other cities of lower Egypt towards the north to the sea coast and plundered them of all their possessions and destroyed their cities and neighbourhoods and burnt their houses with fire and left neither man nor beast living. 32. And he cut down their trees and destroyed their plantations and made the land of Egypt a desert. And returning in the direction of Rif he warred against the city of Memphis, and he conquered the king who was in it. 33. And the city of Busir also, which lies below Memphis, he destroyed and annihilated and took its possessions as a booty, and burnt it with fire and made it a desert. 34. And the sons of the kings which survived fled for refuge to another city, the nearest at hand, (even) into its citadel and closed the gates of the fortress. 35. And the Assyrians besieged this citadel and carried it by storm by night and destroyed the city of Memphis the great. 36. And one of the kings of Egypt, named Muzab, had sent in secret to his son, named Elkad, bidding him to bring all his wealth and that of all his officers and of the forty wives of Cambyses, that is, Nebuchadnezzar, even those which had been brought by Fusid the captain. 37. And they opened the gates of the fortress by night, and they took and led them forth into the desert by another way which the people knew not. And the four sons of Cambyses the inhabitants of the city of Memphis led back, and they made them ascend to the summit of the fortress and cut them in pieces and cast them to the base of the fortress where Cambyses was. 38. And when the soldiers of Cambyses saw this evil thing which the inhabitants of the city of Memphis had done, they were filled with wrath and warred against the city without mercy. 39. And they set up engines against it and destroyed the palaces of the kings, and they slew without mercy the children of the kings Muzab and Sufir and all the chiefs of the army which were found in the city. |40
40. And when (Elkad) was informed of the death of his father, he fled into Nubia. And Cambyses also destroyed the city of On and upper Egypt as far as the city Eshmun. And the inhabitants of this city on learning (of his approach) were seized with fear and fled into the city of Eshmunin. 41. And they sent to Nubia to Elkad the son of Miizab, asking him to come unto them that they might make him king in the room of his father. For he had formerly made war against the cities of Assyria. 42. And thereupon Elkad gathered a large army of Ethiopians and Nubians and warred against the army of Cambyses on the eastern bank of the river Gihon. But the Ethiopians were not able to make the passage of the river. 43. And the Persians, full of stratagems, wheeled about as though intending to flee. Then in the early part of the night they crossed the river with vigilance and took possession of the city and destroyed it before the army of Elkad were aware. 44. And when they had completed the destruction of the city Eshmunin they march into upper Egypt, and laid waste the city of Assuan. And they crossed to the opposite bank belonging to the city Ahif, and they destroyed Phile as they had done the other cities. 45. And they turned back to the cities and provinces which still remained, and they ravaged them and burned them with fire till all the land of Egypt became a desert and there was no longer found in it a moving creature, neither a man nor even a bird of the air. 46. Then Elkad king of Egypt devised another plan, he and all that had not been annihilated by the Persians. And they proceeded and came upon Cambyses at some distance off, and they took with them gifts and harps and drums and timbrels 67 and prostrated themselves before him and besought him that they might receive from him mercy and friendship. 47. And Cambyses showed mercy to the Egyptians that survived who had come to offer their submission, and he had compassion on them and led them away to Media and Babylon. And he appointed as their ruler one of their own number. 48. And as for Elkad he did not take from him his royal crown but established him on the royal throne and did not lead him away with him. 49. And the number of the Egyptians whom Cambyses led away with him were 50,000, besides women and children. And they lived in captivity in Persia forty years, and Egypt became a desert. 50. And after devastating Egypt, Cambyses died in the city of Damascus. |41 And the wise (and) great Artaxerxes reigned eight years, and he was not wanting in love either to God or man. 51. And he commanded Nehemiah the cupbearer to build the walls of Jerusalem, and he dealt kindly with the Jews, because Cyrus and Darius had honoured the God of heaven, and served Him. And for this reason he supported all the enterprises of the Jews. 52. And as for the Egyptians he dealt kindly and well with them and made them officers in order to take counsel with his prefects. And later he sent back the Egyptians, to their own country in the one and fortieth year of their captivity and the devastation of their country. 53. And when they returned they began to build houses in their several cities: they did not construct great houses as formerly but small houses wherein to dwell. And they planted trees and vines in abundance. 54. And they set over themselves a king named Fiwaturos in compliance with the command of Artaxerxes the humane.
55, And there was an Egyptian who comforted (his people), a man of indefatigable energy, wise and virtuous, named Shenufi, which is by interpretation 'good news'. 56. And this man was very vigilant in rebuilding the cities and villages and restoring the tillage of the land so that in a short time he rebuilt all the villages of Egypt. And he restored Egypt and made it as it had been before. And there was great prosperity in his "days, and the Egyptians increased very much, and their cattle increased also. 57. And he reigned over them forty and eight years in happiness and peace because of the return of the Egyptians from captivity. And he went to rest full of honour. But before he died he numbered the Egyptians, and their number was 500,000 men. 58. And after the death of Shenufi the Egyptians remained for a long time without a king, but they paid taxes to the Persians and Assyrians at the same time. And they remained at peace till they appointed a second Pharaoh as king and paid the taxes to him.
59. Now the Persians did not approve that the Egyptians should pay the taxes to their own king. But the Persians also were without a king after the death of the great Artaxerxes who had had compassion on the Egyptians. 60. And he who reigned after Artaxerxes at first made war against the Jews and the Jews |42 submitted to him. And next he made war on the Egyptians and overcame them and took their possessions as a spoil; for the land of Egypt is through the help of God a very goodly (land). 61. Now when Nectanabus, the last of the Pharaohs, was informed by the chief diviners—for he was himself also a magician and asked the impure demons whether he was to rule over the Egyptians or not— when (I repeat) he was surely informed by the demons that he should not rule over the Egyptians, he shore his head and changed his outward figure, and fled, and went to the city of Farma, and furthermore went to Macedonia and dwelt there. 62. And the Egyptians remained in subjection to Juljanos till the time of Alexander o9 pa&ntarxoj 68, which is by interpretation 'the ruler of the world '. And he slew the last king of the Persians.
63. And after some time Ochus reigned for twelve years over the Persians. And after him Artaxerxes reigned twenty-three years. And after him Darius, surnamed Akrejus, reigned for six years. And then Alexander rose up against him and slew him and took his kingdom of Babylon from him; for Alexander the son of Philip of Macedon was ruler of the world.
CHAPTER LII. And there was a man named Aeneas, who espoused the daughter of Latinus, named Lavinia. And he built a great city and named it after the name of Lavinia and established his kingdom in it.
CHAPTER LIII. 1. And there was in Italy a man named Pallas and he had a son. And he became a good and warlike man. And he stormed many cities belonging to Aeneas. 2. And when he warred against + Justen +, he took his city and built therein a great house, and he adorned it and there was no such house in any city. 3. And he built a palace also and named it Pallantium, which is by interpretation 'stronghold', after his name Pallas. |43
CHAPTER, LIV. And when + Creusa became king, he built a city named Alba. Then leaving Elbanja he came to Elwanja +,69 that is, Alba, which by interpretation means 'light'.
CHAPTER LV. 1. And there was a Canaanitish woman named Dido, the wife of a man named Sichaeus. 2. And she came originally from a small city Kardimas,70 situated on the sea-coast between Tyre and Sidon. 3. And she was very rich. And she had a brother named Pygmalion, who rose against her husband and slew him from the covetous desire to get hold of her wealth and treasures. 4. Then this woman arose in haste and collected together all the wealth and treasures in her house, and embarked on a ship and fled and went from Canaan to the country of Libya71 in Africa, and built a great city in that province, which she named Carthage, but in the language of the Barbarians it is called 'New city'. And she reigned there wisely until her death.
CHAPTER, LVI. 1. And in the days of Hezekiah king of Judah there were two brothers whose names were Romulus and Remus.72 2. And these built a great city near a small city Valentia in Italy, a city of Latinus where previously there had been a royal palace named Pallantium. And this they rebuilt. 3. Moreover they built a temple for their God named Zeus, and they named it in their own language the Capitol.73 And the appearance of one of the buildings, the royal palace, was very wonderful. And in the Latin language they named the Capitol 'Head of the city'. 4. And in those days they called themselves 'Romans' and the name of their city 'Rome'. And the two brothers ruled together in it. But afterwards a cause of enmity intervened, and Romulus slew Remus his brother and reserved the throne for himself alone. |44 5. And thereupon the city was shaken with earthquake and all the people were panic-stricken together because of the great quakings in their midst. And Romulus also was terrified and became heavy of heart by means of his great terror, and he learnt from the diviners and the unclean spirits that his throne should not be established in Rome without his brother Remus. 6. Then he had recourse to many a device in order to raise his brother and he was not able. But a great quaking ensued and in the midst of that quaking he saw an image of his brother, a perfect likeness from his head to his breast. 7. And he made an image of his brother in the likeness of the apparition which he had before seen, a golden statue representing his brother from the head to the breast, and he placed it on his throne and he adorned it with all manner of ornaments. 8. And in his prescripts he wrote after this manner, saying: '(In) the prescripts emanating from me and my brother so we declare, and so we command, so we execute', and so on. 9. And this custom derived from the Romans has prevailed to the present. Their kings and their magistrates have preserved this formula in the courts which are called 'praetorian', that is, in their places of justice.
10. And Romulus also was the first to ride on horseback in Rome and to rush to the encounter at full speed and to be ardent to be victorious. And he devised these diabolical practices and source of evils and vices, in order that his horse soldiers should be the strongest in the world. 11. And he appointed also a place of conflict for women called Elmantatum that the soldiers might resort (thither) in order to be with them (the women). For previously they had violated all the women, whether married, virgin, or widowed.
12. And by reason of his fear and discouragement Romulus instituted this order of female cavalry and made them alone without the men into one force. 13. And he divided them moreover into two parts, the virgins on one side and the married women on the other. And he assembled from all the cities far and near a great assemblage of women cavalry without number. 14. And |45 they kept watch over the foreign women in their midst who did not belong to Rome, in order to accomplish (their) desire. And (Romulus ordered them) to lay hands on all they found. 15. Now the young girls of the city of the Sabines which is near to Rome were beautiful women. And he summoned and assembled them (masc.) to him. And when Romulus had ended assembling the women, he gave them to the soldiers who had no wives. And he named those soldiers stratiw&taj, that is, warriors. 16. And the rest he ordered to carry them (the women) off as best they could. And subsequently to this ordinance they chose their wives according to their individual tastes without violence.
17. And moreover he instituted priests of the idols and named them priests of Apollo. 18. And next Romulus commanded his most illustrious officers and soldiers to entertain74 in the winter season. And he invited (in order) from alpha to omega the most illustrious of his officers, each in turn, and the commanders and magistrates of the people and all the soldiers whom he wished. And this ordinance existed in Rome. 19. And next he established a custom in Rome, called Abrastus... 75 this is the place, to wit, of the officers in which they keep guard of the citadel at all times. 20. And next he built the walls of the city of Rome and completed them. 21. And next he built a temple in the city of Ares, in the month |46 of March, that is Magabit. Now March is the beginning of months. 22. And in the beginning of the month they celebrate a feast, and they named that feast 'Primus'. And after this feast he commanded the soldiers to fight. 23. And they named this month March76 because of the custom of the heathen who are demon-worshippers according as the ancients had prescribed in their foolish ignorance. And the Romans have preserved this custom. 24. It is for this reason that the holy fathers, the Egyptian monks, who were clothed with God, offer at the beginning of every month an unbloody sacrifice to the holy consubstantial Trinity and receive the holy life-giving mysteries, while they chant the words of the 80th Psalm: 'Blow up the trumpet in the day of the new moon, on the notable day of our festival.' 77
CHAPTER LVII. 1. And after Romulus Numa became king. He was a wise and very prudent man. 2. And he caused the government of the city of Rome to go along a good path by means of an excellent discipline. 3. And this illustrious man was the first to make money for selling and buying and for the exchange of silver. It is for this reason that stamped copper money is named felus unto this day.78 4. And next he appointed two places: one for the officers and one for the judges that they might give orders to the officers and all the army. 5. And furthermore he established (them) outside that they might judge the peoples who were under their authority; and not only those who judged but those with functions which are subordinate according to rank, and (others) which resemble this.79 6. And this law is ordained and established amongst the Romans unto this day.
CHAPTER LVIII. 1. And in the days of the high priest of Jerusalem who was named Judas, Philip was king of Macedonia. And when he became king he warred against Thessaly and came |47 off victorious over it. 2. And when he had won the victory, he built a city (in Macedonia) and named it Thessalonica.
CHAPTER LIX. 1. And when Alexander the son of Philip of Macedon became king he built in Egypt the great city Alexandria, and named it Alexandria after his own name. 2. Now its name formerly in the Egyptian language was Rakoustis.80 And after this he warred against Persia. (And he came) to the confines of Europe, and he built there a place where his army and all his troops assembled. And he gave there gold in abundance to his chief generals and to all his officers and his numerous forces.
And he named that place Chrysopolis.81 And so it is named by the inhabitants of Byzantium. 3. And in his war against Persia Alexander slew many of Darius's troops, (nor did he stop) till he had annihilated them. And he seized all the kingdom of Darius and made himself master of it. 4. And moreover he took captive his daughter, who was named Roxana. And she was a virgin and he made her his wife. And he did her no injury. 5. Nor yet did he offer any outrage to Candace the queen of Ethiopia, because of her great intelligence; for she had heard tidings of the great deeds of Alexander and how it was his custom when he wished to war against the kings of the earth to join with spies (and so to visit their territories).
6. And queen Candace, being apprised of his arrival with the spies, had him arrested and said unto him: 'Thou art the king Alexander who hast seized upon all the world, and yet thou art to-day seized by a woman.' 7. And he said unto her: 'It is by means of thy knowledge and the subtility of thy intelligence and thy wisdom that thou hast seized me. Henceforth I will preserve thee unharmed, (even) thee and thy children, and I will make thee my wife.' 8. And when she heard these words she cast herself at his feet and made an alliance with him, and he made her his wife. And thereupon the Ethiopians submitted to him.
9. And when Alexander was dying he divided his kingdom among his four companions who had helped him in his campaigns. 10. And Philip, his elder brother, took Macedonia and reigned over |48 it and all Europe. Furthermore he made Ptolemy, surnamed Lagus, king of Egypt.
CHAPTER LX. And in the days of Ptolemy Philadelphus, son of Lagus, whose name by interpretation means 'lover of the brethren', a man of large thought and wisdom, the holy books of God were translated from the Hebrew into the Greek langua,ge by old men in the space of seventy-two days, for there were seventy-two translators, but two died before they had completed the translation.82
CHAPTER LXI. 1. And Antigonus reigned over Asia and Cilicia and the river which is named Draco in the province of Orontes, 2. And over Syria, Babylon and Palestine there reigned a king named Seleucus Nicanor. 3. And this (king) warred against Antigonus king of Asia and slew him, because he had built a city on the borders of the river Draco and had named it Antigonia. 4. And he seized all the property in the region of Iopolis and of the fortress which faces mount Silpion.... Now this city was formerly named Bottia.83 5. And he built there the great city of Antioch, and named it after the name of his son Antiochus. 6. And again he built another city [in the name of his daughter], and he named it Laodicea, for his daughter's name was Laodicea. Now this city had formerly been named Mazabdan. 7. And again he built a city and named it Apamea, which formerly had been named Pharnace.84
CHAPTER LXII. Seleucus, that is, Pausanias,85 was the first to write Chronicles and annals and to name them.
CHAPTER LXIII. And Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes visited with punishment the Maccabees.
CHAPTER LXIV. 1. History of the Consuls of the early Romans. Julius Caesar the dictator seized the power and administration among the Romans before the incarnation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. 2. The birth of Julius was not like the birth of (ordinary) men whom women give birth to in the ninth month. For his mother died during her pregnancy, and after she died the babe stirred in her womb. And the wise men seeing that the babe stirred, cut open the womb of the mother and brought forth the |49 (babe) living and nursed it and called its name Caesar. Now Caesar means 'drawn forth', 'cut out', 'separated'. 3. And when he grew up they named him also Triumvir, and in accordance with a decree of the Senate of Rome he was appointed and became king. 4. And when his empire was consolidated, the Persians and barbarians were seized with fear. And this same Caesar made the month in which he became king the first month of the year. 5. And he issued prescripts for his commanders and prefects according to their various offices in every province of his empire. 6. And next he left the east and came to Alexandria the chief city of Egypt. And he met queen Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy, surnamed Dionysus, king of Egypt. 7. And she was a very beautiful young girl. Caesar fell in love with her and married her and begat a son by her. And he gave her the kingdom of Egypt. And he named that son Julius Caesar. He was also named Caesarion. 8. He built a beautiful palace and also a beautiful and magnificent and comely house, and he named it after his own name and that of his son. 9. And when the great Constantine, the emperor of the Christians, took possession of the Roman empire he changed this (building) into a church and named it after the name of S. Michael. 10. And to this day it is named the church of Caesarion because it was built by Julius Caesar the younger and Caesar the elder.
CHAPTER LXV. 1. It is told regarding Archelaus the chief governor of Cappadocia and regarding Herod, who was full of wickedness (and) the murderer of his father, who was the first to eat raw meat with the blood, and not of the number of the faithful: now Herod was king of Judea: (it is told that) they submitted to Caesar the elder86 and made him sovereign over their territories during all their life. 2. And Archelaus built in Cappadocia a city and named it Caesarea in Cappadocia to be a memorial of him (Caesar). And formerly it was named Mazaca.
CHAPTER LXVI. 1. And Herod also built a city in Palestine and named it Caesarea in honour of the emperor. And this is very beautiful and its name was formerly Straton's Tower (Stra&twnoj pu&rgoj). 2. And he constructed a way also which led into the city of Antioch, and he made the city more spacious and he covered the way with slabs of white stone at his own expense, and though |50 previously impassable he made it a way fit for kings. 3. And he sent also a Jewish army into Egypt and he made all the cities submit to the emperor. And in like manner he caused the orientals to pay tribute to Caesar.
CHAPTER LXVII. 1. And queen Cleopatra went down from Palestine into Egypt in order to make her royal residence there. And when she came to the city Farma she gave battle to the Egyptians and overcame them. 2. And next she came to Alexandria, and reigned there. And she was great in herself and in her achievements (in) courage and strength. There was none of the kings who preceded her who wrought such achievements as she. 3. And she built in the confines of Alexandria a great (and) magnificent palace., and all that saw it admired it; for there was not the like in all the world. 4. And she built it on an island in the quarter of the north to the west of the city of Alexandria, outside the city and at a distance of four stadia. 5. And she raised a dike against the waters of the sea with stones and earth; and made the place of the waters over which they voyaged formerly in ships into dry land, and she made it passable on foot.87 6. And this stupendous and difficult achievement she wrought through the advice of a wise man named Dexiphanes, who made the sea into dry land that there might be a means of passage on foot. 7. And next she constructed a canal to the sea, and she brought water from the river Gihon and conducted it into the city. And by this means she brought it about that ships could approach and enter the city and by this means there was great abundance. 8. Now the city was formerly without access to water, but she brought all the water it required (lit. made it full of water) so that ships could sail thereon, and by this means fish became abundant in the city. 9. And she executed all these works in vigilant care for the well-being of the city. And before she died she executed many noble works and (created) important institutions. And this woman, the most illustrious and wise amongst women, died in the fourteenth year of the reign of Caesar Augustus. 10. Thereupon the inhabitants of Alexandria and of (lower) and upper Egypt submitted to the emperors of Rome, who set over them prefects and generals. 11. And Augustus reigned fifty-six years and six months. And in the forty-second year of his reign our Lord and Saviour Jesus |51 Christ was born in the flesh in Bethlehem Judah, very God alike in heaven and earth—to Him be praise. 12. (He was born) in the days when a decree went forth that all the world should be registered and every person numbered with a view to levying of taxes. And this measure was carried out through the advice of Eumenes and Attalus, illustrious and great men of Rome.
13. And Augustus moreover found the name of the month February inscribed in the middle of the year. Now if we start from the first, that is March, the earliest of the months of the Roman year, this month of February was the sixth in order of the Roman months. 14. Now Augustus decreed88 that they should make this month the last of the months of the year; for Augustus blamed the chief of the army in those days, who was named Manlius of Cappadocia, possessing as he had power and authority over them; for it was he who arranged the order of the months, and he was influential and powerful amongst the Romans. 15. And instead of this month of February which he had made the last month, because it was the shortest of all the months, they introduced in its stead the full month named August after his name; and it was the sixth month. 16. The month which preceded the sixth month, i. e. the fifth, he named Julius after the name of the emperor, the paternal uncle of Augustus. 17. And the Romans adopted and confirmed this regulation (and have observed it) till the present day. The sixth and fifth months are preceded by March.
CHAPTER LXVIII. 1. Now Christians complete in faith do not receive any other rule than that ordained for them in accordance with the statement of Ezra the prophet,89 the illuminator of |52 understanding + when the months come how on the sixth of Tuba, i.e. Ter, which is the first month amongst the Franks: 2. When the beginning of the month coincides with the first or second or third unto the end of the seven days.+ 3. And they observe moreover the commencement of their months in seeking to know whether it will he lucky or unlucky. 4. And Socrates the sage and philosopher (and) astronomer established this custom in Rome. 5. And Socrates the ordainer and establisher of the practice had altered among the pagans the writings of Ezra the prophet and saint. He was deceived and he deceived those who read his book by his evil device.
CHAPTER LXIX. 1. And after the death of the emperor Augustus, his son Tiberius became emperor, who had brought Cappadocia into siibjection to Rome after the death of Archelaus the governor of Cappadocia. 2. And he built also a city in the province of Thrace and named it Tiberia.90 And in the days of Tiberius Caesar our Lord Jesus Christ was crucified in Jerusalem.
CHAPTER LXX. 1. And, after the death of Claudius, the abominable Nero became emperor in Rome. Now he was a pagan and an idolater. 2. And to his other vices he added the vice of sodomy, and he married as though he were a woman. And when the Romans heard of this detestable deed, they could no longer endure him. 3. And the idolatrous priests particularly inveighed against him, and the senators elders of the people) deposed him from the throne 91 and took counsel in common to put him to death. And when this impure wretch was informed of the purpose of the senators, he quitted his residence and hid himself. But he was not able to escape the mighty and powerful hand of God. 4. For when he fell into this disquietude of heart, owing to the debauchery which he had practised as a woman, owing to this cause (I repeat) his belly grew distended and became like that of a pregnant woman. 5. And he was greatly afflicted by the multitude of his loathsome pains. And therefore he ordered the wise men to visit him in the place where he was (hidden), and to administer remedies. 6. And |53 when the wise men came to him thinking that he was with child they opened his belly in order to deliver it. And he died by this evil death.
CHAPTER LXXI. 1. And after the death of Titus Domitian his brother became emperor in his stead. And he was a great philosopher among the heathen. 2. And he stirred up a persecution against the Christians and he brought many torments upon them by the hand of Decius and through the machinations of his officers. 3. And he had John the beloved evangelist brought to Rome, and he persecuted him and all the believers in God for their true and right faith. 4. And afterwards being struck with admiration at the greatness of his wisdom be set him free in secret and without the knowledge of his officers and the idolatrous priests he had him conducted to his residence. 5. But again Domitian, yielding to the persuasions of the wicked ministers of the demons, sent John the theologian into exile to the island called + Sun.92 6. And next Domitian built a city in the province of Isauria and he named it Domitianus after his own name. 7. And when the consummation of his sin was at hand, he had driven into exile the holy martyrs and he went to the temple of Titus and sought to offer a sacrifice to the demons; for he called a thing which could not speak a saviour. 8. Then his officers took counsel to put him to death; for he had always humiliated them through his stiffneckedness and pride of heart, and, philosopher though he was, he had wholly failed to do justice. And they rose against him and put him to death secretly. 9. But the people were not aware that they had put him to death. And they took his silk garments and suspended them on the chains of the temple lamps, in order to deceive all the people by a lying statement, saying: '(The emperor) had been carried up from earth into the air by the priests of the gods, because he was a philosopher.'93 10. Thus they misled the people for some time; but afterwards they were apprised of the death of this wicked man, and there arose a tumult because they had put him to death in the |54 temple and by their mad act had profaned it, though they said: 'We are guiltless and our temple is not profaned.' 11. And after this [there arose a tumult and] they agreed upon Nerva and made him emperor. Now he was the commander-in-chief of the army, an old man, very excellent, humane, and wise. 12. And forthwith he sent to the sweet-tongued S. John and had him brought back from his place of exile to the city of Ephesus, where he died in goodly peace. And where his holy body is buried is not known save to our Lord Jesus Christ—unto whom be praise. 13. Now this emperor was a good man and he established good laws, and moreover he put an end among men to the custom which prevailed of buffet for buffet and blow for blow. And whilst he was engaged in this legislation the emperor died aged + forty-four +94 years after a reign of one.
CHAPTER LXXII. 1. And after the good emperor Nerva died, Trajan became emperor, who was much addicted to the worship of idols. 2. He was the third of those who persecuted the Christians. And there were many martyrs in every place who were put to severe tortures. 3. And furthermore the saint of God, Ignatius the patriarch of Antioch, who was appointed after Peter, the chief of the apostles, was brought by his orders in chains to Rome and delivered to a lion. 4. And next he seized 95 and interrogated them and said unto them: 'Whom do ye worship, and in whom do ye trust that ye run with such haste to death?' 5. They answered and said, 'We shall die for the sake of Christ, who will give us eternal life and deliver us from this body of corruption.' 6. And he was filled with wrath; for he was a heathen and was averse to the revelation of the doctrine of the resurrection. And he commanded the bodies of the holy women to be cast into the fire. 7. And he ordered the earth on which the bodies of the holy women had fallen to be gathered and + added to the brass which heated the public bath + 96 which he had built in his own name. 8. And it came to pass afterwards that when any one went to wash in that bath that a vapour arose, and |55 when he smelt that vapour he was overpowered by it and had to be borne out. And all who saw it marvelled thereat. Therefore the Christians mocked the heathen and gloried in Christ and praised Him together with his Saints. 9. And when Trajan was apprised of this phenomenon, he + changed those who heated the bath + 1and removed the vessels of brass with which were mingled the ashes of the holy women, and he placed their ashes in five brazen pillars and set them up in that bath. 10. But he was on the watch to pour contempt on the martyrs, saying: + 'They belonged neither to me nor to their god, but they have died foolishly.' +97 11. And at that time his daughter Drusis and Junia the daughter of the patrician Filasanrun underwent martyrdom. And many other virgins likewise underwent martyrdom by fire through this unbeliever. 12. And during Trajan's stay in Antioch, the earth was troubled and quaked in the night owing to the wrath of God, for it had been polluted three times. 13. And not only (in) Antioch, but also on the island of Rhodes was there a similar earthquake after cockcrow.
14. And the Jews who were in the city of Alexandria and in the province of Cyrene assembled and chose a leader named Lucuas98 to be their king. 15. And when Trajan was informed and apprised of this movement, he sent against them an officer named Marcus Turbo98 with a numerous force, even a numerous army of horse and foot and also many troops in ships. 16. And Trajan came to Egypt and built a fortress with a strong impregnable tower, and he brought water into it in abundance and he named it Babylon in Egypt. 17. Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Magi and Persians was the first to build its foundations and to name it the fortress of Babylon. This was the epoch when he became its king by the ordinance of God, when he drove the Jews into exile after the destruction of Jerusalem, and also when they stoned to death a prophet of God at Thebes in Egypt, and added sin to sin. 18. And Nebuchadnezzar came to Egypt with a numerous army and made a conquest of Egypt, because the Jews had revolted against him, and he named Babylon after the name of his own city. 19. And Trajan moreover added some buildings to the fortress and other parts in it. And he dug also a small canal—sufficiently large to convey water from the Gihon to the city |56 Clysma. And he put this water into connexion with the Red Sea, and he named this canal Trajan after his own name. 20. And he built also a citadel in Manuf. And after all these achievements he fell ill and died in the twentieth year of his reign.
CHAPTER, LXXIII. 1. And after Trajan [the first] Hadrian99 his cousin became emperor in Rome. 2. He built in upper Egypt a beautiful city and its appearance was very pleasing, and he named it Antinoe, that is, Ensina. 3. And afterwards misguided men made him a god, for he was very rich. And he died by a distressing death.
CHAPTER LXXIV. 1. And after him Aelius Antoninus Pius became emperor. He was kind, courteous, and virtuous. And the Romans named him at first 'the servant of God'. He was a just man throughout his reign. 2. The chroniclers report concerning him that he was the first to do justice and to put an end to the unjust practices which had prevailed among the Romans before his time. 3. Previously they used to commit the injustice of confiscating for the benefit of the crown a moiety of the possessions of the rich on their death on the ground of the covenant which the fathers had made with their children.100 And his predecessors were not able to abolish this regulation. 4. But he issued a prescript and put art end to it in order that every man should have control over his own property and should give it to whom he pleased. And he established also many other equitable measures and laws in conformity with justice. 5. And next he went down into Egypt even to Alexandria, and he punished those who had wrought evil, and was gracious to those who had wrought good; for tenderness and graciousness and forbearance were implanted in him. 6. And he built two gates in Alexandria on the west and on the east (of the city), and he named the eastern gate 9Hliakh&, and the western Selhniakh&.101 7. And he built a place of pleasure with blocks of white stone in the city of Antioch and named it Amulum.102 And he transported the stone from upper Egypt. 8. And in all his cities he |57 built baths and academies. 9. And after this he returned with a numerous army to Rome and remained there for some time and died, aged seventy-seven years, in the twenty-third year of his reign. 10. And he left his possessions to his son Marcus. And Marcus his son resembled his father in graciousness and virtues. And he did all that was lawful and just, and he died in the religion of his father.
CHAPTER LXXV. 1. And after him the impious Decius, the enemy of God, became emperor, 2. And he raised painful punishments against the Christians and established the law of the polluted heathen that search should be made for the Christians. And accordingly he shed the blood of many saints in every quarter, even of those who worshipped the true God. 3. And this abominable Decius had many male and female lions brought from Africa, and also from the desert had many serpents and venomous beasts male and female and placed them + to the east of the city of Filmunti, of Arabia and Palestine + to the fortress of Circesium in order to form a source of strength against the barbarians and rebels.
CHAPTER LXXVI. 1. And after him a man named Aurelian became emperor. And immediately on his accession to the throne he rebuilt the walls of Rome, which had fallen into ruins, and finished them in a short time. 2. And he made all the inhabitants of Rome to work in order to accomplish the building, while he diligently overlooked it himself without pride. 3. And at that time he ordained a law that all the workmen should be registered and * that they should be named chief citizens103 of the empire in honour of the emperor. 4. And all this was done in consequence |58 of the labour he underwent in the building of the walls of the city. And this custom prevailed so among the Romans that it led to the registration of the peasants and artisans and sailors who sailed upon the sea. 5. And all the workmen Aurelian named 'Aurelians' after the emperor's name, and he had them registered in the register of diwan, that is, dabdabe. And this institution has prevailed to the present.
CHAPTER LXXVII. 1. And when Diocletian the Egyptian became emperor, the army turned to give its help to this impious man and persecutor of the faithful and the most wicked of all men. 2. But the city of Alexandria and Egypt declared against him and refused to submit to him. And he made himself strong to war against them with a numerous force and army and with his three colleagues in the empire, Maximian of a wicked stock, Constantius, and Maximian104 (Galerius). 3. And he went down into Egypt and made it subject to him, and as for the city of Alexandria he destroyed it. 4. Now he built a fort on the east of the city and lay encamped there for a long time; for he was not able by these means to capture the city and bring it into his power. 5. And after a long time some people of the city came to him and showed him a means of ingress whereby he could enter. And so with much toil and trouble he stormed the city and he had with him an innumerable army. 6. And in the city also many thousand troops were assembled by reason of the war that was waged amongst them. And Diocletian set fire to the city and burnt it completely, and he established his authority over it. 7. And he was an idolater and offered sacrifices to impure demons and persecuted the Christians. He was indeed like a brute beast. 8. And he hated all good men and he resisted God; for all the power of Rome was in his hand. 9. And he put to death all the pastors, priests and monks, men, women and little children, and by the hands of his flesh-devouring agents whom he had appointed in every place, he shed without mercy or compassion the blood of innumerable saints. 10. And he destroyed churches and burnt with fire the Scriptures inspired by God. It was a persecution of all the Christians extending over nineteen years, beginning with the time of his accession to power and his conquest of the land of Egypt. 11. And at this time he sent men of |59 Alexandria to cut off the head of the holy father Patriarch Peter, the last of the martyrs. 12. And he put to death all the bishops of Egypt whom he found attached to the orthodox faith and a pure course of life, till (at last) every one believed him to be the Antichrist, who had come to destroy all the world; for he was the home of evil and the lurking-place of wrong. 13. And his colleagues were like him in action and character, and these were Maximian, who had perpetrated many crimes, for his sovereignty was derived from him (i. e. Diocletian), and Maximian the second, whose empire was in the east. He resembled a treacherous beast, and was an enemy of God and the perpetrator of abominable crimes. 14. But Constantius, who was associated with him in the empire in Asia, had not committed any crimes, but he loved men and treated them kindly. 15. And he made also a proclamation by the voice of a herald to the Christians in all places under his sway that they should do the commands of the Lord, the one true God. 16. And furthermore he commanded that neither should violence be done to them nor persecution be stirred up against them, nor their property be plundered nor any evil inflicted upon them. 17. And he commanded likewise that no hindrance should be put to their worship in their holy churches in order that they might pray on behalf of him and his empire. 18. And in the third year after the close of the persecution which he had instituted against the Christians, the impious Diocletian in the midst of such enterprises fell sick of a grievous bodily disease and lost his mind and reason. 19. And in consequence thereof he was deposed and in accordance with a decree of the Roman senate sent in exile to the island named Waros, in which there were great forests, and it lay in the west. And he remained there alone. 20. And in that island there were some believers who had survived; these supplied him with daily food sufficient to sustain his body. And whilst he pursued this course of life in solitude, his reason returned to him, and he became ambitious (again) of empire, and besought the army and the Senate to come and take him from the fortress (where he was) and make him emperor as before. 21. But the officers, the army and senate refused, saying: 'This man, who has lost his reason and mind, whom also we have deposed, we will not receive back again. 22. And in consequence of this refusal this enemy of God and of the holy saints was deeply grieved and was not |60 able to accomplish his desire. He wept and his eyes shed tears in abundance now that misfortune surrounded him on every side. And he lost his reason to a very great degree and became blind and his vigour departed and he died.
23. And Maximian, persistent in evil deeds, wrought many enchantments on Diocletian, and he was addicted to abominable practices and to the invocations of demons; and he cut open the wombs of pregnant women and sacrificed men and women to impure demons. 24. And in the midst of such actions he was strangled and died in the second year after his father's death,, and his end came about not by the hands of others but by his own. 25. And the impious Maximian (Galerius) also ceased not to perpetrate the same crimes as Diocletian: yea he perpetrated (them) in the east, in Africa, and in the great city of Alexandria and in Egypt and in Pentapolis. 26. And he put to death without mercy the holy martyrs: some he cast into the sea, others he gave to wild beasts, others to the edge of the sword, and others to be burnt in the fire. And he destroyed churches, and burnt with fire the holy Scriptures and restored the temples of the gods which were in ruins. 27. And he had no compassion on the women with child, but ripped open their wombs and drew forth the babes and sacrificed them to impure demons. And he compelled many to worship idols. 28. And no more did he escape the wrath of God; for by the command of God a severe cough settled in his chest, he began to fail in health, his intestines became ulcerated, deadly worms were generated and the odour that emanated from him became fetid, so that one could not come near him. 29. And when he fell into this severe affliction and great tribulation, he despaired of life and found no solace in his grievous disease. And after-wards he recognized and learnt that his malady had befallen him through Christ the true God because he had afflicted the Christians. 30. And when he had wisely collected his inner thoughts together, he commanded his appointed officials to put an end to the persecution of the Christians. And when he had done this act of humanity, the malady which God had inflicted on him departed from him, and he was restored to health. 31. And he continued (to enjoy health) for six months after his repentance for his sin, but again he took thought to organize a persecution of the Christians, and he forgat Him who had healed him of his grievous disease, (even) |61 Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour. 32. And again he began to slay the Christians, and he set up new gods in the great city of Antioch, and he gave himself to dealings with demons and the enchantments which he used to practise. 33. But forthwith war stirred up against him in Armenia and there arose likewise a severe famine in every province of his empire. And the fields yielded no produce and nothing was to be found in the granaries, and the people fell down and died through want of food. 34. And the rich became poor; for the people of + Abrakis + had quickly plundered them. And all men wept and lamented bitterly, and they died and found none to bury them. 35. And the idolaters who lived in the west were full of lamentation and grief because of their loss of Diocletian and his son Maximian.
36. And (Maximian) sent to them his son Maxentius, who established a high reputation for himself in that place. For this son of the impious (Maximian) was on the watch to ruin them, but, being treacherous, to begin with he sought to please all the inhabitants of Rome.105 37. And he honoured our Faith, and he gave orders (to his subjects) to cease from persecuting the Christians, and he fashioned himself after the likeness of the worshippers of Christ. And he began to exhibit a greater love for mankind than any of his predecessors that were like him. 38. But after a short time his treachery discovered itself, and so, just as his fathers, he became like a wolf in his lair. And he wrought in its fullness the treachery of his fathers and disclosed his secret vices, and committed every abomination and impurity. And he became fierce and left no form of impurity and licentiousness unaccomplished: and he perpetrated every kind of debauchery and abused every man, and even legally married women who had husbands he lay with [in public], not in secret but openly, and thereupon sent them back to their husbands. 39. And further he was not willing to let them rest from the oppression which they exercised upon them by his command. And he also seized under many pretexts the property of the rich and from such as had nothing to give he took whatever he found in their possession, and he put many thousands to death for the sake of |62 their property. 40. But one cannot give a complete account of the deeds perpetrated by this impious man. But the people of the city of Rome were helpless in what they did; for he treated them, contrary to the customs of their city.
41. But Constantius was a servant of God, of good report, who accomplished his course in wisdom and prudence, being beloved and virtuous. All manner of men made prayers and supplications on his behalf, the nobles and people and army. 42. It was he that built the city of Byzantium and he pursued the good path in uprightness. Then he fell asleep and went to God, leaving his illustrious son, Constantine, the beloved of God, glorious and resplendent in righteousness, whom he appointed empe'ror to bear rule in his stead. 43. And this glorious (and) blessed worshipper of the Trinity wrought the will of God always. And he loved all the subjects of his empire and he did good unto all, and he accomplished all the days of his sovereignty in modesty and firmness and integrity, and he became great before God who liveth for ever. 44. And the army and all the people blessed him, for he was zealous with a goodly zeal for God. And there were revealed in his days light and Christian wisdom, powerful and true, and charity and tolerance. 45. And he rejected absolutely every charge of the informer,106 and yet he made, without exerting any violence, all who were subject to his sway, servants of God. Moreover he could not endure to leave (as they were) the churches which had been cast down, and so he rebuilt them. Nor did he permit any obstacle to withstand the holy Christian worship of God whereby he had been consecrated to be emperor (endowed) with goodness and modesty. 46. And he took Licinius his sister Constantia's husband to be his colleague in the government of Rome, who was wanting in none of the virtues of Constantine the upright emperor; for he had made him swear a great and terrible oath that he would do justice and transgress in no respect against our Lord Jesus Christ or against His servants. 47. And at that time there came from the east the impious Maximin, the adversary of God and slave of Satan. For he had usurped the empire of the east as its sole ruler, and he plotted to put to death the |63 upright emperor Constantine and refused to execute the sealed rescript from Constantine. 48. For he levied war on all the cities and provinces under the sway (of Licinius as far as) the city of Constantinople, but he was not able to make himself master of them. And both the godly Constantine and Licinius his sister's husband made preparations to war against these rebels. Constantine went to war against Maxentius who was in Rome, and Licinius went to war against the impious Maximin in the east. 49. And when Maxentius heard of the approach of Constantine the servant of God, he proceeded by ship and entered the river of Italy which flows by the city of Rome and built a bridge on a secure structure for the passage of the combatants, and of his followers, and of the augurs who announced to him the oracles of Satan. 50. He knew not indeed that the godly Constantine had the help of Christ. And when the impious Maxentius and all his people had crossed the river of Italy, the cavalry that were posted on the bridge came to meet him before the arrival of the Godloving Constantine. 51. And when Constantine arrived, he took his position at a distance and did not enter the battle but waited to see the manifestation of the help of God. And the enemy indeed grew strong and powerful. 52. And while Constantine was so engaged, he lay down and fell asleep, grieved and sad at heart. And he saw a vision in the form of the holy cross in the heaven and there was written thereon this inscription: 'By this sign of the cross thou shalt conquer.' 53. And thereupon he arose hastily and began the battle and fought and won the victory over his adversaries; and not one of them remained, and he exterminated them all. 54. And those who were with Maxentius the commander-in-chief wished to escape and reach the city of Rome. But by the command of God the bridge was broken and they were all drowned in the depths. And there was joy in Rome that the impious were drowned. 55. And the senate of Maxentius, and his nobles and his army and all the people and the peasants together with their babes took waxen torches and clad themselves in clean and white garments and went with musicians to meet the servant of God the emperor Constantine. 56. And not only did the city of Rome rejoice but also all the cities and provinces and the city of Constantinople with them. 57. And Constantine was not uplifted in his heart |64 nor did he boast of his glory and his triumph as other kings had done. He was, on the contrary, modest and humble of heart and gave the praise to God and extolled his Lord, the Lord of all, Jesus Christ; King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. 58. And thereupon he entered the city of Rome in triumph, and all the Romans prostrated themselves before him, and as many as had survived the battle submitted themselves to his commands. And Constantine thereupon entered the palace, crowned with the diadem of victory. 59. And he made known to all men the miracle with which he had been favoured and the victory which he had won through the vision which he had seen in the heaven in the form of the holy cross. And when they heard this recital all men exclaimed: 'Great is the God of the Christians who has delivered us and our city from the hands of the impious.' 60. And Constantine thereupon ordered the temples to be closed and the doors of the churches to be opened, not only in Rome but in every city. And S. Sylvester the patriarch of Rome gave him many excellent admonitions and instructed him in the pure faith. 61. And afterwards he went to war against the cities of Persia and he conquered them. And when he had conquered them, he + established them in peace and confirmed to them presents together with a horn + [which they used to blow for the king].107 62. And he received with kindness all the Christians who were there. And he removed the city magistrates and all the officials and replaced them with Christians. And he built beautiful churches in all the cities and villages. 63. Furthermore he sent his mother the God-loving empress Helena to search in the holy Jerusalem for the wood of the glorious cross on which was crucified our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ—Praise be unto Him. 64. It was in the days of the blessed father + Ailimun +, bishop of Jerusalem. 65. And he built also the holy edifice of the Resurrection in glorious fashion and restored the buildings of Jerusalem so that they were finer than |65 they had been at first, and so it has continued to the present. 66. And the emperor Constantine also built a church of great magnificence and beauty in Byzantium. And its proportions were not small but very lofty. 67. And when he had completed the building of the city, he named it Constantinople after his own name; for previously it had been named Byzantium. 68. And he liked to reside therein, and he made it a habitation of Christ. 69. And he gathered also the sacred Scriptures and placed them in the churches. 70. And next he assembled three hundred and eighteen saints in the city of Nicaea and established the orthodox faith. It is impossible to enumerate the good actions he accomplished. 71. Amongst the most notable officials (of the empire) there was one named Ablawijus, a Christian (who) laboured zealously to discover the glorious cross on which our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was crucified—Praise be to Him. 72. And the three hundred and eighteen whom he assembled at Nicaea honoured the emperor Constantine, the servant of God, and his mother the Godloving empress Helena, and raised to them a worthy memorial and recounted their glory from beginning to end.
73. And Licinius who took over the empire of the east set out to war against the impious Maximin. And this perverse wicked (man) learnt that he was marching to war against him and (was apprised of) the overthrow of Maxentius and his defeat by the godly emperor Constantine, and he sought for peace from Licinius. 74. And Licinius sent to Constantine saying: 'Maximin seeks for peace and offers to accept the glorious and pure Christian faith and forsakes his errors and concludes a treaty with me.' And Constantine sent the reply that they should accept his proposals. 75. Then Maximin, concealing in his heart his evil treachery, sent rescripts to all the officials under his sway, forbidding them to disquiet the Christian. 76. And when the rescripts reached the officials they knew that this policy was not in conformity with his wishes but only with the faith of his superiors. And for this reason none accorded to him honour, anywhere, because of the evil he had previously done to the saints.
77. Now the emperor Constantine never prevented the chief Christians from holding synods or building churches, but he |66 observed carefully the Christian faith and shunned the worship of idols. And thus he commanded and gave instruction to all that the churches should be left in peace, and he battled on behalf of the orthodox faith.
78. There was a man named Gelasinus of the village of Mariamme, which is near to Damascus, about one mile distant. And he lived in the midst of a large population who were devoted to the worship of idols and dwelt in the city of Heliopolis in Lebanon. 79. And at that time they were assembled in a theatre, and they had brought actors with them. They put cold water into a large brazen vessel and thus began to mock all who came to the holy baptism of the Christians. 80. And one of these actors went down into the water and was baptized, and when he came out of the water they clothed him in a white garment; for till this incident he had been an actor, but after he came forth from the water he refused to pursue the avocations of an actor or to play the mimic again, and said: 'I wish to die in the Christian religion on behalf of Christ'; and added: 'I saw a great miracle while I made a mock of holy baptism'. 81. And when he had gone but a little way from the place of that water, all who were there were filled with wrath and indignation; for they were worshippers of idols. 82. And they went down from the theatre and seized that holy man and stoned him. And he received the crown of martyrdom which fadeth not away, and he was enrolled with the holy martyrs. And his relatives came with many Christians and took his body and buried it in the village and built a church over the place where his body was buried. Now the man's name was Gelasinus.108 May God have mercy on us through his intercessions.
83. Now the impure Maximin did not forsake his wicked errors and he was not possessed by the power of righteousness which had been acquired from God by the Godloving emperors, who pursued a good course through life in knowledge and in understanding. 84. But this perverse man resolved to make war on the Christ-loving emperors; for he was possessed by a demon that infuriated him. And as he had lost his former unlimited authority, he could no longer choose for himself those most agreeable or suitable to him. 85. And in his pride and stiffneckedness he began to violate the treaty he had made with Licinius. + And he exerted himself |67 to execute deeds which should issue in his destruction through fear +, and he changed his mind and stirred up all men and threw all the cities into confusion and the officials under his sway. 86. And he mustered many thousands to war against the God-loving emperors and he trusted in the demons from whom he received instruction. 87. But from the moment he began to war the help of God was withdrawn from him, and Licinius conquered him and slew all the soldiers in whom he trusted and the officers. And all the remaining troops betook themselves to Licinius and cast themselves at his feet. 88. And when Maximin saw this he fled in fear; for he was dispirited, and he quitted shamefully the field of battle and came to his own province. And he was full of wrath and indignation against the idolatrous priests and lying prophets, and augurs, for they had persuaded him through favourable counsels. 89. And for this reason he slew them in whom he had (formerly) boasted himself, and whom he had made gods. Then it was that he learnt for himself that they were impostors and powerless to give aid in war. And he renounced the demons who had instructed him with counsel, and he slew the magicians who wrought evil. But he had no zeal for the salvation of his soul: he was feeble, and praised not the God of the Christians, and he refused wholly to accept the law and its blessings. 90. And Licinius gave orders to carry on the war against those who remained in the tenth year after the persecution of the Christians, wherein Diocletian, the father (of Maximin), the adversary of God, had persecuted them. During all this length of days (Maximin) had not repented with a genuine repentance nor truly hoped for salvation. 91. And after his flight from the field of battle, he suffered from disease of the heart, and grew weak from a grievous disease which came upon him from God. And his flesh was devoured through the fire of the disease, and this fire burned in his belly, and his appearance was altered and his limbs wasted away, and his intestines were consumed, and his bones became prominent and finally his eyes fell out. And in the midst of all this affliction, his soul left his body. 92. It is thus the three adversaries of God, Diocletian and his two sons, perished. But before he died the impious Maximin recognized that all this had befallen him because of his rebellion against Christ and the evils which he had inflicted on the Christian saints. 93. And in those days Licinius took possession of the east and |68 exercised authority over it and the adjoining provinces. And the church dwelt in tranquillity and peace, and he restored again its edifices and the church was lighted with the light of Christ. 94. But again thereafter Satan, the evil-doer, who is ever seeking to seduce all the faithful as a devouring lion, which is treacherous and cunning, seduced Licinius also and made him forget his honourable deeds of aforetime, and he inclined towards doing the actions of those whose eyes have been blinded, and he was zealous to follow their evil way, and his heart was not glad as before. 95. Formerly he had not been estranged from the emperor Con-stantine, but afterwards he forgot the covenant and the oath which had been made between them, and he took evil counsel against the great emperor Constantine to slay him. But Christ, the true God, foiled the plots of Licinius. 96. Formerly, indeed, he had honoured and praised Jesus Christ; but when he denied Him He delivered him over to a cruel death, refusing him forgiveness because of the shameful deeds that he had done. 97. And Licinius began to persecute the Christians and to levy war upon the God-loving Constantine as his impious predecessors had done, whose memorial bad been blotted out by the Lord. 98. And he began also to demolish and close the churches and to put to death the holy believers. And as for the soldiers who were strong in the Christian faith, he degraded them, and subjected the rich to tortures.109 99. And he appointed agents in every city and village to put a stop to the holy, that is, the Christian worship of God, lest prayers should be offered up for the faithful emperor Constantine. And he turned them from the worship of God to that of demons. And he wrought very many evil acts. 100. But Constantine did not cease to praise and worship the one true Lord God. And together with Crispus, whom he had appointed Caesar, a strong man, kindly disposed to men and faithful to God, he assembled a strong army, and they went forth to war against the adversaries of God, under the guidance of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, with invincible powers. 101. And though Licinius was his brother-in-law, Constantine had no mercy upon him, but he was firm on behalf of the holy faith which that rebel had forsaken, turning to demons. And for this reason he went against him |69 speedily armed with punishment, and he laid low him and all his army and exterminated them with a terrible and bitter death. 102. And all these happenings had come upon Licinius because he had denied Christ and had violated the oath and the covenant which he had made with Constantine. 103. And thereupon he took possession of the empire of Licinius and made it one with his own: yea, he took possession of the empires of the east and of the west and of the south and of the north. And they all came under his authority, and he established universal peace and was at one with all men and blessed by all men, and he duly made strong-all the frontiers of the empire till his adversaries submitted to his authority through the might of our Lord Jesus Christ the son of the true Lord God. 104. And he made his two sons emperors, Constantius and Constans, with honour and majesty. Then he fell asleep without regret or trouble; for our Lord Jesus Christ, the true God, protected his empire to the third generation. 105. And the blessed Constans resembled his father, and he walked in the right way and accomplished all his days virtuously.
106. And after his death the people of Yemen received the knowledge of God, and were illuminated with the light of the praise of our Lord Jesus Christ—praise be unto Him—by means of a holy woman named Theognosta. 107. Now she was a Christian virgin who had been carried off captive from a convent on the borders of the Roman empire and had been conducted to the king of Yemen and presented to him as a gift. 108. And this Christian woman became very rich through the grace of God and wrought many healings. And she brought over the king of India to the faith, and he became a Christian through her agency as well as all the people of India. 109. Then the king of India and his subjects requested the Godloving emperor Honorius to appoint them a bishop. 110.. And he rejoiced with great joy because they had embraced the faith and turned to God, and he appointed them a holy bishop, named Theonius, who admonished them and instructed them and strengthened them in the faith of Christ our God till they were worthy to receive baptism which is the second birth through the prayers of the holy virgin Theognosta. 111. Glory be unto our Lord Jesus Christ who alone worketh marvels and bestoweth goodly gifts on those who trust in Him. And so it was also in India, that is, the great India. For the men of that country |70 had formerly received a man named Afrudit (i.e. Frumentius).110 He was of noble birth of the country of India and they had made him their bishop, having been instituted and ordained by Athanasius the apostolic, the patriarch of Alexandria. 112. Now (Afrudit) had told him concerning the grace which they had received through the Holy Spirit and the manner in which they had found the salvation of their souls through the grace of holy baptism and were made worthy of this gift.
113. As for the Christ-loving emperor Constantine, there was with him always a bright angel of God which at all times directed and instructed him in the will of God until the memorable day of his death. And he waked him also from his bed for prayer every day. And he was visible to him alone of the emperors. 114. And as he beheld visions in the heaven he fell asleep after a pure life: he was an oblation to God, and he went to his rest in heaven.
CHAPTER LXXVIII. 1. And these are the names of the sons of the great emperor Constantine, Constantius, Constans, and Constantine. And they divided the empire of their father into three parts which they assigned by lot. 2. And to Constantius there fell by lot the province of Asia and he became emperor over it. And to Constantine (there fell) Constantinople, and he seated himself on the throne of his father. And Constans became emperor over Rome, the great city of Rome. 3. But feuds arose between Constans and Constantine in regard to the empire and their subjects, and they warred against each other, and Constantine died in battle. 4. And thereafter Constans, the younger of the two, resided in Rome only, but Constantius reigned in Byzantium, that is, Constantinople. 5. And Arius appeared in his days and he attached himself to his doctrine and became an Arian. And in consequence of this (heresy) Sapor-Arsekius,111 king of Persia, attacked the Roman empire, and there was much bloodshed between them. 6. And afterwards they were reconciled and there was peace and tranquillity and love between Rome and Persia. 7. And on his way back to Byzantium Constantius built a bridge strongly constructed over the river named Pyramus in Cilicia. 8. And in his days, moreover, the city of Nicaea, the chief of cities of our three hundred and eighteen Fathers, was overthrown by a great earthquake. And this fell out |71 through the will of God in order that the Arians should not assemble therein to corrupt the holy orthodox faith established by our holy Fathers, the three hundred and eighteen bishops, who assembled formerly in the days of Constantine—a festival of happy memory. And it was for this reason that the wrath of God prevented them.
9. And afterwards there appeared in heaven a sign, that is, the holy cross standing at midday over the holy place where our Saviour Jesus Christ was crucified, before the arrival of Cyril, patriarch of Jerusalem, and other bishops who were with him. 10. And Cyril thereupon and the bishops who were with him wrote a letter and sent it to the emperor Constans regarding the great marvel and the great sign which had appeared.
11. Now the emperor Constans was zealous for the faith of his father, and he was earnestly devoted to the religion of God. And he resembled his brother who died in battle (and) admired him, but he hated his brother who ruled in Asia because he had not kept the faith of the Godloving Constantine, and promulgated many decrees against the apostolic Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria, and chased him from his bishopric in order to please the heretics, i, e. the Arians. 12. The hatreds and differences that divided the two imperial brothers, Constantius and Constans, were very violent. And this hatred had arisen not only on account of the death of their brother, but also because of Athanasius the patriarch of Constantinople, and of Constantius's declension from the faith of his father and his unacceptableness to our Lord Jesus Christ. 13. And on these grounds he strengthened (his) hatred against his brother. And whilst so engaged Constans died, having pleased God and cursed Constantius his brother because of his evil deeds. 14. And after the death of Constans, the emperor Constantius sent an officer to slay Athanasius, the glorious Father, the head of the church. 15. Heretofore Constans had protected him from the evil designs of his brother, and Constantius feared his brother and concealed his evil designs in his heart. 16. But after the death of his brother Constans, he disclosed all that was in his heart and sought to slay him. But the right hand of the Most High God protected him, and he took to flight and concealed himself and was saved from, his hands. 17. And the officer who was sent to the apostolic Athanasius raised a tumult against the Christians; for he belonged to the sect of Manes. And in those days it was |72 not only the Arians who disquieted the church: the Manichaeans also were roused on a different principle, and stirred up a persecution of the Christians, and there was much disquiet and shedding of blood.
18. And afterwards there arose against the city of Rome a powerful leader named Magnentius, and he usurped the imperial power + at the hour of sunset +112 without the permission of Constantius. And he marched into Europe and gave battle to Constantius, and many were slain on both sides, and finally the mighty Magnentius was slain also. And Constantius won the day and made himself master of all the possessions of Magnentius. 19. And after Constantius won the victory he did not praise God as had the Christian emperors who preceded him. In all his actions, on the contrary, he followed the guidance of the Arians.
20. And later he assembled a council of heretical bishops in Milan, that is in Italy, at the instigation of these heretics who had rejected the orthodox faith and denied the worship of the Holy Trinity. 21. And he made them write a sentence of excommunication against the apostolic Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria, and the bishops who followed him. 22. And these are the names of those who were exiled with the apostolic Athanasius: Liberius, patriarch of Rome, who was appointed after Julius; Paulinus,113 metropolitan of Gaul; Dionysius, metropolitan of Italy; and Lucifer,2 metropolitan of the island of Sardinia. And they made Auxentius the Arian bishop of the province of Italy. 23. And (he sent into exile also) the aged and illustrious confessor Hosius,114 bishop of the west. 24. And he made also the holy (Fathers) who had assembled in Nicaea to go forth, and exiled them from their bishoprics. And later, when the emperor Constantius was in Rome, illustrious women came in a body to him and besought him to recall Liberius the patriarch from exile. And the emperor brought him back to Rome. 25. Now Felix was the minister of Liberius the patriarch who had come to terms with the Arians, and they made him patriarch after the expulsion |73 of his master. But on the return of his master Liberius from exile, he (Felix) treated him with hauteur and dislike on account of his restoration. Then he, too, was exiled from Rome to a city of the west and obliged to reside there.
26. And in those days Constantius sent Gallus, his + sister's + son, to the east by night. This (Gallus) had formerly fought against Magnentius and slain him, and was a Christian in all his ways. 27. And after he had slain this powerful (rebel), he returned to Constantinople. Then Constantius appointed him emperor of Rome and sent him to reside there. 28. And after Gallus arrived in Rome, his brother Julian of evil name returned to Constantinople from the province of Bithynia to the emperor Constantius; for he had put to death many of his relations and feared lest they should calumniate him to the emperor. 29. Now this Julian was a strong and powerful man. Formerly he had resided as reader in the church of Nicomedia, but he had been troubled with doubts regarding the Christian faith. 30. And Gallus, who was emperor of Rome by the will of the emperor Constantius because he was his + son-in-law + and because he was attached to him, lived but a few days longer and then died. 31. Thereupon Julian gave up reading the holy Scriptures, and betook himself to the protection of the troops and officers of Rome, and let the hair of his head grow long and became a great captain. 32. And subsequently he was appointed emperor in Europe, according to the Christian custom, by the permission of the emperor Constantius. But he did not wait till they had placed on his head the imperial crown according to custom; but walked according to the misguidance of augurs and the directions of magicians and became a servant of demons, and aspired to the proud position (of sole emperor) and began to make war on the emperor Constantius. 33. And when Constantius became aware of this movement he mustered a numerous army from the provinces of Syria, and he came into Cilicia in order to do battle with Julian; for he thought he should slay him. 34. But when Constantius was so purposing he fell ill and died, and so was unable to carry out his purpose; for God had brought evils upon him that he might return to the earth from which he came. 35. And when Julian was informed of the death of Constantius he took possession of the empire. He was strong and powerful exceedingly, |74 and he restored the exiled bishops to their thrones. And he brought the apostolic Athanasius from exile and sent him back to Alexandria: Meletius to Antioch: Cyril, the author of the homilies, to Jerusalem: Eusebius, Lucifer, and Hilary to the west: and others who were in like plight to their several churches. 36. But after a short time he discovered his unbelief and apostasy owing to the philosophers, of whom one was named Libanius, of the city of Antioch, and the other Maximus one o£ the augurs. 37. Supported and strengthened by these, Julian closed the churches and opened the temples, and plundered the precious vessels of the house of God and gave them openly to impostors. 38. Next he attacked the worshippers of Jesus Christ and proclaimed himself the restorer of temples, and offered abominable sacrifices to idols and kindled fire before the altars of demons, and polluted the earth with the blood of impure sacrifices, and polluted the air with the smoke of fat. 39. And at the instigation of the heathen he sent (agents) to slay the great (and) apostolic Athanasius. But he quitted his bishopric and fled and hid himself from him. 40. And this apostate emperor, like his father Satan, destroyed the holy edifices that had been built by the Godloving emperor Constantine, and made all these holy places into dwellings of demons and temples of idols. 41. And they lorded it over the inoffensive Christians and they began to mock them and destroy them and slay them and evilly entreat them, not only for a short time but for a lengthened period. And they bellowed like ferocious beasts against them and terrified them.
42. It was at this period that evil and idolatrous men kindled a fire in order to burn the body of S. John the Baptist. But the power of our Lord Jesus Christ foiled their design, and all these apostates seeing a terrible apparition took to flight. 43. And there were there certain inhabitants of Alexandria who took the body of S. John and conveyed it to Alexandria and gave it secretly to the holy Athanasius the patriarch before his flight. 44. And he conveyed it and placed it secretly in the house of a magistrate, one of the great people of the city. And this secret was known only to a few priests and to Theophilus the third patriarch (after Athanasius). 45. Now the latter was reader and singer when they brought the body of S. John. And after Athanasius Peter became patriarch, and after Peter, his brother Timothy Aktemon, whose name is by. interpretation 'without possessions'; and after Timothy, Theophilus |75 who destroyed the temple named Serapis (?) and converted it into a church. 46. Now (this church) was massive and its dimensions lofty and it was very much decorated. And he made it with pomp the abiding-place of the body of S. John the Baptist. And it is also said that after many days Theophilus took the body of S. John and his head and placed them in the tomb which had been constructed in the midst of the church. 47. And he made great rejoicings and a glorious feast. And the inhabitants of the city were uplifted because of him and made him notable with praise.
CHAPTER, LXXIX. 1. And it is said in regard to the holy Theophilus, the patriarch of Alexandria, that he was a citizen of Memphis, the city of Pharaoh, formerly called Arcadia. And he was of Christian origin. 2. And he had a little sister and an Ethiopian slave who had belonged to his parents. Now they were orphans and he was but a child in years and stature. 3. And one night about the time of dawn this slave took the children by the hand and brought them to a temple of abominable gods, namely of Artemis and Apollo, in order to pray there according to the errors of their worship. 4. And when the children entered, the gods fell to the earth and were broken. And the slave was frightened thereby and she took the children and went in flight to the city of Nikius; for she feared the priests of the abominable idols. 5. And she feared also lest the people of Nikius should deliver her up to the priests of the idols, and so she carried off the children with her and came to Alexandria. 6. And, as the divine inspiration moved her, and the grace of God rested upon her, she took the children and brought them to the church in order to be rightly acquainted with the practice of the Christian mysteries. 7. And at that time God revealed to the Father Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria, the circumstances of the children when they entered the church and their position near the place of exhortation (i.e. pulpit). And he gave orders that the three should be guarded till the celebration was over. 8. And thereafter they brought the children and the slave to the holy Athanasius, and he interrogated the slave and said unto her: 'What hast thou done and why did not the gods who are without understanding assist thee? Why rather, when they saw the children of the Church, did they fall to the earth and were broken? Henceforth these children will belong to me'. 9. And when the slave heard these things, she was astonished at the words of the saint |76 in that he knew the secret things that had befallen in the temple. Then she could not deny all that she had done: nay more, she cast herself at his feet and begged to be baptized into the Holy Christian faith. 10. And he baptized them and made them Christians and they received the light of grace and were (born) anew. 11. And the little girl to a convent of virgins to remain there till the time of her marriage. Then she was given in marriage to a man of Mahalle, in the north of Egypt, which was formerly called Didusja. 12. It was there the holy Cyril was born, the great star which lighted up all places by his doctrine, being clothed with the Holy Spirit. It was he who became patriarch after Theophilus, his mother's brother. 13. And after the child, the holy Theophilus, was baptized, they shaved his head and numbered him amongst the readers and appointed him to be an anagnostes. 14. And he was reared with care in the manner that befitteth saints, and he grew up and became a youth well pleasing to God, and he learnt all the God-inspired Scriptures of the Church and observed their laws. 15. And next they ordained him deacon and he became very zealous for the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, in purity and holiness. 16. And later he was clothed with the garments of the priesthood and he became the chief and sat on the throne of Mark the Evangelist in the city of Alexandria. 17. And when he became patriarch, he illuminated every city with the light of his holy faith, and delivered all the cities of Egypt from the worship of idols and he destroyed all the makers of images, even as the holy apostolic Athanasius had prophesied regarding him.
CHAPTER LXXX. 1. And the wretched Julian began to build the sanctuary of the Jews in Jerusalem which the Romans had destroyed, and he offered sacrifices there, for he was devoted to the shedding of blood. 2. But our Lord Jesus Christ—praise be unto Him—brought to nought his works and ordinances. 3. And Sapor Arsaces, king of Persia, who was of a pacific disposition and had paid tribute to the Godloving emperor Constantine, went forth to war with the Romans. 4. It was at that time that the holy martyr Domitius finished his course.115 For the emperor Julian, the enemy of God, after having offered sacrifice to demons in the city named Casius,116 in the neighbourhood of Antioch, about six miles distant, |77 where there was the idol Apollo, arose and went forth to war with the Persians, he and the forces of Rome. 5. And he was accompanied by all the demon-possessed and deceitful augurs. And as he marched he came to a grassy spot, and he saw there many men, women, and children. 6. And many of the sick were healed through the prayer of the holy Domitius, the servant of God. 7. And he questioned (them) saying: 'What is this assemblage which I see?' And they replied: 'A monk is working miracles and healing the sick: and this assemblage which thou seest is composed of Christians; they receive a blessing from him and are healed by him'. 8. And Julian was wroth and sent to him a soldier treacherously in a menacing tone and said: 'If thou dwellest in this cave in order to please God, why dost thou desire to please men, and why hast thou not hidden thyself?' 9. And the holy Domitius answered and said: 'I have committed wholly my soul and my body into the hands of the God of heaven, the true God, Jesus Christ. And behold it is now many years since I have closed this cave upon myself. And as for the assemblage which have come to me in faith, I cannot drive them away'. 10. And when the emperor heard these words he commanded the soldiers to close the mouth of the cave on the righteous old man till he died. 11. And thus he accomplished his course in the twenty-third day of the month Hamle, and received the martyr's crown which fadeth not away.
12. But the punishment of God was not slow in overtaking Julian the Apostate. 13. Now he marched against the Persians who were idolaters like himself, and he marched with haste and never again saw Rome. 14. But he did not accomplish what the deceivers had promised to him saying: 'We the gods will unite to give thee aid the moment thou dost enter the river'. 15. And this unfortunate man was deceived by their words and was not able to open his mouth by reason of their flow of speech. 16. And they named that river the river of fire because there were wild beasts in it.117 And for this reason it is named by this name. |78 17. And Julian was obstinately attached to error and called himself 'the despiser of the word of God'. For he trusted in idols and consulted demons who were not able to save him, but misled him with vain performances; for they destroyed his understanding and he became an adversary of God, the glorious Creator and our Saviour Jesus Christ, who shed His blood on behalf of many and became the true foundation for believers, who avenged His Christian servants. 18. Now Julian shed the blood of many Christians, and in his days many believers were put to death, and he visited with severe persecution those who called upon the name of Christ. 19. Now, while this apostate was proposing to war against the Persians, vengeance came upon him from our Lord Jesus Christ, and he was slain by the hand of His servant Mercury, the martyr. 20. And on the night on which this abominable transgressor was slain, the holy Basil, who was clothed with God, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, saw a vision. 21. And he saw the heavens opened and our Lord Jesus Christ sitting on the throne of His glory (and) saying with a loud voice: 'Mercury, go and slay Julian the adversary of My anointed ones'. And the holy Mercury was standing before him clothed with a flashing corslet of steel. 22. And on hearing the command of our Lord Jesus Christ he departed, disappearing for a short space, and after a short space he reappeared and cried with a loud voice: 'I have slain the emperor Julian in accordance with Thy command, and he is dead, O Lord'. 23. The bishop awoke astonied and terrified. Now Julian used to honour the holy Basil greatly because they had been bound by tics of friendship from their youth. For they were versed in letters and Basil also had written frequently to him in order to |79 prevail on him to forsake his errors, but he had refused. 24. And when the bishop Basil awaked from sleep, he called the venerable priests and the faithful to early morning prayers in the church. 25. And after the completion of the prayers, he recounted to them this vision which he had seen, saying: 'Can Julian really be dead?' And when they heard these words, the priests and the people feared and thereupon asked him to be silent till the matter was fully ascertained. But the man of God was not willing to be silent, but spake out and feared not; for he trusted in God and in our Lord Jesus Christ. 26. And soon it fell out according to the vision of S. Basil, and the death of Julian the apostate was heard of throughout all the provinces, even his destruction which God had accomplished by the hand of his martyr S. Mercurius. 27. Now this apostate had brought destruction and disasters on the army. He had the noses of two Persians cut off who, as guides, had conducted the army into a mountainous and waterless desert whence there was no means of issue, when he wished to attack the Persians. 28. And the Roman soldiers perished in that region of hunger and thirst and many hardships; for these Persians had dealt subtly with the Romans and had destroyed them. But this apostate Julian did not recognize (this) indubitable judgement of God. 29. And his crimes had continued all the days of his life, even forty and four years.118
30. After the death of Julian the Roman troops assembled in order to appoint an emperor, and through the help of God being all of one mind whilst they were in Persia, they chose Jovian to be their emperor. 31. Now he was an orthodox Christian (and) a faithful servant of God. He, however, was unwilling to be emperor, but he was made emperor by force. 32. Previously indeed he had been commander-in-chief, and for this reason he received the imperial crown. And after they had made him emperor, he ascended an eminence and addressed in a loud voice all the people and the troops as follows: 'If ye wish me to become your emperor, become Christians like me, and believe in Christ, and become the foes of idols'. 33. Thereupon all the people and the troops cried out with one voice, saying: 'We are Christians: Henceforth Christ is our emperor and His glorious Cross'. And for |80 this reason they honoured the emperor and praised him with great praise.
34. And when the Persians had been apprised of the death of Julian they sent ambassadors to Jovian the Godloving emperor to negotiate terms of peace and friendship. And the emperor Jovian received them gladly, and peace and friendship were made between Rome and Persia. 35. And the Persians agreed to pay tribute, and he (Jovian) remitted the tribute of one year, because Julian the apostate had previously destroyed and made a wilderness of the city of Anderwan. 36. Nevertheless he commanded them to build outside the imperial frontiers a city for themselves, and he named this city Amides.119 And he strengthened it with walls and fortifications, and filled it with a numerous population, and he made it like the first city which Julian the apostate had destroyed. And he that was set over this city besought greatly the emperor Jovian to name it after the name of Rome. But he refused on account of the peace and friendship subsisting between Rome and Persia.120
CHAPTER LXXXI. 1. And after the conclusion of the war the Christian emperor Jovian evacuated Persia and brought back safely all the remaining troops. 2. But such as he found holding the evil sentiments of Julian the apostate he destroyed and exterminated. 3. And forthwith he opened the churches of Constantinople and closed the temples. And he restored to the Christians the Christian cities which Julian the apostate had taken from them, and he appointed Christian (governors) in all the cities, and he destroyed all the temples to their foundations, and the worshippers of idols became few. 4. And he interdicted also the religion of the Arians who are adversaries of Christ; for he was an unwavering orthodox believer and a true worshipper of the Holy Trinity who give life to all. 5. And he became glorious as the light of the sun through all his actions and his true and upright faith. And he was full of virtues and did good unto all men of his time. 6. And he addressed also a decree to all the Roman provinces to this effect: 'I, the Godloving Jovian, commander-in-chief, true emperor (and) master |81 of the world, hereby write to all the Christians under my sway. 7. I am solicitous over you in the Lord and I rejoice with you in regard to the holy church which is in the midst of the city, as the navel in the midst of the belly. For it has triumphed greatly over all who opposed it. 8. Now the anger of the emperor Julian arose against it and he closed it; but I give orders to have it reopened and restored to a condition of repose in order that there may be given to it a pure and holy priesthood who may therein offer prayers to heaven—which may God in His mercy vouchsafe to receive. 9. And now let us exert ourselves to reopen the church and let us perform its offices, and honour its ministers, in order that all the people and army of Rome may assemble within it. For it was given to them by God, merciful and gracious, in order that prayer and supplications might always be offered therein with befitting earnestness.'
10. And Jovian addressed a letter to this effect also to the apostolic S. Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria, in order to restore him to his city in great honour. 11. 'From the emperor Jovian to the Godloving S. Athanasius. We admire thee and thy wise manner of life and + thy near approaches to the kings + and thy faithful virtues and thy noble earnestness to fulfil the work of our Lord Jesus Christ—praise be unto Him. 12. We request thee, honoured bishop; for thou hast undergone every labour and hast not feared those who persecuted thee nor the tribulations that have overtaken thee, but hast accounted wrath and indignation as a thing of nought and reckoned them as no better than a worthless straw. 13. And thou hast gone in the footsteps of the orthodox faith and hast proceeded unto the end, and hast left (the example) of thy life to those that come after thee and hast bound them with perfect faith and virtuous deeds.+121 14. Return now to our imperial domain and resume thy teaching which is full of salvation. And preserve the churches and feed the people of Christ and zealously address thy prayers to God on our behalf and on behalf of our empire that we may be saved through thy prayers. 15. For we think that we shall gain the help of the Most High God through the supplications of thy pure and holy tongue; for it is inspired by |82 the Holy Spirit. 16. And we have written this letter to thee that thou mayst enlighten the people with the light of Christ and mayst put an end to idols, the adversaries of God, and likewise to the heresy of the Arians who persecuted them [that we may be saved by thy prayers].
17. And when the apostolic S. Athanasius, the light of the world, had read this letter, he convoked all the holy bishops and the honoured doctors and wrote two treatises: the first on the Word of God, who is one of the Holy Trinity, and the second on the precepts of Christ. 18. And he addressed a letter also to S. Basil, who constantly thought upon and studied the works of God, and said: 'The Godloving emperor Jovian accepts absolutely and with joy the orthodox faith of the Council of Nicaea: rejoice thou therefore; for he is orthodox and has established the pure faith of the Holy Trinity.'
19. And the emperor Jovian finished his course in peace and integrity, doing that which was well pleasing to God. 20. And whilst he was so engaged he set out to go to the city of Byzantium, and though attacked by an illness he passed through Cilicia and Galatia and came to the city named Didastana,122 and he went to his rest there. 20. For the world was not worthy to receive such an emperor, as he was good and pious and merciful and humble, Christian and orthodox.
CHAPTER LXXXII. 1. And after the death of the Godloving Jovian, Valentinian, being the foremost amongst the officers, came to mourn with them over the death of the emperor Jovian. 2. And whilst they were so mourning and were anxiously deliberating on the appointment of their emperor, then Sallust the prefect of the praetorians came (forward) and enjoying a very illustrious position amongst the officers advised them and said: 'It is most suitable for us that Valentinian should be made emperor. At an earlier date he was a general and was persecuted by Julian the apostate on account of his orthodox faith.' 3. And when the officers and the troops had heard the advice of Sallust they appointed him emperor and had him proclaimed as follows by the voice of heralds in all the |83 provinces: 'Valentinian, a just man (and) a Christian, whose words are just and whose utterance is true, has become emperor.' 4. And when he became emperor, he appointed Sallust vizier (sic) over all his officers; for he was no respecter of persons. And when Sallust became vizier and was empowered with authority, he strengthened the cause of justice and right in all the provinces, and was full of discernment and refused bribes and did not give his confidence rashly. And the emperor was pleased with him because he was a doer of the right. 5. And next Valentinian made Valens his brother emperor in Constantinople, but he went himself to Home and established his authority over all the empire of the west. 6. And he condemned many magistrates who were guilty of injustice and took bribes. 7. And there was an officer of the palace named Rhodanus who had committed an act of injustice on a widow and had taken possession of her property. 8. And she went and told the emperor, and the emperor commanded (him) to restore all her property.123 And from that day he was honoured by the army and the senate, and by all peoples, 9, For this just and equitable emperor hated oppression and judged with the voice of justice and practised equity. 10. This great emperor did not spare (even) his wife, the empress Marina. Now she had bought a garden from a nursery woman (lit. a female planter of plants) and had not paid her the price which it was equitably worth, because the valuers had valued (it) out of regard to the empress and so had inclined to do her a favour. 11. And when the pious Valentinian was apprised of what his wife had done, he sent Godfearing men to value that garden and he bound them by a solemn oath to value it justly and equitably. 12. And when the valuers came to that garden, they found that she had been guilty of a grave injustice and had given the woman but a small portion of the price. 13. And when the emperor heard, he was wroth with the empress (and) removed her from his presence and drove her from the palace and took to wife a woman named Justina, with whom he lived all the rest of his |84 days. 14. As for his first wife, he drove and exiled her from the city, and gave back the garden to the woman who had sold it.
15. And the emperor Valentinian raised to the imperial throne his son Gratian, who was born to him by the wife he had driven into exile. 16. And after the emperor Valentinian had accomplished many noble deeds, he fell ill and died loyal to the faith of the Holy Trinity, in the castle named Watan.124 17. And after his death came his brother Valens, who had formerly been a Christian but afterwards had walked in the way of the Arians and had attached himself strongly to their abominable faith. 18. And he persecuted the orthodox, and their churches were openly given to the impious heretics. And he confiscated wrongfully the property of all the inhabitants of Byzantium and other cities.
19. And in the days of this abominable (prince) there was an earthquake in the city of Nicaea where the holy council had been held. For the sea rose against it and overwhelmed it. 20. And in those days also a man named Tatian was appointed prefect of Alexandria, which is the chief city of Egypt. And he built, in the place called Abrakjun, the two stone gates with enormous labour and he made these gates for the passage of the great river, and he fortified the country of Egypt.
21. And in those days there appeared a miracle through the intervention of the apostolic S. Athanasius, the father of the faith, patriarch of Alexandria. 22, When the sea rose against the city of Alexandria and, threatening an inundation, had already advanced to a place called Heptastadion, the venerable father accompanied by all the priests went forth to the borders of the sea, and holding in his hand the book of the holy Law he raised his hand to heaven and said: 'O Lord, Thou God who liest not, it is Thou that didst promise to Noah after the flood and say: "I will not again bring a flood of waters upon the earth".' 23. And after these words of the saint the sea returned to its place and the wrath of God was appeased. Thus the city was saved through the intercession of the apostolic S. Athanasius, the great star.
CHAPTER LXXXIII. 1. Now these are the illustrious emperors, the servants of God, who were zealous workers of good—Gratian and Theodosius. 2. The one set free the holy believers from bonds |85 wherewith they had been bound by the emperor Valens, and put an end to the banishment of Christians. 3. As for the other he loved God ardently and restored to the faithful their churches, and destroyed idolatry. 4. And he prohibited also the teaching of the wicked Arians and established the pure and spotless faith. 5. And Gregory, the Theologian, appeared in the city of Constantinople and strengthened the churches. Previously indeed he had been obliged to find concealment in flight from house to house and from place to place. 6. And (Theodosius) built also a holy church as a noble memorial. And he drove from the city Eudoxius, the heretic, the blasphemer of the Holy Spirit. And after he had driven this miscreant from the city, he sent to Basil, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, to Gregory of Nyssa, and to Amphilochius of Iconium, wise and godly divines, and he commanded them to construct a church in the truth and in the Holy Spirit. 7. And they disputed with the heretics and got the better of them and put them to shame, and they proclaimed the true orthodox faith in every place. 8. And again as regards the history of the Godloving emperor Theodosius, while he was on his way to Byzantium to meet the blessed emperor Gratian, he saw a vision in his sleep, in which Meletius the patriarch of Antioch placed the imperial crown on his head by the advice of the leaders.
9. And there was an Arian living outside the city.125 And when Amphilochius came to the imperial court, he found seated on their thrones the emperor Theodosius and his two sons Arcadius and Honorius. For he had raised them to the imperial throne in his lifetime. 10. And when the bishop came before Theodosius and his sons, he saluted Theodosius but not his sons. 11. And Theodosius was wroth because he had not saluted his sons. And when the bishop saw that the emperor was wroth with him, he said unto him: 'Reflect, O king, that in like manner there are those who do not salute the Son and the Holy Spirit who are consubstantial with the Father, namely the blaspheming heretics, (And yet) thou hast not driven these from thy empire.' 12. And when the emperor heard these words of the bishop, the emperor perceived that the bishop was one of the highest types of the faithful, and thereupon |86 he held his peace. 13. And forthwith he became zealous for the orthodox faith, and he ordained a law in his days that no heretic should be permitted to live in any of the Roman cities, nor in the cultivated enclosures nor in the fields nor in the villages.
14. And during the stay of the emperor Theodosius in Asia there arose a usurper, named Maximus, of British descent, who slew the blessed emperor Gratian through treachery and seized his empire by force and made his residence in Rome. 15. And Valentinian, the younger brother of Gratian, fled to Thessalonica. And as for Maximus the heretic, he despised God; for he was an Arian. 16. And next there arose a man named Eugenius, who had previously been a teacher of the heathen and had persecuted the worshippers of Christ and loved to practise magic and made (sic). And by the advice of the officers who agreed with him, he seized the empire of Valentinian and slew him by treachery. 17. And when Theodosius the emperor heard of these events, he arose and mustered a numerous army and marched against them, and put to death both Maximus and Eugenius through the might of our Lord Jesus Christ whom he served. 18. And he avenged the two emperors Gratian and Valentinian and brought back under his own hand the entire empire of Rome and established his authority over it. 19. And he gave to the orthodox believers all the churches under his dominion, and he banished the blaspheming Arians. 20. And he assembled also in Constantinople a council of bishops, to the number of one hundred and fifty holy fathers. 21. And he drove out infidelity and heresy from all the provinces of his empire and he introduced the worship of the one God in three Persons, and he strengthened the orthodox faith. 22. And the Holy Spirit was (shed) abundantly upon the priests, and their hands and their tongues and all their thoughts were pure. And peace prevailed in the churches, because the bishops had assembled in peace and unity. 23. But afterwards when Satan saw (the prosperity of the church), he was jealous and began to divide and sunder the limbs of the one complete body, that is, the holy Church. 24. For Gregory, the Theologian, having come to the council of the chief clergy of the Church, comforted and adorned the city of Constantinople by his teaching, 25. And Timothy, patriarch of Alexandria, addressed Gregory like an angel and admonished him to leave the imperial city of Constantinople and return to the city of his bishopric and its ancient church, namely |87 Nazianzum (?), 126 in order to shepherd and protect it. 26. It was unseemly for him to forsake a poor church and occupy a rich one; for this was an act of 127... fornication and contrary to the canons of the Fathers. 27. But when the bishops of the east and the other bishops present heard this address, they differed from him in this matter. 28. A tumult, moreover, arose amongst them on this question. For the patriarch Timothy took upon himself to nominate Maximus to the patriarchate of Constantinople; for he was an eminent man and had suffered many hardships from the Arians. 29. Now there was a feud between the Orientals and the Egyptians. And S. Gregory mediated and made peace between them. And Maximus who had been nominated to Constantinople without the consent of the bishops remained there, but Gregory they banished from the imperial city on the advice of all the bishops, and he returned to his first church. 30. But the heart of Gregory was firm as a stone and was not troubled by the troubles of this world. And all the people were grieved on his behalf; for he had saved the imperial city of Constantinople from the (spiritual) adulteries of the Arians. 31. And they banished Maximus also from Constantinople to the convent to which he had formerly been appointed, and all the bishops which had been ordained by his hands. 32. Next they appointed a man named Nectarius 128 by the advice of the one hundred and fifty bishops. Now he was a man of good birth, of the city of Constantinople. He was also wise and prudent I and he led such a good and pure life that all the world admired him for his conduct. And they forcibly appointed him to the patriarchate. 33. And he kept up a continuous warfare against the faith of the Arians, and he was zealous for the orthodox faith. And peace was established in the council and all (the bishops) later departed in joy to their cities. 34. But Satan the adversary of our race did not suffer Nectarius the patriarch to remain untroubled. For when the Godloving emperor Theodosius had set out with a numerous army to war against Maximus, the Arian usurper, and had reached a place named Milan, within which lay the Arian usurper, and had thus come face to face with him but as yet no engagement had ensued between them, certain Arians went and announced through all the city of Byzantium a lying report to |88 this effect: 'The emperor Theodosius has been defeated in battle and all his army destroyed.' 35. And by reason of this rumour fear and terror fell on all the Christians, and the orthodox out of fear inclined to the Arians. And the Arians arose in wrath and burnt the mansion of the patriarch Nectarius. 36. And after they had wrought these evil deeds, an account thereof was reported to the Godloving emperor Theodosius. And forthwith he arose and gave battle to Maximus the usurper and slew him.
37. And in those days the holy patriarch Timothy built a church of marvellous workmanship in the city of Alexandria and named it after the name of the emperor Theodosius. And he built also a second church and named it Arcadia after his son. 38. And there was a temple of Serapis in the city, and he converted it into a church and named it after the name of his (Theodosius's) younger son Honoring. But this church was also named after the names of the martyrs Cosmas and Damian. It faced the church of S. Peter the patriarch and last of the martyrs.
39. Throughout the days of the emperor Theodosius the Christians enjoyed tranquillity and peace. 40. And Theodosius constructed also many buildings in the outskirts of the city of Antioch. And he built a new wall from the mountain to the old (lit. 'first') tower129 constructed by the emperor Tiberius. And he built walls also round the neighbouring lands and enclosures which had been without a wall.
41. After this there arose many heresies and divisions in the city of Thessalonica owing to the Arians. And a disturbance took place between the inhabitants and the officers and the Arians began to stone the officers, insulting thereby the emperor. When the emperor was informed of what the Arians had done, pretending that he was on his way to Rome he marched into Thessalonica with all his officers and soldiers. 42. And using a ruse he sent armed men among the population of the city and destroyed the Arians. And the number of those that were put to the sword was 15,000.130 43. And the emperor being reprimanded by the patriarch Miletius 131 for his great slaughter of the Arians—for he |89 had been troubled on behalf of the Christians—was full of wrath and indignation: but (afterwards) the emperor repented of his wrath against the patriarch, and repented and fasted and gave alms and shed many tears, praying for mercy and forgiveness of the transgression.
44. And in those days there were animosities and great trouble and destruction in the city of Antioch. 45. And the emperor indeed was sore pressed by the war that had been waged in (that) province and in every other quarter, and when this pressure upon him became severe, he commanded an extraordinary tax to be levied in all the provinces of his empire. 46. And they seized and illtreated the people. And when the crowds and multitudes that were in the city saw their brethren being hanged without mercy or pity, the men of the city cast down from the top of the palace the bronze + coffin + 132 which contained the body of the blessed Flacilla, the wife of the emperor Theodosius, and they dragged it through the streets of the city. 47. And when the emperor heard of this outrage, he was wroth exceedingly and removed the officers of the city and banished them to Laodicea. 48. And as regards the officials of Antioch who had perpetrated this great offence against the emperor, he gave orders, in order to punish them, that the city of Antioch should be burnt together with everything that was in it. 49. And those, who were commanded to burn the city, were Caesar an officer and Ellebichus a general. 50. And subsequently there came from the desert a monk, a saint of God, to the officers who were commanded to burn the city, and addressed them as follows: 51. 'Write to the emperor Theodosius and say to him on my part as follows: "Thou art not only an emperor but thou art also a man like us, though thou art the chief. And thou art subject to the same afflictions as every creature which bears the likeness of God. When thou condemnest the likeness of God, thou dost provoke to anger the God who created man in His likeness. For thou art angry because of a dumb statue of brass: how much more therefore will God be angry with thee and thy empire when His image endowed with utterance and a soul is in question. 52. For it is He and He alone who is Lord and King over all that has |90 given thee power. And as for thy wrath because a + coffin + 133 of bronze has been destroyed, we can make one like unto it, but thou canst not make a single hair of the head of a single person whom thou dost wish to put to death."' 53. And in those days there was a priest named John and surnamed Chrysostom 134 who taught in righteousness before he was chosen patriarch. And at that time he taught and admonished in every city. And fearing death at the hands of the Arians he had fled and left the city deprived of his lifegiving doctrine. 54. And when the emperor Theodosius heard these words he repented and calmed his anger. And the magistrates of the city, whom he had previously banished, he restored to their functions in Antioch, and those who were in prison he set free. 55. And the emperor wrote a letter in reply and sent (it) to his officers to the following effect: 'I have been angry on account of my late Godloving wife Flacilla, who has most undeservedly suffered outrage at their hands. 56. And I have been desirous to punish them. But for the sake of God and His love for mankind, (and) that He may accept me and aid me and give me victory over the heretics and barbarians and all those who rise up a.gainst me, I now accord pardon to them. Let there be peace upon the city of Antioch and let them dwell in undisturbed tranquillity.' 57. And after the emperor Theodosius had conquered the usurpers he resided in the city of Rome, and he put to death many heretics.
58. And in those days the bakers made underground cellars135 and secret resorts in the earth, and built likewise structures in which they prepared dough: and they perpetrated in them many abominable deeds on people (generally) but specially on strangers and foreigners and on many who came to them to get food and drink and on others with lustful purposes. 59. And the wine sellers sent on secretly those who came to them to the bakers who |91 seized them by force. And these (captives) could not escape, and though they cried out, there was none to hear them. 60. Some of these were made to turn a mill all their days: others were placed in a brothel till they were old and even then not permitted to depart.
61. Now there was a soldier of the emperor whom they introduced to the mill-house by a stratagem, and tortured there for a long time. And when he was very weary (of it) he made a vigorous effort (and) drawing his sword slew many that sought to prevent his egress; those that remained were terrified and let him escape, and so he went and told the emperor. 62. And the emperor commanded the bakers to be brought and punished them severely and destroyed their secret buildings. 63. And he compelled the female prostitutes to walk publicly through Rome to the sound of a bell that their crimes might be made known to all, and the bakers also to be publicly exposed.136 64. Thus (Theodosius) exterminated utterly all this evil.
65. And (Theodosius) ended his life virtuously and left an illustrious memory to his successors and went to his rest in peace. He ended his earthly life pure and blameless, and he passed from this transitory world to the life eternal.
CHAPTER LXXXIV. 1. After the death of the Godloving emperor Theodosius, his empire passed into the hands of his two sons Arcadius and Honorius who were borne to him by his wife the blessed Flacilla. 2. They had been created emperors during his (Theodosius's) lifetime: Arcadius he had appointed emperor in Constantinople and Honorius emperor in Rome. And they placed the body of the emperor Theodosius in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople.
3. Arcadius and Honorius were very devoted to the Christian religion. And the Godloving emperor Honorius fell ill, and when his brother Arcadius was apprised (of this) he set out for Rome to visit him. 4. Now Honorius was in purity and chastity an ascetic, and though living in the imperial palace, he observed the mode of life of a hermit. 5. And he pursued a virtuous course marked with severe discipline and many a hardship. And he wore a hair garment under silk clothing which forms the imperial dress, and he made his bed upon the ground, and fasted every day, and prayed, |92 and sang psalms, and to his religious exercises added always virtuous deeds, and despising exceedingly the earthly kingdom, he set his hopes on the kingdom of heaven, and he was prompt to do that which is pleasing to God. 6. And he completed all the good measures which had not been carried into effect by his father, and he put an end to all the evil practices which were displeasing to God. 7. Now it was the custom amongst his contemporaries that two men should fight in the arena, and that the victor should slay the other, without incurring bloodguiltiness. 8. And in those days there came to Rome a monk from the east named Telemachus, whose life had been like that of the angels of heaven. 9. And the monk finding them practise such abominable and bloody deeds, adjured them and solemnly bade them in the name of Jesus Christ to make peace and to abandon this satanical act of slaying a brother. And when they heard these words, they laid aside their weapons and stoned him with stones and shed the blood of the man of God, the devoted monk, Telemachus. 10. And when the holy emperor Honorius was apprised of this event, he put a stop to this custom in the city of Rome and abolished it. And the peace of the glorious and Most High God prevailed in the city. 11. And he destroyed also the unclean temples and made them edifices consecrated to the holy martyrs.
During the sojourn of the emperor Arcadius in Rome, an officer 137 of the army, named Gainas, of barbaric descent, revolted, and gathered forces and made war on the emperor. And he mustered a large host of barbarians and he caused great disquiet. 12. But the emperor Arcadius went forth hastily from Rome (and) arrived at Byzantium, full of zeal for the orthodox faith of his father, and he slew this usurper Gainas the apostate, who was of the abominable sect of the Arians. And he abode (thenceforth) in peace. 13. And afterwards the God loving emperor Arcadius fell ill and died in the days of the partriarchate of S. John Chrysostom. 14. Now his son Theodosius the younger had been proclaimed emperor before the death of his father.
15. And when Theodosius the younger became emperor a serious sedition took place in the city of Rome. For the emperor Honorius |93 had abandoned (the seat of) his empire and withdrawn in indignation to the city of Ravenna; for many of the senators hated the emperor Honorius the saint of God because of his good life; for he feared God and fulfilled all His commandments.138 16. And just then a chief of the province of Gaul, named Alaric, set out with a numerous force to seize the city of Rome. 17. And when he arrived he came to terms with the enemies of the emperor and they offered him tribute from the city; but he refused to receive it and marched to the palace and seized all the imperial possessions. 18. And he carried off the sister of the emperor Honorius, named Placidia, who was a virgin. Then this conqueror returned into Gaul. 19. And he had a certain official with him, named Constantius, and he carried off the young girl to her brother the emperor Honorius without the knowledge of the conqueror. And the emperor honoured him and made him a vizier, and later raised him to the imperial throne, and gave him his virgin sister in marriage. 20. And subsequently they two, the emperor Honorius and Constantius, set out from the city of Ravenna and made themselves masters of Rome, and put to death the men who had originated the sedition against their lord, the emperor Honorius, and these were four in number. And he confiscated their possessions and broke the power of that rebel. 21. And he gave his (Roman) empire to his sister's husband Constantius, and the God-loving emperor Honorius went to Constantinople, where he made the younger Theodosius, his nephew, his colleague in the empire. 22. But after a short time he returned to the city of Rome, for he had fallen grievously ill owing to his excessive devotion to the religious and ascetic life with fasting and prayer. And his limbs swelled and he died, and he departed from this perishable world in his virginity and without a son. 23. Now Constantius the emperor of Rome had by Placidia, the sister of the emperor Honorius, a son whom he named Valentinian. 24. But there arose a usurper named John who made himself master of his empire by force.139
25. And after the.death of Honorius his uncle, Theodosius the younger reigned alone in Constantinople. And when he grew up to manhood, as he was still unmarried, he was urgently pressed by his sisters, Arcadia, Marina, and Pulcheria, to marry and have children. 26. But he replied to them: 'I will only marry a girl |94 who is a virgin, comely, beautiful, Godloving, and wise.' 27. And after this reply they sought for him in every city of the empire, but there was none such among the imperial princesses nor among families of noble descent. And they traversed every region (in their search). (At last) they found a woman who had come to Constantinople, who was very beautiful and surpassed all the women of the time. 28. She was at variance with her brothers on the question of her father's property, and she had come to complain to the emperor of the injustice she had undergone.
And the girl's name was Athenais + that is, by interpretation +,140 Eudocia. 29. Now her father, whose name was Heraclitus,141 had two sons, of whom one was named Valerian and the other Genesius, and this daughter whom we have mentioned. 30. And their father on dying commanded them to give his daughter one hundred mithqals of gold as her portion. But she refused (to accept them), for she was displeased, and said: 'Do I not deserve to have an equal portion of the inheritance with my brothers?' But they refused, and drove her forth from her father's house. 31. Then her mother's sister received her and escorted her from the province of Hellas and brought her to the city of Awtamon and placed her with her father's brother. 32. Now there was there a sister of a man named Heraclitus a philosopher, who resided in the city of Byzantium. And she resorted to an artifice by means of which he conducted the girl into the presence of the emperor's sisters. 33. On learning that the girl was a virgin, they had her brought to them in the palace and informed the emperor regarding her. And he approached her and looked upon her + openly + and she pleased him. And he had her converted to Christianity and she was named Eudocia; for previously she had been a pagan of the sect of |95 the philosophers. 34. (And) he married her according to the law of the Christians and celebrated a nuptial feast in her honour and also made her empress. And when her brothers heard regarding her that she had become the wife of the emperor Theodosius and had been proclaimed empress, they were terrified and fled into the province of Hellas. 35. She sent a letter to them and had them brought from Athens to Constantinople, and she promoted them to high positions near the emperor and set Genesius over the province of Illyria, and Valerian she set over the army. 36. And later she said unto them: 'If you had not done me wrong I should not have come to the imperial city and become empress, but by the will of God I have come hither. I will not do unto you as you have done to me.' 37. Thereupon they bowed to the earth and did her homage. And subsequently she bare a daughter and named her Eudoxia after the name of the mother of Theodosius.
38. And in the days of this emperor Theodosius dissensions arose in the church at Constantinople because of the banishment of the blessed patriarch John Chrysostom, who had been banished in the days of Arcadius the father of Theodosius because of the empress Eudoxia's anger in regard to the vineyard of the widow.
39. There was likewise a great earthquake in the imperial city. And the emperor was profoundly grieved—he and all the senators and priests and people together, and for many days they walked with bare feet.
40. And the Isaurians seized the city of Seleucia in Syria in a marauding expedition unexpectedly, * and likewise the city of Tiberias.142 And they pillaged all its possessions and they marched by the mountain named Amanus and returned to their country Isauria. 41. And all the people were ignorant as to the reason for which S. John Chrysostom was banished for so long a period till the death of the empress Eudoxia. 42. Now at this period there was a patriarch in the city of Constantinople, named Atticus, who had lived so wisely and after good counsels that he prevailed on the emperor Theodosius to write to the holy and wise Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, who had been appointed after Timothy, that the name of the holy John Chrysostom should be enrolled in the diptychs of the church together with all the patriarchs who had died before. 43. The holy Cyril accepted this proposal with great joy; for he |96 loved the Godloving, holy, orthodox John Chrysostom, and honoured him as a great teacher. 44. And owing to this circumstance there was great joy in the churches. And the emperor Theodosius gave large sums to the churches and rebuilt in a befitting manner those which had been destroyed.
45. And in those days the orthodox inhabitants of Alexandria were filled with zeal and they collected a large quantity of wood and burned the place of the heathen philosophers.143
46. But the emperor Theodosius did not forget nor forsake the city of Rome, but he sent to it an officer named Aspar, with a numerous army in order to war against John the usurper. And he warred against John the rebel and overcame him, and saved Valentinian, the son of his aunt Placidia, whom she bare to Constantius. 47. And he placed him near his person, and married him to his daughter whom the empress Eudocia bare him. And (Valentinian) begat two daughters by her, and named the one Eudoxia and the other Placidia.
48. And (Theodosius) chose a man from among the philosophers, named Cyrus, and appointed him prefect. And he was a wise man and of severe integrity; and he was incorruptible and walked in integrity and uprightness. 49. Moreover he loved to restore the buildings (of the city). The towers 144 which had long been in a ruinous condition he rebuilt in a short time, and he was without pride and was greatly loved by all the inhabitants of Constantinople. 50. And on the occasion of a famine,145 the emperor Theodosius saw all the people acclaiming and honouring Cyrus the prefect. (And certain people) were jealous of him and accused him to the emperor Theodosius, saying: 'It is his intention to rebel and usurp thy power.' 51. And the emperor listened to their calumnies and had the man arrested, subjected to many punishments, and deprived of all his possessions [and had him conducted into the palace].146 It was not on the ground of these calumnies only that he did so, but because of the acclamations of the people: 'He is a second |97 emperor like the great Constantine.' 52. And for this reason the emperor was wroth against him (and) desired to put him to death. 53. And when he heard of this purpose (of the emperor) he fled into a church, and was there appointed metropolitan of the city of Smyrna in the province of Asia, for (there) the people had previously put their bishop to death. 54. And when he was ordained metropolitan of the city of Smyrna, he made a great and long prayer to the God of heaven because He had saved him from the death threatened by calumny. 55. And whilst he was so engaged, the festival of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ arrived. The people and the priests placed him on the throne as was customary for the bishops, and requested him as follows: 'Speak to us regarding the greatness and the glory and the praise of the Omnipotent and regarding His holy Nativity.' 56. And he spoke first to them regarding his deliverance from death, and next he addressed them as follows: 'Know ye, my brethren, that this day is the day of the Nativity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. 57. Let us honour him as is befitting, for it was of his own will alone that He was conceived in the womb of the holy Virgin Mary; for He is the primaeval Word the Creator—praise be unto Him—together with His Father (supremely) good and the Holy Lifegiving Spirit, Consubstantial Trinity for evermore.' 58. And all the inhabitants of the city honoured him and he continued discharging the ministry and the sacred services without intermission. He fulfilled his sacerdotal duty till he died in (all) honour.
59. And likewise in the days of the emperor Theodosius there died Atticus and Sisinnius, patriarchs of Constantinople. And after their death they brought from Antioch to Constantinople Nestorius, in order to teach there because he represented himself to be like the ascetics and those learned in the Scriptures: and they ordained him patriarch there, and he became the scourge of the Christians in every country. 60. For at once he set himself to teach and blaspheme God: and he refused to believe that the holy Virgin Mary was the mother of God, but called her the mother of Christ, saying that Christ had two natures; and so there arose many dissensions and great tumults in the city of Constantinople on this subject. 61. They obliged the emperor Theodosius to summon a council of bishops in Ephesus from all the world. And those who assembled, being in number two hundred, excommunicated and |98 deposed Nestorius and his followers. Now these subsequently returned to the holy faith together with John, patriarch of Antioch. 62. They agreed with the two hundred bishops and with our holy Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, and they confirmed this faith and rejected Nestorius because he taught the same false doctrine as Apollinaris. 63. And there remained but a few of those who had created the tumult and followed Nestorius, whereas the orthodox believers grew strong and multiplied exceedingly during the days of the emperor Theodosius, till Archelaus, who was set over the east, joined them and became one with us in the right faith. 64. And there remained but a few who persisted in the error of Nestorius. And so the churches enjoyed tranquillity and peace all the days of the Godloving emperor Theodosius.
65. These are the patriarchs who lived in Constantinople in the days of Theodosius, i. e. the wise patriarchs Maximian and Proclus. 66. The wise Proclus had studied diligently as a child, and when he grew up, he was fitted to remain in the city in the devout service of God, And he attended continually on the patriarch Atticus and wrote down and learnt all the teachings of God. 67. And subsequently they ordained him deacon, and when he was older they made him a priest. And Sisinnius, who was appointed patriarch after Atticus, consecrated him bishop of Cyzicum and gave it this great gift; but the inhabitants of this town refused it; for they were not worthy to receive this chosen vessel of God. 68. And so (Proclus) remained in solitude in Byzantium, while Nestorius as patriarch was disturbing the churches, by creating hatred against our Lady the holy Virgin Mary, the mother of God. 69. Now the holy Proclus composed a treatise on our Lady, the holy Virgin Mary, the mother of God, and read it in the church of Constantinople before the people assembled there, and he strongly reproved Nestorius in his treatise because his heart was set on destruction. 70. And in the beginning of his treatise it was written as follows: 'Let us celebrate the festival of the Virgin and proclaim with our tongue these words: To-day let us praise Mary the mother of God.'147 And when all the people heard these words, they glorified our Lady and gave thanks to her, and admired exceedingly. 71. And Proclus |99 having thus touched the heart of the emperor Theodosius and of all the people, they were eager to raise him to the throne (of the patriarchate) in Constantinople after the exile and deposition of Nestorius. But certain of the chief people of the city arose and said out of envy: 'This man has been bishop of a small city: how can he be the shepherd of this great city?' 72. And for this reason they appointed Maximian148 to the patriarchate of Constantinople. Now he was a Godfearing priest, but he was not equal to Proclus in wisdom and learning. And he occupied the throne of the patriarchate for two years and six months, leading a solitary life of devotion, and he died in peace. 73. Then the emperor Theodosius made Proclus come forward before the interment of Maximian, and commanded that he should be raised to the (patriarchal) throne of Constantinople. And accordingly Celestine, patriarch of Rome, wrote to the patriarch of Alexandria and to other bishops regarding Proclus. 74. And they sent him an answer as follows: 'The canon law of the church does not debar Proclus from occupying the patriarchal throne of Alexandria; for it is by the command of God.' 75. And so Proclus occupied (the patriarchal throne) with honour and distinction, and guided wisely the interests of his flock in the imperial city and strove against those who followed the errors of Nestorius. 76. And he wrote a letter and sent it to the illustrious + Armenius +149 in which he combated Theodore of Mopsuestia and the heretic Nestorius and anathematized and excommunicated them in his letter. And already in the days of the blessed Maximian who went to his rest, the east had been cleansed from the pollutions of the heretic Nestorius and peace had been established in the Church.
77. And Proclus also brought back the body of the holy John Chrysostom to Constantinople. Five and forty years had passed since his banishment to the island named Thrace in the days of the Christ-loving emperor Theodosius the elder. 78. And he placed the body in the church of the holy Apostles where repose (also) the bodies of the holy Fathers the patriarchs who had fulfilled their course virtuously and in the orthodox faith in Constantinople. |100 79. And as for the other bishops who had been wrongfully banished with him (S. Chrysostom), whom he150 could not bring back in the days of the blessed Atticus, the severed members were united together, and he made them one,151 and thus discord disappeared from the churches.152 80. And he composed a treatise worthy of the holy John Chrysostom in which he besought God to pardon the sins of the parents of the emperor Theodosius the younger—the sin they had committed against the holy John Chrysostom.
81. In the days of this emperor also the barbarians who had survived the defeat of John the usurper reunited and proceeded to invade the Roman territories. 82. And when the Godloving emperor was informed of this event, he meditated, as was his wont, and turned his thoughts to our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ—praise be unto Him—and he fasted and prayed.
83. And he was merciful to the poor and compassionate to the destitute and he devoted himself to the works which are pleasing to God with integrity and that which is beyond (all) these works. 84. He commanded Proclus and all the priests and monks to pray to God on his behalf that victory should be given to him over his adversaries and that his efforts should not be exerted in vain. 85. And God heard his prayer and the barbaric chief named Roilas died. Indeed God struck him with a thunderbolt (and) he was speedily destroyed, and many of them died by this death which was sent from God. And fire likewise came down from heaven and destroyed those that remained. 86. And all the peoples of the earth recognized by this event that the God of the Christians is great, and the righteousness and faith of the Godloving emperor Theodosius were made known.
87. And in those days there appeared in Alexandria a female philosopher, a pagan named Hypatia, and she was devoted at all times to magic, astrolabes and instruments of music, and she beguiled many people through (her) Satanic wiles. 88. And the governor of the city honoured her exceedingly; for she had beguiled him through her magic. And he ceased attending church as had been his custom. + But he went once under circumstances |101 of danger.+ And he not only did this, but he drew many believers to her, and he himself received the unbelievers at his house. 89. And on a certain day when they were making merry over a theatrical exhibition connected with dancers,153 the governor of the city154 published (an edict) regarding155 the public exhibitions in the city of Alexandria:156 and all the inhabitants of the city had assembled there (in the theatre). 90. Now Cyril, who had been appointed patriarch after Theophilus, was eager to gain exact intelligence regarding this edict. 91. And there was a man named Hierax,157 a Christian possessing understanding and intelligence, who used to mock the pagans but was a devoted adherent of the illustrious Father the patriarch and was obedient to his monitions. He was also well versed in the Christian faith. 92. (Now this man attended the theatre to learn the nature of this edict.) But when the Jews saw him in the theatre they cried out and said: 'This man has not come with any good purpose, but only to provoke an uproar.' 93. And Orestes the prefect was displeased with the children of the holy church, and had Hierax seized and subjected to punishment publicly in the theatre, although he was wholly guiltless. 94. And Cyril was wroth with the governor of the city for so doing, and likewise for his putting to death an illustrious monk of the convent of Pernôdj158 named Ammonius, and other monks (also). And when the chief magistrate159 of the city heard this, he sent word to the Jews as follows: 'Cease your hostilities against the Christians.' 95. But they refused to hearken to what they heard; for they gloried in the support of the prefect who was with them, and so they added outrage to outrage and plotted a massacre through a treacherous device. 96. And they posted beside them at night in all the streets of the city certain men, while others cried out and said: 'The church of the apostolic |102 Athanasius is on fire: come to its succour, all ye Christians.' 97. And the Christians on hearing their cry came forth quite ignorant of the treachery of the Jews. And when the Christians came forth, the Jews arose and wickedly massacred the Christians and shed the blood of many, guiltless though they were. 98. And in the morning, when the surviving Christians heard of the wicked deed which the Jews had wrought, they betook themselves to the patriarch. And the Christians mustered all together and went and marched in wrath to the synagogues of the Jews and took possession of them, and purified them and converted them into churches. And one of them they named after the name of S. George. 99. And as for the Jewish assassins they expelled them from the city, and pillaged all their possessions and drove them forth wholly despoiled, and Orestes the prefect was unable to render them any help. 100. And thereafter a multitude of believers in God arose under the guidance of Peter the magistrate—now this Peter was a perfect believer in all respects in Jesus Christ—and they proceeded to seek for the pagan woman who had beguiled the people of the city and the prefect through her enchantments. 101. And when they learnt the place where she was, they proceeded to her and found her seated on a (lofty) chair; and having made her descend they dragged her along till they brought her to the great church, named Caesarion. Now this was in the days of the fast. 102. And they tare off her clothing and dragged her [till they brought her] through the streets of the city till she died. And they carried her to a place named Cinaron, and they burned her body with fire. 103. And all the people surrounded the patriarch Cyril and named him 'the new Theophilus'; for he had destroyed the last remains of idolatry in the city.
CHAPTER LXXXV. 1. And some time after this event the Jews in a place named Kemterja160 between Chalcedon and Antioch in Syria were amusing themselves after their customary manner in drinking and debauchery. 2. And they performed a play in which they brought forward one amongst them and named him Christ and bowed down to him in mockery. And they blasphemed the cross and those who trusted in the Crucified. 3. And when they had insolently perpetrated this sacrilege, they took a child and bound |103 him on the cross and mocked him, and as their feelings grew more vehement they put the child to death. And the child died courageously. 4. And when the Christians heard of the atrocities committed by the Jews, they were exceedingly wroth because of the evil deeds and came and attacked them, and many of them died. 5. And when the emperor Theodosius was told of the atrocities committed by the Jews, he commanded the magistrates of the province to punish the criminals. 6. And they punished the Jews that were in the east and took vengeance on all the mockers who had mocked Christ and His faithful ones.
7. And in those days many of the Jews in Crete believed and became Christians in consequence of the greatness of the persecution that befell them.
CHAPTER LXXXVI. 1. And there was a Jew named Fiskis who in his own person played the role of impostor, saying: 'I am Moses the chief of the prophets; for I have been sent from heaven by God. 2. I have come to conduct the Jews who dwell in this island through the sea, and I will establish you in the land of promise.' 3. And by these means he led them astray, saying unto them: 'I am he that delivered your fathers out of the hand of Pharaoh when they were in bondage to the Egyptians.' 4. And he spent an entire year in traversing Crete and proclaiming this event and leading them astray in all the cities and villages. 5. And he prevailed on them to abandon their industries and to despise their goods and possessions. And so they dissipated all that they had. 6. And when the day which he had fixed for leading them out drew near, he commanded them to come with their wives and children and follow him to the sea-shore, and cast themselves into the sea. And many perished, some through the fall and others from being engulfed in the depths of the sea. 7. But God who loves mankind had compassion on His creatures and saved them lest they should all perish by this hard fate. 8. And many Christians who were present on the spot at the time in order to see (what would happen) saved a large number from being drowned in the sea. The rest who had not cast themselves into the sea were saved by this means. 9. And when they saw that the false prophet had perished,161 engulfed in the sea, they recognized thereupon that he |104 was an impostor, and forthwith abandoned their erroneous belief. 10. Through the
se means many Jews turned to our Lord Jesus Christ and received the light of holy life-giving baptism and believed in our Lord Jesus Christ. 11. (This event took place) in the days of the Godloving emperor Theodosius the younger and in those of Atticus, patriarch of the great city of Constantinople.
CHAPTER LXXXVII. 1. And during the childhood of the emperor Theodosius, when he was learning the holy Scriptures inspired by God, he had with him a child named Paulinus, the son of a vizier who learnt with him, and they grew up together. 2. And the emperor Theodosius loved him and appointed him an emperor in the third degree, a dignity that is called Master (of the imperial household). 3. And he reclined frequently at table with the emperor and empress; for a strong friendship existed between them. 4. And after some time Paulinus fell ill, and when he was ill a certain officer highly honoured by the emperor brought him an apple that was wholly out of season, and the emperor and all his court who saw it admired the appearance of the apple. 5. The emperor gave one hundred gold dinars to the man who had brought the apple. (And) he sent that apple to his wife. And she indeed sent it to Paulinus because of his illness and her affection for him. 6. Now Paulinus was not aware that the emperor had given it to the empress, and so as the emperor came just at that moment to pay Paulinus a visit, he saw that apple in his possession and forthwith proceeded to the palace and called for the empress, and said unto her: 'Where is the apple which I gave thee?' 7. And she fearing lest the emperor should be offended with her, was not willing to avow the truth, and said: 'I have eaten it as I was not aware that you would question me regarding it.' And the emperor further said unto her: 'Hast thou not sent it to some one?' And she denied again. 8. Then the emperor ordered the apple to be brought, and the empress Eudocia was greatly put to shame. And a sense of pain and offence existed between them for a long time. 9. And subsequently the empress told the emperor all that had happened, and confirmed her statement by a terrible oath, |105 and she persuaded the emperor that she had feared aforetime and had not told the truth because of the offence (she was likely to give) and the fear wherewith she feared him.
10. Now Paulinas feared greatly and said within himself: 'It is better for the ailing man to remain in his ailment; for when he recovers from his ailment he conceives evil designs in his heart. For he ill-treated Mar Basilius who belonged to the solitaries of the desert, who had been rejected by the heretics.' 11. Some days later it was told the emperor that Paulinus was forming rebellious designs and was revolting against the emperor and preparing a revolt. And accordingly he had him executed, as (Paulinus) had wished to deal similarly with the Godloving emperor. 12. And the empress Eudocia and the emperor Theodosius loved him greatly and honoured him exceedingly. 13. But lying historians who are heretics and abide not by the truth have recounted and said that Paulinus was put to death because of the empress Eudocia. But the empress Eudocia was wise and chaste, spotless and perfect in all her conduct.
14. And the emperor Theodosius sent a letter to the desert of Scete in Egypt in order to consult the saints because he had no male offspring to succeed him on the throne. 15. And the saints wrote as follows: 'When thou quittest this world, the faith of thy fathers will be changed; for God out of love to thee has not given thee a male offspring lest it should become wicked.' 16. And the emperor Theodosius and his wife were alike pained by this communication, and they abandoned all conjugal intercourse and lived, by mutual consent, in befitting chastity. 17. And after they had married their illustrious daughter Eudoxia to Valentinian the emperor of the west, as we have already recounted, and they had consummated the nuptials in Constantinople, the bridegroom and his consort set out for Rome.
18. Thereupon the empress Eudocia requested the Godloving emperor Theodosius to permit her to visit the holy places in Jerusalem and to worship there in righteousness. For she had vowed a vow as follows: 'When I have accomplished the nuptials of my daughter I will visit the holy places, and I will pay my vow to the Lord in the courts of the house of the Lord before all the people in the midst of Jerusalem.162 And I will pray to God to |106 preserve thy empire for a long period in peace.' 19. The emperor having agreed to this request wrote to the governors of every province to make preparations for a fitting reception of the empress. 20. And he arranged that Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, should accompany her to Jerusalem, and bless her and instruct her in the doing of good works. 21. Thus all her prayers to God were accomplished for her: and she arrived in Jerusalem, and she restored the churches and the courts of the convent of the religious virgins and the hospice for pilgrims, and she gave them great endowments. 22. And she rebuilt likewise the walls of Jerusalem which had been in ruins from an early period.163 And she accomplished with vigour all her undertakings. Then the empress withdrew from the world and lived in solitude.
23. And the emperor also gave himself to fasting and prayer and to the singing of psalms and hymns, and he pursued a virtuous course. And his virgin sisters, who were older than he, the blessed Arcadia and Marina, had died before the empress quitted the palace, and gone to Christ whom they loved.
24. And during the sojourn of the empress in Jerusalem, the holy Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, and John, patriarch of Antioch, died. 25. Then the Nestorian heretics reappeared, the twelve bishops of the east, who had concealed themselves from the holy patriarch Cyril, who denied the Holy Trinity and divided Christ into two natures. 26. And also the heretical bishops of Constantinople and of the other provinces met together apart by themselves without the knowledge of any one, and said: 'The separation of the emperor and the empress has not been due to a desire to serve God, but they have separated through mutual hatred because of Paulinas.' 27. It was for this reason that the emperor was indignant with the patriarch Flavian and his associates, and said unto them: 'The fire (which had been lighted) by the Nestorians, and was extinguished, ye have kindled anew.' For they had caused many troubles in the churches. 28. But Pulcheria, the emperor Theodosius's sister, protected the patriarch Flavian, but she was not able to protect him openly because she feared the strength of the empire of the emperor Theodosius; for he was |107 wroth with those who said, There were two natures in Christ after there had been one. But those who devised this evil conception laboured in vain.
29. Now the emperor's sister, Pulcheria, pursuing an evil course, besought him to give her a garden. And the emperor accomplished the object of her desire. And she wrote a fraudulent document to this effect: 'The entire palace, courts, and gardens of the empress have been given to me by the emperor,' and she gave it to the emperor to sign in his own hand. 30. And when the document was read before the entire senate, Pulcheria arose, and taking her stand in the midst of the men without shame reproved the emperor in insolent terms and said unto him: 'Thou hast done with negligence the duties of imperial government.' 31. And when he took the document and wished to read it and sign it, he saw written therein the following words: 'The empress Eudocia has become my slave.' 32. And when the emperor saw this he was exceedingly wroth both because of Pulcheria's insolence and her lack of shame. 33. And he had her seized and transported to a certain place, and he commanded the patriarch to lay his hands upon her and ordain her a deaconess. And for this reason there was great enmity and hatred between the empress Eudocia and Pulcheria. And so the emperor was parted from his sister Pulcheria.
34. And subsequently the emperor ordered a second council to be convoked in Ephesus, and he likewise ordered Dioscorus, the patriarch of Alexandria, who was appointed after Cyril, to be present. 35. And Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople, and Eusebius, bishop of Dorylaeum, and Domnus, patriarch of Antioch, and Ibas and John and Theodoret, and + Madjus +, bishops of the east, were deposed.164 And after this event the excellent emperor Theodosius fell ill and departed from this life and went to God. 36. And while the empress Eudocia was living in solitude in the holy places of Jerusalem, Pulcheria audaciously promulgated an imperial decree without taking the advice of Valentinian the emperor of Rome or that of the chief officers and senate, and married Marcian, the commander-in-chief of the army, and placed the imperial crown on his head and made him emperor. And she became his wife and sacrificed her virginity. 37. During his |108 lifetime the emperor had guarded her, without any desire on her part, lest any stranger should come into her and then proceed to seize his imperial throne.
38. And on the day of Marcian's accession there was darkness over all the earth from the first hour of the day till the evening. And that darkness was like that which had been in the land of Egypt in the days of Moses the chief of the prophets. 39. And there was great fear and alarm among all the inhabitants of Constantinople. They wept and lamented and raised dirges and cried aloud exceedingly, and imagined that the end of the world was at hand. 40. And the senate, the officers, and the soldiers, (even) all the army, small and great, that was in the city was filled with agitation and cried aloud, saying: 'We have never heard nor seen in all the previous reigns of the Roman empire such an event as this.' 41. And they murmured very much, but they did not express themselves openly. And on the following day the Divine love had compassion on mankind, and the sun rose and the light of clay reappeared.
42. And the emperor Marcian convoked a council of bishops in Chalcedon composed of six hundred and + forty-five + bishops. 43. And they deposed Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria, and ordained that Flavian, who had been deposed on a former occasion, should be mentioned in the diptychs after his death; for he had already died in exile in the days of the blessed emperor Theodosius. And so they enrolled his name in the diptychs of the church as an orthodox patriarch. 44. And when disturbances arose in Constantinople and amongst all peoples Marcian fell grievously ill, and his illness lasted five months, and his feet mortified and he died. And the length of his reign was six years. And Pulcheria also had died before Marcian.
45. And in those days the empress Eudocia went to her rest in the holy Jerusalem, full of good works and a pure faith. And she refused to communicate with Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, and the men who had assembled in Chalcedon; for she knew that they had changed the true faith of our holy Fathers and of the orthodox emperors; but she was blessed by priests (and) monks through her friendship and communion with Theodosius,165 patriarch of |109 Alexandria. 46. And when she had thus accomplished these things, she went to her rest, and they placed her body in a tomb which she had built in her lifetime, with honour and panegyrics. And she went to God the Glorious and Most High.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII. 1. And after the death of Marcian, Leo the elder became emperor. And in the days of his rule the city of Antioch was + polluted + owing to the earthquake that befell it. 2. And + lightning +166 rained from heaven on Constantinople instead of rain. And it rose high, upon the roofs. And all the people were terrified and offered up prayers and supplications to God; for that lightning had been burning fire; but God out of His love for man had extinguished the fire and made it + lightning +.166
3. And again after this + lightning +166 fire fell a second time from heaven on the city of Constantinople, such as had never fallen before. And it extended from sea to sea. 4. And the emperor left the palace, fearing lest he should be burned in the conflagration, and took up his abode in the church of S. Mamas for six months, offering prayers and supplications as had been done in the days of Marcian.
5. And the emperor Leo put a stop to all theatrical exhibitions, alike of those that played on the flute and on the lyre,167 on the holy first day of the week in honour of the sabbath. 6. And he likewise banished the Arians from every province in his empire, and he gave orders to all his subjects not to admit them to the churches.
7. And also in the days of this emperor an accusation was brought against a philosopher named Isocasius, an exquaestor.168 He was a ma,n of great prudence and a just judge. He was a pagan, and helped the people of Cilicia when he was + interpreter + in Antioch. |110 And the emperor delivered him into the hands of Pusaeus, the prefect, the chief officer, to send him into exile. 8. But he was torn from the hands of the prefect and carried naked and with his hands bound behind him to the gate named Zeuxippus, where a crowd of people was assembled. 9. And the prefect standing on the tribunal addressed him thus: 'Canst thou see in what a guise thou art in the midst of this assembly? 'He answered and said unto him: 'I see, and I am not surprised; for being a man I have fallen into troubles incident to the body. As I have judged other men, so I now judge myself.; 10. And when the people that stood by heard this stern reply, they tore him away from the prefect and bore him to the church, and, without the exercise of any constraint on their part, he expressed his belief in Christ, and said: 'My fathers were idolaters but I have now become a Christian.' 11. And they instructed him in the Christian faith, and baptized him, and he became a Christian. Then he was set free and restored to his functions, and he returned to his province beloved by the emperor. 12. When the emperor Leo heard of the disturbances which had taken place in Alexandria formerly in the days of Marcian, and of the massacre that had been occasioned by the council of Chalcedon, and of the restoration of the true faith in the one nature of Christ, and of the slaughter of Proterius, bishop of the Chalcedonians, because of it—13. For this bishop, who had formerly been the ecclesiastical procurator in Alexandria, was consecrated bishop by the Chalcedonians, when he signed the imperial rescript, but the orthodox population rose against him and slew him, and burned his body 169— 14. (Now having heard of all these circumstances) the emperor Leo appointed (to be patriarch) unto them Timothy, who had been assistant to the patriarch Dioscorus. Formerly he had been a strict monk belonging to the convent of Qalmon, and he was a priest. 15. And his appointment was made after the death of Dioscorus, who had wrongfully been deposed by the emperor Marcian and his Council. 16. But Timothy refused to abide by the Council of the Chalcedonians; for this Council had disturbed the entire world.
17. And the emperor Leo likewise wrote to all the bishops, adjuring them to declare accurately in what way matters had taken place in the Council of Chalcedon.170 18. But as they feared the emperor, they concealed (these things) from him, and told him |111 nothing of what had been done in the Council. 19. But there were two bishops who did tell him: one of them named Eustathius of Berytus, a man wise and prudent and well versed in the holy Scriptures. And he told the emperor that through fear of Marcian they had altered the faith so that all the world was troubled (thereby), as well as all the churches. 20. And the second bishop was named Amphilochius, of the city of Maflejus.171 21. But the other bishops who were his subjects had not declared openly to the emperor regarding the oppression of the emperor Marcian: all that had been done at Chalcedon they had done out of fear of the imperial authority and power.
22. And in those days Eutyches [the Nestorian] 172 made himself known, who was eager for destruction. He was ignorant of the holy Scriptures, as he had not been eager to study them.
23. And Timothy the patriarch on his arrival in Alexandria was seized and conducted to a place called Gangra, and made to reside there.173 24. And there were alarms and fightings in Alexandria. And the governor of the city, who used violence to the holy patriarch Timothy, was eaten of worms and died. 25. And the inhabitants of the city said to one another: 'All this evil that has overtaken him is due to the judgement of the Glorious and Most High God because of what has been done to the patriarch Timothy, the servant of God, in order that all men might learn that God dwells amongst His chosen and renders justice to the oppressed.
26. And after the emperor Leo and the other emperors who succeeded him, Basiliscus ascended the imperial throne. And he raised his son Marcus to the imperial throne, and appointed him as his colleague for a short time. 27. And as his sister Verina was on friendly terms with him, she asked + Augustus for the master of the offices, and she received the dignity, which was named Patricius +.174 |112
28. And the emperor sent and had fetched from his place of exile whither the elder Leo had driven him the holy patriarch Timothy. And when he was brought to the city of Constantinople with the honour and dignity due to the priesthood, he was welcomed by all the court and people. 29. And a letter was dispatched to all the provinces and to all the bishops with orders to expel all who confessed the faith of the Chalcedonians, (and likewise) to excommunicate and reject them.
30. The holy Timothy and his companions made the following prophecy in regard to the emperor Basiliscus: 'From the day thou deniest the faith set forth in this writing, thy empire will cease to exist and thy days will rapidly draw to a close.' 31. And he replied: 'I will never deny this profession of faith: on the contrary, I will assemble a Council in Jerusalem in order that the orthodox faith may be established and abide.' 32. And when the holy patriarch Timothy heard these words he went to the city of Alexandria, taking with him the profession of faith written out in the court of the emperor, and he seated himself on its (patriarchal) throne. 33. But the emperor Basiliscus took bribes and broke his word, and cast down that which he had previously built up, and did not assemble a Council in Jerusalem as he had promised the patriarch Timothy. 34. On the contrary, he wrote a second letter to this effect: 'Suffer the Chalcedonians to abide in their faith, and show them due regard.' And so the prophecy of the illustrious father Timothy and of his companions was accomplished. 35. And a terrible unlooked-for pestilence visited the city of Constantinople, and the bodies of the dead putrified, and there were not people enough to bury them. And the city of Gabala in Syria likewise was destroyed by an earthquake. 36. Then Zeno, the emperor of Rome, set out and stirred up the province of Isauria, and collected a numerous army and marched to Constantinople. And on arriving in the city of Antioch, he had the patriarch Peter seized in order that the latter might disclose to him all the designs which the emperor Basiliscus had designed against him. 37. And when Basiliscus heard of the march of Zeno, he sent the generals Armalis and Serbatos to war against Zeno, with a numerous army which he had had with him in the palace at Byzantium. 38. And when these officers came to him, he adjured them by holy baptism not to betray him or injure him. 39. But these officers abstained |113 from fighting with the emperor Zeno, and they sent a secret message to him to the following effect: 'We will withdraw to a certain locality, and do you make yourself master of the entire country.' And these officers moreover treacherously tendered the following advice to Basiliscus: 'Go by a different route and give battle to Zeno at the gates of Constantinople.' 40. But the moment Zeno drew nigh to the walls all the senators met him, and he was greatly pleased by their reception of him. And Zeno's mother-in-law, who was named Verina, had her brother Basiliscus +seized and thrown into a pit+. 41. And as Basiliscus was sore pressed, he and his wife Zenodia175 and his children fled to the baptistery of a church. And all the senators honoured the emperor Zeno and proclaimed him their emperor. And he sent to the church and took from him all the insignia of empire, and induced him to come out by a treacherous promise, even him and his children.176 42. Thereupon he drove the unfortunate wretches from the palace and sent them in exile into the province of Cappadocia, to a fortress named Lemnas. And when they were brought to the governor of the province, he put them in a tower and barred them in, according to the orders of the emperor, and mercilessly left them without food and drink till they died, and buried them in the same place. 43. And as for the patriarch Peter, he was brought in chains and transported to the town of Euchaites in Pontus177; for he had enjoyed the friendship of the emperor Basiliscus, and had helped him, and placed the imperial crown upon his head. It was on these grounds that (Basiliscus) had appointed him patriarch. 44. Now this (Peter) had persecuted the Nestorians. (And next Stephen was appointed patriarch of Antioch, and he belonged to the Nestorians),178 and for this reason |114 all the inhabitants of the city hated him, and the people of Antioch and all the priests put him to a violent death in a place called Barlaams 179 on the day of the commemoration of the holy 'Forty Martyrs'. And after slaying him they cast his body into the river named the Orontes. And the emperor Zeno appointed in his stead another patriarch named Calandio, and paid him special honour.
45. And when the emperor returned to his city he distributed abundant alms amongst the poor, and he appointed + Armatus in his stead in that place commander, him and his father +180 commander of the guard and his son to be Caesar as he had promised. But when this Armatus became master of the power of the empire he became very strong and powerful, and none could withstand him, and he formed evil designs in his heart. 46. And when the emperor was informed of his evil purposes, he sent and had him put to death in a gallery of the palace. And when the emperor wished to invade Persia, seeing that Basiliscus, the son of Armatus, the Caesar, was but a youth, he took from him the crown of investiture and gave orders for him to be consecrated metropolitan of Cyzicum, and dispersed his property amongst all the people.
47. And seeing these things, Theodoric, one of the consuls who was commander of the guard, began to fear lest he should suffer at the hands of the emperor Zeno as had Armatus his friend,181 and so he led off the soldiers under his command, who were Goths from the province of Moesia. 48. Now Theodoric had been reared in the capital, and he was acquainted with profane wisdom. And he marched against the city of Selymbria and made its inhabitants subject to him, and he made himself master of the entire province of Thrace. 49. And next he went with a formidable force from the city of Sycene, and he lay there a long time, but was not able to inflict any injury on Byzantium, or on the emperor Zeno. |115 50. Then he marched on Rome, and had the chief of the barbarians, named Odoacer, who bore the title of rex, brought before him through the treason of the senators, and he reduced the city of Rome and made himself master of it, and put all the barbarians to the sword, and resided there forty-seven years as its emperor. 51. And he refused to appoint a colleague, and made the emperor Zeno a friend,182 and did everything in accordance with the advice of the emperor. And he possessed the respect of the magistrates and senate.
52. And there came to Theodoric the wife...,183 and she was of patrician rank in Rome, named Juvenalia, and spake unto him and said: 'Behold it is now three years since I have suffered wrong. My suit is with the patrician Firmus, and justice has not been done to me.' 53. And he called the judges and said unto them: 'Behold I give commandment and say unto you that unless in two days you bring to a conclusion the suit of this woman with her adversaries and render justice to the two parties equitably according to law, I will have your heads cut off with the sword.' 54. And thereupon they departed, and spent two days in bringing the suit of this woman to a conclusion equitably. And the woman lighted a waxen taper and went in to him (i.e. the king) to thank him, and she said unto him: 'My suit which lingered so long a time has now, thanks to thy orders, been brought to a conclusion.' 55. Thereupon he had the judges summoned before him, and said unto them; 'Ye wicked men, ye have brought to a conclusion in two days a suit which ye were not able to conclude in three years.' And thereupon he gave orders to have their heads cut off with the sword. And great fear fell upon the city, and an end was put to all oppression on the part of the Roman officials.
56. And in those days after the death of Theodoric, Athalaric 184 came (to the throne), and he was an Arian.
57. And subsequently the emperor Zeno sent an officer named |116 Quaestor185 to Alexandria to bring back to him the patriarch Timothy, the man of God. And when the quaestor came to the patriarch Timothy, he said unto him: 'The emperor summons thee.' And the patriarch answered and said unto him: 'The emperor will not see my face.' And thereupon he fell ill and died, even as he had said. 58. And the orthodox arose and appointed Peter, the archdeacon, surnamed Mongus, to be patriarch. And the magistrates of the city sought to arrest him, but he escaped out of the hands of the soldiers, and made his escape to the house of (one of) the faithful, and there were alarms in the city. 59. And the partisans of Proterius the Chalcedonian on their part elected a patriarch, named Ajes,186 but he died shortly after. 60. And the faithful... named John Tabennesiotes. And he likewise got possession of the. (patriarchal) throne of Ajes by bribing the magistrates. And he said: 'I have sworn a solemn oath to the emperor Zeno that I shall take no measures regarding the ecclesiastical see (of Alexandria).' 61. And when the emperor Zeno heard of this event he was very wroth, and he gave orders for his expulsion. And when John heard that the emperor had given orders for his expulsion, he took to flight and went to Rome. 62. And at that time Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople, was on friendly terms with the emperor Zeno. And so he prevailed on the emperor that they should subscribe the Henoticon, that is to say, the confession of the faith of the three Councils Nicaea, Constantinople, and Ephesus, and should reject the other Councils.
63. And for this reason (he had brought back) Peter the patriarch,187 who had previously fled, to Antioch from the city of Dinarurja. And Calandio the patriarch of Antioch fled through fear of being put to death, as he was a Chalcedonian. For (its inhabitants) had previously put to death the patriarch Stephen, his |117 predecessor. And all the priests and people prayed to the emperor on behalf of him (i. e. Peter). And the patriarch Peter accepted the Henoticon of the emperor. 64. And in his days there were tumults in the city because of the confession of the faith written by the emperor—for we anathematize the council of the bishops at Chalcedon and their impure creed which states that there are two natures in Christ, whereas the letter of Zeno says that there is (only) one nature in the Word of God which was made flesh, and that the bishops who had been expelled should be remembered (in the diptychs).
65. And the emperor Zeno made a compact with Illus and came to terms with him about the same time that he had received Armatus, the father of Caesar, into favour. But subsequently the army of Illus waged war on the emperor Zeno. For Illus, seeing that Armatus, though a friend of the emperor Zeno, had been executed, fled in fear (of a similar fate) to Isauria.188 66. Now Illus sent the empress Verina, the mother-in-law of the emperor, a message to this effect: 'Prevail on the emperor in his behalf.' But she could not prevail on the emperor. Now the emperor Zeno concealed his evil designs from his brother Longinus lest there should be a scandal and grounds for disturbances in Byzantium; for she had formerly been an empress. 67. And in this treacherous plot the emperor Zeno had arranged with Illus to banish her, and transport her to the province of Isauria and to keep her guarded there. And when she arrived there, Illus came forth and shut her up in a fortress, and he appointed a large force to guard her. And he took with him Longinus the emperor's brother. 68. But when she (Verina) came to know these facts, she sent a message to her daughter (Ariadne) the emperor's wife. And her daughter requested the emperor to release her from the fortress where they had imprisoned her.189 |118
And the emperor said unto her: 'I cannot incur the anger of Illus the patrician; but do thou ask him, and if he approves, I will set her free.' 69. And the empress sent to him and besought him with tears to set free her mother and to pardon her wrong-doing. 70. But he refused to have compassion on her and said unto her: 'Do you wish me to set up another emperor against thine own husband?' And she was very wroth with him, and she went to the emperor and said unto him: 'Am I and likewise Illus to live (at the same time) in the palace?' And the emperor said unto her: 'Do what you wish; for I love you more than Illus and many men.' 71. And when the empress heard these words of the emperor, her heart was strengthened, and she commanded + Adrian + to put him to death. And + Adrian + 190 who was chief of the eunuchs sent a man, named Scholarius, who being a captain of the guard could enter when he wished the palace of the emperor with his men. 72. And he went in and drew his sword in order to smite him (Illus) and cleave his head in a gallery of the palace. And one of the officers, seeing this, ran hastily and wrested his sword from him after he had cut off the right ear of Illus instead of his head. 73. And Scholarius 191 the eunuch was put to death, who had smitten Illus with the sword. And the followers of Illus transported him to his house. 74. And when the emperor Zeno heard of this event, he took an oath, saying: 'I know nothing of this outrage that the eunuch did to Illus.' And when Illus had recovered from his wound, he asked permission from the emperor Zeno to go to the east for change of air in order to avoid a return of his malady. 75. And he asked humbly that he would let him go, dissembling his treacherous designs. And, unaware of his treachery, (the emperor) let him go. And he appointed + in his stead another man named Julalja + with full powers.192 And Illus wished to take Leontius and Pamprepius with him, apparently on the pretext that they would negotiate peace between Verina the emperor's mother and the emperor Zeno, and that (thus) she might return honourably to him. |119 76. And the emperor was pleased with this plan, and he sent these three persons and likewise (two) illustrious (senators) named Marsos and Valjanos, magistrates of Isauria, and many officials and troops. 77. And when they came to Antioch the Great, Illus stayed a year (there), and the inhabitants of that city paid him very high honours. 78. Then he marched into Isauria and brought Verina down from the fort, and they bound themselves by mutual oaths. And in agreement with Pamprepius, who was given to magic and the seductions of demons, he prevailed on the officers to create Leontius emperor. So they created him emperor in the oratory of S. Peter, outside the walls of Tarsus the capital of Cilicia. 79. And she (Verina) wrote and dispatched letters to all the cities and officials and troops of the east, and to the cities of Egypt, to gain their recognition of the imperial authority of Leontius without opposition. 80. And the empress Verina, Augusta, wrote likewise as follows: 'I make known unto you touching our imperial authority, that after the death of the emperor Leo, of happy memory, we appointed Trascalissaeus, that is Zeno, emperor, that he might be solicitous as regards our commands and duly govern the army. 81. But now we have seen that he has abandoned integrity, while he is likewise devoid of understanding. Accordingly we have accounted him as a rebel, a perverse man and a usurper. Behold, now, we have appointed another emperor, a Christian Godloving man, distinguished for righteousness and uprightness, that he may save the country by his virtuous conduct and put an end to the war: and may preserve his subjects according to law and order. 82. And we have crowned Leontius with the imperial crown that he may be emperor over the Roman empire, who will be solicitous after every good work,' 83. And when the letter was read in the city of Antioch, all the population cried aloud saying: 'Do unto us the good things, O Lord, which will be good for us.' And a letter also was sent to Alexandria. 84, Then Leontius came to Antioch and took up his residence in the palace, and he |120 appointed Lilianus193 prefect and judge. 85. And after fifteen days he marched to Chalcis, a city of Isauria, in order to attack the inhabitants of that city, because they refused to submit to him and called him a rebel against the emperor. 86. And for one and a half months he waged war on the inhabitants of that city but was not able to take it. And when the emperor Zeno heard of what had befallen, he sent a Scythian officer named John, a valiant man and a warrior, in command of a numerous army to wage war on the conspirators. 87. And when Illus who was in Cilicia discovered that he was not able to make head against the general John, he marched and joined Leontius and Verina, and they arranged to flee together and to take refuge in a castle in Isauria, named Papyris. 88. And Leontius went in precipitate flight from the province of the East, and these three personages, Leontius, Illus, and Pamprepius accompanied by Verina, withdrew into a castle. And when the troops of the emperor Zeno arrived they besieged that castle in which they were. And Verina died in the castle. 89. And the garrison of the castle, learning that Pamprepius was seeking to join the enemy against them, put him to death and cast his body from the top of the battlements. 90. And after many toilsome efforts, (the besiegers) captured the castle and brought forth the rebels, that is, Leontius who wrought his own destruction and Illus who was the cause of all the evil. 91. And they placed them on a tribunal in the midst of the assemblage and passed upon them the sentence of death, and they cut off their heads with the sword and carried them to the emperor Zeno in Constantinople.
92. And it is told also regarding the emperor Zeno that he was with Maurianus the astrologer: now the latter used to announce to him (beforehand) all that happened; for they were friends. 93. And (the emperor) asked him saying: 'Who will succeed to the empire after me?' And he said unto him: 'A Silentiarius will take thine empire and likewise thy wife.' And owing to this (prediction) he thought (the person meant) was an illustrious man named Pelagius, who had become a patrician. 94. Now they deposed him unjustly; indeed the emperor committed Silentiarius to the charge of six trusty men and commanded them to strangle him in the night, though he was guiltless. After they had strangled him, they cast his body into the sea. 95. And when this wicked murder came to |121 be known, people could not keep silence on the matter—and particularly Arcadius, an illustrious officer and a thorough observer of justice. And he was one that judged uprightly and hated oppression. And he blamed the emperor for the crime that in the hardness of his heart he had committed in putting Silentiarius the patrician to death. 96. And when Zeno the emperor heard (this) he was wroth with Arcadius, and gave orders for him to be put to death as he entered the palace. And (the guards) did as the emperor commanded, but Arcadius escaped out of their hands, by entering a church in order (as he pretended) to make prayer and supplication to God.194 97. And the emperor fell sick of a dysentery and died.
CHAPTER LXXXIX. 1. And after the death of the Godloving emperor Zeno, the Christian and Godfearing emperor Anastasius came to the throne. He was one of the emperor's chamberlains, and became emperor through the grace of God and. the prayers of our Egyptian Fathers. 2. Now the emperor Zeno had banished him to the island of S. Irai, situated in the river of Memphis. Now the inhabitants of Manuf had treated him with kindly affection. 3. And Ammonius, who belonged to the city of Hezena in the province of Alexandria, and became his friends, and honoured him and showed him much affection. 4. And one day the inhabitants of Manuf and of Hezena agreed together respecting Anastasius, who was in disgrace with the emperor Zeno, to ascend the mountain to the convent of the God-clothed S, Abba Jeremiah of Alexandria. 5. And there lived on their route a man who was endowed with the knowledge of all the works of God. And they conversed regarding the holy life of the man of God, and desired his blessing. And he prayed for them to Christ whom he served. 6. And they proceeded and entered into the dwelling of the man of God, the Abba Jeremiah. And he blessed them all, but spake no word at all to Anastasius. 7. And when they came forth Anastasius was very deeply pained, and he wept much, saying in his heart: 'It is by reason of the multitude of my sins that the man of God did not bless me when he blessed all the rest.' 8, And the inhabitants of Manuf and |122 Ammonius of the city of Hezena went to the holy man of God and told him of the grievous pain with which Anastasius was afflicted. 9. And he indeed called him apart, and likewise his trusty friends and Ammonius, and said unto him: 'Grieve not so as to think and say, "It is by reason of my sins that the old man blessed me not": the matter is not so; on the contrary, as I have seen the hand of God upon thee, I have on this ground refrained from blessing thee. 10. How should I who have been guilty of so many sins be worthy to bless him whom God hath blessed and honoured. And he hath chosen thee from amongst many thousands to be His anointed; for it is written: "The hand of the Lord God is on the head of kings." 11. And He hath set His trust in thee that thou mayest become His representative on earth and strengthen His people. Only when thou dost recall my words and hast accomplished the prophecy, observe this command which I give thee this day, so that God may save thee from thine adversaries: "Do no sin of any kind and transgress not against the Christian faith of Christ, and reject the Chalcedonian faith which hath provoked God to anger."'
12. And as for these commands which the Abba Jeremiah gave to Anastasius, he indeed received them, (engraving them) on the tables of his heart, even as Moses the prophet received the tables of the Covenant from God whereon were engraved the commandments of the law. 13. And shortly after Anastasius was recalled from the banishment into which the emperor of (this) world had driven him by virtue of his power. And subsequently Anastasius was appointed emperor. 14. And thereupon he sent to the disciples of the holy Abba Jeremiah. And the Abba Warjanos, who was a relative of Abba Jeremiah, accompanied them. Now the emperor indeed besought them with many prayers to accept money for their food on the way and for the convent; but because their father the holy Jeremiah had instructed them not to accept anything save incense for the celebration of the eucharist or for offering the sacrifice, and a few sacred utensils. 15. And he sent also to the island where he had formerly been in banishment, and he had a great and massive church built (and) named S. Irai. Formerly it was but a little church. 16. And he sent to it many gold and silver vessels and beautiful vestments. And he sent also much gold and silver to his friends in the city of Manuf and Hezena. And he conferred magistracies upon |123 them, and some of them he had ordained to the priesthood. 17. And this Godloving Anastasius sent to the city of Antioch and to all the cities, and put a stop to the civil war which the people waged on each other, and he made them submit to authority as became Christians. And he wrote to all the magistrates that were subject to him (bidding them) to execute this decree, and they submitted to authority as became Christians.
18. And subsequently there arose disturbances in (the capital of) his dominion through the enmity of Satan. For the people demanded tumultuously that certain disorderly and factious persons should not be cast into prison; for the prefect had delivered over several of them to be stoned. But the emperor refused to let them off, and he was wroth, and gave orders for them to be attacked by the cavalry.195 19. And when these went down to make the attack a slave audaciously rose up and approached the emperor's seat, and hurled a stone with the intention of killing the emperor. Now he stood up in his place, saying in his heart, 'No one will recognize me'. 20. But the help of God shielded the emperor, and the stone fell inside the enclosure that is within the imperial seat and brake, it. And when (the guards) saw that slave who cast a stone at the emperor they marked him closely, and ran and seized him, and dismembered him limb from limb. 21. And the tumult waxed more serious, and they burnt the brazen circuit where stood the seats of the soldiers and the cavalry and all the |124 people all the way to the emperor's seat, and the portico of Hexahippium which adjoins the seat196 constructed by the holy Constantine.
22. And after many great efforts they forcibly re-established the (imperial) authority over the seditious, and punished many of them till peace and tranquillity were restored throughout all the city.
23. And the inhabitants of Antioch also acted after the same manner as those of Constantinople. They set fire to the synagogue of the Jews, which is in Daphne, and set up within it the glorious cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, and they transformed it (the synagogue) into a church, dedicated to S. Leontius, and they put many of them (the Jews) to death. 24. And when the emperor was informed of these events he sent Procopius, count of the east, in order to subdue the seditious factions. 25. And when he and Menas of Byzantium arrived in Antioch the leaders of the factions fled from the city and withdrew into the sacred dwelling of S. John. 26. And Menas the prefect at the head of a numerous force went thither by night. And a great tumult arose, and he slew amongst them a man named Eleutherius, whose head was carried to the governor Procopius. 27. But the (Green) faction gained the day, and burned the place of their assemblage 197 with fire, (and likewise) the praetorium. Thereupon there was a terrible strife, and Menas the prefect was slain and his body burned with fire.198 28. And Procopius immediately took to flight and went to the confines of Constantinople.199 And when (the emperor) was apprised of the flight of the governor Procopius he appointed in his stead a man named Irenaeus, and ordered him to proceed to Antioch. 29. And when he arrived there he punished many of them, and inspired such great fear and terror that all the factions abandoned their civil strife, and so he re-established peace among the inhabitants of Antioch. 30. And the emperor rebuilt the edifices which had been burnt, and he constructed many beautiful streets; for in his mercy and compassion he loved to build edifices. 31. He built many |125 edifices in Egypt, and likewise a fortress on the borders of the Red Sea. And he applied himself to completing all manner of beautiful works, that he might remain in tranquillity and peace. 32. And for the inhabitants of Doras 200 he had a wall built, and openings made in the walls like bridges to prevent the water of the river from spreading upon the fields.
33. And in the reign also of this Godloving emperor impious barbarians, who eat human flesh and drank blood, arose in the quarter of Arabia, and approaching the borders of the Red Sea they seized the monks of Araite,201 and they put them to the sword or led them away captive and plundered their possessions; for they hated the saints, and were themselves like in their devices to the idolaters and pagans. And after they had taken a large booty they returned to their own country. 34. And when the emperor was informed of this event he had strong forts constructed as a defence to the dwellings of the monks, and he rendered many good services to them and all the monks of the Roman world.
35. And certain people in the city of Alexandria rose up and created a shameful disturbance, and slew the prefect of the city, who was named Theodosius, who had been brought up in the house of the patriarch of Antioch. And when the emperor was informed of this event he was wroth, and punished many of the inhabitants of that city.
36. And the good deeds alone of the emperor are beyond numbering; for he was an orthodox believer and trusted in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and prohibited the faith of the Chalcedonians because the holy Jeremiah, the servant of God, had (so) bidden him.
37. Now the people of Elwarikon202 had refused to accept the letter of Leo which he dispatched to them from Rome. But when the oppression of Marcian and his magistrates became severe they began to fear lest they should experience the violence which befell Dioscorus the patriarch of Alexandria. 38. And the emperor Anastasius, the servant of God, agreed with the terms of the letter of the emperor Zeno. And subsequently he gave orders that the faith professed by the three Councils, Nicaea, Constantinople, and |126 the first at Ephesus, should be established. 39. But Euphemius, the patriarch of Constantinople at that period, was a Chalcedonian, who divided the one nature of Christ into two distinct natures in its manifestations, saying that it was the Word of God that had wrought the miracles, but the weak human nature that had submitted to the passion. 40. And he changed likewise the trisagion which we recite thus: 'Holy God, holy Strong One, holy Immortal One, who hast been crucified for us, have mercy upon us.' But he did not recite it as we, but in the following terms: 'Holy God, holy Strong One, holy Immortal One, have mercy upon us.' 41. Indeed he declared, 'I do not recite it as ye do, to prevent the application of this formula to the Holy Trinity in three persons. Him who was crucified we adore together with the Father and the Holy Spirit. Now it was not the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit who suffered. He that became incarnate without separating Himself (from the Trinity) and suffered is consubstantial with the Father and the Holy Spirit, but He did not suffer in His divinity. And there is none other than He—God forbid! 42. Now whilst one of the Holy Trinity, He is capable of suffering in the body which is united with Him and the reasonable soul which are combined in (one) person, but He is not capable of suffering in His divinity which is consubstantial with the Father and the Holy Spirit, as our holy Fathers have taught us.' 43. The wise Proclus joined the Nestorians in saying: 'If Christ was in every respect incapable of suffering after His incarnation, He could no more suffer in body than could the divinity of the Son.' But in so saying he speaks falsely, for the Son of God could not then have suffered in reality. 44. These are the pestilent words of those who say there are four persons instead of three.
45. Of a similar character are the declarations of those impostors who say regarding the Son that it was another who was crucified; for this wicked opinion was propounded by heretics. 46. And the emperor Anastasius deprived Euphemius of his dignities and banished him from Constantinople to Euchaites in Pontus. And he appointed Macedonius in his stead, who accepted from his hand the edict of the emperor Zeno, and refused to accept the Council of Chalcedon. 47. And he charmed the heart of the emperor Anastasius, though concealing the while treacherous devices in his thoughts regarding the faith. And (the emperor) obliged him to recite the |127 trisagion in these terms: 'Mayst Thou who wast crucified for us have mercy upon us.' And thus he ordained this rule.
48. Now the orthodox monks of Palestine had abandoned the study of the Scriptures, and a schism had arisen amongst them; for they declared that they were unwilling to accept the edict of the emperor. And they brought thereby persecution upon themselves at the instigation of a monk named Nephalius, a promoter of dissension. 49. The monks of the desert sent certain aged anchorites to Constantinople, accompanied by Severus the chief of the Fathers—a wise man well versed in the Scriptures, and a perfect priest—to request the emperor Anastasius to issue orders to the monks to live peaceably in their dwellings and cloisters, and to pray on his behalf. 50. And when they came to speak to the emperor they were recognized by the officers and conducted to the patriarch Macedonius, and they conversed with him on the subject of the faith. 51. And thereupon he confessed openly what was hidden in his heart regarding the perverted faith which he followed; for he could not always conceal his views and prevent their coming to be known by some one. 52. Now there was an Alexandrian, named Doritheus, who possessed S. Cyril's treatise on the faith. And he had conversed with Severus and had found him imbued with the doctrine of S. Cyril. 53. These two admonished Macedonius and the Chalcedonians, who + remembered + two natures to Jesus Christ the Son of God, who is one. And it was marvellous in their eyes, and they named this book Philalelhes,
54. But Macedonius and his adherents, as well as the partisans of the Nestorians, were wroth, and said that after the manner of their (tris)agion the angels recite the trisagion. But Severus answered: 'The angels recite as follows: "Holy God, holy Mighty One, holy Immortal One, have mercy upon us." Indeed the angels have no necessity to say: "Who was crucified for us"; for the crucifixion of our God was not on behalf of angels, but on behalf of us men was our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ crucified. 55. And it was for our salvation that He came down from heaven and was incarnate and became man, and was crucified for us in the days of Pontius Pilate, and rose from the dead on the third day, as it is written in the holy Scriptures which were set in due order by our |128 holy Fathers of Nicaea and Constantinople and Ephesus, who also established a fitting definition of His divinity. 56. It is for this reason that we Christians say of necessity: "O Thou who hast been crucified for us, have mercy upon us." We believe also that the holy, mighty and immortal God was crucified for us. In like manner also we truly believe that the holy Virgin Mary brought forth very God: and that they were not two different persons, but one and the same whom the Virgin bare and the Jews crucified — one and the same alike in birth, crucifixion, and resurrection.' 57. And many similar arguments were addressed to the emperor and the magistrates, whereby the opinions of the heretical Nestorians were overthrown from their foundation. 58. And when they had by their orthodox arguments reduced Macedonius to silence, and his opinions had vanished because of the words of truth, he thought out an evil device, and spake to the emperor and the magistrates to this effect: 'I too believe the same facts as the orientals, and I say in the church: "O Thou that wast crucified203 for us, have mercy upon us."' 59. But in secret he stirred up the heretics against the emperor, saying unto them: 'They have introduced novelties into the faith of our Christian Fathers.' Then the heretics assembled and proceeded to the court of the emperor in order to stir up a tumult with a view to the banishment of Plato, who administered all the affairs of his empire: he was very highly and universally honoured. 60. And yielding to fear, he took to flight and hid himself. And these heretics and the soldiers who were with them cried aloud and proclaimed the name of another emperor of the Romans. 61. And they proceeded with haste to the house of Marinus the Syrian, an illustrious man.204 And they burnt his house and possessions. And they sought to slay him, but they could not find him; for he had fled, and was saved through the strong aid of our Lord Jesus Christ. 62. Now the lying patriarch Macedonius had calumniated this Godloving man to the people, and had said unto them: 'It is Marinus who turns the heart of the emperor from the faith.' 63. And moved with evil zeal they sought for him with a view to slaying him, though he was unaware of it. And when they had plundered the house of this illustrious man and carried out the silver vessels he possessed, they divided |129 them amongst themselves. 64. But indeed the moment the crowds entered the house of the magistrate they found (in it) a monk of the east, (and) they led him forth and put him to death, believing him to be the Godloving Severus. And they took his head and carried it about throughout all the city crying aloud these words: 'This is the enemy of the Holy Trinity.' 65. And they went also to the house of Juliana, who belonged to the family of the emperor Leo, who was named Ariobindus,. But when he was apprised of their coming he took to flight. 66. But the people kept shamelessly perpetrating these excesses. Then the Godloving emperor Anastasius, being guided by the true faith of Christ, arose and accompanied by all the senators ascended the imperial throne, clothed in the imperial robes. And when all the people saw him, they were pained and grieved and became repentant, and fearing the emperor they besought him to pardon their transgression, confessing their offences. 67. And the emperor said to them in a loud voice: 'Be not afraid: lo! I have pardoned you.' 205 And thereupon all the people dispersed to their several dwellings, and tranquillity was restored. But after a few days, the same people stirred up fresh disturbances, and so the emperor Anastasius mustered a numerous force of soldiers and gave orders to them to seize the rioters, and when they were seized and brought to the emperor, some had their limbs broken, others were executed, and others sent into banishment. 68. And by these measures tranquillity was restored, and the fear of the emperor was inspired in the hearts of the citizens. It was then also that Macedonius was banished, who had brought about the destruction of many. He was stripped of his episcopal dignities and reckoned as a murderer, and expelled from the congregation (of the faithful). 69. And the bishops of the east arrived in Byzantium and made the following accusations to the emperor Anastasius against Flavian, patriarch of Antioch: that he was a Nestorian, though he had accepted the Henoticon of the emperor Zeno; that he had again joined the Chalcedonians, and accepted the abominable letter of Leo, in which were mentioned the two natures and twofold operations of Him who is one only and indivisible, Jesus Christ, very God. 70. And the Godloving emperor Anastasius, moreover, |130 banished him to Petra in Palestine; for he had cursed the orthodox and had embraced the faith of the wicked heretics.
71. And Vitalian, moreover, who was commander of the troops in the province of Thrace, being a man of perverse heart, hated Severus the saint of God. Now the emperor Anastasius had appointed Severus patriarch of Antioch in the room of the heretic Flavian, whom he had banished, when the orthodox bishops of the east testified in the favour of the former.
72. And Vitalian, whom we have just mentioned, raised a revolt against the emperor Anastasius, and seized Thrace and Scythia 206 and Mysia, and mustered a numerous army. 73. And the emperor sent against him a general named Hypatius. And when they fought together, he was vanquished by Vitalian and taken prisoner. And on the payment of a large ransom he was set free. 74. But immediately on his return to the emperor, the latter removed him from his command, and appointed in his room another general, named Cyril, of the province of Illyria. 75. And he also gave battle to Vitalian, and there was great slaughter on both sides. Cyril the general retired into the city named Odyssus, and stayed there while Vitalian withdrew into the province of Bulgaria. 76. And he gave large sums of money to the guards who kept the gates of Odyssus, and then, marching by night, he put Cyril the general to death and captured the city. 77. And he attacked also the province of Thrace, and plundered all its wealth, and likewise the cities of Europe, and Sycae, and the region over against Constantinople and Sosthenium, and he established himself in the church of the holy Archangel Michael, devising by what means he could make himself master of the empire of Byzantium.
78. And the emperor Anastasius sent to the philosopher Proclus in order that he might render help to Marinus. 79. And the emperor informed him regarding the rebel Vitalian and the audacity he had shown. But Marinus encouraged the emperor, saying: 'I will overcome this rebel by the might of God; only give orders that I may be accompanied by soldiers and the philosopher Proclus. Procure for me also unpurged sulphur resembling powdered antimony.' 80. And the emperor gave him the sulphur. And Marinus |131 ground it into a + hard powder +,207 and said publicly: 'If you cast (this) on a house or on a ship, it will take fire when the sun rises and melt it like wax.' 81. And Marinus took with him many ships, and he mustered all the soldiers he could find in Constantinople, and he proceeded to wage war against Vitalian as the emperor had commanded. 82. And when the rebel saw Marinus he took all the ships he could find and manned them with a large force of Scythian and Gothic archers, and sailed in the direction of Byzantium, believing that he should get the better of his opponents. 83. But Marinus and his companions, through the mighty help of God, got the better of this enemy, and the design of this shameless rebel failed of accomplishment, and thereupon Vitalian, the cause of civil strife, took to flight.
84. And Marinus gave the unpurged sulphur to the sailors, and commanded them to cast it on the ships of the rebel foe in order that they might be burnt. And when the fleets of Marinus and of this rebel encountered each other, they (the sailors) cast the sulphur into the ships of Vitalian about the third hour of the day, and immediately the ships burst into flames and sank in the depths.
85. And when Vitalian saw this he was stupefied, and his remaining forces turned back and fled. And the general Marinus put all the rebels he could find to the sword, and pursued them till they came to the church of S. Mamas. And as night was approaching Marinus encamped there and guarded the route. 86. But Vitalian after his defeat marched throughout the night and fled with his followers in fear and terror to a place named Anchialus. And he traversed that night a space of sixty miles, as he feared lest Marinus should pursue him and make him a prisoner. On the morrow every one forsook him and left him alone.
87. And the emperor Anastasius distributed many alms amongst the poor and destitute in the district of Sosthenium. And he set out from the imperial city and stayed in the church of S. Michael, praying and giving thanks to God for all the benefits He had bestowed upon him and for the victory which He had given him over his adversaries, and displaying an irreproachable (and) orthodox faith. 88. Next the emperor Anastasius ordered that a large sum of gold should be given to the philosopher Proclus. But he refused |132 to take the money and, saluting the emperor, he requested him (to let him go back to Athens), saying: + Whoever loves money is not worthy to be a philosopher, and the contempt of money likewise in those that cultivate philosophy is honourable.' And the emperor let him go, and held him in high honour.
89. And all the orthodox believers who had accepted the Henoticon of the righteous emperor Zeno were highly esteemed by the emperor. And at that time appeared from the city of Nikius208 John priest and monk; for the patriarch had refused to accept him. 90. Now the priest John209 was wise and Godloving and well versed in the Scriptures, and he lived in the convent of Par. 91. And the inhabitants of the city of Sa and those of the city of Akela came to be at variance with each other. Thereupon the bishops of the two cities arose and went to the emperor Anastasius, and besought him to ordain for them suitable canons, to hold a Council, and expel the Chalcedonians and blot out their remembrance from the church and that of all bishops who agreed with the abominable Leo who proclaimed the two natures,
92. But the emperor in his goodness did not force them contrary to their inclinations, but (suffered) each (to) act according to his own inclination. And the emperor Anastasius paid great honour to those who agreed with him in the orthodox faith and distributed numerous alms and virtuously completed his work.
93. And subsequently the emperor fell ill. Now he was an old man, and at the age of ninety years he went to his rest in great honour, as saith the Scriptures: 'All the glory of man is but as grass: as soon as the sun ariseth, the grass withereth, the flower thereof fadeth, the beauty of the appearance thereof perisheth, but the word of the Lord abideth for ever.' 210
CHAPTER XC. 1. And after the blessed Godloving orthodox emperor Anastasius went to his rest, Justin the terrible, the consort of the empress Euphemia, ascended the throne, and was crowned with the imperial crown in pursuance of the decision of the trusty councillors of the emperor. 2. Some say regarding him that he was + chief over the seventh assemblage in Byzantium +.211 But all the officers |133 did not approve of him; for he was unlettered, but he was a soldier and a valiant man. 3. Now there was a man named Amantius whom the officers wished to make emperor over them after the emperor Anastasius, and the councillors had given large sums of money to Justin to distribute among the civilians and the soldiers, in order that they might proclaim his name and spread abroad the rumour that God had named him emperor. But these refused to do so. And so the councillors were thereupon obliged to make Justin emperor.212
4. And when Justin became emperor he put to death all the eunuchs, however guiltless they were, because they had not approved of his elevation to the throne; for he thought they would plot evil against him.
5. And in the beginning of the reign of Justin there rose in the east a fearful and terrible comet. And for this reason the emperor Justin sent and recalled Vitalian who had been the enemy of the emperor Anastasius, and appointed him a master of the forces.213 6. And he changed the orthodox faith of the emperor Anastasius, and the Henoticon of the emperor Zeno was rejected: communion with the Chalcedonians was restored, and the letter of Leo was accepted and enrolled amongst the writings of the Eastern Church.
7. In the first year of his reign the great Severus, the patriarch of the great city of Antioch, + appeared +. When he heard of the change of faith and the return of Vitalian and his reception at the court of the emperor Justin, he became afraid and fled into Egypt and abandoned his (patriarchal) throne. 8. Now Vitalian hated him and wished to cut out his tongue because he had written (and delivered) in the church long and short homilies, full of knowledge and invective directed against the + emperor +214 Leo because of his corrupt faith. 9. And Paul was appointed patriarch of Antioch in the room of Severus, and this Paul was in communion with the Chalcedonians. And a schism then arose and none associated with him save the magistrates of the emperor only. 10. The people turned away from him because of his being a |134 Nestorian and refused the sacerdotal benediction and baptism save at the hands of the priests ordained in secret by the great Severus. 11. Now he who wished to cut out the tongue of the great Severus soon died of a violent death. Now Vitalian's death was brought about by his plotting, after his appointment by the emperor Justin, to raise a revolt (against him) as he had done against the emperor before him. 12. And thereupon (Justin) gave orders for his execution. For God punished him speedily, even as Severus had prophesied regarding him that he should die a violent death.
13. And the patriarch Severus (composed) a treatise full of wisdom and the fear of God, and sent it to the patrician Godloving Caesaria; for she was a chosen vessel, of the imperial family of Rome, and she was strong in the orthodox faith in which she had been instructed by the holy patriarch Severus. And this teaching prevails to the present day among the Egyptian monks. 14. And subsequently Paul the Chalcedonian, of Antioch, died, who had been appointed after Severus, and another was appointed in his room, named Euphrasius, of Jerusalem. This man hated the Christians attached to the teaching of Severus. And many of the orthodox were put to death on account of the faith which he taught. 15. And he stirred up civil war throughout all the Roman empire, and there was much shedding of blood. And in the city of Antioch there were great tumults during five years. And no one could speak owing to fear of the emperor.
16. And there arose many men belonging to the people who in Constantinople *and the cities of Hellas215 loudly accused the patrician Justinian his brother's son. Now Justinian helped the Blue Faction to commit murder and pillage among the various nations. 17. And (the emperor) appointed a prefect named Theodotus, (formerly count) of the east to punish all who had been guilty of crime, and he made him swear that he would show no partiality. 18. And beginning with Constantinople he punished many guilty persons, and subsequently had Theodosius arrested and put to death. And he was very rich. And next he had Justinian the patrician arrested, and wished to put him to death. But when he fell ill, he let him go. 19. And the emperor on hearing these things was wroth with the prefect and stripped him of his dignities and sent him in exile from Constantinople into the east. And fearing lest he should be |135 put to death there, he went to the holy places of Jerusalem and lived there in seclusion.
20. And subsequently all the soldiers and people assembled together in Byzantium and disowned their allegiance to the emperor. And they besought God saying: 'Give us a good emperor like Anastasius or else remove the emperor Justin whom Thou hast given us.' 21. And there arose a man amongst them named Qamos, who said unto them: 'Thus saith the Lord: see, I love you: wherefore do ye supplicate Me. Behold him whom I have given unto you—I will give you no other;—for if he did according to that which is written, supplications would arise amongst the adversaries of the emperor. For it is owing to the sins of this city that I have appointed this emperor who is a hater of the virtuous.' Thus saith the Lord: 'I will give you rulers according to your own hearts.' 22. And the emperor was grieved when he heard these words. However, he sought to gain the affection of the people, as he feared lest the wise should admonish him according to the laws of this world. 23. And so on his own initiative he chose and appointed in the room of Theodotus and Theodore prefects of the imperial city: and the names of those who were appointed were Theodore and Ephraim of Amida. These, indeed, by great efforts and severity, put an end to civil war amongst the citizens, made feuds to cease, and established peace.
24. But these means were not yet sufficient to turn away the wrath of God from the earth owing to the declension of the emperor. For there came an earthquake from God and fire fell from heaven on the city of Antioch, extending from the church of S. Stephen to the house of the chief of the army, in breadth and length, and as far as the bath called Tainadonhus and the bath of the Syrian nation. 25. And about the same time also fires burst out in the countries of the east and along all the routes for six months, and no one could pass in this direction or that. And there were conflagrations in the city and many souls perished in the flames, and the fire descended from above the houses and they were destroyed to their foundations. 26. And likewise in the days of that emperor, the great city of Antioch in Syria was sorely afflicted and was devastated six times. The people who remained wasted away in their houses and became as soulless bodies. 27. Burning coals of fire like thunderbolts fell from the air and set fire to everything |136 they touched, and the city was overthrown to its foundations. 28. And the fire pursued those who wished to flee, whilst those who remained in the houses were consumed by the fire. And the beauty of the city of Antioch was destroyed, and none could escape the fire. No more did the houses on the heights216 escape this visitation. And many edifice sacred to the martyrs were devastated, and some of them were cloven in twain from the top to the bottom, and the great church which had been built in the days of the emperor Constantine was destroyed. 29. And weeping and lamentation were multiplied throughout the city, and the number of men, women, young people and babes that died was 250,000 souls.
30. And when the festival of the Ascension of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ arrived, many people assembled in the church called Karadaum, in order to make intercession because of this terrible event. 31. And many who had survived the visitation went out to bury their dead, and others drew forth (from the debris) certain women with their babes which had escaped. 32. Moreover, the unfortunate Euphrasius, who had been unfitted for the patriarchate, perished in the fire. And they appointed by lot as his successor a man named, of Amida in Mesopotamia, And he also was a Chalcedonian, and persecuted the orthodox as his predecessors had done. 33. And the cities of Seleucia and Daphne and all the towns within a radius of twenty miles. And all who saw (these things) said: 'All these calamities have taken place because the orthodox faith has been forsaken, and also because of the unjust expulsion of the patriarch Severus, and the evil deeds perpetrated by the emperor Justin and his abandonment of the faith of the Godloving emperors that preceded him. These are the causes alike of this affliction and this tribulation.' 34. And when the emperor Justin heard these things, his imperial crown and garments and wept and lamented, and ceased to visit the theatre. And under the pressure of strong necessity he went from the imperial court to the church |137 on the fifth day of the Easter festival, walking on the ground with bare feet. And all the people and the Senate wept and lamented with abundant tears. And he gave much money in order to rebuild the churches and towns which had been destroyed: no emperor before him gave in the same measure.
35. And in his reign the Lazaeans, who had been under the sway of the Persians, and had embraced the cult of their idols, came to him and became Christians. 36. It was on the occasion of the death of the king of the Persians that they received grace from heaven, that is, faith in the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ. 37. And thereupon they came to the city of Constantinople to the emperor Justin, saying: 'We wish thee to make us Christians like thyself, and we shall then be subjects of the Roman empire.' And he received them gladly, and had them baptized in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, the con substantial Trinity. 38. And he honoured their chief exceedingly, and clothed him after his baptism with a robe of honour, and rendered to him imperial honours, and gave him for his spouse the daughter of a great official, who was named Ionics,217 and he sent him back to his own country with great honours. 39. And when Cabades, the king of the Persians, heard these things he was greatly grieved, and sent ambassadors to the emperor Justin with the following message: 'Heretofore there have been friendship and peace between us: but behold now thou hast created enmity and hast + received+ 218 the king of the Lazaeans, who from the earliest times has been subject to our sway, and not to that of Rome.' 40. And when the emperor Justin heard this message, he wrote a reply in the following terms: 'We have not taken from thee any of thy subjects; but when a man named Tzathius came to us, humbly begging us to deliver him from the error wherein he walked, namely, the errors of demons and of pagans, and from impure sacrifices, and besought us that he might be made a Christian, how could I forbid one who desired to return to the true God, the Creator of all things? 41. And when he became a Christian, and was deemed worthy to receive the holy mysteries, we permitted him |138 to return to his own country.' And for this reason there was enmity between the Romans and the Persians.
42. And the emperor Justin (requested) Ziligdes, king of the Huns, to be his ally in the war, and he gave him numerous presents, and made him swear a solemn oath that he would deal truly and fairly with him. 43. But Ziligdes proved false to his oath, and set out to join Cabades, king of Persia, with 20,000 soldiers, and formed an alliance with him, and joined him. But the Christians had the help of God, who always wars against their enemies. 44. For when the Persians went forth to give battle the emperor Justin sent the following message to the king of Persia: 'Behold, it is fitting that we should be brothers in friendship, and not be mocked by our enemies. And behold we wish to inform thee that Ziligdes the Hun has received large sums from us with a view to helping us in the time of war, and behold now he has gone to thee with treacherous intent, and in the time of war he will come to our side and slay the Persians. And now, as thou sayest, let there be no enmity between us, but peace.' 45. And when Cabades, king of Persia, heard this, he asked Ziligdes and said unto him: 'Is it true that thou hast received moneys from the Romans to help them against the Persians?' And he answered, 'Yes.' And Cabades was enraged, and immediately commanded his head to be cut off; for he thought that he had done this with treacherous intent. 46. And he sent soldiers to fight against the 20,000 troops who had come with him, and he put them to the sword, and only a few escaped, who returned in great shame to their own country. And from that day friendship prevailed between Cabades, king of Persia, and Justin, the emperor of Rome.
47. But the reign of Justin did not last long after the conclusion of this friendship, and in the ninth year of his reign he fell into a grievous illness, for he had a wound in his head,219 which had been struck by an arrow in battle. The wound reopened, and remained incurable for a long time. 48. And during his illness he appointed his brother's son emperor, and placed upon him the imperial crown, and put all the affairs of the empire in his hands. And thereupon he died.
49. And Justinian, after he had taken the empire into his hands, resided in Constantinople with his wife Theodora. And he |139 practised every virtue, and all shameless persons concealed themselves from his notice. 50. And he built churches everywhere, and hospices for strangers, and asylums for old men, and hospitals for the sick, and orphanages, and many other like establishments. 51. And he restored many cities which had been destroyed, and gave large sums of money to the people. None of the emperors that preceded him had done as he did.
52. And Cabades, king of Persia, wished to make war upon the Lazaeans, because he had given aid to Rome, and had become a Christian, and had embraced their faith. And (the latter) wrote to the emperor Justinian (requesting him) to give him aid because of his faith in Christ. And he sent thereupon to him numerous forces under three commanders, whose names were Belisarius,220 Cerycus, and Irenaeus, in order to help him. 53. But when they engaged in battle many of the Romans; for (the generals) were at variance with each other. And when the emperor heard (this news) he was very wroth, and sent Peter to be commander with a large force of archers. And this Peter placed himself at the head of the Roman generals,221 and, forming a junction with the Lazaeans, they attacked the Persians, and put a great number of the Persians to the sword on that occasion.
54. And the emperor Justinian loved God with all his heart and mind. Now there was a magician named Masides, who resided in the city of Byzantium, and there dwelt with him a band of demons, who served him. And all the faithful shunned him, and had no intercourse at all with him. And this magician commanded the demons to inflict evil plagues on men. 55. And those who lived without using remedies for the soul and became remiss, attending the theatre and the races, and particularly certain nobles in the city, i.e. Addaeus and Aetherius, patricians, held this enemy of God in high honour. 56. And these same patricians spoke of this magician to the emperor, and said unto him: 'This man has caused the destruction of the Persians, and will give victory to the Romans. And he will be serviceable to the Roman empire by his practices, |140 and he will see to the administration of the nations, and cause the taxes to be collected excellently, and he will send demons against the Persians, and make their stout warriors weak through manifold plagues separate and distinct, and he will make them (the Romans) victors without a battle.' 57. But being firm of purpose he mocked the words of these servants of demons, and yet he wished to become acquainted with their impure devices. And so Masides carried out his evil practices as these patricians had told him. 58. And when the emperor became acquainted (with these practices) he mocked them (the patricians) and said unto them: 'I do not desire the magic and sorcery which thou dost practise, thinking that thou canst benefit the state. 59. Am I, Justinian, a Christian emperor, to conquer by the help of demons? Not so, my help cometh from God and my Lord Jesus Christ, the Creator of the heavens and the earth.' And accordingly he drove away this magician and his assistants, for his hope was always in God,
60. And some time later the emperor received the victory from God, and he commanded that the magician should be burnt.
61. And the Persians, renewing hostilities against Rome, requested the Huns to send 20,000 warriors to fight against Rome. Now there was there a certain valiant woman amongst the + outer + Huns, named queen Boa, in the language of the barbarians. 62. And this woman, who was a widow, was wise. And she had two young sons, and thousands of Hunnish warriors were under her sway. And she exercised a vigorous rule since the death of her husband, who was named Balach. 63. And this woman arose and went to the Christian emperor Justinian, and brought him a great quantity of gold and silver and precious stones.222 And the emperor commanded her to attack the two chiefs who wished to make an alliance with the Persians and to fight against the Romans. And these are their names, Astera and Aglanos.223 64. And when this woman had overtaken these chiefs, who were making terms with the Persians, she gave them battle and defeated them, and slew Airlands and his followers on the field of battle. 65. And Astera |141 she took alive, and seized him, and sent him in chains to Constantinople. And they hanged him on a tree, and fixed him (thereto) with nails.
66. And subsequently there came a man of the Huns named Jaroks224 to the emperor Justinian, and he was baptized and became a Christian. And the emperor Justinian was his sponsor at the baptism, and he gave him abundant honours, and sent him back to his own country. Now this man became a vassal of the Roman empire. 67. And when he returned home he told his brother regarding the gifts which the emperor had given him. And he also became a Christian. This Jaroks took all the idols which the Huns worshipped and brake them in pieces, and took the silver wherewith they were covered and burnt them with fire. And all the people of the country of the Huns who were barbarians were wroth, and they rose against him and slew him. 68. And when the emperor Justinian heard of this, he arose and went to war against them, and he sent many ships by the sea of Pontus and many warriors of the Scythians and Goths. And he set Tulilan,225 a valiant general, over the ships. 69. But as for the cavalry he dispatched them by land, and there was a numerous army with Baduarius as commander. And when the inhabitants of the country of the Huns heard (of these forces) they took to flight, and concealed themselves. And the emperor seized their country and made peace with them anew.
70. And in those days there reigned in the country of the Huns a man named Grepes (text—Akraids),226 and he went to the emperor Justinian and became a Christian, he and all his kindred and officers. And the emperor gave him large sums of money, and sent him back to his own country with honour as a vassal of the Roman empire.
71. And in the days of the emperor Justinian the Indians were at war with the Ethiopians. And the name of the king of the Indians was Endas. He worshipped the star called Saturn. Now the country of the Ethiopians was not far distant from Egypt: it comprised three Indian states and four Abyssinian states, and they were situated on the border of the Sea [of Salt] towards the east. |142 72. Now the Christian merchants who travelled through the country of the star-worshippers and through the Homeritae,1 whom we have mentioned and previously described, had to submit to seven trials. Damnus,227 the king of the Homeritae,1 used to slay the Christian merchants who came to him, and to take their goods, saying: 'The Romans used to oppress and slay the Jews, and on this account I also will slay all the Christians I find.' 73. And for this reason commerce ceased and came to an end in the interior of India. 74. And when the king of Nubia heard these tidings, he sent to the king of the Homeritae1 the following message: 'Thou hast done an evil deed in that thou hast slain Christian merchants and inflicted injuries on my kingdom and on the kingdoms of other (kings) who live near at hand and far off from me.' 75. And when (Damnus) heard these words he went forth to fight. And when they encountered each other the king of Nubia 228 opened his mouth and said: 'If God give me the victory over this Jewish Damnus, I shall become a Christian.' 76. And then he gave battle to this Jew, and conquered him and slew him, and made himself master of his kingdom and of his cities. And at that time he sent messengers to Alexandria + in reference to the Jews and the pagans + requesting the Roman governors to send from the empire of Rome a bishop to baptize and instruct in the holy Christian mysteries all the inhabitants of Nubia and the survivors of the Jews. 77. And when the emperor Justinian was apprised of these facts, he gave orders that they should do for him all he requested, and should send to him some priests and a bishop +from amongst the clergy of the holy patriarch John+.229 He was a chaste and pious man. 78. Such was the origin of the conversion of the Ethiopians in the days of the emperor Justinian.
79. In his days also the king of Hedjaz, named Alamundar, arose and invaded Persia and Syria, and committed great depredations |143 as far as Antioch, and put many people to the sword, and burned the city named Chalcis and other cities in the province of Sirmium and Cynegia. 80. Thereupon the army of the east went forth to meet them, but they did not await the attack, but seizing much booty retired into their own country.
81. In the days also of the emperor Justinian there was a great earthquake in the land of Egypt, and many cities and villages were swallowed in the abyss. And those who lived in the country made prayers and many intercessions with tears, being grieved on account of the destruction that had been wrought. 82. And after a year the wrath (of heaven) ceased and the earthquakes which had prevailed in every place were stayed. And the Egyptians celebrate the memorial of this day every year on the 17th of Teqemt.230 83. And the remembrance of this calamity has been preserved for us by our fathers, the divinely-influenced Egyptian monks. For these earthquakes were due to the change in the orthodox faith brought about by the emperor Justinian, who had hardened his heart more than his father's brother, who had preceded him.
84. And this Justinian commanded the Orientals to inscribe the names of the (bishops of the) Council of Chalcedon on the diptychs of the church, although they had sent the patriarch Severus into exile—a custom which had hitherto not existed and which is not mentioned in the Apostolic Canons nor in the Councils of the Fathers who came later: none of the Councils should be mentioned in public worship. 85. Now it was this emperor Justinian alone who established this custom throughout every province of his empire, and had the names of the (bishops of the) Council of Chalcedon inscribed. And Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople, and Acacius who had been patriarch in the days of the emperor Zeno, and Peter, patriarch of Alexandria, were excommunicated. 86. And he caused their names to be removed from the diptychs, and abolished the Henoticon of the emperor Zeno: he proscribed the name of the patriarch Abba Severus throughout all the province of Antioch and the adjoining districts, enjoining that it should not be mentioned in the diptychs of the church, but |144 cursed; and he caused the inhabitants of Alexandria to thirst after the waters of the doctrine of Dioscoras, who was succeeded by the patriarch Timothy. 87. Now the emperor Justinian had given the patriarchal chair to the Chalcedonians, but as the empress Theodora, his wife, besought him on behalf of Timothy, patriarch of Alexandria, he permitted him on her account. Now she called him 'spiritual father'.
88. And in the days of this father, the emperor Justinian sent numerous forces to Alexandria, and these encompassed the city and wished to shed much blood. But Timothy the patriarch sent many anchorites and ascetics to the emperor to intercede on behalf of the church, and avert a massacre in the city and the shedding of innocent blood, and to get permission (for its people) to abide by the faith of its fathers. 89. And when the emperor heard these petitions, he granted them on the intercession of the empress Theodora, who was near (?) to him, and he sent orders to the army to return to the province of Africa. 90. And the patriarch Timothy continued to reside in his palace, true to the orthodox faith. And again subsequently the emperor sent to Alexandria a chief eunuch, named Calotychius. In that year the Roman empire had reached its 1287th year.
And the city continued tranquil for a short period. And the illustrious father Timothy died full of honour.
CHAPTER XCI. 1. And likewise in the days of this patriarch Timothy there took place in the city of Alexandria an event, great and very terrible and strange exceedingly. 2. Now there was a house in the eastern quarter of the city, in a place called Arutiju, to the right of the church of the holy Athanasius. And in this house there dwelt a Jew, named Aubaruns, and he had a chest in which were the mandil and towel of our Lord Jesus Christ, wherewith He girded Himself when He washed the feet of His disciples. 3. His kindred gave it (the chest) to this Jew. He indeed did not open it; for though he often wished to open it he could not. For when he touched it, (fire) descended threatening to consume him who wished to open it. 4. And he heard the voices of angels singing the praises of Him who was crucified on the cross, the Lord, the King of Glory. 5. And as this Jew was terrified, he, his mother, and wife, and children went to the patriarch Timothy and told him (regarding it). And forthwith he |145 proceeded with crosses, and gospels, censers and lighted waxen candles, and he came to the place in which the chest was. 6. And forthwith the lid of the coffer opened, and he took with great veneration the notable mandil and towel and conveyed them to the patriarchal palace, and placed them in the Church of the Tabenniosites, in a holy place. 7. And an angel descended from heaven and closed until this day the lid of the brazen coffer wherein the mandil and towel had been. 8. And all the inhabitants of Alexandria were indignant, and went to the Persians (?) and besought them to open the lid of the coffer, but they could not. 9. That Jew indeed and all his household became Christians then as was befitting.
CHAPTER XCII. 1. And after the death of the venerable father Timothy, the deacon Theodosius, who had been (his) secretary, was appointed in his stead. Whilst he was going to occupy his pontifical chair, an Ethiopian wished to kill him. He fled and came to the city Konus and lived there in solitude. 2. Then the foolish populace seized Gainas and made him patriarch in the room of Theodosius, thus transgressing the holy canons. 3. And there was strife in the city; some said: 'We are Theodosians'; and others said: 'We are Gainites', even unto this day. 4. And when the emperor heard of these events—now there was in the city a prefect named Dioscorus, and Aristomachus, moreover, was commander of the troops—the emperor Justinian ordered the military commander to proceed to Alexandria and bring back the (holy) father Theodosius from his exile. 5. And established him in his (patriarchal) chair and sent Gainas into exile...231 And when he had taken possession of the Church he gave it to Paul the Chalcedonian, who had been a monk among the Tabenniosites, and he made him patriarch. 6. And joining the Chalcedonian faith, he furnished letters in his own hand (to this effect) and sent (them) to all the churches. And forthwith there arose an uproar among the Alexandrians, and they fought with one another; for there was none who supported Paul, as he was an apostate and a Nestorian. 7. And it was not only Alexandria, but every city that disapproved of him; for he was a persecutor, and loved to shed blood. And the emperor Justinian deposed this Paul from his office, as he was found committing the abominable crime of sodomy with a deacon |146 in a bath, and he appointed in his room a monk, named Zoilus of the city of Aksenja. And him also the inhabitants of the city refused to receive. 8. And Zoilus, seeing that the inhabitants of the city were hostile to him, sent a letter to the emperor Justinian, resigning the patriarchal dignity. 9. Then the emperor appointed a reader, named Apollinaris, of the convent of Salama, in the city of Alexandria. And he was o£ gentle disposition, and a member of the Theodosian party. 10. And they persuaded him to be patriarch in the place of Zoilus, and they promised him great gifts with a view to his re-establishing the faith of the Church. And Ga'inas died in exile before Theodosius.
11. And the emperor Theodosius assembled a great number of bishops from every country, and Vigilius, patriarch of Rome. And after painful exertions many accepted the orthodox faith, but others followed the wicked Nestorian and Chalcedonian creed, and of Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia. 12. And (the Council) anathematized the blasphemer Nestorius, who spoke of the two natures. Now Theodoret232 had opposed the words and teaching of our holy father Cyril. 13. And when the Nestorians had grown strong through the help of the new Marcian, i. e. Justinian, John of the city of Antioch (?)233 helped our holy father Cyril. 14. And the emperor Justinian believed in the Chalcedonian creed which says Christ had two natures in one person—while they preach Him, as they say, according to Theodoret the Nestorian, who contended against John of the city of Antioch in the Council of Chalcedon. 15. And Asturaljus the prefect wrote a letter establishing the one nature of Christ, the Word who became incarnate through union with the flesh, and submitted to the passion, and wrought true miracles: 16. And (showing) that the holy Virgin Mary bare God, Him who was crucified, one of the Holy Trinity, the Lord of glory. And this is the pure faith and the holy orthodox teaching. 17. And they wrongfully put to death the holy Dioscorus, the patriarch of Alexandria. 18. And Justinian believed in the Chalcedonian creed, and accepted the letter of Leo which declared that Christ had two natures, distinct in all His |147 actions, as the two Nestorian bishops, i. e. Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, and Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia taught.
19. And after the visitations which God had made to fall on the country, Justinian made peace with the Persians and conquered the Vandals; 20. And these great victories have been carefully recorded by Agathias, one of the renowned scholars of the city of Constantinople, and likewise by a learned man named Procopius the patrician. He was a man of intelligence and a prefect, whose work is well known. 21. It was he (Justinian) that took all the imperial edicts of his predecessors, and duly arranged and re-edited them, and set them in the place of judgement, which went back to the ancient Romans, and they had left them as a memorial to those that came after.
CHAPTER XCIII. 1. There was a man named Romulus who had founded the great city of Rome; and likewise another who came after him named Numa, who adorned the city of Rome with institutions and laws, and subsequently established three orders in the empire. 2. And so also subsequently did the great Caesar and Augustus also after him. And it was through these that the virtues of the Romans were shown forth, and these institutions are maintained among them until this day, 3, And subsequently came the empress Theodora, the consort of the emperor Justinian, who put an end to the prostitution of women, and gave orders for their expulsion from every place.234
4. And there was a Samaritan brigand chief who assembled all the Samaritans, and raised a great war, and assumed the royal crown in the city of Nablus, and said: 'I am king.' 5. And he seduced many of his people by his lying statement when he declared: 'God hath sent me to re-establish the Samaritan kingdom'; just as roboam the son of Nebat who, reigning after the wise Solomon the son of David, seduced the people of Israel and made them serve idols.
6. And whilst he was at Nablus there were three horsemen who were leading in a race, a Christian, a Jew, and a Samaritan. And the Christian conquered in the race, and immediately dismounted and bowed his head to receive the prize. 7. And he asked saying: 'What is he who was first in the race?' And they replied: 'A |148 Christian.' And thereupon they cut off his head with the sword. 8. And for this reason they named their troops troops of the Philistines. And troops from Phoenicia, Canaan, and Arabia, and many other Christian forces, mustered and made war on that wretched Samaritan and slew him and his companions and his officers. 9. And they cut off his head and sent it to Constantinople to the emperor Justinian, in order to strengthen his empire. And (the emperor) thereupon distributed alms to the poor and wretched.
CHAPTER XCIV. 1. And there was discussion as to the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and much controversy in the city of Constantinople as to its being corruptible or incorruptible. 2. And they were agitated in the city of Alexandria regarding this controversy which had arisen between the two factions, the Theodosians and the Gainians. 3. And the emperor Justinian sent to Eutychius the patriarch of the city of Constantinople at that time and asked him regarding this matter. He agreed on doctrinal views with Severus and Theodosius. 4. Accordingly, he answered and said unto him: 'The body of our Lord which submitted to suffering on behalf of our salvation is living, imperishable, incorruptible, and unchangeable. We believe that He suffered voluntarily. And after the resurrection He was incorruptible and unchangeable in all aspects and ways.' 5. But the emperor did not accept this pronouncement. Now the true solution of this question is to be found in the letter sent by the holy Cyril to Successus.235 6. But the emperor inclined to the views of Julian, a bishop of the Gainian party who had the same doctrine; for they said: 'He was a man like us, and the holy Scriptures say: "Christ suffered for us in the body.'' ' 7. And the emperor Justinian was wroth with the patriarch Eutychius because he had not sent him a reply such as he desired, but a pronouncement like that of Severus and Anthimus; 'These (he said) had deceived the inhabitants of Constantinople, and this (Eutychius) likewise had deceived them.' 8. And thereupon he sent a letter to Agathon the prefect of Alexandria, with orders to appoint Apollinaris, count of the Monastery of Banton,236 to be patriarch of the Chalcedonians in the city of Alexandria and the |149 other cities of Egypt. 9. But the inhabitants of this city were strongly attached to the incorruptibility dogma, and followed the teaching of our fathers, written in books, which declares: 'The holy body of our Lord was incorruptible before the resurrection, and He submitted to suffering of His own will unto death, but since the resurrection it has become immortal and impassible.' Such was the declaration of Gregory the theologian. 10. Wherefore it behoves us, touching the proposition of the incorruptibility, to set aside the salutary suffering which He endured in the body of His own free will and power, and accomplished on behalf of our salvation.
11. And the emperor Justinian deposed and exiled Eutychius the patriarch of Constantinople, and appointed John of the city of + Jûdans +,237 who promised to give the emperor an autograph letter signifying his agreement with him in the faith, and likewise to write a synodal letter. 12. But when he received the (patriarchal) dignity, he set at naught the command of the emperor and refused to write as he had promised him. He had indeed been formerly a layman, and was unacquainted with the Scriptures, and had no thorough knowledge of the holy faith; but when he became a priest he studied unintermittingly the holy Scriptures, and acquainted himself with the pains and troubles which our holy fathers sustained on behalf of Christ, and he learnt the orthodox doctrine, and forsook the perverse doctrine of the emperor. 13. Now it was this John the patriarch that wrote the Mystagogia, which set forth the one nature of Christ, the Word of God, which became flesh. And its testimony agrees with the testimony of the apostolic Athanasius who said: 'There is one hypostasis, divine and human.'
14. And a man, named Menas, who had previously been patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to Vigilius, patriarch of the city of Rome, to the following effect: 'There is only one will and one volition in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. And we believe in God in perfect fear of heart, instructed as we are in the teaching of our fathers.' And all this discourse was in the hands of John, patriarch of Constantinople. 15. And so the emperor wished to depose John, |150 but, being troubled regarding this matter, because of Eutychius whom he had already driven forth without recourse to canonical judgement, he feared the outbreak of a tumult. Now while matters were in this train, the emperor Justinian died in an advanced old age in the thirty-ninth year of the reign. His consort, the empress Theodora, had died before him.
16. And the Romans deposed all the bishops. And subsequently the Romans abandoned their ancient institutions because of the heathen 238 who dwelt among them. Now the heathen concerted together and put the Romans to the sword at midday and seized the cities and a multitude of captives.
17. And the Samaritans dwelling in Palestine took up arms and rebelled. And the emperor Justinian [before he died] sent against them a monk of high rank named Photion and a numerous army under him. And he fought against them and conquered them, and put many of them to torture, and others be drove into exile, and he inspired them with a great fear.
18. And in those days there was a pestilence in all places, and a great famine, And when the emperor saw that all the nations were troubled when he published his edict on the faith in all the province of Alexandria, and stirred up a severe persecution in the land of Egypt, his mind was affected through the greatness of his grief, and he kept traversing the apartments of the palace in mental bewilderment. 19. And he longed for death but failed to find it; for God was wroth against him. And when he betrayed his madness before all the people they took from him the imperial crown, and placed it on Tiberius and made him emperor in his stead. And our Lord Jesus Christ gave power and strength to the latter. Now this Tiberius was a young man, very fair to look upon, virtuous, generous, and resolute. 20. And when he became emperor he put a stop to the persecution, and showed (due) honour to the priests and monks. And so they accused him of being a Nestorian; but their accusation was false. On the contrary, he was a very good man and never failed to show favour to the orthodox, and to those who believed in the one nature of Christ, perfect God and man of one essence, the Word that became flesh. |151 Let us worship and give praise to Him who gives help and power to kings. 21. Now this emperor never permitted any persecution throughout his reign. And he presented many gifts to all his subjects, and he built many edifices in honour of the martyrs and houses in which the monks could pursue their religious exercises, and + pulpits + and convents for the virgins. 22. And he presented many alms to the poor and destitute. And God caused peace to prevail throughout his days as a recompense for his good deeds, and preserved the imperial city through special mercies.
23. And John patriarch of Constantinople died in his reign at the close of a very prosperous career. And the emperor brought Eutychius back from exile and restored him to his (patriarchal) throne in the place of John who had died. 24. And Apollinaris bishop of the Chalcedonians died in Alexandria, and a man, named John, an ex-military man, was appointed in his stead, And he had a goodly presence and forced none to forsake his faith. But he glorified God in His Church in the midst of all the assembled people, and they gave thanks to the emperor for the noble acts he had done.
25. And Christ was with him (the emperor), and he conquered the Persians and the nations by force of arms, and he made peace with all the nations subject to him, And he died in peace in the third year of his reign. It was owing to the sins of men that his days were so few; for they were not worthy of such a Godloving emperor, and so they lost this gracious and good man. 26, Before he died he gave orders that his son-in-law, named Germanus, should be raised to the imperial throne. Now he had formerly been patrician. But owing to his humility of heart he refused to be emperor. Thereupon Maurice, who was of the province of Cappadocia, was made emperor.
CHAPTER XCV. 1. Now Maurice who became emperor in succession to the Godloving Tiberius was very avaricious. He had previously been in command in the province of the east, and had subsequently married + the daughter of Domentiolus +,239 named Constantina, and made her his wife. 2. And straightway he gave orders to the city of Constantinople that all the cavalry should muster and proceed with Commentiolus 240 to the province of the east.241 3. And he sent also to Aristomachus in the province of Egypt. Now he was a |152 citizen of Nikiu, a son of the prefect Theodosius. And he was a proud and powerful man, and his father before he died had admonished him, saying: 'Be content with what thou hast and do not desire a different career: but be content with that which befits thee that thy soul may have peace; for thou hast wealth in abundance, sufficient for thee.' 4. But when the child grew up he sought after the (great) things of this world, and arrayed a numerous force with + rustic + arms which attended upon him, and so forgot the advice of his father. 5. Moreover he built vessels by means of which he could visit all the cities of Egypt with pleasure and delight. And so he became proud and forced 242 all the military officers to be subject to the emperor; for he had received the command in the reign of the emperor Tiberius. 6. And by reason of this command he became more and more presumptuous, and made all the troops submit to his orders, and led a fearless life. And he posted cavalry in the city of Nikiu without any authorization of the emperor. 7. And all the troops under his command were without means, and he seized all the houses of those who were richer than he, and he esteemed them of no account. And when men of high or low degree came to him from the emperor, he let them remain at the door and did not admit them for a longtime. 8. And when the emperor Tiberius was informed, before he died, of the actions of Aristomachus, he sent to the city of Alexandria an officer named Andrew243 to effect his arrest by wise measures, avoiding the shedding of blood, and to bring him back alive to him. 9. And the emperor Tiberius likewise sent orders to all the forces in Egypt to render him assistance in the war against the barbarians. And when the message of the emperor reached Aristomachus, he proceeded to the city of Alexandria with only a few attendants; for he was not aware of the treacherous device they had prepared against him. 10. And when the patriarch and Andrew saw him, they were delighted, and got ready a light ship on the sea close at hand to the Church of St. Mark the Evangelist. Then they celebrated divine service on the 30th of Mijazja,244 the festival of St. Mark the Evangelist. 11. And at the close of the divine service, Andrew went forth accompanied by Aristomachus and |153 walked towards the seashore. And thereupon Andrew made a signal to his attendants and to the soldiers to seize Aristomachus and to cast him into the vessel. And immediately they seized him, and, bearing him on their shoulders, cast him into the vessel, without his being aware (of the reason), and loosing thence they set sail to go to the emperor. 12. And when the gracious emperor saw him, he said: 'This face is not the face of a criminal: let us do him no injury of any kind.' And he gave orders for him to be kept in the city of Byzantium till he had examined into his conduct. And after a few days, finding no fault in him, he restored him to his command, and sent him back to the city of Alexandria. And he was beloved by all the people. 13. And he vanquished the barbarians in the province of Nubia and Africa, who are named Mauritanians, and others named Marikos. He destroyed them and laid waste their country, and took their possessions as a booty and brought them all in chains by the river Gihon into the land of Egypt; for the engagement had taken place on the banks of the river. 14. Now the chroniclers have recounted the victory he won. And there he reflected after this manner: 'Some envious person will go to the emperor and slander me, but I will forestall him and send a message to the emperor.' And forthwith he sent the following message: 'May I come to have interview with thee?' And the emperor Maurice replied: 'Yes.' 15. And he arose at once with haste, and went to the emperor, and brought him many gifts. And the latter accepted all that he presented, and thereupon appointed him prefect of the imperial city. And the empress Constantina appointed him controller of all her house and loaded him with honours, until he was second only in rank to the emperor, and he became a very great personage in the city of Byzantium. 16. And he constructed aqueducts throughout all the city, for its inhabitants complained greatly of the want of water. And he had a reservoir of bronze made for them by a clever engineer, such as had never been made previously. And so the water flowed into the reservoir of bronze which had been appointed. 17. And the city was thus delivered from disquiet through the abundant supply of water; and when a fire broke out in the city, they went to the reservoir and extinguished the fire. 18. And all the people loved and respected him. And he was fond of constructing public works, and his deeds were noble. And then there arose against him |154 certain envious persons who were foolish and aimed at delivering him over to death through their devices. And whilst they were engaged in such designs a prefect who knew astrology came forward, and likewise another person named Leon, the logothete, and, observing a star which had appeared in the heaven, they said that this star which had appeared portended the assassination of the emperor. 19. And they went and made this announcement to the empress Constantina and said unto her: 'Learn what thou shouldst do and take measures that thou and thy children may escape destruction; for this star which has appeared is a presage of a revolt against the emperor.' 20. And they brought many accusations against Aristomachus, and they bound her by an oath not to tell the emperor. And she went at once and told the emperor. And he imagined that Aristomachus intended to slay him and take his wife. And the emperor became hostile forthwith to Aristomachus, and he robbed him of every hope, and exposed him to numerous humiliations, and sent him in exile to the island of Gaul where he had to remain till he died.
21. Now the emperor Maurice welcomed many false, turbulent persons, owing to his greed for money. And he sold all the grain of Egypt and converted it into gold, and likewise the grain for Byzantium he sold for gold. 22. And every one hated him and said: 'How is it that the city of Constantinople puts up with such a wicked emperor? And how is it that five sons and two daughters have been born to one who has wrought such wickedness to the end of his reign?'
23. And Hormisdas, named Chosroes, the king of Persia at that epoch, was the son of the great Cabades. It is said that his father had been a Christian, and believed in Christ our true God, but that through fear of the Persians had concealed his true faith. 24. But in his latter days he had gone into a bath with faithful attendants, and after he had been exhorted and admonished by a Christian bishop regarding the faith he was to believe in secret, he renounced Satan whom he had worshipped and was baptized in a font belonging to the bath in the name of the Holy Trinity. 25. And when he was baptized he gave orders for the destruction of the font in which he had been baptized. Then he took his son Hormisdas and made him king in his stead. 26. This unhappy man was addicted to the worship of demons; moreover he compelled the Christians to |155 worship fire and the sun. And the horses also that pastured on grass were objects of his worship.
CHAPTER XCVI. 1. And there was once a noble woman who was a Nestorian and she was called in the Persian language Golanduch.245 And as she journeyed by sea, she was seized by the Persians and cast into prison. 2. And they put a chain246 upon her neck after the manner of the Assyrians, and when a prisoner died, the (jailers) showed the king the chain still locked upon his neck. 3. Now while she was so situated an angel appeared to her and addressed her, and seized the chain that was upon her neck, and removed it without unlocking it, and placed it with the jailers in order that they might suffer no injury at the hands of their judges. 4. And she heard a mighty voice which said unto her: 'It is for the sake of the orthodox faith of our Lord Jesus Christ that thou hast been delivered.' And she arose and fled and she came to the territory of Rome, and abode in the city of Hierapolis on the river Euphrates. 5. And she went and recounted to the metropolitan Domitian all that had befallen her. Now he was the son 247 of the emperor Maurice, and he went and told the emperor regarding this woman whom we have already mentioned. 6. And he gave orders that they should conduct her to him, and he prevailed on her to forsake the Nestorian faith and become a believer in the orthodox Christian faith. And she believed as he told her.
7. And our Lord Jesus Christ, though long-suffering and beneficent, did not remain indifferent and unmoved regarding the persecution which was brought upon His saints by Hormisdas the king of Persia. 8. And God was roused to anger against him and his house was destroyed from the top to the bottom, and the king's son, the new Chosroes,248 arose and slew him.
9. And at the time of the emperor's death there were grave dissensions amongst the troops, and two parties were formed. And when the younger249 Chosroes saw what had befallen, he took to flight and reached the Roman territory. And having made himself known to the Roman officials, he sent ambassadors to the emperor Maurice with the request that he should be permitted to remain under the Roman sway, and that he should make war on the |156 Persians and seize their kingdom, and make it (part of) the Roman empire. 10. And the emperor Maurice betook himself to John, patriarch of the city of Constantinople, in order to deliberate with him. And this John was an ascetic and eat no (animal?) food whatever, and drank no wine, but supported himself sufficiently on the produce of the field and on green vegetables. 11. And there came together to him all the magistrates and officers in order to deliberate with him regarding Chosroes, king of Persia, who had come to them. 12. And John cried aloud to them all and said unto them: 'This man who has murdered his father cannot benefit the empire. Nay it is Christ, our true God, who will war on our behalf at all times against all the nations that attack us. And as for this man who has not been faithful to his father, how will he be faithful to the Roman empire.' 13. But the emperor Maurice did not accept the advice of the patriarch wherewith he advised him, and likewise his officers, and he wrote forthwith to Domitian, (the son of) his father's brother, who was bishop of Melitene, and to Narses, commander of the forces in the east, and commanded him to take all the Roman troops and set out and establish Chosroes, king of Persia, and to annihilate all his adversaries. 14. And he gave them the royal insignia and magnificent garments befitting his rank. Now this Chosroes used to go to Golanduch to ask her if he should become king of Persia or not. And she said unto him: 'Thou shalt conquer and shalt certainly become king of the Persians and the Magi; but the Roman empire has been given to the emperor Maurice.'
15. And Narses did as he had commanded, and he conducted the accursed Chosroes back to the Persians, and he made war upon them, and conquered them, and delivered the kingdom of the Magi into the hand of this wretch. 16. And when he was established on the throne he proved ungrateful to the Romans, who had been his benefactors, and devised evil against the Romans. 17. And all the magicians assembled by night in his house in order to prepare poison to put in the food of the Roman troops and in the food of their horses, with a view to destroying them all together with their commander Narses. 18. But our Lord Jesus Christ inspired the hearts of the members of the court with pity, and they went and disclosed the matter to Narses the Roman commander. When he was acquainted with this plot he gave orders to all the troops, and |157 said unto them: 'When they offer you food do not eat it, but give it to the dogs, and as for the fodder give it to other animals.' 19. And when the dogs had eaten they burst asunder in the midst, and the cattle died. And when Narses saw this he was very wroth against Chosroes, and arose forthwith and marched and brought back the Roman forces to their rulers (?). And all the Romans hated the emperor Maurice because of the calamities which had befallen in his days.
CHAPTER XCVII. 1. There were three brothers in a city, in the north of Egypt, named Aikelah, i. e. Zawja. And the names of the three brothers were Abaskiron, Menas, and Jacob. 2. Now this Abaskiron was the eldest, and he was a Nasaha.250 And he had a son named Isaac. 3. Now John the prefect of the city of Alexandria had made them governors over many cities in Egypt. Their own city Aikelah was near the city of Alexandria. 4. And these four men were in the enjoyment of great wealth, but not being able to bear (it) they attacked the Blue Faction, and sacked the two cities of Bena and Busir, without the permission of the governor of the province. Now the latter was a good, excellent, and chaste man. 5. And these four men whom we have already mentioned, shed much blood, and burnt the city of Busir and the public bath. And the governor of the city of Busir fled by night; for the inhabitants of the city of Aikelah wished to kill him. 6. And he succeeded in making his escape from them, and proceeded to the city of Byzantium to the emperor Maurice, shedding many tears, and he informed him of the death which the four men had prepared for him. And a second dispatch came to the emperor from the governor of the city of Alexandria announcing these events. 7. And when the emperor Maurice was apprised of these things, he was very wroth, and gave orders to John the prefect of the city of Alexandria to remove them from (their) office. Now these men mustered a large force of daring men provided with horses and swords and weapons of war, and they seized a large number of ships, in which grain was carried to the city of Alexandria, and there arose a great famine in the city. And (its inhabitants) suffered greatly and sought to kill the prefect John. But the faithful who loved Christ fought on his behalf because of his good conduct. |158
8. And the inhabitants of the city wrote a letter and sent it to the emperor informing him regarding the troubles of the city. And the emperor removed the prefect John, and appointed in his stead Paul of the city of Alexandria. And the inhabitants of the city escorted John as he departed with every mark of honour. And he went and had an interview with the emperor and informed him regarding the deeds of violence wrought by the inhabitants of the city of Aikelah, and he stayed for a short time with the emperor. 9. And the latter, however,, appointed him and gave him full authority over the city of Aikelah. And when the inhabitants of the city of Aikelah heard what had befallen, and likewise of the return of John to the city of Alexandria, they stirred up disquiet and strife throughout all the land of Egypt alike on sea and land. 10. And they sent one of their number, the daring Isaac with his freebooters, and these went down to the sea, and seized a large number of ships which were on the sea and they broke (?) them up. And they proceeded to Cyprus and captured much booty.
11. And many people, that is, Tananikun, and Lakurin, and Elmatridin Elmasr, and the Blue and Green Factions, and the enemy of God from Busir—all these mustered in the city of Aikelah, and took counsel with Eulogius, Chalcedonian patriarch in the city of Alexandria, and with Ailas the deacon, and Minas the assistant, and Ptolemy the commander of the barbarians, but the inhabitants of the city of Aikelah were not aware of this procedure. 12. They wanted to appoint a prefect in the room of John; for they said: 'This John has no respect of persons, and he hates injustice and he will treat us as we wish. 13. Now the inhabitants of Aikelah went on committing transgression after transgression, and they seized the grain-laden ships, and they got hold of the imperial taxes and forced the prefect of the city to send forward the taxes to them.
14. Now John quitted with honour the imperial presence and came to the city of Alexandria, and the (insurgent) chief of the city of Aikelah heard of the arrival of John. And John mustered the forces of Alexandria, Egypt, and Nubia in order to attack the inhabitants of the city of Aikelah. 15. And forthwith there came a general named Theodore, who had been with Aristomachus. Now this Theodore was a son of the commander Zechariah. And he |159 sent a secret letter to John, (requesting him) to send him trained troops who could shoot with the bow (lit. the arrow) and to release from prison two men, namely (the one), Cosmas the son of Samuel, and the other Banon the son of Ammon. 16. And he commanded Cosmas to proceed by land route and Banon by sea. Now this Zechariah — a man of illustrious rank — was the lieutenant1 of John in the city of Busir. 17. And (John) found (on his arrival) that much devastation had been wrought in the city of Alexandria. And he had a large number of the daring ones seized and punished, and he captured a great number of ships, and inspired a great fear in them (the rebels) on his arrival in the city of Alexandria. 18. And subsequently he had many great works constructed in the sea at the cost of great exertions. And he did not return to the city of Byzantium till he died.251
19. And when the general Theodore and his men came up they burned the camp of the rebels, and they all advanced as far as Alexandria, (even) the (full-grown) men, the youths who shot with the bow, and some stone-slingers. 20. And he took with him the five men whom he had released from prison, namely, Cosmas, the son of Samuel, Banon, the son of Ammon, and their companions, in order to show the Egyptians those whom he had released from imprisonment. 21. And when they came to the border of the river, they marshalled the sturdy soldiers in boats and the cavalry on the land. And the general passed over to the eastern bank of the river with all his soldiers. 22. But Cosmas and Banon remained on the western bank of the river with a numerous force. And they cried aloud to the conspirators on the eastern bank of the river and said unto them: 'Observe all ye people who have joined with those rebels: do not war against the general; for the Roman empire is neither enfeebled nor subdued; but through our compassion towards you we have borne with you until now.' 23. And thereupon the people who had assembled along with those rebels broke off from them and crossed the river and joined the Roman troops. 24. And they began an attack on the inhabitants of Aikelah, and they vanquished them. And the latter fled by night and gained a small city named Abusan, and not being able to remain there they |160 passed on to the great city (of Alexandria). 25. And the Roman troops pursued them thither and captured the four men, Abaskiron, Menas, Jacob, and Isaac, and put the four on a camel, and had them conducted throughout all the city of Alexandria in the sight of all men. 26. And next they cast them into prison with their hands and feet loaded with chains. 27. And after a long interval Constantine the patrician who had been appointed governor of the city of Alexandria came and examined the case of the prisoners. 28. And when he became acquainted with the charges against them, he had three of the brothers executed; but as for Isaac he had him thrown into chains and transported for life to the island of Atroku. 29. And as for their accomplices, some were condemned to corporal punishment, others had their goods confiscated. And the cities of Aikelah and Abusan were burnt with fire. And great fear prevailed over all the land of Egypt, and its inhabitants dwelt in the enjoyment of tranquillity and peace.
30. And about this time also there arose a rebel named Azarias in the province of Akhmim, who mustered a large force of Ethiopic slaves and brigands and seized the imperial taxes without the knowledge of the officers of the province. 31. But when the inhabitants saw the warlike measures of these slaves and barbarians, they feared them, and sent a dispatch to the emperor with information (on the matter). 32. And the emperor sent a distinguished commander with a numerous force of Egyptians and Nubians to attack Azarias. But before the attack was made, he fell into a panic and fled, and gained the summit of an arid mountain which resembled a citadel. 33. And the troops beleaguered that mountain for a long time until the water and food of the rebels failed. Thereupon the rebel Azarias died and likewise his followers through hunger and thirst. Now they had already abandoned their horses.
34. And in the reign of this emperor also, when the governor and commander in Alexandria was one named Menas, the son of Main, there appeared (two) creatures in human form, one resembling a man and the other a woman. 35. And all who travelled by river, when they stopped near the bank, saw them clearly and wondered greatly at the spectacle. And Menas likewise saw them and all the officers and notables of the city. 36. And all who saw them spake to them and said: 'We adjure you in the name of the God who created you, show yourselves to us again.' And when they |161 heard the adjuration, they showed their face and hands and breasts. And all who saw them, said: 'This is the work of demons who dwell in the waters.' 37. But others said: 'This river is of two sexes, for there have appeared in it creatures such as have never been seen before.' Others said: 'This is an evil thing for our country.' Others said: 'The apparition of these creatures is a happy omen.' All these were false, and their statements were without truth.
CHAPTER XCVIII. 1. And there was likewise in the reign of the emperor Maurice, a man named Paulinus in the city of Byzantium, a worshipper of impure demons, who falsely said: 'The emperor Maurice overlooks these practices.' And God punished this magician and he lost his reason. 2. And he had a silver bowl which contained the blood of impure sacrifices to demons. And he carried this cup and sold it to a silversmith. And after the (silver)smith had bought this bowl, the abbot of a monastery saw it, and being greatly pleased with it bought the bowl and conveyed it to his monastery. 3. And he placed it full of water away from the altar, and gave orders to the brethren and said unto them: 'Each time ye take of the holy mysteries drink of the water in the bowl in order to cool the oblation which is for the body and blood of Christ our God.' 4. But the great King of Glory, our Lord Jesus Christ, did not approve that the vessels of demons should be mingled with the vessels of the holy altar of our God which are without blood, as the apostles say. And thereupon that water became blood. 5. And when the brethren partook of the holy mysteries, they went forth from the sanctuary to take of that water for cooling according to the custom. And when they saw this miracle that had been wrought in the silver bowl, they together with their Superior were seized with fear, and fell a-weeping. And they resorted to self-examination but could find no evil that they had committed. 6. And thereupon they arose and took the silver bowl, filled as it was with blood, and brought it to John, patriarch of Constantinople, and they informed him of all that had befallen. 7. And John sent unto the man who had sold it and said unto him: 'Whence have you obtained this bowl, and from whom have you bought it?' And the man said: 'I bought it from Paulinus.' 8. And thereupon the patriarch and the priesthood and the faithful of the Christian Church recognized that the matter was from God. And |162 (the patriarch) wished to make known the apostasy and the infamy of the magician Paulinus: and forthwith with godly zeal they arose and fetched Paulinus to the palace of the emperor Maurice. 9. And the chief officer interrogated him in the presence of all the magistrates and senators regarding this matter, and he confessed in the presence of all, saying: 'I was accustomed to place in this bowl the blood of the sacrifices which I offered to demons.' 10. And they all passed judgement upon him that he should be burnt alive. And they proclaimed aloud regarding him by the voice of a herald three distinct proclamations. The first in these terms: 'Wherefore should Paulinus be saved, the enemy of God who to his own destruction prays to Apollo?' The next as follows: 'Thou hast lusted after a strange sin: and he has laboured much in that which benefits not his own soul.' And the third proclamation: 'Paulinus has sought of himself his own destruction. He has become the enemy of the Holy Trinity, and has not kept faithful to the true orthodox faith.' But those who followed him in his evil practices sought to save him.
11. And when the patriarch John was apprised of this movement, he went to the court and put off his priestly robe. Meanwhile all the people cried aloud and said: 'May the orthodox faith spread and prosper.' 12. And the patriarch said: 'If Paulinus the magician is not committed to the flames this very hour, I will resign my throne and close all the churches. And I will not permit any one to partake of the holy mysteries, until Christ has punished those who blaspheme His name.' 13. And the emperor feared that a tumult might be occasioned thereby. And so the patriarch did not return to his palace till he had burnt Paulinus alive. Now the emperor used to follow heathen practices; but when the emperor heard that he was censured (for so doing) he was very deeply grieved.
CHAPTER XCIX. 1. And at the outset of his reign he had ordained a law that they should inscribe at the beginning of all their writings the formula: 'In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ our God and Saviour.' He wished to profess his faith in Jesus Christ the Saviour of all the world. 2. And thereupon Domitian, the son of the emperor's brother, gave orders that force should be used to compel the Jews and Samaritans to be baptized and become Christians. But these proved false Christians. And likewise he |163 forced heretics to be enrolled in the orders of the Church; for he was a true Chalcedonian.
CHAPTER C. 1. And likewise in the reign of the emperor Maurice there came a flood in the night on the east of the city of Esna, which is the capital of Rif, while the inhabitants were asleep, and it destroyed many houses together with their inhabitants, and it carried them off and submerged them in the river. 2. And great havoc was wrought in the city and in (its) inhabitants. And likewise in the city of Tarsus in Cilicia the same befell; for the river, named Euphrates, which flows near it, rose at midnight and submerged one division of the city, named Antinoaea, and destroyed many buildings. 3. And a stone tablet was found in the river with the inscription: 'This river will destroy many of the buildings of the city.'
CHAPTER CI. 1. And likewise in the reign of this Maurice, the city of Antioch was troubled by a great earthquake and laid low. Now it had been laid low seven times. 2. And many roads (?) in the east were destroyed, and islands, and an innumerable multitude of men through the earthquake. 3. And likewise at that time the sun was eclipsed at the fifth hour of the day, and the light of the stars appeared. And there was a widespread alarm, and men thought that the end of the world was at hand. And all men wept and implored and prayed Christ our God to have mercy and compassion upon them. 4. Thereupon the light reappeared and the sun rose out of the darkness, and those who had come together said: 'This event is one that has taken place at the end of the cycle of 532 years.' 5. And they set them selves to calculate, and discovered, as they said, that it was the end of the twelfth cycle. But holy and righteous persons said: 'This chastisement has befallen the earth owing to the heresy of the emperor Maurice.
CHAPTER CII. 1. Now a certain event took place relating to a magistrate named Eutocius,252 who had been deputed to a barbarous country. Now he possessed a silk embroidered (lit. sewn) garment, namely, a tunic, and he gave orders to his steward to fetch it to him. 2. And when he brought it to him, he found that the rats had eaten and destroyed it. And he was wroth with the steward, and cast him into a pit which was full of rats, and he closed the pit's mouth for many days, and (the rats) eat him and he died. |164 3. And after many days he sought him, and found him dead and putrid. And he repented having killed the man for the sake of a garment. He practised good works, and gave much money to the poor, with much weeping addressing his prayers unto our Lady the holy Virgin Mary. 4. And likewise he went to holy places and visited the saints who abode there, confessing to them his sin, in order that he might hear the words of consolation. And these spoke to him in hostile terms in order to make him abandon the salvation of his soul. 5. And next he went to the convent of Sinai, and (there the monks) said unto him: 'There is no forgiveness'— therein they were deceived—'there is no forgiveness after baptism'; and they robbed him of (all) hope. 6. Now they remembered not the word which was written regarding David; for when he had slain Uriah, (God) afterwards accepted his repentance, and restored him again to his first state. 7. And the restoration of Manasseh was brought about through repentance, after he had sacrificed to demons and slain Isaiah the prophet, and wrought countless evils. Yea, when he repented, God accepted him. 8. And this unfortunate man, when all hope was cut off, went up a lofty acclivity and cast himself down and so died a violent death.
9. And shortly after, the Thracians rebelled and rose up against the emperor Maurice, and (their) four commanders set out against him. And when Maurice heard this news he began to distribute money among the inhabitants of Constantinople. Now they had been wont to call Maurice a heathen and a magician, and a person undeserving of the imperial throne. 10. And when the soldiers heard of these movements they took measures to wrest concessions from him touching their wage and food, that is, the pay of the officers and chiefs. 11. But subsequently changing their plans they cast lots, and the lot fell upon Phocas, and marked him out as emperor. Now he was one of the four commanders of Thrace. 12. And the inhabitants of Constantinople were all of one mind, and cried out saying: 'Let us have a Christian emperor in this city.' And when Maurice heard that the inhabitants of the city wished to seize him, he went into the palace, and brought forth all (his) wealth, and placed it in a ship, and likewise his children and his wife, they made for Bithynia.
CHAPTER CIII. 1. And Maurice wrought a noble deed during his |165 reign, and put a stop to the iniquities that had been practised by his imperial predecessors. 2. A certain captain of a ship set sail from Alexandria, having taken on board a considerable cargo of grain belonging to the emperor. But the ship was wrecked and the grain lost in the sea. And the governor of the province had him arrested and severely beaten, but no money was found upon him. 3. But the emperor Maurice gave orders for the captain of the vessel to be released, and thereupon published a decree, enacting that the captain of a vessel should not be subjected to punishment and made to render compensation when his ship was wrecked, but that the loss should be put down to the imperial revenue.
4. And after the flight of the emperor Maurice all the population came together to the patriarch, and by general consent they placed the imperial crown on Phocas in the church of S. John the Baptist.
5. And proceeded to the palace, and got ready his generals and officers and chariots, and sent them in pursuit of Maurice. 6. And whilst Maurice was proceeding by ship a strong wind rose against him and overturned the ship, and so he betook himself alone with his children to a small island near Chalcedonia. 7. And when the soldiers had learnt where he was, they proceeded to him according to the commands of Phocas, and put him to death with his five children in the twenty-second year of his reign. 8. And they stripped the empress Constantina and her two daughters and the wife of her son Theodosius of their imperial robes, and clothed them in servants' apparel, and placed them in a convent for virgins.
9. And when Phocas was firmly established in the empire, he sent ambassadors to Chosroes, king of Persia; but Chosroes refused to receive the ambassadors. Moreover, he was very wroth on account of the death of Maurice.
10. And certain persons accused + Alexander +,253 who was one of the rulers—a discreet man and beloved by all the inhabitants of Constantinople, and they said to Phocas: 'This Alexander is desirous of slaying thee and becoming emperor in thy stead.' Now this + Alexander+ had married a daughter of Maurice.254 11. And |166 thereupon Phocas had +Alexander+ and Kudis (= Elpidius?) and other officers thrown into chains and sent to the city of Alexandria to be imprisoned there. 12. Shortly after, Phocas sent orders to Justin the governor of Alexandria to execute +Alexander+ and his companions.
CHAPTER CIV. 1. Owing to the great quantity of blood shed by Phocas great terror prevailed among all the officers (clergy?) of the province of the east.255 2. Now at that epoch no province was allowed to appoint a patriarch or any other ecclesiastical dignitary without his (the emperor's) authorization. 3. And the Orientals 256 assembled in the great city of Antioch. When the troops heard of these doings they were all enraged, and set out on horseback and made preparation for fighting, and they slew many people in the church (and continued the slaughter) till they had filled all the edifices with blood. 4. And this frightful massacre extended to Palestine and Egypt.
CHAPTER CV. 1. And there was a man named Theophilus, of the city of Merada in Egypt, the governor of five cities in the reign of Phocas. And the officers of the city and a large body of men revolted against him. (And) they attacked Theophilus and put him and his followers to the sword. 2. And they took the five cities by storm, i.e. Kerteba, San, Basta, Balqa, and Sanhur. And David and Abunaki, the envoys of the patriarch, informed Phocas (of these events). 3. And when Phocas heard, he was very wroth and sent a very malignantly-tempered general, named Bonosus, from the province of the east.257 And he was like a fierce hyena. And he gave him full authority over the officers (?)258 of the city of Antioch, that he might do unto them as they had done. 4. And when he came to Cilicia, he mustered a large body of men and marched against the officers (?) of the city of Antioch, and reduced them to submission, and by reason of the greatness of their fear of him they became like women before him. 5. And he punished them without mercy. Some of them he strangled, and others he |167 burnt, and others he drowned, and others he gave to wild beasts. And those who belonged to the factions he delivered to the sword. 6. And all with whom he wished to deal mercifully he sent into perpetual banishment. Upon the monks and convents of the nuns he perpetrated barbarities.
CHAPTER CVI. 1. And the following incident is an illustration of the conduct of the insensate Phocas. 2. He sent orders to the province of Cappadocia that there should be brought to him the wife of Heraclius the elder, who was the mother of the general Theodore, and the wife of Heraclius the younger, together with her daughter Fabia, a virgin.259 3. And he had them placed in the house of + Theodore + 260 (and treated) with distinction. Now +Theodore+ was of the family of the emperor Justinian. 4. And Phocas sought to dishonour Fabia. But she, using the stratagems of a woman, said: 'I am in the menstrual period'; and she showed him a cloth saturated with blood. And for this reason he let her go. 5. By the advice of Akrasis and Fibamon, interpreters of dreams, this statement was made unto him.261 6. And when the elder Heraclius heard of these matters he thanked Akrasis, and let off Theodore, and took no action against him or his people.
CHAPTER CVII. 1. And they came to the city of Constantinople and informed Phocas of all that had been done. 2. At the same period came Heraclius, who distributed large sums of money among the barbarians of Tripolis and Pentapolis, and thereby prevailed on them to help him in the war. 3. Next he summoned the captain of his forces, named Bonakis,262 with 3,000 men, and a large number of barbarians, and dispatched them to Pentapolis to wait for him there. 4. And he sent likewise Nicetas, the son of Gregory, with large subsidies to the prefect Leontius, who had been appointed to the province of Mareotis by Phocas, urging him to send salutations to Phocas and write to him in these terms: 'My Lord'. 5. Now Tenkera and Theodore the son of Menas, who had been governor of Alexandria in the reign of Maurice, had made a secret compact with Heraclius whereby they promised to give him the empire of Constantinople, and to slay Phocas, and compel the thousands (of troops) in Constantinople to submit to him. |168
6. And this was done without the cognizance of Theodore the Chalcedonian patriarch of Alexandria, who had been appointed by Phocas. 7. But John the governor of the city was acquainted with his plot; for he was prefect of the palace and military commander in Alexandria. And Theodore also who was set over the grain supply (was acquainted with it). 8. These three wrote a letter to Phocas and informed him of all that had happened. But Phocas despised Heraclius. 9. Nevertheless he sent large sums of money to the +Apulon+263 of the city of Manuf through the agency of the governor of the city of Constantinople, and he sent the latter to Egypt with a large military force; having first bound him by many an oath to defend his empire with fidelity, and to war against Heraclius in Egypt; and (he sent also) to Ptolemy the +Apulon+ of the city of Athrib, the governor of that city.
10. And next he sent orders to Qusum to leave the city of Antioch and repair to Alexandria. Now he had previously sent Bonosus by sea, with lions and panthers264 and other wild beasts to be conducted to the city of Alexandria. 11. Now the emperors had heretofore destroyed them, but he re-established this custom. And he sent likewise instruments of torture of many kinds, chains and bonds, and much money and glorious garments.
12. And Bonakis,265 the chief (captain) of Heraclius, (set out) and he saw Nicetas in Pentapolis as Heraclius had commanded. And he indeed had received troops from Leontius, who had been sent to the province of the Mareotis, and he had proceeded towards Nubia in Africa (?). 13. Now the prefect Leontius had come to terms with them. And when they had met the garrison of the city of Kabsen, they entered but did no violence to the garrison. And they set free all the prisoners that they might join them in the war. 14. And before they entered, they had prevailed on the inhabitants of the city to precede them (and) stir up a tumult on the river, named Pidrakon, that is, the Dragon, which flows close to the great city of Alexandria on the west. 15. And when they had entered, they found the +Balalun+,266 the governor of Alexandria, with a large force of Egyptians arrayed with weapons of war. And |169 they said to him: 'Hearken to our words and flee from us and preserve thy dignity, and remain neutral till thou seest the side which is victorious; and no calamity shall befall thee, and subsequently thou shalt become the Administrator of Egypt; for behold the days of Phocas are at an end.' 16. But he refused to comply with this proposal and said: 'We will fight for the emperor unto death.' And when they engaged they slew this misguided man, and cut off his head, and suspending it on a lance they carried it into the city. 17. And not only none could withstand them, but many joined their ranks. And the prefect of the palace and Theodore who was set over the corn supply withdrew into the church of S. Theodore on the east of the city. And Theodore the Chalcedonian patriarch withdrew into the church of the holy Athanasius on the sea coast. 18. (And they did so) not only through fear of the soldiers (or 'war'), but also of the inhabitants of the city; for they had kept under guard Menas the coadjutor, the son of Theodore the vicar,267 that is the Adagshan,268 in order to deliver him up to Bonosus when he arrived.
19. And when the clergy (?) and the people of the city assembled they were of one accord in their hatred of Bonosus,269 who had already sent the wild beasts and the instruments of torture. 20. And they took the imperial taxes out of the hands of those who guarded them, and openly rebelled against Phocas, and received Heraclius with great honour, and took possession of the governor's palace and established themselves therein. 21. And they suspended the head of the Apulon on the gate for all that went in and out to see. And they seized upon all the wealth consisting of gold and silver and glorious garments which (Phocas) had sent to the Apulon. 22. And he sent for his own troops and soldiers, and he sent likewise to Pharos, and had the soldiers who were in the fleet arrested and kept under a close guard.
23. And information was subsequently brought to Bonosus in the city of Caesarea in Palestine that (the rebels) had captured the city of Alexandria and slain the Apulon, and that the inhabitants of that city hated him and were attached to Heraclius. 24. Now previously to the arrival of Bonosus in Egypt, Bonakis met with |170 no reverse, but gained the mastery over all the prefects in Egypt. 25. And the Blues confiscated all the property of Aristomachus, the friend of the emperor, and the property of all the notables in the city of Manuf, and reduced them to such a degree of destitution that they were unable to pay taxes.
26. And all the people rejoiced because of the revolt against Phocas. And all the inhabitants of Nakius and the bishop Theodore and all the cities of Egypt joined the revolt. But Paul the prefect of the city of Samnud alone did not join it. He was one of the prefects appointed by Phocas, and he was beloved by all the inhabitants of the city.
27. But the military commander they named Liwnakis, by this name (sic), as he was a perverse and foolish man and 'a dog's head'. + And subsequently also Cosmas the son of Samuel, the friend of Paul, who was likewise one of their number, but who, being weak, was borne by two men + 270—as for this man indeed whom they had released from prison, he was high spirited, and likewise those who were with him,271 and he stirred up all the officers and made them submit to him. 28. And Paul was the first to resist and refuse to join the party of Heraclius, but he vacillated in his plans. 29. Indeed, all the province of Egypt was divided on the ground of the murder of the Aisaililun. And Marcian, the prefect of the city of Athrib; for he was a friend of theirs.
30. And Bonosus proceeded from the house of Ptolemais (?), and he sent his ships to the city of Athrib. And Christodora the sister of Aisallun practised a system of espionage on those who threw off their allegiance to the emperor Phocas, and she refused to hearken to the message of Heraclias. 31. And all the troops of Egypt and of the east were expecting succour from the forces that were coming by land and sea. Now these were coming in ships by the two branches of the river, and they were to land as we have before said. 32. But the forces which came on horseback from the east were on the look out for Plato and Theodore. Now these were in the neighbourhood of the city of Athrib and were alarmed at their arrival. 33. But before Paul and Cosmas the son of Samuel had.....272 the bishop Theodore and Menas, the scribe of the city |171 of Nakius, sent a message to Marcian the prefect and to the lady Christodora, the sister of Aisaillun, requesting them to cast down the insignia273 of Phocas and to submit to Heraclius. 34. But these refused; for they had heard news of Bonosus to the effect that he had arrived at the city of Bikuran. And when the party of Plato heard this news, they sent a dispatch to Bonakis in Alexandria to this effect: 'Hasten hither with thy forces; for Bonosus has arrived in the city of Farma.' 35. And when Bonakis had reached Nakius, Bonosus likewise had already arrived at the city of Athrib, where he found Marcian's troops ready for war. Christodora also, the sister of Aillus (sic), and the troops of Cosmas the son of Samuel (were already there) by land. 36. And he marched to the small branch of the river which proceeds from the main branch, and met with the prefect Paul and his troops. 37. Then Bonakis came to attack Bonosus, and they engaged on the east of the city of Manuf. And in the engagement the forces of Cosmas the son of Samuel prevailed and drove those of Bonakis into the river, and they took Bonakis prisoner and slew him. 38. And Leontius the general and Kudis they put to the sword, and they surrounded a large body of troops, and took them prisoners and threw them into chains. And when Plato and Theodore saw that Bonakis and his men had been slain, they fled to a convent and concealed themselves.
39. Then Theodore the bishop of Nakius and Menas the scribe took the Gospels and proceeded to meet Bonosus, thinking that he would have mercy upon them. And when Bonosus saw Theodore the bishop, he took him with him to the city of Nakius, but he cast Menas into prison. 40. But Christodora and Marcian, the prefect of Athrib, informed him that it was the bishop that had the insignia of Phocas thrown down from the gate of the city. And when Bonosus saw the insignia of Phocas cast down upon the ground, he gave orders for the beheading of the bishop. 41. But as for Menas, he had him severely scourged, and required from him the payment of 3,000 gold dinars, and then he let him go. But owing to the excessive scourging, he was attacked by a fever and |172 died shortly afterwards. (He was so dealt with) at the instigation of Cosmas the son of Samuel.
42. And the three chief men of Manuf, Isidore, John, and Julian, and those who had concealed themselves in the convent of Atris, that is, Plato the friend of the emperor and Theodore the lieutenant, were delivered up to Bonosus by the monks. 43. And he had them arrested and thrown into chains and conducted to the city of Nakius, where he gave orders for them to be scourged and then beheaded in the place where the bishop had been put to death. 44. And he held an inquiry likewise regarding the troops who had fought under Bonakis. And such as had been soldiers of Maurice he sent into exile, but those who had been in the service of Phocas he called to account and put to death. 45. And the rest of the troops, seeing these things, fled and betook themselves to the city of Alexandria. And all the notables in Egypt mustered round Nicetas, the general of Heraclius, and assisted him because they detested Bonosus, and they informed Nicetas of all that he had done. 46. And Nicetas got together a numerous army of regulars, barbarians, citizens of Alexandria, the Green Faction,274 sailors, archers, and a large supply of military stores. And they prepared to fight Bonosus in the environs of the city. 47. And Bonosus thus reflected: 'By what means can I get possession of the city and deal with Nicetas as I did with Bonakis.' 48. And he sent Paul of the city of Samnud with his ships into the canal of Alexandria in order to co-operate with him. But Paul275 was not able to approach the environs of the city; for they hurled stones at him, and the ships took to flight. 49. And Bonosus likewise came with his troops and took up a position at Miphamonis, i.e. the new Shabra. Next he marched with all his forces to the city of Demqaruni, and was purposing to make a breach in the city on Sunday. Now these events took place in the seventh year of the reign of Phocas.
CHAPTER CVIII. 1. And there was a holy aged man, named Theophilus the confessor, who lived on the top of a pillar, near the banks of the river, and he was endowed with the spirit of prophecy. This old man lived thirty years on the top of the pillar. 2. Now Nicetas used to visit him frequently. And Theodore the general and Menas the coadjutor, and Theodosius, who were agents of |173 Nicetas, informed him of the virtues of this holy man. 3. And Nicetas went to him and besought him and said: ' Who will be victor in this war?'—for he feared lest evil should overtake him as it had done Bonakis. 4. And the holy man said to Nicetas: 'Thou shalt conquer Bonosus and overthrow the empire of Phocas, and Heraclius will become emperor this year.' 5. And Nicetas was guided by the prophecy of the aged man of God and said to the inhabitants of Alexandria: ' Fight no longer from the top of the wall but open the gate of On and meet Bonosus in close encounter.' 6. And they hearkened to the words of Nicetas and put the troops in array and placed the catapults and engines for hurling stones near the gate. 7. And when a captain of Bonosus's troops advanced, a man smote him before he drew near to the gate, with a huge stone, and crushed in his jaw, and he fell from his horse and died forthwith. And another likewise was crushed. And when the battle pressed sore upon them they began to flee. 8. And Nicetas opened the second gate, which was close to the church of S. Mark the Evangelist, and he issued forth with his barbarian auxiliaries, and they went in pursuit of the fleeing troops and they put some of them to the sword. 9. And the inhabitants of Alexandria smote them with stones and pursued them and struck them with arrows and wounded them with grievous wounds. And some that sought to hide themselves from the violence of the battle fell into the canal and perished there. 10. And to the north of the city there were the qasabfars,276 that is, a plantation of roses and a hedge of thorns surrounding the plantation. And these stopped the fugitives. 11. And on the south side of the city also the fugitives were checked by a canal. And those who were pursued attacked each other, failing in the stress of danger to recognize their comrades. 12. Bonosus escaped with a few soldiers and took refuge in the city of Kariun. And Marcian the prefect of Athrib and the general Leontius, and Valens, and many men of distinguished names, were slain in the battle. 13. And when Nicetas saw that this victory was his through the prayers of the saints, and that the strength of the army of Bonosus was broken and that its numbers had become few, he sent Ptolemy, Eusebius, and other notables of the party of Heraclius to the river in order to fetch him |174 all the wealth they could find, and collect for him many soldiers from all the cities of Egypt. 14. And the members of the Blue Faction, great and small, and the officers, protected and helped Nice tas in the city of Alexandria. 15. And when Paul and his companions were apprised of these events they remained secretly on board their ships and intended to desert Bonosus and go over to Nicetas. And the affairs of Bonosus grew (daily) worse, while those of Nicetas daily advanced in strength.
CHAPTER CIX. 1. And after his escape Bonosus stayed a few days in Nakius, and likewise his remaining troops. And he provided them with ships, and they destroyed many of the inhabitants of Alexandria. 2. And they proceeded towards Mareotis, and entered the canal of the Dragon which lies to the west of the city, and intended to harass the Alexandrians. But this unhappy man knew not that it is God who is strongest in warring. 3. And when Nicetas was apprised of this he had the qantarâ, that is, the bridge of Dafâshîr, cut away. Now it is near the church of S. Mînâs of the city of Mareotis. 4. And when Bonosus heard of this event, he was very grieved and purposed to slay Niketas by a treacherous device; for he said: 'If Nicetas dies, the army will be dispersed.' 5. And he had a soldier brought to him, and he persuaded him to go to Nicetas, boldly facing death, and he said unto him: 'Take thee a small sword, and put it in thy bosom, pretending that I have sent thee unto him, and that thou art to intercede on my behalf. And when thou comest near him smite him with this sword in his heart, that he may die. And if thou art able to escape, well and good; but if thou diest on behalf of this nation I will take thy children and conduct them into the imperial palace, and I will give them money sufficient for all the days of their life.' 6. But one of his suite, named John, having heard this abominable project, sent and informed Nicetas. And this soldier rose thereupon, and took an imperial sword, and placed it in his bosom, and betook himself to Nicetas. 7. And when (the latter) saw him, he ordered his troops to surround him, and when they had stripped him, they found the sword in his bosom. And thereupon they beheaded him with the sword.
8. And Bonosus proceeded to the city of Dafâshîr and put many men to the sword. And when Nicetas was apprised of this event he pursued him with all haste. And when he came up to him, |175 Bonosus crossed the river and betook himself to the city of Nakius. 9. And after he crossed the river, Nicetas abandoned the pursuit and marched to the city (?) of Mareotis, and left considerable forces there to guard the route. And he marched likewise to the city of the upper Manûf. 10. And when he drew near the city, the party of Bonosus who were there took to flight, and he captured the city, and Abrâis and his people were taken prisoners, and (the troops of Nicetas) burnt their houses and likewise the way (?) of the city. 11. And Nicetas directed a combined and powerful attack on the city of Manûf and compelled it to open its gates. Then all the cities of Egypt sent in their submission to him. 12. Next he crossed the river in pursuit of Bonosus, (who was) in the city of Nakius. And when Bonosus was apprised thereof he rose in the night and quitted the province of Egypt and betook himself to Palestine. 13. And he was driven also from this country by the people because of the abominable murders he had perpetrated among them formerly. And he went from thence to the city of Byzantium, and there met with Phocas, his friend, the assassin.
14. And all the land of Egypt fell under the power of Niketas, from the great city of Alexandria to the village of Theophilus the Stylite, who had predicted the accession of Heraclius to the imperial throne.
15. And Nicetas, moreover, had Paul of the city of Samnûd and Cosmas the son of Samuel arrested. He pardoned them and inflicted no punishment upon them, but sent them to Alexandria to be kept in custody there till the death of Bonosus. 16. And taking advantage of the war between Bonosus and Nicetas, the artisan guilds277 of Egypt arose (and) perpetrated outrages on 'the Blues', and gave themselves shamelessly to pillage and murder. 17. And when Nicetas was apprised of these facts he had them arrested, and reproved them, and said unto them: 'Do no outrage henceforth to any one.' And he established peace amongst them. And he named prefects in all the cities and repressed plundering and violence, and he lightened their taxes for three years. And the Egyptians were very much attached to him.
18. And in regard to Rome it is recounted that the kings of (this) epoch had by means of the barbarians and the nations |176 and the Illyrians devastated Christian cities and carried off their inhabitants captive, and that no city escaped save Thessalonica only; for its walls were strong, and through the help of God the nations were unable to get possession of it. But all the province was devastated and depopulated. 19. Then the armies of the east278 arose against Rome, and they took the Egyptians prisoners, who were there, and who had fled from Egypt from fear of Bonosus. These were Sergius the Apostate and Cosmas who had delivered up his city. 20. Now these had denied the Christian faith and had abandoned holy baptism, and had followed in the paths of the pagans and idolaters.
21. And (the Persians) made themselves masters of the river Euphrates and of all the cities of Antioch, and they plundered them and left not a soldier surviving at that epoch. 22. And likewise the inhabitants of the district of Tripolis in Africa brought blood-eating barbarians (into the country) out of affection to Heraclius. 23. For they detested Phocas, and they attacked the general Mardius and sought to slay him, and likewise two other generals named Ecclesiariûs and Isidore. 24. And when these barbarians arrived they made war on the province of Africa, and proceeded to join Heraclius the elder. And the great prefect of the district of Tripolis, named Kîsîl, went to Nicetas with large supplies in order to help him against Bonosus.
25. And Heraclius the elder sent his son Heraclius the younger to the city of Byzantium with ships and a large force of barbarians in order to attack Phocas. And when he touched at the islands and the various stations on the sea coast, many people, notably those of the Green Faction, went on board with him. 26. And Theodore the Illustrious, together with a large number of wise senators, deserted Phocas and submitted to Heraclius. 27. And seeing this the civilians and the soldiers who were with him followed his example and submitted to Heraclius and Cappadocian. And all the people assailed Phocas with angry invectives, and none stayed them. And all these matters fell out in the city of Constantinople. 28. And when Phocas was apprised of these facts, and had learnt that everybody had made his submission to Heraclius, he sent the imperial chariots to Bonosus in order that he might march against him (Heraclius). 29. And other prefects |177 of the emperor got ready the Alexandrian ships in which corn had been brought from the land of Egypt to Constantinople. For Phocas had had these seized because of the revolt of the inhabitants of Alexandria.
CHAPTER CX. 1. And when at the suggestion of Nicetas, the patrician, the people accepted Heraclius as their emperor, the people of Africa lauded Heraclius in these terms: 'The emperor Heraclius will be like Augustus.' And all the people of Alexandria also and of the camp 279 spake in the same fashion. 2. And thereupon they began an engagement on the seashore, and the men of the chariots slew Bonosus. And they all with one voice in the Greek language cried aloud in praise of Heraclius the younger, the son of Heraclius the elder, and abused Phocas and Bonosus. 3. And, hearing these demonstrations, the Green Faction and the inhabitants of the city of Byzantium, who were on the sea, assembled their ships and pursued the 'Blues.' Now these latter were disquieted because of the accusation made against them, and subsequently took refuge in the church of S. Sophia. 4. And all the officers and senators had taken up a position near the palace, and they were lying in wait for Phocas. But when Phocas and Leontius the chamberlain became aware that they sought with evil intent to slay them as they had slain the depraved Bonosus, the two arose and seized all the money that was in the imperial treasury which had been amassed by Maurice, and likewise that which had been amassed by (Phocas) himself from the Roman nobles whom he had put to death, and whose property he had confiscated, and likewise the money of Bonosus, and they cast it into the waves of the sea, and so thoroughly impoverished the Roman empire. 5. And thereupon the senators and the officers and soldiers went in and seized Phocas, and took the imperial crown from his head, and (they seized) Leontius the chamberlain likewise, and conducted them in chains to Heraclius to the church of S. Thomas the Apostle, and they put both of them to death in his presence. 6. And they cut off the privy parts of Phocas, and tore off his skin right down to his legs because of the dishonour and shame he had brought on the wife of because she was consecrated to the service of God, for he had taken her by force and violated her, although she was of an illustrious family. 7. And next they took the bodies of |178 Phocas and Leontius and Bonosus and they conveyed them to the city of Constantinople, and they burnt them with fire, and scattered the ashes of their bodies to the winds; for they were detested by all men. 8. And thus the vision was accomplished which Benjamin of the city of Antinoe had received from God, and the inhabitants of Byzantium did not slight a detail in it. 9. On the contrary, they conducted Heraclius against his will to the church of S. Thomas the Apostle and placed the imperial crown on his head. When he had completed his prayers, he went and entered into the palace, and all the + wise+ congratulated him.
10. And after his accession to the imperial throne Heraclius wrote a letter to Heraclius, his father, to inform him of all that had happened, and likewise of his accession to the imperial throne. 11. Now Heraclius, his father, had seized the city of Carthage, the imperial capital of Africa, and he was much concerned for his son who had gone to Byzantium. But when he heard this news, he rejoiced (thereat). 12. Now great uncertainty prevailed in the churches because of the long duration of the war, and every one was full of apprehension over the victory which had been won over Bônâkîs, and the disquietude which had been occasioned in regard to his (Heraclius's) son.
13. And subsequently Heraclius fell ill and quitted this world, while he was at his post in his government. God alone knows whom He appoints, and unto God be glory for ever.
CHAPTER CXI. 1. Now Theodore was commander-in-chief in Egypt. And when the messengers of Theodosius the prefect of Arcadia informed him regarding the death of John,280 general of the local levies, he thereupon turned with all the Egyptian troops and his auxiliary forces and marched to Lôkjôn, which is an island. 2. Moreover he feared lest, owing to the dissensions prevailing amongst the inhabitants of that district, the Moslem should come and seize the coast of Lôkjôn and dislodge the communities of the servants of God who were subjects of the Roman emperor. 3. And his lamentations were more grievous than the lamentations of David over Saul when he said: 'How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished!'281 Eor not only had John the general of |179 the forces perished, but likewise John the general, who was of the city of Mârôs, had been slain in battle and fifty horsemen with him.
4. I will acquaint you briefly with what befell the former inhabitants of Fajûm.
5. John and his troops, the warriors whom we have just mentioned, had been appointed by the Romans to guard the district. Now these posted other guards near the rock of the city of Lâhûn in order to keep guard continually, and to give information to the chief of the forces of the movements of their enemies. 6. And subsequently they got ready some horsemen and a body of soldiers and archers, and these marched out to fight the Moslem, purposing to prevent the advance of the Moslem. 7. And subsequently the Moslem directed their march to the desert and seized a large number of sheep and goats from the high grounds without the cognizance of the Egyptians. 8. And when they reached the city of Bahnasâ, all the troops on the banks of the river came (to the succour) with John, but were unable on that occasion to reach Fajûm.
9. And the general Theodosius, hearing of the arrival of the Ishmaelites, proceeded from place to place in order to see what was likely to befall from these enemies. 10. And these Ishmaelites came and slew without mercy the commander of the troops and all his companions. And forthwith they compelled the city to open its gates, and they put to the sword all that surrendered, and they spared none, whether old men, babe, or woman. 11. And they proceeded against the general John. And he282 took all the horses: and they hid themselves in the enclosures and plantations lest their enemies should discover them. Then they arose by night and marched to the great river of Egypt, to Abûît, in order to secure their safety. Now this matter was from God.
12. And the chief of the faction who was with Jeremiah informed the Moslem troops of the Roman soldiers who were hidden. And so these took them prisoners and put them to death. 13. And tidings of these events were brought to the general Theodosius, and to Anastasius, who were then twelve miles distant from Nakius. And they betook themselves immediately to the citadel of Babylon, and they remained there, sending the general Leontius to the city |180 of Abûît. 14. Now he was obese in person, quite without energy and unacquainted with warlike affairs. And when he arrived he found the Egyptian troops and Theodore fighting with the Moslem and making sorties every day from the city of Fajûm in order to take the city.283 And taking half the troops he returned to Babylon in order to acquaint the governors (with the state of affairs), and the other half of the troops remained with Theodore.
15. And Theodore sought with great diligence for the body of John, who had been drowned in the river. And with much lamentation he had the body drawn forth in a net, and placed in a bier and sent to the governors, who also (in turn) sent it to Heraclius.
16. And such (of the Romans) as were in Egypt sought refuge in the citadel of Babylon. And they were also awaiting the arrival of the general Theodore in order to join with him in attacking the Ishmaelites before the rise of the river and the time of sowing, when they could not make war lest their sowings should be destroyed (and) they should die of famine together with their children and cattle.
CHAPTER CXII. 1. Moreover, there prevailed great indignation between Theodore the general and the governors owing to the charges brought by the emperor. 2. And both284 Theodosius and Anastasius went forth to the city of On, on horseback, together with a large body of foot soldiers, in order to attack 'Amr the son of Al-As.285 Now the Moslem had not as yet come to know the city of Misr.286 3. And paying no attention to the fortified cities they came to a place named Tendunias,287 and embarked on the river. 4. And 'Amr showed great vigilance and strenuous thought in his attempts to capture the city of Misr. But he was troubled because of his separation from (a part of) the Moslem troops, who being divided into two corps on the east of the river were marching towards a city named 'Ain Shams, i. e. On, which was situated on high ground. 5. And 'Amr the son of Al-As sent a letter to Omar the son of Al-Khattab in the province of Palestine to this effect: |181 'If thou dost not send Moslem reinforcements, I shall not be able to take Misr.' 6. And he sent him 4,000 Moslem warriors. And their general's name was Walwarja. He was of barbarian descent. 7. And he divided his troops into three corps. One corps he placed near Tendunias, the second to the north of Babylon in Egypt; and he made his preparations with the third corps near the city of On. 8. And he gave the following orders: 'Be on the watch, so that when the Roman troops come out to attack us, you may rise up in their rear, whilst we shall be on their front, and so having got them between us, we shall put them to the sword.' 9. And thus when the Roman troops, unaware (of this design), set out from the fortress to attack the Moslem, these Moslem thereupon fell upon their rear, as they had arranged, and a fierce engagement ensued. And when the Moslem came in great numbers against them, the Roman troops fled and betook themselves to the ships. 10. And the Moslem army took possession of the city of Tendunias; for its garrison had been destroyed, and there survived only 300 soldiers. And these fled and withdrew into the fortress and closed the gates. But when they saw the great slaughter that had taken place, they were seized with panic and fled by ship to Nakius in great grief and sorrow. 11. And when Domentianus of the city of Fajûm heard of these events, he set put by night without informing the inhabitants of (A)bûît that he was fleeing to escape the Moslem, and they proceeded to Nakius by ship. 12. And when the Moslem learnt that Domentianus had fled, they marched joyously and seized the city of Fajûm and (A)bûît, and they shed much blood there.
CHAPTER CXIII. 1. And after the capture of Fajûm with all its territory by the Moslem, 'Amr sent Abâkîrî288 of the city of Dalas requesting him to bring the ships of Rîf in order to transport to the east bank of the river the Ishmaelites who were upon the west. 2. And he mustered all his troops about him in order to carry on a vigorous warfare, And he sent orders to the prefect George to construct for him a bridge on the river of the city Qaljûb with a view to the capture of all the cities of Misr, and likewise of Athrîb and Kuerdîs. And people began to help the Moslem. 3. And (the Moslem) captured the cities of Athrîb and Manûf, and all their territories. And he had moreover a great bridge |182 constructed over the river near Babylon in Egypt to prevent the passage of ships to Nakius, Alexandria, and upper Egypt, and to make it possible for horses to cross from the western to the eastern bank of the river. And so they effected the submission of all the province of Misr. 4. But 'Amr was not satisfied with what he had already done, and so he had the Roman magistrates arrested, and their hands and feet confined in iron and wooden bonds. And he forcibly despoiled (them) of much of (their) possession, and he doubled the taxes on the peasants and forced them to carry fodder for their horses, and he perpetrated innumerable acts of violence. 5. And such of the governors as were in the city of Nakius fled and betook themselves to the city of Alexandria, leaving Domentiarius with a few troops to guard the city. And they sent orders also to Dares the chief officer in the city of Samnûd to guard the two rivers. 6. Then a panic fell on all the cities of Egypt, and all their inhabitants took to flight, and made their way to Alexandria, abandoning all their possessions and wealth and cattle.
CHAPTER CXIV. 1. And when those Moslem, accompanied by the Egyptians who had apostatized from the Christian faith and embraced the faith of the beast, had come up, the Moslem took as a booty all the possessions of the Christians who had fled, and they designated the servants of Christ enemies of God. 2. And 'Amr left a large body of his men +in +289 the citadel of Babylon in Egypt, and marched in person towards the two rivers in the direction of the east against the general Theodore. 3. But the latter dispatched Jeqbarî and Satfârî to seize the city of Samnûd (and) fight with the Moslem. And when they came to the body of local levies,290 they all refused to war against the Moslem. And they indeed gave battle and put to the sword many of the Moslem who were with them. 4. And the Moslem were not able to inflict any injury on the cities which lay on the two rivers; because the water served as a rampart, and the horses could not enter them because of the deep water which surrounded them. 5. And so leaving them they marched towards the province of Rîf and arrived at the city of Bûsîr. And they fortified this city and likewise the approaches which they had previously seized. |183
6. And in those days the general Theodore went to Kalâdji, and besought him saying: 'Come back to us, come back to the side of Rome.' And Kalâdji, fearing lest they should put to death his mother and wife, (who) were concealed in Alexandria, gave Theodore a great sum of money. 7. And the general Theodore prevailed on Kalâdji, and the latter arose in the night, while the Moslem were asleep, and marching on foot with his men he came to the general Theodore. 8. And thence he proceeded to the city of Nakius and formed a junction with Domentianus in order to war against the Moslem.
9. And subsequently Sabendîs devised an excellent plan and so escaped out of the hands of the Moslem by night. And he betook himself to Damietta to the prefect John. 10. And he indeed sent him to Alexandria with a letter... confessing his fault to the governors with many tears in these words: 'I have done this deed because of the blow and the ignominy which John inflicted upon me without showing any consideration for (my) old age. For this reason I joined the Moslem. Heretofore I was a zealous servant of the Romans.'
CHAPTER CXV. 1. And 'Amr the chief of the Moslem spent twelve months291 in warring against the Christians of Northern Egypt, but failed nevertheless in reducing their cities. 2. And in the fifteenth year of the cycle, during the summer, he marched on the cities of Sakâ and Tûkû-Dâmsis,292 being impatient to subdue the Egyptians before the rise of the river. But he was unable to do them any hurt. 3. And in the city of Damietta they also refused to admit him, and he sought to burn their crops. 4. And he began to march back to the troops that were in the fortress of Babylon in Egypt, And he gave them all the +booty which he had taken from the city of Alexandria. 5. And he destroyed the houses of the Alexandrians who had fled +, and he took their wood and iron and gave orders for the construction of a road from the fortress of Babylon to the city of the two rivers, in order that they might burn that city with fire. 6. And the inhabitants of that city on hearing of this project took to flight with their possessions, |184 and abandoned their city, and the Moslem burned that city with fire. But the inhabitants of that city came by night and extinguished the fire. 7. And the Moslem marched against other cities to war against them, and they despoiled the Egyptians of their possessions and dealt cruelly with them. 8. But the generals Theodore and Domentianus were unable to do any injury to the inhabitants of the city on account of the Moslem who were amongst them.
9. And 'Amr left lower293 Egypt and proceeded to war against Rîf. He sent a few Moslem against the city of Antinoe. And when the Moslem saw the weakness of the Romans and the hostility of the people to the emperor Heraclius because of the persecution wherewith he had visited all the land of Egypt in regard to the orthodox faith, at the instigation of Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch, they became bolder and stronger in the war. 10. And the inhabitants of the city (Antinoe) sought to concert measures with John their prefect with a view to attacking the Moslem; but he refused, and arose with haste with his troops, and, having collected all the imposts of the city, betook himself to Alexandria; for he knew that he could not resist the Moslem, and (he feared) lest he should meet with the same fate as the garrison of Fajûm, 11. Indeed, all the inhabitants of the province submitted to the Moslem, and paid them tribute. And they put to the sword all the Roman soldiers whom they encountered. And the Roman soldiers were in a fortress, and the Moslem besieged them, and captured their catapults, and demolished their towers, and dislodged them from the fortress. 12. And they strengthened the fortress of Babylon, and they captured the city of Nakius and made themselves strong there.
CHAPTER CXVI. 1. And Heraclius was grieved by the death of John the chief of the local levies, and of John the general who had been slain by the Moslem, as well as by the defeat of the Romans that were in the province of Egypt. 2. And in accordance with the decree of God who takes away the souls of rulers,294 and of men of war as well as of kings, Heraclius fell ill with fever, and died in the thirty-first year of his reign in the month Yakâtît295 of the |185 Egyptians, that is, February of the Roman months, in the fourteenth year of the lunar cycle, the 357th year of Diocletian. 3. And some said: 'The death of Heraclius is due to his stamping the gold coinage with the figures of the three emperors—that is, his own and of his two sons on the right hand and on the left—and so no room was found for inscribing the name of the Roman empire.' And after the death of Heraclius they obliterated those three figures.
4. And when Heraclius the elder died, Pyrrhus, the patriarch of Constantinople, passed over Martina his (i. e. Heraclius's) sister and her children, and nominated Constantine the son of the empress Eudocia, and made him head of the empire in succession to his father. And the two princes were treated with honour and distinction. 5. And David and Marinus seized Pyrrhus, the Roman Chalcedonian patriarch, and banished him to an island in the west of Africa, without any one being cognizant of what had been fulfilled; for no word of the saints falls (to the ground). 6. Now it happened that the great Severus, patriarch of Antioch, wrote to Caesaria the patrician to the following effect: 'No son of a Roman emperor will sit on the throne of his father, so long as the sect of the Chalcedonians bears sway in the world.'
7. And Constantine, the son of Heraclius, on his accession to the empire mustered a large number of ships, and entrusted them to Kîrjûs and Salâkriûs, and sent them to bring the patriarch Cyrus to him that he might take counsel with him as to the Moslem, that he should fight, if he were able, but, if not, should pay tribute; and that he should meet him in the imperial city on the festival of the holy Resurrection, and to cause all the inhabitants of Constantinople to assemble to carry out the same object. 8. And next he sent orders to Theodore 3 to come to him and leave Anastasius296 to guard the city of Alexandria and the |186 cities on the coast. And he held out hopes to Theodore that he would send him a large force in the autumn in order to war with the Moslem. 9. And when in conformity to the command of the emperor they had prepared the ships for setting out, the emperor Constantine forthwith fell ill, and was attacked by a severe malady, and he vomited blood, and when the blood was exhausted he forthwith died. And this malady lasted a hundred days, that is, all the days of his reign wherein he reigned after his father Heraclius. And people mocked at Heraclius and his son Constantine.
10. And the members of the party of Gainas assembled in the church in the city of Dafâshîr near the bridge of the Apostle S. Peter. Now Cyrus the patriarch had robbed the church of large possessions in the time of the persecution, without any authorization on the part of the magistrates. 11. And when the Gainites sought to lay hands on the patriarch Cyrus, Eudocianus, the brother of the prefect Domentianus, being immediately apprised (of their purpose), sent troops against them to shoot them with arrows and prevent them from carrying out their intention. Some of them were so severely smitten that they died, while two had their hands cut off without legal sentence. 12. And proclamation was made throughout the city by the voice of a herald in these terms: 'Let every one of you withdraw to his own church, and let no one do any violence to his neighbour in defiance of the law.' 13. But God, the Guardian of justice, did not neglect the world, but avenged those who had been wronged: He had no mercy on such as had dealt treacherously against Him, but He delivered them into the hands of the Ishmaelites. 14. And the Moslem thereupon took the field and conquered all the land of Egypt. And after the death of Heraclius, the patriarch Cyrus on his return did not cease (his) severities and persecution against the people of God, but rather added violence to violence.
CHAPTER CXVII. 1. And 'Amr the chief of the Moslem forces encamped before the citadel of Babylon and besieged the troops that garrisoned it. 2. Now the latter received his promise that they should not be put to the sword, and on their side undertook to deliver up to him all the munitions of war—now these were |187 considerable. 3. And thereupon he ordered them to evacuate the citadel. And they took a small quantity of gold and set out. And it was in this way that the citadel of Babylon in Egypt was taken on the second day after the (festival of the) Resurrection. 4. Thus God punished them because they had not honoured the redemptive passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave His life for those who believe in Him. Yea, it was for this reason that God made them turn their back upon them (i. e. the Moslem). 5. Now on that day of the festival of the holy Resurrection they released the orthodox that were in prison; but, enemies of Christ as they were, they did not let them go without first ill-using them; but they scourged them and cut off their hands. 6. And on that day these (unhappy ones) wept and their tears poured down their faces and they were spurned, even as it is written regarding those unclean persons: 'They have defiled the Church by an unclean faith, and they have wrought apostasies and deeds of violence like the sect of the Arians, such as neither pagan nor barbarian has wrought, and they have despised Christ and His servants, and we have not found any that do the like amongst the worshippers of false idols. 7. But God has been patient with the apostates and heretics who have undergone baptism a second time in submission to despotic emperors. Yet it is the same God who recompenses every man according to his deeds and does justice to him that has been wronged. 8. How then, is it not far better for us to endure patiently the trials and punishments which they inflict upon us? They indeed think to honour our Lord Christ by so doing, whereas they are found to be perverted in their faith. They have not indeed voluntarily apostatized, but they persecute those who agree not with them in faith. God forbid (such agreement)! for they are not servants of Christ: yet they think they are such in their thoughts.'
CHAPTER CXVIII. 1. Now the capture of the citadel of Babylon and of Nakius by the Moslem was a source of great grief to the Romans. 2. And when 'Amr had brought to a close the operations of war he made his entry into the citadel of Babylon, and he mustered a large number of ships, great and small, and anchored them close to the fort where he was.
3. And Menas, who was chief of the Green Faction, and Cosmas the son of Samuel, the leader of the Blues, besieged the city of Misr and |188 harassed the Romans during the days of the Moslem. And fighting men had gone up with fear-inspiring boldness from the western bank of the river in ships, and these made expeditions by night.
4. 'Amr and the Moslem army, on horseback, proceeded by land till they came to the city of Kebrias of Abâdjâ. And on this occasion he attacked the general Domentianus. 5. But when the latter learnt of the approach of the Moslem troops, he embarked on a ship and fled [in a ship] and abandoned the army and their fleet. And he sought to enter the small canal which Heraclius had dug during his reign. But finding it closed he returned and entered the city of Alexandria. 6. Now when the soldiers saw that their commander had taken flight, they cast away their arms and threw themselves into the river in the presence of their enemies. 7. And the Moslem troops slaughtered them with the sword in the river, and none escaped save one man only, named Zechariah, a doughty man and a warrior. 8. And when the crews of the ships saw the flight of the troops, they too took to flight and returned to their own country. And thereupon the Moslem made their entry into Nakius, and took possession, and finding no soldiers (to offer resistance), they proceeded to put to the sword all whom they found in the streets and in the churches, men, women, and infants, and they showed mercy to none. 9. And after they had captured (this) city, they marched against other localities and sacked them and put all they found to the sword. And they came also to the city of +Sa+,297 and there they found Esqutaws and his people in a vineyard, and the Moslem seized them and put them to the sword. Now these were of the family of the general Theodore. 10. Let us now cease, for it is impossible to recount the iniquities perpetrated by the Moslem after their capture of the island of Nakius, on Sunday, the eighteenth day of the month Genbôt,298 in the fifteenth year of the cycle, and also the horrors committed in the city of Caesarea in Palestine.
11. And the general Theodore, who was in command of the city, even the city of Kîlûnâs, quitted (this) city and proceeded to Egypt, leaving Stephen with the troops to guard the city and |189 contend with the Moslem. 12. And there was a certain Jew with the Moslem, and he betook himself to the province of Egypt. And when with great toil and exertion they had cast down the walls of the city, they forthwith made themselves masters of it, and put to the sword thousands of its inhabitants and of the soldiers, and they gained an enormous booty, and took the women and children captive and divided them amongst themselves, and they made that city a desolation (lit. destitute). 13. And shortly after the Moslem proceeded against the country (city?) of +Côprôs+ and put Stephen and his people to the sword.
CHAPTER CXIX. 1. And Egypt also had become enslaved to Satan. A great strife had broken out between the inhabitants of Lower Egypt, and these were divided into two parties. Of these, one sided with Theodore, but the other wished to join the Moslem. 2. And straightway the one party rose against the other, and they plundered their possessions and burnt their city. But the Moslem distrusted them.
3. And 'Amr sent a large force of Moslem against Alexandria, and they captured Kariun, which lies outside the city. And Theodore and his troops who were in that locality fled and withdrew into Alexandria. 4. And the Moslem began to attack them but were not able to approach the walls of the city; for stones were hurled against them from the top of the walls, and they were driven far from the city.
5. And the inhabitants of Misr were at variance with those of Lower Egypt, and their strife ran high, but after a short time they made peace. 6. But when their discord came to an end, Satan stirred up another in the city of Alexandria; for Domentianus the prefect and Menas the general were at variance with each other through lust for office and other motives. 7. Now the general Theodore took the side of Menas: he was moreover hostile to Domentianus because of his flight from Nakius and his abandonment of the troops. 8. And with Eudocianus, the elder brother of Domentianus, Menas was very wroth, because he had practised cruelties against the Christians during the season of the holy Passion in regard to the faith. 9. And Domentianus mustered a large force of the 'Blues'. And when Menas was apprised of this movement, he too mustered a large force of the 'Greens' and of the troops in the city. And thus these two kept up their hostility. |190 10. It was subsequently to this that Philiades the prefect of the province of Arcadia arrived. Now Domentianus had become the foe of Cyrus the patriarch, and he showed him ill will, though he was his brother-in-law, and though previously they had been mutual friends. But subsequently he came to hate him without any good ground. 11. And Menas also who cherished a spiritual friendship for Philiades and was not neglectful of him but invited him frequently out of respect for the priesthood; for Philiades was the brother of the patriarch George. Now (Menas) was merciful and Godfearing and was grieved on behalf of those that were oppressed. But Philiades was not loyal in friendship, but acted unjustly, (and) cherished in secret evil designs. 12. Now in the days of the general Theodore, when a discussion was raised regarding the city named Mâmûnâ, and regarding the pay of the troops and the lands on which it should be levied, this wicked man straightway spake and said: 'In place of twelve men, it will be better to have one; then there will be one man to receive pay instead of twelve, and so the tax in kind and the pay of the troops will be lessened.' And in this incident Menas found an occasion against Domentianus. 13. And all the troops loved and trusted him: for Menas loved the esteem of all men—not in order to receive idle praise, but by reason of his wisdom and modesty. 14. Now while he was present in the great church of Caesarion with all the people, all the inhabitants of the city gathered together against Philiades and sought to put him to death. But he took to flight and hid himself in a church. 15. And straightway the people proceeded to his dwelling and burnt it, and pillaged all his property, but they spared such persons as they found in the house, and did not slay them. 16. And when Domentianus was apprised (of these events) he sent a body of the 'Blues' to attack them. And a great strife ensued amongst them, and six men were killed and many wounded. 17. And with great efforts and exertions Theodore established peace amongst them. And he deposed the general Domentianus, and appointed Artana chief of ten orders, who is named a decurion. And all the property which had been carried off as pillage from the house of Philiades was returned to him. It has been said that this strife and tumult originated in religious dissensions. |191
18. And after the death of Constantine, the son of Heraclius, they brought forward Heraclius, his brother on his father's side, though but an infant. But his accession to the empire was as idle as had been that of his brother who died. 19. And the patriarch Pyrrhus, seeing that Heraclius, who was still a child, had become emperor through the intrigues of Martina his mother, whilst he Pyrrhus was still in exile299.... 20. And after his accession to the empire he recalled Pyrrhus from exile by the advice of the Senate, and abolished the penal decree issued by his brother Constantine and his imperial predecessors; for they abolished it because of the unjust accusation of Philagrius the treasurer. 21. And it was through his agency that the churches were in tribulation: for he put an end to the gifts which the emperors were accustomed to make, and he confirmed the heavy charges (that were upon them).
22. And subsequently he appointed him (Cyrus) a second time to the city of Alexandria) and the priests who were with him. He gave him power and authority to make peace with the Moslem and check any further resistance against them, and to establish a system of administration suitable to the government of the land of Egypt. And he was accompanied by Constantine, a general of the army, who was master of the local levies. 23. And he had the army from the province of Thrace brought to the city of Constantinople, and he banished Philagrius the treasurer to the province of Africa where Pyrrhus had previously been in banishment. 24. And there were great dissensions, and the inhabitants of the city rose up against Martina and her children because of the banishment of Philagrius the treasurer; for he was greatly beloved.
CHAPTER CXX. 1. Now not only Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch desired peace with the Moslem, but also all the people and the patricians and Domentianus, who had enjoyed the favour of the empress Martina—(and so) all these assembled and took counsel with Cyrus the patriarch with a view to making peace with the Moslem. 2. And all the clergy began to stir up odium against the empire of Heraclius the younger, declaring: 'It is not fitting that one derived from a reprobate seed should sit on the imperial throne: rather it is the sons of Constantine, who was the son of Eudocia, |192 that should bear sway over the empire.' And they rejected the will of the elder Heraclius.
3. And when Valentinus was apprised that all men were united against Martina and her sons, he took large sums of money out of the treasury of Philagrius, and distributed them amongst the soldiers and officers, and prevailed on them to act against Martina and her sons. 4. And some of them gave over warring against the Moslem, and turned their hostilities against their own countrymen. 5. And thereupon they sent an envoy secretly to the island of Rhodes with this message to the troops with the patriarch Cyrus: 'Return to the imperial city and do not take sides with him.' 6. And they sent also to Theodore, the prefect of Alexandria, the following message: 'Do not hearken to the voice of Martina, and do not obey her sons.' And they sent likewise to Africa, and to every province under the sway of Rome.
7. And when Theodore the general heard this news, he was pleased and kept the matter secret, and set out by night without the cognizance of any, and purposed proceeding from the island of Rhodes to Pentapolis, and he told only the captain of the ship. 8. But the captain of the ship alleged (that he could not), saying: 'The wind is contrary to us.' And he entered Alexandria on the night of the seventeenth day of Maskaram,300 on the day of the festival of the Holy Cross. 9. And all the inhabitants of Alexandria, men and women, old and young, gathered together to meet the patriarch Cyrus, rejoicing and giving thanks for the arrival of the patriarch of Alexandria. 10. And Theodore betook himself secretly with the patriarch to the Church of the monks of Tabenna and closed the door. And he sent for Mînâs and appointed him general, and banished Domentianus from the city. And all the inhabitants cried out: '(Begone) from the city.'
11. Now before the arrival of Cyrus the patriarch, George had been highly esteemed by the governor Anastasius; for he had received the dignity from Heraclius the younger (?), and, when he was advanced in years, he enjoyed universal authority: even the patriarch suffered him to enjoy his authority.
12. And when the patriarch Cyrus came to the great church of Caesarion, they covered all the way (with carpets) and chanted hymns |193 in his honour (and the crowds increased) till the people trod each other down. And after great exertions they brought him to the Church. 13. Now he extolled highly the well in which the Holy Cross had been found. And he took also (to the Caesarion) the venerable cross from the Convent of the monks of Tabenna which he had received previously to his exile from the general John.301 14. And when they began to celebrate divine service on the day of the holy Resurrection, instead of chanting the psalm proper to the day of the Resurrection, which is: 'This is the day which the Lord has made; we will rejoice and be glad in it',302 the deacon, desiring to praise the patriarch and to congratulate him on his return, gave out another psalm that was not proper (to the day). 15. And when the people heard it, they said: 'This is not the proper psalm: it is an evil augury for the patriarch Cyrus: he will not see a second festival of the Resurrection in the city of Alexandria.' 16. And all the congregation and the monks made predictions after this fashion in public: 'He has acted contrary to what is ordained in the Canons.' But none who heard any of these sayings believed them.
17. And subsequently the patriarch Cyrus set out and went to Babylon to the Moslem, seeking by the offer of tribute to procure peace from them and put a stop to war in the land of Egypt. And 'Amr welcomed his arrival, and said unto him: 'Thou hast done well to come to us.' And Cyrus answered and said unto him: 'God has delivered this land into your hands: let there be no enmity from henceforth between you and Rome: heretofore there has been no persistent strife with you.' 18. And they fixed the amount of tribute to be paid. And as for the Ishmaelites, they were not to intervene in any matter, but were to keep to themselves for eleven months. The Roman troops in Alexandria were to carry off their possessions and their treasures and proceed (home) by sea, and no other Roman army was to return. But those who wished to journey by land were to pay a monthly (?) tribute. 19. And the Moslem were to take as hostages one hundred and fifty soldiers and fifty civilians and make peace. |194 20. And the Romans were to cease warring against the Moslem, and the Moslem were to desist from seizing Christian Churches, and the latter were not to intermeddle with any concerns of the Christians. 21. And the Jews were to be permitted to remain in the city of Alexandria.
22. And when the patriarch had concluded this negotiation, he returned to the city of Alexandria, and he reported to Theodore and the general Constantine (the conditions of peace), to the intent that they should report them to the emperor Heraclius and support them before him. 23. And straightway all the troops and the people of Alexandria and the general Theodore came together to him and paid their homage to the patriarch Cyrus. And he acquainted them with all the conditions which he had made with the Moslem, and he persuaded them all to accept them. 24. And while things were in this condition, the Moslem came to receive the tribute, though the inhabitants of Alexandria had not yet been informed (of the treaty). And the Alexandrians, on seeing them, made ready for battle. 25. But the troops and the generals held fast to the resolution they had adopted, and said: 'We cannot engage in battle with the Moslem: rather let the counsel of the patriarch Cyrus be observed.' 26. Then the population rose up against the patriarch and sought to stone him. But he said unto them: 'I have made this treaty in order to save you and your children.' And plunged in much weeping and grief he besought them. 27. And thereupon the Alexandrians felt ashamed before him, and offered him a large sum of gold to hand over to the Ishmaelites together with the tribute which had been imposed on them.
28. And the Egyptians, who, through fear of the Moslem, had fled and taken refuge in the city of Alexandria, made the following request to the patriarch: 'Get the Moslem.to promise that we may return to our cities and become their subjects. And he negotiated for them according to their request. And the Moslem took possession of all the land of Egypt, southern and northern, and trebled their taxes.
29. Now there was a man named Menas, who had been appointed prefect of Lower Egypt by the emperor Heraclius: he was a presumptuous man, unlettered and a deep hater of the Egyptians. Now after the Moslem had got possession of all the country, they |195 established him in his (former) dignity: and a man named Sînôdâ they appointed prefect of the province of Rîf: and another named Philoxenus as prefect of the province of Arcadia, that is, Fajum. 30. Now these three men loved the heathen but hated the Christians, and compelled the Christians to carry fodder for the cattle, and they forced them to + carry +303 milk, and honey, and fruit and leeks, and other things in abundance: Now all these were in addition to the ordinary rations. 31. (The Egyptians) carried out these orders under the constraint of an unceasing fear. (The Moslem) forced them to excavate (anew) the canal of Trajan, which had been destroyed for a long time, in order to conduct water through it from Babylon in Egypt to the Red Sea. 32. And the yoke they laid on the Egyptians was heavier than the yoke which had been laid on Israel by Pharaoh, whom God judged with a, righteous judgement, by drowning him in the Red Sea with all his army after the many plagues wherewith He had plagued both men and cattle. 33. When God's judgement lights upon these Ishmaelites may He do unto them as He did aforetime unto Pharaoh! But it is because of our sins that He has suffered them to deal thus with us. Yet in His longsuffering our God and Saviour Jesus Christ will look upon us and protect us: and we also trust that He will destroy the enemies of the Cross, as saith the book which lies not.
34. And 'Amr subdued the land of Egypt and sent his men to war against the inhabitants of Pentapolis. And after he had subdued them, he did not permit them to dwell there. And he took from thence plunder and captives in abundance. 35. And Abûljânôs the prefect of Pentapolis and his troops and the rich men of the province withdrew into the city of Dûshera—now its walls were strongly fortified—and they closed the gates. So the Moslem after seizing plunder and captives retired to their own country.
36. Now the patriarch Cyrus was greatly grieved on account of the calamities which had befallen the land of Egypt. For 'Amr had no mercy on the Egyptians, and did not observe the covenant they had made with him, for he was of a barbaric race. 37. And on the festival of Palm Sunday the patriarch Cyrus fell ill of a fever owing to excessive grief, and he died on the fifth day of |196 Holy Week, on the twenty-fifth of the month Magâbît.304 38. Thus he did not live to see the festival of the holy Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ as the Christians had predicted regarding him. Now this event took place in the reign of the emperor Constantine the son of Heraclius (II).
39. And after his (Heraclius II) death the Romans were plunged in war on account of the sons of the empress Martina; for they had excluded them from the imperial throne, and wished to make the sons of Constantine emperors (in their stead). 40. And Valentine who was leagued with Philagrius assisted them. And he drew over all the troops and marched to the city of Chalcedon; for he thought and said: 'Martina's strength lies in the fighting men which are with her sons.' And he prevailed on all to consent to the recall of Philagrius from exile. 41. And thereupon Heraclius the younger embarked on the imperial ships, accompanied by a great number of priests and monks and illustrious bishops, and passed over to Chalcedon. 42. And he made the following appeal to all the troops: 'Abandon not the duty of Christian integrity by becoming hostile to me; but make peace with God, and comply with the will of my father Heraclius; for he laboured much on behalf of this country.' 43. Moreover he alleged that he would take unto him his brother's son and make him his colleague in the empire and there would no longer be war or bloodshed between them. And he received the assent of all the patricians and said unto them: 'I will bring back Philagrius from exile.' 44. And when Valentine learnt that all the people had submitted to him and received his words in peace, he took Domentianus and other patricians with him and placed the imperial crown on the younger Constantine, one of the sons of Constantine, the son of Heraclius the elder, whom Heracleonas had taken unto him (as colleague). And all the people dispersed without strife. 45. But they (the rebels) did not suffer this peace to be permanent. Shortly after they had raised Constantine to the imperial throne, the hatred of the two emperors grew in strength, that is, of Heraclius II and Constantine the younger. For Satan sowed dissensions between Heraclius II and the army. 46. And straightway the troops in the province of Cappadocia began to commit atrocities: moreover they produced |197 a letter to the following effect: 'This letter was sent by Martına and Pyrrhus the patriarch of Constantinople to David the Ma-targuem (urging him) to make a vigorous war, and to take Martina to be his wife, and to put down the sons of Constantine (III), who had been emperor with Heraclius (II) his brother.' 305
47. And when the inhabitants of Byzantium heard this news, they said: 'This project is concerned with Kubratos, chief of the Huns, the nephew of Organa, who was baptized in the city of Constantinople, and received into the Christian community in his childhood and had grown up in the imperial palace.' 48, And between him and the elder Heraclius great affection and peace had prevailed, and after Heraclius's death he had shown his affection to his sons and his wife Martina because of the kindness (Heraclius) had shown him. 49. And after he had been baptized with life-giving baptism he overcame all the barbarians and heathens through Virtue of holy baptism. Now touching him it is said that he supported the interests of the children of Heraclius and opposed those of Constantine. 50. And in consequence of this evil report all the soldiers in Constantinople and the people rose up, and Jûtâlîjûs, the son of Constantine, named Theodore became the chief of their forces. And he was a doughty warrior like his father. 51. And when they had made preparations to fight with David the Matarguem, the latter fled and took refuge in a fortress of Armenia. And (Jûtâlıjûs) pursued him and, since none could render him aid, cut off his head and had it sent round all the cities of the east. 52. And next he marched with a large force to the city of Byzantium and he captured the palace, and he had Martina and her three sons, Heraclius, David, and Marinus, escorted forth with insolence, and he stripped them of the imperial crown, and he had their noses cut off, and he sent them in exile to Rhodes. 53. And the patriarch Pyrrhus was deposed without having recourse to a council, and he was removed from the Church and sent in banishment to Tripoli where Philagrius was. And Philagrius indeed was brought back from banishment. 54. And the youngest son of Martina was castrated, through fear, as they said, of his becoming emperor when he grew up. But the child could not endure the great wound, and straightway died. And the second of her sons was a deaf-mute, and so was unfit for the throne. For |198 this reason they did him no injury. 55. And they set at naught the will of Heraclius the elder, and they made Constans, the son of Constantine, emperor. And they appointed Paul of the city of Constantinople in the room of the patriarch Pyrrhus.
56. (All these events) and the separation of Egypt and Alexandria during the reign of Heraclius the emperor of the Chalcedonians (fell out) as they are recorded in the letters of the great Severus the patriarch of Antioch, which he wrote to the Patrician in the reign of the emperor Anastasius, wherein he prophesied against the Roman empire in these terms: 'No son shall sit on his father's throne so long as the creed of the Chalcedonians prevails, who say that there were two natures in Christ after they became one, a creed which we cannot profess. Their doctrine that the manhood and the Godhead are two distinct natures after having become united, we believers cannot teach. It is not fitting that we should speak as the heretics.' 57. Or according to the statement of Gregory: 'We recognize God the Word to be of one nature derived from two. For God was united to the flesh and became one Substance. The Godhead indeed is not converted into the manhood, nor the manhood into the other nature, but the Word which became flesh had become unchangeable, and no change can affect the Word. But the Word which has become flesh is one divine Substance. 58. But this union is a marvel. That which is invisible has become visible: the Creator has been born and we have seen Him: He has healed us by His wounds!' 59. But we should cease giving citations from the words of the illustrious Fathers of the Church, who have been learned in investigation: for the Romans do not believe in aught now save the Passion. 60. But for those who welcome the flavour of true knowledge I will set it forth briefly. When they rejected the orthodox faith, which is our faith, in like manner were they rejected from the imperial throne. And there has followed the undoing of all Christians that are in the world, and we have not experienced the mercy and compassion of our Lord Jesus Christ.
61. And in those days there arose great troubles through Valentine; for he had assumed the imperial robes and sought to make himself emperor. But when the people of Constantinople heard, they arose against him, and straightway he put off the (imperial) robes. 62. And forthwith they seized him and conducted him before the |199 emperor Constans. And he sware a terrible oath to this effect: 'I have not done this with any evil intent, hut in order to contend against the Moslem.' 63. And when they heard this statement, they set him free and made him commander-in-chief of the army, and arranged with him that he should give his daughter in marriage to the emperor. And on that occasion they had her proclaimed through the voice of the herald by the imperial name of Augusta.
64. And the evil-doer Valentine accused Arcadius the archbishop of the island of Cyprus. Now this man was an ascetic in purity of life, and well known (as such) unto all men. And (Valentin) said touching him: 'He was an ally of Martina and the patriarch Pyrrhus, and a foe of the new emperor Constans.' 65. And (the emperor), acting on this evil counsel, sent from Constantinople a numerous band of soldiers to fetch in great ignominy Arcadius the archbishop. But by the command of God he found (his) consummation and died after the manner of all men. 66. But Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch in Alexandria was excessively grieved when he heard (of these events)—the exile of Martina and her sons who had brought him back from exile, the deposition of Pyrrhus the patriarch of Constantinople, the restoration of Philagrius his enemy, the death of the archbishop Arcadius, and the triumph and power of Valentine. 67. And for these reasons he wept unceasingly; for he feared lest he should suffer the same fortune that had befallen him previously. And in the midst of this grief he died according to the law of nature. And, his chief grief was due to the Moslem, who had refused his request on behalf of the Egyptians. 68. And before he died he wrought the works of the apostates and persecuted the Christians; and for this reason God, the righteous Judge, punished him for the evils he had wrought.
69. And the general Valentine and his troops were not able to give any assistance to the Egyptians; but the latter, and particularly the Alexandrians, were very hard pressed by the Moslem. And they were not able to bear the tribute which was exacted from them. And the rich men of the city (country?) concealed themselves ten months in the islands.
70. And, subsequently Theodore the governor and Constantine the commander-in-chief of the army, and the remaining troops, and likewise those which had been hostages in the hands of the |200 Moslem, set out and embarked, and came to Alexandria. 71. And after the festival of the Cross they appointed Peter the deacon to be patriarch on the twentieth of Hamle,306 on the festival of the holy Theodore the martyr, and placed him on the patriarchal throne.
72. On the twentieth of Maskaram,307 Theodore and all his troops and officers set out and proceeded to the island of Cyprus, and abandoned the city of Alexandria. And thereupon 'Amr the chief of the Moslem made his entry without effort into the city of Alexandria. And the inhabitants received him with respect; for they were in great tribulation and affliction.
CHAPTER CXXI. 1. And Abba Benjamin, the patriarch of the Egyptians, returned to the city of Alexandria in the thirteenth year after his flight from the Romans, and he went to the Churches, and inspected all of them. 2. And every one said: 'This expulsion (of the Romans) and victory of the Moslem is due to the wickedness of the emperor Heraclius and his persecution of the Orthodox through the patriarch Cyrus. This was the cause of the ruin of the Romans and the subjugation of Egypt by the Moslem.
3. And 'Amr became stronger every day in every field of his activity. And he exacted the taxes which had been determined upon, but he took none of the property of the Churches, and he committed no act of spoliation or plunder, and he preserved them throughout all his days. And when he seized the city of Alexandria, he had the canal drained in accordance with the instructions given by the apostate Theodore. 4. And he increased the taxes to the extent of twenty-two batr of gold till all the people hid themselves owing to the greatness of the tribulation, and could not find the wherewithal to pay. And in the second year of the lunar cycle came John of the city of Damietta.
5. He had been appointed by the governor Theodore, and had lent his aid to the Moslem in order to prevent their destruction of the city. Now he had been appointed prefect of the city of Alexandria when 'Amr entered it, And this John had compassion on the poor, and gave generously to them out of his possessions. And seeing their affliction he had mercy upon them, and wept over their lot. 6. 'Amr deposed Menas and appointed John in his stead. |201 Now this Menas had increased the taxes of the city, which 'Amr had fixed at 22,000 gold dinars, and the sum which the apostate Menas got together was 32,057 gold dinars—he appointed for the Moslem.308 7. And none could recount the mourning and lamentation which took place in that city: they even gave their children in exchange for the great sums which they had to pay monthly. And they had none to help them, and God destroyed their hopes, and delivered the Christians into the hands of their enemies. 8. But the strong beneficence of God will put to shame those who grieve us, and He will make His love for man to triumph over our sins, and bring to naught the evil purposes of those who afflict us, who would not that the King of Kings and Lord of Lords should reign over them, (even) Jesus Christ our true God. 9. As for those wicked slaves, He will destroy them in evil fashion: as saith the holy Gospel: 'As for Mine enemies who would not that I should reign over them, bring them unto Me.' 10. And now many of the Egyptians who had been false Christians denied the holy orthodox faith and lifegiving baptism, and embraced the religion of the Moslem, the enemies of God, and accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast, this is, Mohammed, and they erred together with those idolaters, and took arms in their hands and fought against the Christians. 11. And one of them, named John, the Chalcedonian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced the faith of Islam, and quitting his monk's habit he took up the sword, and persecuted the Christians who were faithful to our Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER CXXII. 1. And now let us glorify our Lord Jesus Christ and bless His holy name at all times; for unto this hour He hath preserved us Christians from the errors of the erring heathen, and from the transgressions of the apostate heretics. 2. And may He also strengthen and help us to endure tribulation through hope in His divinity. And He will make us worthy to receive, with a face not put to shame, the inheritance of His eternal (and) incorruptible Kingdom in heaven. And (let us bless) His Father, (pre-eminently) good, and the Holy Lifegiving Spirit for ever and ever, Amen.
CHAPTER CXXIII. 1. (Herewith) ends this blessed book which John the rector bishop of Nikius composed for the profit of the soul. |202 Now it contains divine mysteries and heavenly marvels which have befallen apostates from the faith. 2. At one time the earth quaked on account of the denial (of the faith), and the great city of Nicaea was destroyed. At another it rained fire from heaven: at another the sun was darkened from the hour of dawn till evening. 3. On a certain occasion the rivers rose.and overwhelmed many cities; while on another houses were overthrown and many men perished and went down to the depths of the earth. 4. And all these things fell out because they divided Christ into two natures, whilst some of them made Him (merely) a created being. 5. Also the Roman emperors lost the imperial crown, and the Ishmaelites and Chuzaeans won the mastery over them, because they did not walk in the orthodox faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, but divided the indivisible.
6. The transcription of this book began on the twenty-eighth day of Hamle, and was finished on Monday on the twenty-second day of Teqmet,309 at the sixth hour of the day, when the sun was in the sign of Scorpion, and the moon in the sign of Aquarius. 7. And the course of the sun was then in (its) 195th degree, and its zenith was at eighty-seven degrees thirty minutes. And the day was eleven hours, and the night thirteen. And the day increased and the night decreased daily by twenty minutes. 8. And the dominion of Elgufr from Manâzel was then, in the 7594th year of the world, the 1947th year of Alexander, the 1594th year of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, the 1318th year of the Martyrs, the 980th year of Hagar according to the solar reckoning, but the 1010th year according to the lunar reckoning: four years seven months and eight days after the accession of Malak Sagad the younger, son of Malak Sagad the elder, who was named Jakob when he received the grace of baptism: eight years three months and five days after the accession of the Godloving queen Malak Môgasâ, who was named Mârjâm Sena on receiving the grace of baptism.
9. We have translated this book with great care from Arabic into Ge'ez, even poor I, the most worthless amongst men and the vilest amongst the people, and the deacon Gabriel the Egyptian, son of the martyr John Kolobos,310 by the order of Athanasius |203 commander-in-chief of the army of Ethiopia, and by the order of the queen Mârjâm Sena. 10. God grant that it may serve to the salvation of the soul and the preservation of the body. And praise be unto Him, who has given us power to begin and to finish (this work), for ever and ever. Amen and amen. So be it. So be it.
[Footnotes have been moved to the end. Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here. I have omitted large numbers of footnotes which consist of text in Ethiopic, or large chunks of Greek from John Malalas, or are otherwise of limited interest.]
1. 1 The text reads 'the Madabbar and Ascetic'. The meaning of Mastagaddal is doubtful here: it = a0qlhth&j in its literal sense, and next in its metaphorical one.
2. 1 I have necessarily changed the order of the text here.
3. 1 The Ethiopic is hopelessly corrupt here;= island of Lûnânjâ.
4. 2 Ethiopic = Lûbânijûn.
5. 1 Or, 'indeed'.
6. 2 Transposed to this clause.: it wrongly occurs in the clause, 'which he had taken from Egypt'.
7. 3 Text = Lûnjâ.
8. 4 Text = Helvîn (A, Helvân B).
9. 5 So MSS. But I emend [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] as in Chap. LVI, and translate 'and the courts'.
10. 1 Zotenberg has rightly restored [Ethiopic] here.
11. 2 A transliteration of an Arabic word; while the word rendered 'bridge'; [Ethiopic] is Amharic, though wrongly vocalized.
12. 1 The Ethiopic is very irregular here.
13. 2 The Ethiopic [Ethiopic] is owing to a faulty transcription of the Arabic, as Zotenberg points out.
14. 1 Text wholly corrupt. I have adopted Zotenberg's suggestion.
15. 1 Lit. 'cisterns' (or, 'wells') 'of the sepulchres'.
16. 2 Text quite corrupt = Anlejâ.
17. 1 Text ( = Yeftatâs) corrupt owing to a faulty transcription of a faulty Arabic form.
18. 1 Zotenberg does not attempt to translate this introduction, owing to certain obscurities and phrases the sense of which 'escapes' him 'completely'. I have only found it necessary to make one or two slight changes.
19. 2 This city was called Pshati by the Egyptians. Champollion (II. 164) identifies it with the ancient Prosopis. Next Pshati appeared in Arabic as Abshadi This form is reproduced, somewhat slightly changed, as Absâi or Absâdî in our text. In Greek the form was Niki/on. Bury calls my attention to Strabo, xvii. 1. 14 Niki/ou kw&mh: Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ix, no. 1219, p. 262 ei0j th_n Neiki/ou (third cent. A.D.): Hierocles, Synecdemus (ed. Burckhardt, p. 44), Niki/ou (sixth cent. A.D.). In the Itinerarium Antonini 155 it appears as Nikiu (or Nicia or Nicium). In Arabic it was spelt Naqius or Niqius. For details on this important city see Champollion L'Égypte sous les Pharaons, ii. 162-71; Quatremère, Sur l'Égypte, i. 423-30.
20. 1 Cf. John of Antioch (Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graec. iv. 540): [Greek]. Cf. also Cramer, Anec. Graec. Paris, ii. 242: Kronos... Zeus, &c. These words are represented in the text by Zûhal, Mashtari, Marik, Zehra, 'Atard, which are Ethiopic transliterations of the Arabic names of these planets: [Arabic]
21. 2 And he composed... deluge. Though Zotenborg abandons the attempt of translating these words as he fails to understand them, he very unwisely emends the text and wrongly. My translation follows the manuscripts and not the text here. [Ethiopic] (so AB: wrongly emended in text) here is clearly = 0Obi/dioj and [Ethiopic] = Plou&tarxoj. Thus our text agrees closely with John of Antioch, loc. cit.: [Greek] After the word 'Plutarch' in the text the word [Ethiopic] (='weakened') occurs. This I have omitted in the translation. We are to follow B here, and read [Ethiopic], and not to follow A as in the text.
22. 3 Began to build ships. Cf. John of Antioch, iv. 541 [Greek]
23. 4 Cainan, &c. Cf. John of Antioch, iv. 541; Syncellus, i. 150. For 'astrolabes' in the text we should read 'astronomy', as Zotenberg has already pointed out. Cf. John of Antioch's statement: [Greek]
24. 5 And after... composed it. These words, which appear at the close of IV, I have placed here.
25. 6 Qanturjus, i.e. Gandubarius or Andubarius. Cf. Cramer, op. cit. ii. 234 [Greek]: also Chron. Pasch. 36, where the name is [Greek]. Andubarius and Cush are distinct persons, but have been fused together in the present work.
26. 1 Called him Orion. So John of Antioch, iv. 541; Chron. Pasch. 36. Dabarah is an Ethiopic transcription of the Arabic word for Orion.
27. 2 First to hunt, &c. Of. Chron. Pasch. 36; John of Ant. iv. 541.
28. 3 Shem. The manuscripts read 'Ham', but the fact that the person spoken of is defined by the subsequent words 'the firstborn of Noah', and that all the Greek chronographers, so far as I can discover, describe Cronus as a descendant of Shem, shows that the text is corrupt. The corruption, too, is clearly native to our text....
29. 4 + His son, named Domjos+. As Domjos was the father (?) of Cronus, the text is corrupt; for even a few lines later the son of Cronus is Picus, and not Domnus...
30. 5 Zeus. In manuscripts [Ethiopic], which is due to faulty transcription of the Arabic [Arabic], as Zotenberg has shown. For the still stranger Ethiopic transliterations of this name in the next ten lines I have accepted his explanation also.
[From this point on, footnotes were only transcribed if they seemed likely to be of general interest, since the first 30 seemed both verbose and of limited interest. I have also omitted verbatim citations in the footnotes of Greek text of other writers with '...']
31. 2 Zotenberg conjectures that this chapter is an inaccurate resume of a passage in Diodorus Siculus (i. 17, 18) reproduced in Eusebius (Praef. Evang. ii. 1), containing an Egyptian myth to the effect that Osiris, whom some identified with Dionysus [...] had, in his journeyings through the world with his brother Apollo and his sons Anubis and Macedo (i. e. the corrupt Matunavis in our text), given the government of Phoenicia to Busirus and that of Ethiopia and Libya to Antaeus.
32. 3 'Abratus. Who this is is difficult to determine, the word being so corrupt.... Chron. Pasc. 47. [...] 'Abratus may thus be Sostris or even a mutilated form of trismegistoj. Zotenberg suggests that it is for Herodotus.
33. 1 Cf. Herod, ii. 108-9; Dioclorus Siculus, i. 56-7.
34. 1 Cf. Herod, ii. 137; Diod. Sic. i. 65.
35. 2 Here. [Ethiopic] is an internal corruption for [Ethiopic] i.e. Rampsnitos, in Herod. ii. 121. The next verse, however, refers to Cheops: cf. Herod, ii. 124.
36. 3 The chronographers only speak of his discovery of the purple dye: cf. John Mal. 32...
37. 4 Text reads Nirûs. The corruption has, as Zotenberg shows, arisen from a faulty transcription of an Arabic form which was itself corrupt.
38. 1 Word corrupt here, as in vi.
39. 2 Changed the name of the country, tliat is, Assyria, and named it Persia after his own name. I get this excellent text by simply changing the order of three words.... Cf. John Mal. 37.... The text as it stands is absurd: 'changed the name of the country and named it Assyria, that is, Persia after his own name.'
40. 3 Plums, or 'peaches'. The word [Ethiopic] is transliterated from the Arabic (Zotenberg).
41. 4 (And) he urged the lonians to make prayers, and when they had offend supplications. These words are found in the manuscripts after the clause 'And Perseus was surprised at what had befallen' and before the clause 'forthwith from that fire he kindled a fire'. But since these two clauses form the protasis and apodosis of one and the same sentence, they must be taken together as in John Mal. and Chron. Pasch. [...], and the intruding words removed. From the same authorities we learn that the intruding clause should be read before the words 'there fell from heaven', &c. Hence I have restored them to their original context. [...]
42. 1 Sense quite missed here. Cf. John Mal. 28 [...]
43. 1 The same reference with others is found in john Mal., loc. cit.
44. 3 Thou art His priest for ever, &c. Ps. cx. 4. This particular form of the text is so far as I am aware peculiar to the Ethiopic version.
45. 4 God manifested Himself in Zion, &c. Ps. lxxvi. 1. 'Manifested' (...), here instead of 'known'..., appears to be due to the Arabic Version. 'In Zion' seems to be peculiar to our author for 'in Judah'.
46. 5 His place abideth in peace. So Eth. Version. The ungrammatical [Ethiopic] is found also in the manuscripts of the Pss. 'In peace' instead of 'in Salem' is found also in the LXX, Vulgate, and Arabic Versions.
47. 6 Named [Jerusalem]. The manuscripts wrongly insert ' Jerusalem'.
48. 7 Emended.
49. 8 Lit. 'was left without being deprived of' (or 'divided in').
50. 6 Africanus does not give the number, but John of Antioch (iv. 547) and John Mal. (62) give 270 years. Each author quotes Africanus as his authority.
51. 1 Corrupt. Text translated as it stands.
52. 2 Supplied from Cramer, iv. 2...
53. 1 Corrupt.
54. 2 This passage is corrupt.
55. 1 = 'chapters and history'.
56. 2 = Cecrops (?).
57. 3 Slightly emended.
58. 1 Emended by Dillmann.
59. 2 This identification is most doubtful....
60. 3 Correct form, though transliterated from the acc.
61. 5 According to Guidi's Amharic Lexicon this is a lyre of ten strings.
62. 6 After Phrygia there seems to be a lacuna. The text is full of confusion. Zotenberg does not attempt a rendering.
63. 7 Cf. John Mal. 108...
64. 1 Cf. 2 Macc. ii. 4-8; 2 Baruch vi-viii.
65. 2 Zotenberg rightly recognizes a lacuna here.
66. 1 I have transposed these words in the text.
67. 1 An Arabic word.
68. 1 The Greek is transliterated in the text.
69. 1 This chapter is very corrupt. First, as we see from John Mal. 168 sq., the text should deal with Ascanius, the son of Aeneas and Creusa.... According to some traditions and those that have influenced our text, Ascanius left Lavinium (Elbanja in our text) and built Alba Longa (Elwanja in our text). But the text of John Mal. is here very confused and erroneous.... See also Cedrenus, i. 238.
70. 2 Cf. John Mal. 161...
71. 3 Text reads Iônâ through a faulty transliteration of the Arabic.
72. 4 Text reads Romanos by a corruption.
73. 5 Cf. John Mal. 171...
74. 5 Zotenberg resigns the attempt to translate verses 18-20. The text refers to the Brumalia. Cf. John Mal. 179...
75. 7 What this word refers to is doubtful. The words may, as Zotenberg suggests, form a fragment of a description of the four factions, and Abrastus in that case would represent [...]. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 112...
76. 1 This passage is corrupt. The original sense can be inferred from the Chron. Pasch. 292...
77. 2 Ps. lxxxi. 3. The text agrees with the LXX...
78. 3 Cf. Cedrenus, i. 260.... Here [...] means 'silver', but our author took it in its earlier meaning of 'unstamped', and some scribe omitted the negative. Hence we have 'stamped'.
79. 4 The meaning of this verse is obscure. Zotenberg does not translate it.
80. 1 In text Rakudi. Of. John Mal. 192...
81. 2 Cf. John Mal. 193.
82. 1 Cf. John Mal. 196; Chron. Pasch. 173.
83. 2 Cf. John Mal. 199.
84. 3 Cf. John Mal. 203.
85. 4 The text is a corruption of the account in John Mal. 317 C...
86. 1 i. e. Caesar Augustus.
87. 1 Cf. John Mal. 217 sq.
88. 1 Cf. John Mal. 187....
89. 4 In Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. Novi Test., p. 952, and in his Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. Test., p. 1162, notices of this work of Ezra on the unlucky days of the twelve months will be found. See also Zotenberg in loc.
90. 1 Cf. John Mal. 236.
91. 2 The words ' deposed him from the throne ' occur in the text at the close of ver. 4. I have restored to ver. 3.
92. 2 [Ethiopic] = 'sun' is probably due, as Zotenberg conjectures, to a misreading on the part of the Ethiopic translator of the Arabic transcription of Pa&tmon...
93. 3 Cf. John Mal. 267: Chron. Pasch. 250-1.
94. 1 This is corrupt. John Mal. 268 gives seventy-one years as his age. Nerva died at the age of sixty-four.
95. 2 Restored from John Mal. 276.
96. 3 Text corrupt. Cf. John Mal. 276.... That is, he mingled the ashes of their bones in the brass out of which the brazen vessels of the public bath were made.
97. 1 Probably corrupt. Cf. John Mal. 277.
98. 2 Cf. Euseb. Hist. iv. 2.
99. 1 Text corrupt: = Trajan. Hence addition of the words 'the first'.
100. 2 Cf. John Mal. 281.
101. 3 Cf. John Mal. 280.
102. 4 The present form of the text misrepresents the facts, as we see from John Mal. 280.... The facts shortly are: The emperor constructed a great street between the two great porticoes ( e0mbo&lwn, transliterated Amulum in our text) in Antioch, and had this and the city paved with stones brought from the Thebaid.
103. 3 The text is corrupt here; it runs: 'and that one should name them, and he named them'. The sense is that all the artisans in the city were to be called Aureliani after the name of the Emperor. Cf. John Mal. 800...
104. 1 Text wrongly reads Maximin here and in 7725, but rightly on 7775. Text has to be corrected in 7747, 48, 73,74, 83, 88, 92.
105. 1 Cf. Euseb., Hist. viii. 14, on which verses 36 sqq. appear to be based.
106. 1 So Zotenberg renders, and perhaps rightly, but this meaning is unknown to classical Ethiopic, according to which it should be rendered—'apostate', 'heretic', &c.
107. 1 Our text here deals with the same subject as John Mal. 317...
108. 1 Cf. John Mal. 314 sq.; Chron. Pasch. 275 sq.
109. 1 Our author seems to have had Euseb. Hist. x. 8, or an equivalent source before him when writing this section regarding the apostasy of Licinius.
110. 1 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i. 19.
111. 2 Cf. John Mal. 325. The right designation is Sa&pwr 0Arsa&khj.
112. 1 As Zotenberg suggests, this is a mistaken rendering: he compares Socrates, Hist. Eccles. ii. 25... We expect 'imperial power of the west'.
113. 2 Paulinus and Lucifer are very corrupt in the text, owing to faulty transliterations of the Arabic. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. ii. 36.
114. 3 So Zotenberg conjectures. Text corrupt.
115. 1 Cf. John Mal. 328; Chron. Pasch. 297.
116. 2 Kurrhstika& in John Mal. and Chron. Pasch.
117. 2 The explanation of these words and ver. 14 is to be found in an oracle of Apollo given to Julian and recorded in Theodoret (Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, p. 382, ed. Gaisford):...
118. 1 Julian was only 32 when he died, according to Eutropius, 31 according to Ammian. xxv. 8, 23; Socrates, iii. 21; 33 according to John Mal. 333.
119. 1 The text is inaccurate. Cf. John Mal. 336 sq.; Chron. Pasch. 800.
120. 2 The true account is that Jovian surrendered five Mesopotamian provinces with the fortresses of Nisibis and Singara. Even John Mal. 336 sq. concedes most of this.
121. 1 Verses 11-13 are a faulty rendering. Cf. Athanasii Opera; Patrol. Graec. t. xxvi, col. 813.
122. 2 Cf. John Mal. 337.
123. 2 According to John Mal. 339 sq. Valentinian had Rhodanus burnt and his property given to the widow. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 302.
124. 1 Called Birgiti/nwn in John Mal. 341, and Bergiti/wn in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. iv. 31.
125. 1 It is not an individual but a community that is here referred to. The matter is referred to in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 7, where it is recounted of Demophilus that [Greek].
126. 1 MSS. Atrasjus of Nisijus.
127. 2 [Ethiopic] gives no intelligible sense.
128. 3 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 8.
129. 2 Contrast John Mal. 346...
130. 3 John Mal. 347 gives 15,000; Cedrenus 7,000 or 15,000.
131. 4 This should be Ambrose.
132. 2 The word means 'casket' or 'coffin', but in ver. 62 it means 'statue', as it should here.
133. 1 See note on ver. 46. The true account is given in the extract from Cedrenus in the next note.
134. 2 Cf. Cedrenus, i, 570 sq....
135. 3 On the correct account of two great abuses in Rome and their correction by the emperor, see Socrates, Hist, Eccles. v. 18.
136. 1 This is not an accurate account; see note 3 on p. 90.
137. 1 Cf. John Mal. 348... In Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vi. 6, he is called commander-in-chief:...
138. 1 Contrast John Mal. 349-50.
139. 2 Cf. John Mal. 350.
140. 1 A misrendering of [...]. Cf. John Mal. 353. Hence render 'who was also called Eudocia'. This latter name she received on becoming a Christian (Chron. Pasch. 312).
141. 2 So also Chron. Pasch. 311. But according to Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 21, John Mal. 353, Cedrenus i. 590, he was named Leontius.
142. 1 Not found in John Mal. 363.
143. 1 This verse would apparently refer to the death of Hypatia recounted in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 15, but that our author treats of this at length in lxxxiv. 87 sqq.
144. 2 Cedrenus i. 599 has Tei~xoj.
145. 3 In John Mal., Chron. Pasch., and Cedrenus the event that follows is said to have occurred in the circus.
146. 4 An interpolation.
147. 1 This homily is placed at the beginning of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus:...
148. 1 See Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 35.
149. 2 In 436 the Armenian bishops consulted Proclus on certain doctrines attributed to Theodore of Mopsuestia. In the following year Proclus replied in his well-known letter peri\ pi/stewj.
150. 1 So MSS.
151. 2 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 45.... Zotenberg quite mistranslates the text.
152. 3 The clause 'and thus... from the churches' is transposed in the text before 'the severed members'.
153. 1 The text here reads [Ethiopic] which I take to be a corrupt transliteration of o0rxhsta&j. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii, 13, where he speaks of the fondness of the Alexandrians peri\ ta_j u0rxhsta&j.
154. 2 The text adds 'and he'.
155. 3 I have emended [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] ='regarding'.
156. 4 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13...
157. 5 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13.
158. 6 The Coptic word for the desert of Nitria, according to Zotenberg. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 14.
159. 7 This is apparently wrong. It should be 'Cyril'.
160. 1 Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 16, reads...
161. 2 According to Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 38, he escaped.
162. 1 Ps. cxvi. 18-19. The text differs from the Ethiopic version in respect of the verb.
163. 2 The account is somewhat different in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 47.
164. 1 Cf. Evagrius i. 10.
165. 1 This Theodosius was a fanatical Monophysite monk who had been punished in Alexandria for sedition, and had taken forcible possession of the see of Jerusalem for twenty months; see Evagrius ii. 5.
166. 2 This should be 'dust'. Cf. John Mal. 372...
167. 4 Cf. John Mal. 371...
168. 5 Cf. John Mal. 369 'Isola&sioj Koiastw&rioj. The Arabic translator took the last word to mean 'the son of Quaestor', or 'of a quaestor'. See also Chron. Pasch. 322.
169. 1 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. ii. 8.
170. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. ii. 9 sq.
171. 1 In Evagrius, H. E. ii. 10, he is said to be of Side.
172. 2 Eutyches was an opponent of Nestorianism.
173. 3 Of. Evagrius, H. E. ii. II.
174. 4 The text is here hopelessly unintelligible. Verina, who was the sister of Basiliscus, was carrying on an intrigue with Patricius, the master of the imperial household. According to Procopius i. 6 she had taken part in driving her son-in-law Zeno into exile in order that she might advance Patricius to the throne. See also John Mal. 378, Chron. Pasch. 325. This Patricius was a son of Asper (John Mal. 371). In Cedrenus i. 613 the proper name Patricius is taken to mean a dignity.
175. 1 So Cedrenus i. 616. Text corrupt: = Suvanses.
176. 2 Accusatives, not nominatives, should here be read.
177. 3 Cf. John Mal. 380.
178. 4 I have supplied a clause which the text requires, and which has fallen out through homoioteleuton. According to John Mal. 380 sq. and Theophanes this was Stephen II, who was appointed patriarch by Zeno in 480, but according to other authorities this was Stephen I, who was patriarch 478-80. Zotenberg by a strange error supplies a like clause before the preceding sentence: '(On nomma ensuite patriarche d'Antioche Etienne), qui proscrivait la secte de Nestorius'. But it was Peter the Fuller (intruding patriarch of Antioch 471-488) who persecuted the Nestorians, and not Stephen, who according to all authorities was put to death by a mob of Antioch on the ground that he was a Nestorian.
179. 1 This is the Church of S. Barlaam. Cf. John Mal. 381.
180. 2 Text hopelessly corrupt. The text was to the effect that Zeno appointed the son of Armatus, the commander of the praetorians, to be Caesar, as he had promised. Cf. John Mal. 381...
181. 3 The text is corrupt.... John Mal. 353.
182. 1 The text is unintelligible and corrupt. It reads, 'made the city to the emperor Zeno'. As John Mal. 383 has here:... I have emended [Ethiopic] (='made the city') into [Ethiopic] ( = 'made a friend').
183. 2 Text defective and corrupt. The event is recorded in John Mal. 384, Chron. Pasch. 327.
184. 3 'Ala&rixoj in John Mal. 385; Evagrius, H. E. iii. 27, iv. 19.
185. 1 Probably a transliteration of Koiai/stwr, the name of an office, which the translator took to be a proper name.
186. 2 On the various names of Timothy, commonly called Salofaciolus, consecrated patriarch of Alexandria 460 A. D., see Smith's Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 1033.
187. 3 Peter the Fuller was banished by Zeno (Evagrius, H. E. iii. 8) to Petyus. On the way thither he escaped his guards and took refuge in the church of S. Theodore in Euchaites (Cedrenus i. 618). Thence he returned to Antioch, and intrigued against the orthodox prelates, the two(?) Stephens and Calandio. Finally, on the deposition of the last, Peter was restored by Zeno in 485 on signing the Henoticon.
188. 2 With the confused text of this and the following verses cf. John Mal. 885-9.
189. 4 The text = 'to permit her to remain in the fortress of Isauria', exactly the opposite of what she desired....
190. 3 Urbicius was the chief of the eunuchs.
191. 4 sxola&rioj = an official of the palace guard. It is not a proper name.
192. 5 Utterly corrupt. We should read as in John Mal. 388:...
193. 1 So Zotenberg restores the faulty name.
194. 1 The words 'and the emperor' precede 'by entering a church... to God' in the previous verse. John Mal. 390, Cedrenus i. 621 support this restoration of the order of the text.
195. 1 The text misrepresents the facts, which were briefly as follows. On one occasion the Green Faction in Constantinople besought the emperor during one of the races to set free from bonds certain individuals who had been cast into prison for throwing stones during an exhibition in the circus. But the emperor refused, and ordered the soldiers to attack the people. Thereupon the mob assailed the imperial guards, and a Moor among it hurled a stone at the emperor. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 329.... See also John Mal. 394 sq.
196. 1 It is the forum of Constantine that was affected. See above passage.
197. 3 This was the Basilica of Rufinus in Antioch.
198. 4 Cf. John Mal. 396 sqq.
199. 5 John Mal. says Alexandria.
200. 1 Cf. John Mal. 399.... See Evagrius, H. E. iii. 37.
201. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. iii. 36.
202. 3 Zotenberg takes this to be Illyria.
203. 1 Reading as in ver. 56
204. 2 In John Mal. 407 he is an ex-prefect.
205. 1 Not so in John Mal. 407-8.
206. 1 As Zotenberg shows, the [Ethiopic] is a transliteration of the Arabic words for ' Curds ', i. e. ' Scythians '.
207. 1 This should be ' fine powder'. Cf. John Mal. 403...
208. 1 Nakius on B.
209. 2 John Niciota, Monophysite patriarch of Alexandria 507-517.
210. 3 1 Pet. i. 24.
211. 4 Hopelessly corrupt. John Mal. 410 has ko&mhj eckoubito&rwn = 'Count of the imperial guard '. So also Chron. Pasch. 330.
212. 1 This account is incorrect. According to John Mal. 410 sq., Chron. Pasch. 331, Amantius gave large sums of money to Justin to distribute in order to secure the elevation of Theocritus, a Count of the palace guard, to the imperial throne.
213. 3 John Mal. 411...
214. 4 This should be the patriarch Leo referred to in ver. 6.
215. 1 These words occur after 'patrician' in the text.
216. 1 John Mal. 419 contradicts this.
217. 1 Chron. Pasch, 332 Oninoj; John Mal. 413 No&moj.
218. 2 Corrupt....
219. 1 According to other chroniclers the wound was in his foot.
220. 1 So Chron. Pasch. 335. But John Mal. 427 gives Gilderichus.
221. 3 This is quite wrong. Peter removed these generals from their commands. Cf. Chron. Pasch....
222. 3 It was Justinian made these presents to the queen of the Huns. Cf. John Mal. 431.
223. 4 In John Mal. 431 these are named To&ragc and Glw&m.
224. 1 John Mal. 431 calls him Grw&d, and Cedrenus
Go&rdaj.
225. 2 In John Mal. 432 he is named 'John the ex-consul'.
226. 3 See John Mal. 427. In Cedrenus i. 643 Gre/thj.
227. 2... Jewish proselytes held the throne of the Himyarites in the sixth century, and were conquered by the Axumitic king.
228. 3 This should be 'of Axum'(?); cf. John Mal. 433.
229. 4 He was the paramona&rioj (= aedituus) of the church of S. John in Alexandria (John Mal. 430).
230. 1 Zotenberg points out that no such event is mentioned in the Egyptian Calendars, but that on this day the memory of the patriarch Dioscorus II was celebrated in the Monophysite Church.
231. 1 There appears to be a lacuna in the text.
232. 1 Bishop of Cyrrhus.
233. 2 Zotenberg does not attempt to translate verses 12-17, on the ground that the text is too corrupt to admit of translation. I render the text as it stands, saving for one or two changes.
234. 2 John Mal. 441 sq.
235. 2 Bishop of Diocaesarea in Isauria about 431.
236. 3 i. e. the Monastery of Ennaton (see Butler, op. cit. 51).
237. 1 According to Evagrius, H. E. iv. 38, John was a native of Seremis, in the district of Cynegica, belonging to Antioch.
238. 1 The text may refer to the capture of Rome by the Goths and its recovery by Belisarius (John Mal. 480), its subsequent capture by the Goths and its recovery by Narses (op. cit. 483-5).
239. 1 The early part of this chapter is full of errors.
240. 2 Text reads Domentiolus.
241. 3 So restored by Zotenberg.
242. 1 So by a slight transposition of the text.
243. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. vi. 10.
244. 3 Third Abyssinian month, beginning on April 8 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
245. 1 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. vi. 20.
246. 2 The word here is purely Amharic.
247. 3 So restored by Zotenberg. See Evagrius, H. E. vi. 16-18.
248. 4 Text restored by Zotenberg.
249. 5 Text has 'elder'.
250. 1 An Arabic word meaning ' scribe'.
251. 2 This sentence precedes the former in the text.
252. 1 So restored by Zotenberg.
253. 1 The Ethiopic is corrupt. Alexander occurs in the text, but seems quite wrong. On the probable erents referred to see Chron, Pasch. 380; Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii. 86-92.
254. 2 Here we have a confused account of Germanus, the father-in-law of Theodosius, son of Maurice (?).
255. 1 Text is a transliteration of a0natolh~j (Zotenberg).
256. 2 Not so according to other chroniclers; it was the Jews caused these tumults. Cf. Cedrenus i. 712.
257. 3 Bonosus is called Ko&mhj 'Anatolh~j in Cedrenus i. 712. According to Cedrenus, in this passage the leaders of this tumult in Antioch were Jews, who attacked the Christians.
258. 4 This and the following verses are full of confusions.
259. 1 See note 4 on previous page.
260. 2 This seems corrupt for Theodora the wife of Justinian, who founded a convent for penitents.
261. 3 In the text this sentence precedes ver. 4.
262. 4 The text reads Konakis.
263. 1 This word is variously spelt in our text. I retain this spelling.
264. 2 An Amharic word.
265. 3 I hare followed Zotenberg in reading Bonakis here. The text has ' John '.
266. 4 Called Apulon in ver. 9.
267. 1 See note on xcvii. 16.
268. 2 A corruption of a Coptic word.
269. 3 The text = Phons, which generally = Bonosus. According to 10-11 it was the emperor who sent them by means of Bonosus.
270. 1 The text is very confused. I have given so far as possible the general sense.
271. 2 The text needs no emendation here such as Zotenberg suggests.
272. 3 There seems to be a lacuna in the text here.
273. 1 An Arabic word, as Zotenberg points out.
274. 1 So Zotenberg.
275. 2 The text wrongly reads Bonosus here.
276. 1 As Zotenberg points out, this is the transliteration of two Arabic words, the first of which is translated by the Amharic word that follows.
277. 2 i. e. ' the Greens '.
278. 1 Zotenberg emends the text and reads 'west'.
279. 1 So manuscripts. Zotenberg emends and renders 'au chateau'.
280. 1 John, Duke of Barca, who had been sent against the Moslem that had invaded Egypt (so Zotenberg, comparing Nicephorus, Brev. Hist., p. 17). See, however, Butler's Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 222 n.
281. 2 2 Sam. i. 27.
282. 1 So manuscripts.
283. 1 i.e. Bahnasa(?).
284. 2 I have emended [Ethiopic] (= 'all') into [Ethiopic] = 'both'.
285. 3 On 'Amr's parentage see Gibbon, v. 444 (ed. Bury).
286. 4 This was the fortress, otherwise called Babylon.
287. 5 Identified by Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 217 n.) with Umm Dûnain.
288. 1 Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 235 n.) has shown that Abâkîrî is the same as Apa Cyrus, pagarch of Heracleopolis Magna.
289. 1 See Butler, p. 268 n.
290. 2 The Ethiopic word here bears sometimes, as in this passage, the meaning militia, turba militaris, as in Dillmann's Lex.
291. 1 So emended by Butler (p. 293 n.) Text = ' years'.
292. 2 So restored by Zotenberg. See Butler (p. 297, n. 2), who takes this word to be a compression of two distinct words, Tûkh (Mazîd) and (Mit) Damsîs, which lies about nine miles due east of Tûkh Mazîd in the Delta.
293. 1 The text is a transliteration of an Arabic word (Zotenberg).
294. 2 ' The souls of rulers'—so the manuscripts.
295. 3 Sixth Abyssinian month, beginning on Feb. 7 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
296. 3 The text reads 'Anastasius... Theodore', but I have in concurrence with Butler's suggestion (op, cit. 303 n.) transposed them. He points out that Anastasius was actually governor of Alexandria prior to the return of Cyrus (see p. 573), and that Theodore was with Cyrus at Rhodes on his way back to Egypt (see cxx. 6 sq.).
297. 1 Since Sa = Sais, which being as far north as Damanhûr was beyond the range of the Arabs at this time, Butler (op. cit. 285 n.) reads Saûnâ, which is given in the heading of the chapter.
298. 2 Ninth Abyssinian month, beginning on May 8 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
299. 1 There is a lacuna here.
300. 1 First Abyssinian month, beginning on Sept. 10 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
301. 1 I have transposed the clause 'which he had... from the general John' from the close of the preceding sentence, in accordance with Butler's (op. cit. 314 sq.) suggestion. That sentence refers to the discovery of the Holy Cross by Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great.
302. 2 Ps. cxviii. 24.
303. 1 The word [Ethiopic] (= 'to carry', the same word as is used in the preceding clause) can hardly be right. Zotenberg renders it by 'fournir', but it never has this meaning.
304. 1 Seventh Abyssinian month, beginning on Mar. 9 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
305. 1 MSS. to be followed here: text wrongly emended by Zotenberg.
306. 1 ' Mensis Abyssinorum undecimus qui xxv° Junii sec. Calend. Jul., vii° Jul. sec. Cal. Greg. incipit' (Dillmann, Lexicon, 71).
307. 2 This month begins on the 10th of Sept. according to the Calendar of Gregory.
308. 1 The Ethiopic is irregular.
309. 1 This month begins on the 10th of October according to the Gregorian Calendar.
310. 2 i. e. ' the small'.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_philoponus_astrolabe_01_intro.htm
The astrolabe. From Astrolabes of the world (1932) pp.51-60.
Robert T. Gunther, The astrolabe. An extract from Astrolabes of the World (1932) pp.51-60.
THE ASTROLABE
CHALDAEAN ORIGINS
THE recent discoveries of bygone civilizations at Ur and at other Mesopotamian sites might well give ground for hope that further evidence as to the scientific attainments of the earliest Wise Men of the East might be forthcoming. Unfortunately nothing remarkable in the way of astronomical instruments has as yet been found, but they must surely have filled some
Fig. 52. Rough sketch of astronomical fragments from Nineveh.
place in a Babylonian astronomer's equipment. A most convincing argument has recently been developed by my friend Dr. Fotheringham,1 which shows that at least two Chaldaeans, Naburianos (c. 500 B.C.) and Cidenas or Kidinnu (383 B.C.) are entitled to places among the greatest of astronomers in view of the accuracy of their observations of lunar eclipses, and of their systems of computing the phases and motions of the Sun and Moon from observations that extended over centuries. There is testimony that some of the constants which were formerly regarded as discoveries of Hipparchus |52 were derived by him from Cidenas, and Dr. Fotheringham concludes that the Greeks took and used Chaldaean science, but gave nothing in return. The historic eclipse which served as the omen of the destruction of Ur, has been identified by Herr Schoch with the eclipse of March 3, 2283 B.C. Any evidence of instrumental methods is therefore of the highest interest, and, as a matter of fact, some engraved fragments were found by Layard in the Library at Kouyunyik which seem to be astronomical diagrams. It is from such a source that the ancestor of the astrolabe may come.
It is therefore to be hoped that further excavation may yield less fragmentary examples, by means of which the use of these enigmatical star-plates (?) may be determined. In the meantime we may restate the widely-spread belief that the Sumerian mathematics and calendar, the division of the equator into 360 degrees, the division of the Zodiac into the 12 Signs, the constant use of the convenient number 60 at an early date, all imply the use of measuring instruments of no primitive order. |53
GREEK ASTROLABES
Humanity cannot afford to lose out of its inheritance any part of the best work which has been done for it in the past. All that is most beautiful and most instructive in Greek achievement is our permanent possession; one which can be enjoyed without detriment to those other studies which modern life demands; one which no lapse of time can make obsolete, and which no multiplication of modern interests can make superfluous. --- R. C. Jebb
IT is one of the tragedies of classical archaeology that no example of an ancient scientific instrument has yet been revealed at any of the innumerable sites where excavations have been carefully conducted. It is possible in the past that collectors, who have specialized in drinking-vessels, coins, sculpture, gems, and articles of gold and silver have been responsible for the neglect and destruction of other objects of unknown use, but it is also probable that the use of scientific instruments was confined to the very few, even as the use of large telescopes is confined to few men of science at the present time.
But if there be no tangible object used by the Greeks now remaining which we may unhesitatingly term an astrolabe, the name of the whole instrument is Greek. And though several of the conventional names of its parts are derived from Arabic, the designation ἀστρολάβον is in itself lasting evidence to a use among a Greek-speaking people.
It is customary to refer to the Planispheric Astrolabe, the principal theme of this work, as the invention of the great Alexandrian savant, HIPPARCHUS of Bithynia, born c. 180, died c. 125 B.C. It is said that he was the first man to apply a theory of stereographic projection to the drawing of the celestial sphere upon the plane of the equator. The planispheric astrolabe is impossible without this projection, so that if Hipparchus had really been the first exponent of this projection, there could have been no astrolabe before his day. His knowledge, however, might have remained infertile, had not his successor, PTOLEMY, codified in one great book the principal discoveries of his predecessors. In this, 'the greatest' or Almagest, he used and elaborated their researches; and there is probably no case in the history of the world in which a book and an instrument have interacted, the one upon the other, more than Ptolemy's Almagest and the Astrolabe.
But there are at least two trains of evidence which point to a far earlier |54 date for the invention. The Arabs themselves were aware of a tradition that the Astrolabe was invented before Ptolemy, witness a passage in Ibn Abi Yakub an-Nadim (c. a.d. 987),2 and the seventh-century writer Severus Sabokt, whose treatise we are now publishing in English for the first time, is careful to distinguish between Ptolemy and 'the philosopher who invented the astrolabe' whom he mentions three times, or 'this philosopher' whom he mentions five times. That 'this philosopher' was older than Ptolemy seems to be established by the fact that he is quoted as having taken the imperfect and very ancient value of 24° for the obliquity of the ecliptic, a value that dates from the days of Eudemus, a contemporary of Aristotle, whilst Ptolemy adopted 23° 51'.
This pregnant suggestion, made by Nau, affords a clue to two passages in Vitruvius, one of which gives the name of the inventor of the planispheric astrolabe----which, be it remembered, was specially used for the determination of the day and night hours by means of the rotation of an arachne or 'spider', afterwards called rete by the Latins. Vitruvius (Arch. ix. 9), enumerating the inventors of various timepieces, writes Arachnen Eudoxus astrologus, nonnulli dicunt Apollonium, 'Eudoxus the astronomer, or according to some Apollonius (invented) the arachne.' The dates of these savants were: EUDOXUS of Cnidus 409-356 B.C.; APOLLONIUS of Perga third century B.C.; VITRUVIUS first century B.C.; PTOLEMY first century A.D.
Eudoxus was a pupil of Plato, and about 320 B.C. introduced astronomical lore from Egypt into Greece. He instructed his fellow-countrymen as to the length of the year, and he is credited with the invention of the a0ra&xnh, which in all probability was the map of the constellations which can be turned upon the face of an astrolabe. And it should be remembered in a survey of origins of a material nature, that it was in his time that a great reform was made by the substitution of Egyptian papyrus for Greek sand, as a surface upon which astronomical notes and calculations could be made and preserved.
Vitruvius, in a later passage describes 'anaphoric' timepieces, which are in the main, only 'mechanized' astrolabes. Such timepieces were made of two parts; one was fixed, was limited to a certain latitude and bore the hours (this is the fixed plate of the astrolabe); the other represented the heavens, more particularly the sun, represented by a nail, and the signs of the zodiac (this is the arachne of the astrolabe). The second part was driven |55 round with a uniform movement, thus reproducing the diurnal rotation and always showing us the stars in their actual disposition. There is no need to measure an altitude of the sun and to derive the hour of the day from it: it is sufficient to look at the instrument to see in what hour the sun is. These anaphoric timepieces, in which the essential element is a planispheric astrolabe, give good ground for supposing that the astrolabe was a still earlier invention, and consequently may have been contrived (as Vitruvius has said) by Eudoxus, or perhaps by Apollonius of Perga.
1. THE ASTROLABE OF ANTICYTHERA c. a.d. 250.
One, and only one, piece of apparatus that may have been an Astrolabe of Greek origin has been discovered. It was dredged up from the bed of the sea off Anticythera, and is most remarkable for a marvellous system of mechanical motion which it contains, and which shows a great advance upon an ordinary simple astrolabe. It has been described by Professor Pericles Rediadis, and is conserved in the Athens National Museum. In an encrusted corroded mass of copper and sand are two plates inscribed in Greek characters and several cog-wheels; the whole having been originally contained in a wooden case. The lettering on the plates has mostly perished, but a part of one of the words reads...]γνωμό[----, which has been restored as μοιρογνωμόνιον: it is considered to indicate the astronomical use of the instrument, and has been thought to refer to a part of an astrolabe. On the other hand the learned author argues that the presence of cog-wheels makes any such attribution uncertain if not impossible. On this matter we are now in the position of being able to produce new evidence, namely that there is in the Lewis Evans Collection an astrolabe with a geared calendar movement of cog-wheels within it, see p. 118, which proves that such an association of mechanism with an astrolabe or a sundial is by no means impossible.
The largest of the four fragments that have been conserved is composed of two rectangular copper plates measuring about 0.135m x 0.160m. and about two millimetres in thickness. They are rivetted so as to appear as a single plate, but the ends of connecting rivets are quite visible. Upon one side is a large copper cog-wheel of 0.131m. diameter, with four unequally broad spokes, and about 216 teeth. By the wheel is a piece of metal, by means of which the wheel would have been kept steady at the same level; |56 and there seem to have been several other such pieces in the instrument. On the same side at ψ is something that looks like the nave of a second, but smaller cog-wheel now lost, which may have geared into the first, or perhaps, may have been the axis-head of a small wheel that can be recognized on the other side of the machine. On the left-hand side is a projection, which seen from the side is of the form shown in Figure 54. Near by is a peg which appears
Fig. 53. The Astrolabe of Anticythera
After Rediadis
to have supported a cylindrical axle of 3 cm. interior diameter, the centre of which was grooved for the insertion of a key (still extant) of the shape shown in Figure 55; by means of this key the axle was turned, its motion being communicated to the large wheel. Finally, in connexion with this arrangement, the wheel is provided with a perpendicular double peg of about 3 cm. high, which has been explained as a sight for taking bearings.
On the other side of the fragment are further traces of complicated mechanism. First, there are two concentric rings of cogs, the larger of which is about 0.104m. in diameter (figure 56), and bears two small rectangular head-pieces, ζ. Over the rings is a small cog-wheel of 0.028 m. diameter, |57 held in place by means of a bar which was fastened by the rivet θ. This small wheel h has a quadrangular nick ι in the margin and is geared to another small wheel, which is centred on the axis ε of the large ring with the cogged edges. At γ one can make out a small wheel, the axle-head of which apparently, as was stated above, appears on the other side at ψ. At θ was noticed the raised sign, PI, which most likely belonged to the inner surface of the
two plates of the piece. Near the middle part is the vestige of an inscription, running to the right, but according to Svoronos only a few incomplete words, could be deciphered. On examining the fragment from the side, one can see that below the large ring, and centred on its axis e, are two small wheels of about 0.025 and 0.020 m. diameter, of which the larger one gears with another turning about centre point λ; the smaller geared with a wheel, of which the axle μ is only just visible.
On one side of the second fragment is an inscription which has been deciphered with difficulty by J. Svoronos, as directions for use, as follows:
|58
At the back of this fragment are about seven concentric, deeply-cut circles, about 0.006 m. apart, which seem to have served as guide-lines for a pin fastened to one end of a double-shanked pointer. This pointer moved about the axis b, situated eccentrically to axis a of the concentric circles, and was fitted with cog-wheels of 0.023 m. diameter. Below axis a is perceptible, as seen from the side, the trace of something like another small cogwheel.
The third fragment shows an illegible inscription and an embossed ring XX around τ as centre, which cuts a similarly embossed and curved edge mm, as shown in Figure 57. At the centre of the ring is inscribed the letter τ. From the point α, a little to one side of the centre, there projects something like a movable writing-stylus. Around the end α of this pin as centre, was a small ring, νν, of which traces, though faint, can just be recognized. Lastly, there is a small detached cog-wheel eccentric to the embossed ring, XX, of 0.022 m. diameter.
Though without personal inspection we can hardly accept this antiquity from Anticythera as a true astrolabe, it is certainly a fragment of a scientific instrument which well deserves the fullest consideration. |59
GREEK TREATISES ON THE ASTROLABE
It is when we come to Greek writers that we get on to surer ground. There can be no doubt but that Ptolemy was followed by many disciples, any one of whom might have left writings, but the only names that have been transmitted to us are those of THEON of Alexandria, who in the fourth century wrote a commentary on the work of his master, and SYNESIUS (died c. 430), an accomplished citizen of Cyrene, who himself designed a silver astrolabe as a present for his friend Paeonius, accompanying it, as Professor Jenkins did in 1928, with a treatise upon its use composed by himself. Synesius claimed to have invented the planispheric astrolabe, having perfected in his instrument 'a hint thrown out by Hipparchus, but disregarded by the famous Ptolemy and his great successors'.3 Unhappily neither the instrument nor the treatise of Synesius has survived.
Better fortune attends the work of Proclus and his school. PROCLUS DIADOCHUS (d. 485) discoursed upon the Almagest at Athens, and there taught Ammonius, who in turn passed on his knowledge to JOHN PHILOPON of Alexandria, and he, about the time of the Great Fire at the Library (a.d. 642), wrote a small book on the Astrolabe. This ancient Greek work, produced from a true Greek source shortly before the beginning of the Mohammedan era, was a thousand years old when our Royal Society was founded. It has never been printed by an English press; few classical scholars have ever opened its pages, and the greater number of these have been deterred from reading it through lack of the education necessary to comprehend its meaning. We are now able to print a literal rendering into English as an introduction to a Byzantine Greek instrument that may be regarded as the last surviving example of an Astrolabe made by a true heir to the craft of an original Greek designer. The difficulty of the language is apparent from the translation which follows.
I cannot thank too warmly my old friend and colleague, Herbert Greene, late Fellow of Magdalen, for having postponed his work for the new edition of Liddell and Scott's Lexicon to make this literal translation from Hase's edition of Philopon's περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀστρολάβου χρήσεως καὶ κατασκευῆς.
It is most interesting to compare Philopon's venerable work with another and almost contemporary treatise, for only a few years later, and in the same |60 century, a bishop of Kennesrin in Syria, SEVERUS SABOKHT of Nisibis, also produced a full account of the Astrolabe for the use of his countrymen. There can be no doubt that he too obtained his knowledge from Greek sources, so that, although he wrote in Syriac, an English rendering of which is printed below, his treatise must be considered as having the value of a direct translation from the work of a contemporary Greek writer of the period, who had been brought up on the lore of his predecessors. Bishop Sabokt was well versed in mathematical and astronomical, as well as in ecclesiastical, knowledge; in this respect he may be compared with several of our own bishops who were trained at Merton College in the fourteenth century. He could read Greek and doubtless studied Ptolemy in the original language. So that when he suggests that Ptolemy's astronomical tables are based on observations made with an astrolabe, it at once raises the question whether Ptolemy's astrolabe may not rather have been identical with the planispheric astrolabe described by Sabokt, than of the nature of an Armillary Sphere, the instrument which Raphael has put into the hand of his picture of Ptolemy in the well-known sketch in the Accademia in Venice.
However that may be, the treatise of Sabokt is fuller than that of Philopon, is brightly written, and is evidently the work of a man quite familiar with his subject.
Mr. Dalton considers that in after centuries there were old Greek scientific books still available to students in Constantinople, and from this he ingeniously argues that such books were likely to have been accessible in libraries for centuries before. Thus in c. a.d. 1300 Theodore Metochites was able to study Ptolemy, Apollonius of Perga, Nicomachus, and Euclid. But of greater present import is the fact that a late Greek instrument is still extant.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 J. K. Fotheringham, 'The Indebtedness of Greek to Chaldean Astronomy'. The Observatory, 1928.
2. 1 Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, ii, p. 189.
3. 1 W. S. Crawford, Synesius the Hellene, 1901, p. 461, quoted by O. Dalton.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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John Philoponus, Concerning the using and arrangement of the astrolabe and the things engraved upon it (1932) pp.61-81.
John Philoponus, Concerning the using and arrangement of the astrolabe and the things engraved upon it (1932) pp.61-81.
TREATISE CONCERNING THE USING AND ARRANGEMENT OF
THE ASTROLABE AND THE THINGS ENGRAVED UPON IT:
THAT IS TO SAY, WHAT EACH SIGNIFIES.
JOHN PHILOPONUS OF ALEXANDRIA
[Translated by Herbert Wilson GREENE, d. 1933]
THE explanation of the surface of the sphere, and the causes of the things engraved upon it, its use, and the number and nature of the purposes for which it is serviceable, I will try to set out as clearly as I can. The subject has already been treated sufficiently by my teacher the philosopher Ammonius, but still requires to be further elucidated so that it may be easily apprehended by those also who are not instructed in such matters. This some of my friends have urged me to do. First, then, I will state what each of the things engraved upon it is.
1. Concerning the Engraving on the Plane Surface, on which the Rule lies, and what is signified by each of the things engraved upon it.
The two straight lines on the plane surface, on which the rule lies, cutting one another in the middle, correspond to the meridian line and the horizon: of these, the one descending from above from the ring whereby we suspend the instrument corresponds to the meridian line in each zone, the other cutting it in two at right angles corresponds to the horizon. On this latter, the one corresponding to the horizon, stands a semi-circle having this line itself as its diameter. This semi-circle corresponds to the hemisphere of the heaven above the earth. This semi-circle is cut in two by the other line, that descending from the ring, which we said corresponded to the meridian line, the cutting taking place by the upper end of the line near the ring. Each of the quadrants on either side has been divided into 90 degrees, on which the index of the rule falls, and thereby we determine the meridian height above the horizon of the sun, or any other star, how many degrees each hour it has been raised above the rising or the setting horizon. The ninetieth degree indicates the Sign at the summit in the case of each House, and the first [degree] what is next to the horizon itself, whether the rising or the setting one, as the using of the instrument will teach us as we proceed. It is not the case, however, that in all astrolabes both quadrants have been divided into the ninety degrees, but only one of them, for one, |62 whichever it happens to be, is enough for our observing. For it is possible to know by either [quadrant] how far the sun, or any other star, has been raised from the setting or from the rising horizon. But that we may find it easy to observe when the instrument is suspended with either hand, in some cases both the quadrants have been engraved.
2. Concerning the Engraving on the Tablets, on which the Zones have been engraved: to what each of the things engraved corresponds, and the Number of Degrees of the Obliquity of the Zodiac.
The engraving then of the plane surface, on which the rule lies, has been ordered in this fashion: that of the tablets, on which the zones have been engraved, is as follows. On each plane surface of a tablet there are again two straight lines similarly cutting one another, one of which, coming through as from the ring downward, corresponds again to the meridian line, and the other to the horizon. For they are the same as those on the opposite side, on which the rule lies. It will therefore be necessary to fit the former on to the latter in the same line. There are also circles engraved on the upper part of the tablet, that next to the suspending ring: in the complete astrolabes ninety, in the bipartite forty-five, in the tripartite thirty, or as the engravers please: of these, the outer and larger corresponds to the horizon, and, if it were possible to extend the circle, it would fit on to the straight line cutting the meridian line. Since, however, this is impossible, it naturally results that, being curved, as great a distance of it as falls below at the middle of the straight line, so much on either side it has been raised above its ends. But the straight line as on a plane surface separates the hemisphere above the earth from that beneath it, but the circle does so as on a sphere. The inner and contained circles are parallel to the horizon, standing apart from one another from the horizon itself to the upper one which corresponds to that above the earth, in complete astrolabes by one degree, in the bipartite and tripartite ones by two or three [degrees], so that the hemisphere above the earth is cut by them after the fashion of a crown, in a placing similar to that occupied by the parallel circles in the millstone-like placing of the whole. Hence the inner ones, higher than those near the horizon, are always necessarily smaller, inasmuch as they cut off a lesser rim of the hemisphere above the earth. On the sphere are drawn the said circles, to which those on the instrument correspond, as regards the central point, to the Sign at the summit of each House, as regards distance, the horizon to |63 that coming through from that at the summit to that about the diameter of the whole, the others ever in succession to the distance of this, we further removing either one degree, as in the case of the complete astrolabes, or two or three, as in those of the bipartite and tripartite ones. It is plain that as this distance is of ninety degrees, for it has only the rim of a quadrant, the removal only takes place up to the point where the distance from that at the summit amounts to one degree, as in the case of the complete astrolabes, or to two or more, as in the other cases. The intermediate sign then of the circles, on which has been inscribed the ninetieth degree, corresponds to that at the summit of each house, so that this sign is equivalent to that at the upper end of the line in the other tablet, on which the rule lies, that by the suspending ring itself. For on each the same number that of 90 degrees lies. The meridian line, to which we said the line from the ring corresponded, coming down through the circles themselves, cuts these circles in two, so that the left-hand semi-circles, when the instrument lies facing us, are the rising ones, on which Rising has been inscribed, which the sun or each of the fixed stars moving from the Rising to the meridian, now one now another, touches. Those on the right are the setting ones, on which again Setting has been inscribed, which it [i.e. the sun] touches being borne from the meridian to the Setting. It is plain that owing to the shortness of the instrument not all the circles are complete, but the outer and larger ones falling over outside the circumference of the tablet are only half completed. There lies on the circles their number, from the first to the ninetieth, for the distance from the horizon to that at the summit is, as I said, of so many degrees. And further, let this be clear, that the beginning of the counting is from the horizon, the same numbers having been written upon each of their semicircles, the rising and the setting, as in the case of the outer and half-completed ones. For in the case of the inner and completed ones the number of the circles has been ranged along the line of the meridian line. It is clear, I think, that in the case of bipartite and tripartite astrolabes the distance between the circles is cut into those that have been left on one side. These circles are equivalent to the degrees written on the quadrant of the plane surface on which the rule lies, which we discussed at the beginning.
The semi-circle then of the tablet on which the aforesaid circles were engraved corresponds to the hemisphere above the earth, as the remainder does to that beneath it, which has been divided into twelve sections according to the number of the twelve hours, which the sun makes being in either |64 hemisphere, in that above or in that below the earth. On these lines is laid [inscribed] the number of the hours, the first hour beginning from the setting part for a reason we will state further on.
There are yet three other circles engraved on the aforesaid parallel circles, cutting them and containing one another. Of these the inner one corresponds to the circle of Cancer. When then the Arachne is brought round, you will see the first degree of Cancer, in which the sun makes its summer tropic drawing this circle. Whence the part of it above the earth is greater, that is the part of it borne through the parallel circles: that beneath the earth is smaller, that is what (is borne) through the remaining part of the tablet, on which the lines marking the hours have been impressed, and which, as we have said, corresponds to the hemisphere beneath the earth. The circle second to this, which immediately contains it, corresponds to the Equinoctial, whence the two equinoctial signs, the beginning of Aries and that of Libra, pass through it, and both its semi-circles are equal, that which is drawn through the parallels which is the one above the earth, and that through the lines marking the hours, which indicates what is beneath it. Of these two circles only the semi-circles beneath the earth have been impressed on some instruments, the rest which ought to be borne through the parallels are left to the imagination because the engravings of the parallels are not cut by them. The third which contains them both is in a line with the circle of Capricorn, whence the beginning of Capricorn, in which the winter tropic takes place, passes through this. Consequently the portion of this circle above the earth, i.e. that drawn through the parallels, is smaller, and that beneath the earth, i.e. that drawn through the lines indicating the hours, is greater. Of these three circles, I mean, those of Cancer, of the Equinox, and of Capricorn, the first of the parallels separates in each case the section above the earth from that beneath it, since we said that it corresponds to the horizon. From the circle of Capricorn to that of Cancer the width of the zodiac is forty-seven degrees, narrow first forty-eight and second forty. The distance from the Circle of Capricorn to that of Cancer is forty-eight degrees, as we can know from the inscription on the parallels. For that of Cancer is distant towards the north from the equinoctial twenty-four degrees, as that of Capricorn is towards the south another twenty-four degrees. For having adjusted 1 the Arachne to any one of the zones, and marked the parallel where the beginning of Capricorn touches it at the meridian line, and secondly again |65 where those of Aries and Libra do so, and thirdly where that of Cancer does so, and counted up the parallels in between, you will find from Capricorn to Aries and Libra twenty-four parallels, and from them to Cancer twenty-four more, so that the distance from Capricorn to Cancer is forty-eight degrees, over which distance the obliquity of the zodiac extends. The zone has also been inscribed for which the engraving has been made on each plane surface, as has also the number of equal hours of which the longest day consists in that zone, and of the degrees which the said zone is distant from the equinoctial. It is obvious that the north pole has been raised above the horizon by the same number of degrees as the south pole is distant from it beneath the earth. For it is plain that by as much as each house is distant from the equinoctial, by so much is the north pole raised above the horizon, and the south pole removed from it beneath the earth. In some astrolabes, and especially in the complete ones, the plane itself too, on which the rule lies, has been engraved for each one of the zones. In some of them the outer edge has been divided into three hundred and sixty degrees.
3. Concerning the things engraved on the Arachne.
So much then for the tablets and the meaning (or, object) of each of the things engraved upon them. The Arachne which is laid upon them has the zodiac and some of the brighter of the fixed stars. The complete circle on it beginning from outside is the zodiac, the others, which are half completed, contain certain of the fixed stars, of which we will speak in due season. On the zodiac have been engraved its twelve signs from Aries to Pisces. In the complete instruments each sign of the zodiac has been divided into thirty degrees, in the bipartite into fifteen and in the tripartite, as is obvious, into ten, as was the case in the drawing of the parallels. The beginning of the degrees of each sign of the zodiac is at the part where its first line has been drawn, or, to put it otherwise, at the part where is the sign of the zodiac preceding it. For example, the sign of the zodiac preceding Aries is Pisces: the beginning then of Aries is from the part next Pisces, and so in every case. Of the lines that indicate the degrees: some come right through the width of the zodiac, others only half-way: the beginning of each sign of the Zodiac is from the line which comes right through, for that is the end of the preceding sign of the zodiac, and the beginning of the following one.
This then is the arrangement of the whole instrument, and now is the proper time to go through in detail what concerns the using of it. |66
4. Concerning the Observation of the Sun by Day, and how we may set about it according to Rule.
If then we wish to take the hour of the sun by the instrument in the daytime, we suspend the instrument from the ring in such a way that its quadrant, the one cut up into the 90 degrees, inclines towards the sun, and afterwards bring round the rule little by little above and below after the said one and the same quadrant of the central 2 point, until the ray entering through the hole of the rule facing the sun falls upon the other facing us. In order that we may not, by handling the instrument without rational method, find ourselves in difficulty with the rule, it is necessary to know that the instrument must be so placed that its outer edge, I mean the circumference, is shone upon by the sun, and each of the plane surfaces, as far as possible, is in the shade. The reason is this, that the sign on the suspending ring corresponds to the pole of the horizon, that is to say, the sign at the summit, while the circumference of the instrument corresponds to the parallel which the sun draws then being observed. It is necessary then that the circumference should lie so as to be on the same plane surface as the parallel which the sun then draws. And this 3 will be the case if the rays of the sun themselves strike exactly on the edge of the instrument, as if the star (i.e. the sun) were lying upon it. The instrument then having been placed in this position, it is necessary, as I said, to bring the rule round gently above and below to one and the same quadrant of the engraved semi-circle, that inclining towards the sun, until the rule having become in a straight line with the sun the ray of the sun having come through the hole of the rule so ordered as to face it passes through to the other [hole] ordered to face us. While the rule is being brought round, you will see a light of equal size and similar shape to the hole wandering about, and going now in this direction, now in that, with the movement of the rule. It is necessary then to bring round the rule gently, in this direction and in that, until we see the light introduced on to the inner plane surface of the sight-vane on our side, and fitting into its hole, when finally it happens that it becomes invisible as passing through vacuity. If at anyrate you bring your hand near the hole on our side you will see the light falling upon it. It happens that the light becomes altogether invisible if the hole by which it first enters is less than the other or exactly equal. For if it |67 were found to be greater, it happens that the light falls outside 4 the other upon the inner plane surface of the sight-vane facing us. This done, it is necessary to mark with ink or something of the sort the line on which the index of the rule fell (i.e. the end of the little rod terminating in a sharp point) and to measure how great it is, beginning from below from the horizon, whether the observation is taken before the meridian or after it. For as many as are the degrees from the horizon, so great is the exaltation of the sun from the Rising or the Setting. Having marked then the degree, on which the sun is being observed, as, should it so happen, the thirtieth, it is necessary to take from the Calendar the sign of the zodiac and its degree, in which the sun is on that day of which we wish to find the hour, or by means of the method we are going to mention next.
Example.
Let it happen to be in Aries in the twentieth degree. It is necessary then to mark with ink or wax, or something of the sort, the twentieth degree of Aries upon the zodiac on the Arachne, then next to look in what zone we happen to be while observing, and to take the tablet, on which the said zone has been engraved, and so adjust it to the present instrument that the zone we are seeking is outside of all.5 Then to place the Arachne upon the instrument, and if the observation is taken before midday we must take the parallel circle on the tablet of the said zone equal in number to the observed degree, as now, in supposition, the thirtieth,6 making the beginning of the counting from the part on which Rising has been inscribed, but if we make the beginning after midday, from the opposite part on which has been inscribed Setting. Then it is necessary to mark this circle with ink with numerous dots along nearly all the line. If, however, the astrolabe is not complete, but bipartite or tripartite,7 and the observed number of the degrees falls in the space between the circles, it is obviously necessary to cut the intervening distance correspondently, and to mark similarly with numerous dots from above to below the place where falls the number we are seeking. This done |68 we must bring round the Arachne until the sign of the zodiac and the degree in it in which the sun is touch the parallel circle on which the sun is observed to be, and which we directed to be marked by numerous dots because it was uncertain which of them the degree of the sun will touch when the Arachne is brought round. This done, it is necessary to know that the instrument has been adjusted in the same position as that of the whole (? the universe) at that hour and in the same line with the whole. After this it is necessary to take the degree of the sun according to diameter, as, in the present case, the 20th of Libra, and mark with ink on which sign of the tablet it has fallen. It falls altogether in 8 that corresponding to the part of it beneath the earth; then counting thus the lines indicating the hours from the first of the setting, which makes the beginning from the setting part, declare the hours of the sun that have been completed, or the portion, if 9 the degree of the sun according to diameter does not fall upon one of the lines marking the hours but in the intervening distance. And so in the afternoon observation. The only difference is this, that in the taking of the parallel circles in the observations before midday we begin the counting from the rising, and in those after it from the setting. In the taking of the hours, however, we always begin from the setting part, whether the observation is by day or by night, for the reason that we will now state.
5. Why the Lines marking the Hours are engraved on the section corresponding to that beneath the Earth, and why we begin counting them, and how the Part of an Hour can be ascertained.
Since Ptolemaeus always took the utmost pains to secure clearness and facility, and knew that if he made his engraving in that [part] corresponding to the hemisphere above the earth (in which he made the engraving of the parallel circles) he would have made confusion in the instrument, and made it difficult for users to distinguish which lines indicated the hours, and which the parallels, for this reason he has engraved the hours on the other semicircle. Then it being plain that as great as is the part of a circle above the earth, which the sun passes through in each degree, so great is that beneath the earth which the degree of the sun according to diameter draws (as, for example, as great a part of a circle as the twentieth degree of Aries draws above the earth, so great beneath the earth does the twentieth of Libra, and |69 so in all those according to diameter), and that as far as the sun when above the earth is distant from the rising horizon, so much is its degree according to diameter beneath the earth from the setting horizon, it therefore makes no difference for the knowing of the amount of the distance of the sun from the Rising whether one divides this itself, or the degree according to diameter beneath the earth from the setting horizon. For, as we said, it has been shown to be equal. Since then owing to the confusion of the engraving [of the lines] he was not able to make the engravings of the hours in that [part] corresponding to the hemisphere above the earth, and consequently made them in the opposite one, for this reason he takes the degree of the sun according to diameter, and seeks how far this has been moved beneath the earth from the setting horizon, and declares that the movement of the sun above the earth from the rising horizon is equally great. This then is the reason of taking the degree of the sun according to diameter, whereby too the counting of the hours from the setting takes place under the hemisphere beneath the earth. In order that we may know exactly the amount of the portion of the hour when the degree of the sun according to diameter does not fall actually on the line of those marking the hours, but in an interval, we must mark with a dot the place where it fell, then having placed on the sign itself a reed moistened with ink, and kept it unmoved in the degree of the Arachne we have taken, and bringing it round together on the Arachne on each side as far as the lines marking the hours on each side, measure the whole line made by the ink on the tablet by a small cord or something of the kind, and then seek how great a part it is of this whole line up to the sign (i.e. the mark) on which fell the degree according to diameter of the observed (? degree). Thus the fraction of the hour, and its amount is declared.
6. Another Method.
We can discover the fraction of the hour in another and more technical way. It is necessary to watch how many parallels one of the indices ἐν τῷ μοιρογνώμονι of the Arachne passes through, wholly or in part, while the selected degree of the zodiac passes through the whole distance between the lines marking the hours on either side, on which it has fallen. Then again to look above how many parallels the same index passes through, or what part of one, while again the same degree passes through the sought-for part of the hour, as far as the sign between on which it has fallen, and so find out the relation (λόγον) of the part to the whole. Thus, for example, if the whole |70 distance of the degree (μοιριαία διάστασις) passed through by the index is, let us assume, four parallels and a half, say that the part sought for is the third part of the hour. This it is possible to do on the instruments on which the outer edge of the tablets, or of the mater (δοχεῖον) itself that has been divided, has been divided into 360 sections of a degree by the index of the Arachne falling upon them. For having counted up how many degrees in the whole hour sought for the index passes through, and then again how many the same index passes through in the completed part of the same hour, what we seek, what amount it is of the whole, by the comparison of the measurements of these with one another, of those of the whole hour, and those of the part, we shall see how large a part of the whole is that which we are seeking.
7. That four Central Points 10 appear together, the Ascendant, the Culminating, and those Diametrically Opposed to them; and that it is possible in certain Instruments to take an Observation in any Tablet.
From this placing we have at once the four central points, the Ascendant, the Culminating, and those Diametrically Opposed to them, I mean the setting one, and that beneath the earth to the culminating one. For the degree of the zodiac in which the sun is (here assumed to be the 20th of Aries) lying in the parallel in which it has been found (say in the 30th from the Rising), it is necessary to look which is the rising sign of the zodiac, and what numbered one of its degrees, or what part of one, touches the horizon, and say that this is the ascendant. Similarly it is necessary to see which sign of the zodiac is setting, and what degree thereof touches the setting horizon, that is to say the last parallel towards the west, and say that this is the setting central point. It is plain that the degree diametrically opposed to the rising one is the setting one. Further we must see what sign of the zodiac, and what numbered degree of it it is that touches the line corresponding to the meridian in the part of the tablet corresponding to the hemisphere above the earth, and say that these (keeping ταῦτα) are the culminating central point, and that diametrically opposed to it, in of course the culminating point, which in the remaining part of the tablet, which corresponds to the hemisphere beneath the earth, will fall on the line corresponding to the mid-heaven. And it is necessary to know this that in those (instruments) in which the outer edge of the tablets has been divided into the 360 degrees it makes |71 no difference to which tablet we adjust the rule and take the observation, the little gnomon itself falling upon them (sc. the degrees). The rest of the using we must do, as we have already said, adjusting the Arachne to the zone we are seeking.
8. Concerning the skilful Observation oj the Fixed Stars by Night.
So much for observation by day. Now concerning that by night let us state that certain of the fixed and bright stars are engraved on the Arachne, in some cases seventeen, and in others more. Some of these of necessity in every night and every hour appear above the earth, as, let us say, Lyra, Arcturus, and others which you will find engraved on the Arachne. Beside each lies the special index of the star inscribed thereon. It is necessary then if we wish to take the hours in the night to observe one of the stars lying on the Arachne which appear above the earth. The method of observation will be as follows. We lift the instrument by the suspending ring, and place it above our eye, and turn the side of the instrument divided into the ninety degrees towards the star under observation, so that it lies as far as possible in the same plane surface as the star. Then, placing our eye beneath it, along the rule, we bring [the rule] gently round this way and that until the ray of the eye striking through the hole of the lower sight-vane to that of the upper, one beholds the star through both together. Here there is need of more exactness, lest having turned the eye aside we fail to note that we are looking at the star from outside, and not through the sight-vanes. It is therefore necessary to close one eye, and only observe with the other, lest any such error as we have mentioned should occur. Having then observed the star, we look at the degree on which the index of the rule fell, how far 11 it is from the horizon, in the same way as was done in the case of the sun, and mark it. Then having sought the zone in which we were while observing, and the parallel therein in the same line with and of the same number as the degree under observation, we again mark it with ink. If then the star under observation happens to be in the quadrant of the meridian line, it is necessary to mark the parallel from the Rising, but if after the meridian from the Setting, like what happened in the case of the Sun. Then having adjusted the Arachne in the zone in which we were observing, we seek in it the star under observation, for instance let us say Lyra or Spica Virginis, or any other. This done we bring round the Arachne so that the |72 index of the star may touch the parallel circle on which the star is being observed, and which also we marked. Then taking from the calendar the degree of the sun, in which it then happens to be, or by the method shortly to be described, we shall straightway find that it is in the semi-circle of the tablet on which the hours were engraved. Having marked it then with ink, and counted the hours from the Setting, and done all the other things as in the case of the sun, we shall find out the then completed hours of the night, or, if it so chance, the fraction [of an hour]. Similarly we shall see the four central points lying in their proper places.
9. How we must know whether the Sun or each of the Fixed Stars when observed is before the Meridian Line, or on it, or after it: and how we can take the highest Altitude of each Degree of those in the Zodiac.
If then the star under observation, or the sun, is very far distant, either before or after the meridian line, it is easy to discern by perception which sections of the parallels we shall use, whether those before the meridian or those after it: for whether it has inclined far towards the rising or far towards the setting, in neither case does any mistake occur whether the star under observation or the sun is before or after the meridian. But if it is very near the mid-heaven, it will be uncertain whether it is before or after the meridian line. Which it is we distinguish in the following way: If it was the sun we were observing, we must seek what is its maximum altitude on the day on which we observed it. To know this we must take the sign of the zodiac and the degree in which the sun is on that day, as, let us say, the 20th of Aries, and having marked this degree on the Arachne with ink bring it round until it touches the meridian line, then seek on what numbered parallel it has fitted, and say that this is the maximum altitude of the sun from the earth being then in the 20th degree of Aries. This done, if the sun under observation is found on this degree, I mean of the maximum altitude, it is plain that it happens to be on mid-heaven itself, but if it has been observed to be of fewer degrees, it was before or after the meridian. To know this we shall wait a little, and observe again, and if we find the number of degrees increased, it is plain that it was before the meridian when first observed, if decreased, after it. And otherwise; having observed the sun we find it, let us say, elevated seventy degrees above the horizon, and then are unable to distinguish by perception whether it is before or after the meridian, we must, having waited again for a little, observe it once more, then if it has |73 added, and become, say, seventy-one, it is manifest that the sun when previously observed was before the meridian, but if it has taken away, and become, let us say, sixty-nine, it is plain that when previously observed it was after the meridian. To know this we must count the parallels from the Setting, which first was observed lifted up from the horizon of the, as we have assumed, seventy degrees. We must then adjust the degree of the sign of the zodiac on the Arachne, in which the sun then happens to be, according to the parallel under observation, as in the present case the 70th from the Setting. If it is observed to be on the mid-heaven itself, it is plain that the degree of the sun will fall upon the line itself which corresponds to the meridian line, which also cuts the parallels; but if after the meridian, it will deviate from it in the direction of the Setting. So much in the case of the sun.
In the case of the stars we shall use the same methods seeking the maximum altitude of the star under observation in the zone in which it is being observed. This we shall know as follows. Having adjusted its index to the straight line corresponding to the mid-heaven, and looking on which parallel (it fits), if it fits on the line of the meridian line itself, we shall say that this is the maximum altitude in that zone, and then proceed as we directed in the case of the sun. Here too we should use the second method. We should again wait a little, and then observe, and so forth. For again if, having observed the star after a short interval, we find the number of degrees less, having fitted the index of the star under observation to the number of the parallel on which it was found to be in the first observation (counting the parallels, as I said, from the Setting) if we find the index of the star falling on the line itself corresponding to the meridian line, we say it was observed on the meridian line itself, but if it has deviated from it in the direction of the Setting, after the meridian line. From what has been said, it is plain how it is possible to obtain the maximum altitude in each zone of each degree of a sign of the zodiac. For, placing the Arachne on the tablet of the zone we are seeking, we must then bring round that degree of which we wish to obtain the altitude till it touches the meridian line, and straightway we shall find the inscription engraved of the altitude of the degrees. Thus then shall we be able to find the altitude of each degree. And this is to know the meridian line in each zone. |74
10. How we can find out in how many Equal Hours each single Sign of the Zodiac is raised up, and in how many it sinks.
We will add another use of the instrument, for we shall find out by its means in how many equal hours in each zone each of the signs of the zodiac is raised up from the rising horizon above the earth, and in how many it sinks down again. First it must be known that in the part of the instrument in which the tablets are introduced, and on which the Arachne is placed, which they were accustomed to call the mater of the tablets, there rises above it a certain rim divided, as I said before, into 360 degrees, which correspond to the segments of the equinoctial [circle], which they also call equal hours. When the whole instrument has been adjusted the rim, thus raised above it, becomes in a way continuous with the plane surface of the tablet lying upon it from outside, so that the whole plane surface becomes in a fashion one. For in complete instruments in which as a rule there is no mater, but each tablet is divided by itself on account of its size, and does not lie upon another, the rim aforesaid does not rise above it at all. But at each boundary of the tablet (? reading ἑκάστου, at the b. of each t.), that is to say on their circumference the aforesaid 360 equal hours are engraved, on which the index of the Arachne falls.
Example.
Let it be assumed that we are seeking in how many equal hours Scorpio, let us say, is raised up in the third zone. It is necessary then to place the Arachne on this zone, then to adjust the first degree of Scorpio to the first parallel from the Rising, and then to seek the index at the end of the Arachne ----it lies on the semi-circle outside the Arachne----on what degree of the said circle it has fitted, which [circle] we said had been divided into 360 degrees, which are also called equal hours, and mark it. Then we must bring round the Arachne until the furthest degree of Scorpio, that is the 30th, has been brought up to 12 and adjusted to the first parallel from the Rising. We must then seek again on which degree of the same circle the said index has fitted, and mark this too. We must next measure all the degrees from the original to the later mark, and as much of the 360 hours as we find the index has passed through in the whole raising up of Scorpio, say that in the same number of equal hours it is raised up. And so in each of the remaining cases. We shall then know in this way in how many equal hours each sign of the |75 zodiac is raised up in each zone. In the same manner we shall find out in how many equal hours each sinks down, by similarly adjusting the first degree of the sign of the zodiac we are seeking to the furthest parallel towards the setting, and marking the degree on which the outer index of the Arachne fell. Then again bringing it round, and having placed its 30th degree to the same setting horizon, that is the furthest parallel, and having again looked where the index of the Arachne has fallen, and counted how many equal hours it has passed through in the whole descent of the sign of the zodiac, we shall say that in so many hours the sign of the zodiac descended below the earth.
11. How we shall find out the Temporal 13 Hour of each day and Night, and similarly of how many Equal Hours it consists.
By the same method we can find out of how many equal hours each temporal day consists, and each hour. To know this we must again take the degree in which the sun is, and fit it to the first parallel from the Rising. Then mark the degree on which the index on the Arachne falls, and then bring round the Arachne until the degree of the sun is in the last parallel in the setting part, or, to say the same thing, until the sun passes out through the whole hemisphere above the earth. This done, we must again mark the degree, on which the index of the Arachne fell, and count the degrees beginning first from that which we marked up to the last, and say that the day in question is of so many equal hours. Then having divided these hours into 12, say of how many equal hours, or what part of one, each temporal hour consists. By the same method we shall find out the given temporal night and the length of its temporal hours, by placing the degree of the sun upon the setting horizon, that is on the furthest parallel, and marking on what degree of the outer edge of the instrument the index of the Arachne comes, then bringing round the Arachne until the degree of the sun having passed through the part of the tablet which corresponds to that beneath the earth touches the rising horizon, that is the furthest parallel towards the |76 Rising. Having done this let us again look at the degree which the index of the Arachne touches. Then having counted them all from that marked in the first place we say that the temporal night in question is of so many equal hours, and having divided these into the 12 we find of how many equal hours the night hour consists. By this means then you have th_n dia&kristin [? the resolution] of the temporal into the equal hours.
12. How we can find out by the Instrument the Epoch of the Sun. And herein again how we can get the Maximum Altitude of the Sun on each day.
We can get the epoch of the sun without calculation by using the instrument in the following way. We must take the maximum altitude of the sun from the earth on that day. This we shall get by observing it at the meridian itself. It is plain that we must observe it very often until it no longer adds to its height, but, having been raised to its maximum altitude, begins again to grow less and come nearer to the earth. For it is clear that the point at which it began to diminish is its maximum altitude. Having got this we next look which quadrant the sun is passing through, whether it is that from the spring or that from the autumn equinox, or that from the summer or that from the winter tropics.14 (This is quite clear, for the hours, both the equal and the tropical, are known to all.) We shall then take this quadrant in the zodiac on the Arachne, and having placed the Arachne itself in the zone in which we are taking the observation, and fitted each degree of the quadrant, which the sun is then passing through to the mid-heaven, we shall seek which one of them is exalted so many parallels in the mid-heaven, and that which has become as great as the sun has been found to be exalted on that day, that we say is the epoch of the sun then. (ἐκείνην ἀποφαινόμεθα ἐπέχειν τότε τὸν ἥλιον). This happens if the sun is not near the tropics, but is far distant from them. If it is near we shall need another method of determination (διακρίσεως), which we will explain.
13. Which Degrees of those in the Zodiac are under the same Parallels and are raised to the same Altitude, and how we can find in which Quadrant of the Zodiac the Sun itself is after the Tropical Signs.
No degree of those in the same quadrant is raised to the same altitude as any other. In all the zodiac after the tropical signs you will find them raised to the same altitude only in pairs. These are those which are under the same |77 parallel. Those under the same parallel are those distant by an equal interval from the tropical signs, separately from each----I mean from the summer one and the winter one, which are properly tropical. For from them the sun turns to the north and to the south: for from Capricorn it begins to be exalted towards the north as far as Cancer, and from there again begins to step back and go down to the south as far as Capricorn. Some people, however, say that the equinoctial signs are tropical, and so people in general say there are four tropics, owing to the changes of the hours. Properly then only the two signs are tropical----I mean the first degree of, say, Cancer, and the first degree of Capricorn. For now we must not be over-exact about these matters, which are not even co-ordinate with others. For no degree of the zodiac is raised to the same altitude as these. For there are boundaries of the obliquity of the zodiac. Consequently they are not even under the same parallel either with one another, or with any other degree of those in the zodiac. These distant by an equal separation from one of these on either side are under one and the same parallel, and consequently are raised to the same altitude above the earth. For example, the beginning of Leo and that of Gemini are distant by an equal separation on either side from that of Cancer, for there are thirty degrees on either side. These two degrees, then, the beginning of Leo and that of Gemini, are under the same parallel, and therefore are raised to the same maximum altitude above the earth. That what has been said may become clear, it is necessary to fit to the two boundaries of the hemisphere above the earth the two equinoctial signs of the zodiac, to the rising, let us say, the beginning of Libra, to the setting that of Aries. For these you will see having one and the same parallel, namely the first, by which the part of the tablet which corresponds to the hemisphere above the earth is marked off, and that beneath the earth. These then lying thus, you will see the first degree of Cancer, and the first of Capricorn, coinciding with the line of the meridian line, and in the direction of the equinoctial (ἐπὶ τὰ ἰσημερινὰ) is equally distant from the summer (τοῦ θερινοῦ)----I mean the first degree of Cancer [the first degree of Leo and the first of Gemini (this from the note)]. Consequently they are under the same parallel, as I said, and are raised to the same altitude above the earth. Then in the same way you will see again the remaining degrees, equidistant on either side from the first degree of Cancer, touching the same parallel, and raised to the same maximum distance. And these same (degrees) you will see equally distant from the two equinoctial signs. For things that are |78 equidistant from one of the tropicals are also equidistant from both the equinoctials, either from other, but from one in the direction of what precedes (ἐπὶ τὰ ἡγούμενα), from the other in that of what follows (ἐπὶ τὰ ἑπόμενα). For example, as far as the beginning of Gemini is distant from that of Aries in the direction of what precedes, so far is the beginning of Leo from that of Libra in that of what follows. And again, as far as in the direction of what follows the beginning of Gemini is distant from that of Cancer, so far in the direction of what precedes is the beginning of Leo from that of Cancer. But it is not because they are equidistant from the equinoctials that they are under the same parallel, but because they are so from the tropicals. The beginning of Pisces and that of Taurus are equidistant from that of Aries, but neither are they under the same parallel, nor are they both raised to the same maximum altitude. For Pisces is more to the south, and Taurus more to the north. And further, as far as the beginning of Pisces is distant in the direction of what follows from that of Aries, so far is the beginning of Virgo distant in the direction of what precedes from that of Libra. But they are not under the same parallel, since Virgo is in the north, but Pisces is in the south. Since then those on either side equidistant from one of the tropicals are under the same parallel, and both the equinoctials are equidistant from the tropicals, and under the same parallel, therefore those on either side of the two equinoctials, equidistant either from other, the one in the direction of what precedes, the other in the direction of what follows, are in the same parallel. It will make no difference 15 even if you place the beginning of Aries on the rising and that of Libra on the setting horizon, of course when that of Capricorn is culminating, for you will see the same things happening again. When only two of the signs are on either side of the tropicals being exalted to the same distance, if we seek the epoch of the sun when it is at the tropicals themselves, it will be hard to find out in which quadrant it happens to be, owing to the fact that the (beginnings) on either side equidistant from the tropicals have the same altitude. For example, the beginning of Cancer, say, being exalted Z degrees, and these on either side after ten, that is the tenth of Cancer and the twentieth of Gemini, as we have assumed, eighty-seven degrees [εἰ if 16], the sun being about the twentieth of Gemini, or the tenth of Cancer, we shall seek the epoch of the sun. Then having taken its maximum altitude being, as we |79 assumed, of eighty-seven degrees, we seek in what degree of one 17 of these quadrants in the Arachne it is exalted to this maximum, and we shall find that the tenth of Cancer and the twentieth of Gemini make the same the maximum altitude: and since we cannot by perception distinguish exactly whether before the summer tropics the sun is in the twentieth of Gemini, or after them in the tenth of Aries. (For the same thing happens in this case, which happened about the meridian itself, when we were observing the sun. This, to take a case, happens if, having stayed long in a desert, we are quite ignorant of the month, or among a people who either count the months in a different way from ours, or do not count them at all.) 18 Again we wait for one or two days, and then make a similar observation, and if we find that the sun has added to the altitude, it is plain that it was previously before the summer tropics, but if it has taken from it, after them. Thus, then, if the sun be near the summer or the winter tropics. If, however, the sun is far distant from the summer or the winter tropics in this direction or in that, one doubtful point will remain, of which quadrant we must seek a degree elevated to as great a maximum as that of the sun we are observing. If the search be made before the summer tropics, from Aries to the thirtieth degree of Gemini, or, to say the same thing, the first of Capricorn, we must seek which degree of these is elevated to as great a maximum from the horizon as the sun is then observed to be elevated: but if after the summer tropics, from the beginning of Cancer to the thirtieth degree of Virgo, or, to say the same thing, the beginning of Libra. In the same way, if before the winter tropics from the beginning of Libra to the thirtieth of Sagittarius, or to say the same thing, the beginning of Capricorn; if after them, from the beginning of Capricorn to the thirtieth of Pisces, or, to say the same thing, the beginning of Aries.
14. How we shall find the Epoch of each of the Planets.
It is possible to get the epochs of the remaining planets by means of the instrument, with exactness when they are in the actual middle of the signs of the zodiac, and more roughly if they deviate to the one side or the other, in the following way. We must first observe one of the fixed stars inserted in the Arachne by the method already given. Then having learned how many parallels it has then been exalted from the rising or setting horizon we |80 must place the Arachne in the zone in which we are making our observation in a manner corresponding to the position of the whole: this is to fit the index of the fixed star under observation to the parallel in which it has been observed to be. Then we must observe again the planet we are seeking, and mark how many parallels it has been raised from the setting or rising horizon, and seek the parallel of equal number in the zone in question, and the section thereof towards the west or the east in which the planet has been found to be. Then we must seek which degree of the zodiac this section of the parallel comes upon, and say that that is the epoch of the planetary star then under observation. It stands to reason that, as the sun always moves along (τὴν? a path) through the middle (τῶν μέσων), it happens that we get its epoch by exact observation, since it is always borne in it (αὐτῇ) in which we determine the epochs of the times (χρόνων) But in the case of the rest, since they are not borne always in that, but often make their movement oblique in regard to it, so that they are sometimes more to the north of them, and sometimes more to the south, whenever we observe them deviating from this (ταύτης), if we lead out to the zodiac the straight (glance) borne to them from the eye, it is necessary that it should fall not on that through the middle, but outside it, either more to the north, or more to the south, of it. Consequently we cannot get their epoch exactly, since, as I said, we can only determine the epochs by that through the middle.
15. How we can discover how far each Degree of the Zodiac deviates from the Equinoctial to the north or the south. And similarly in the case of the Sun and the Moon, or each of the Planets.
We shall find by using the instrument how far in width each degree of the zodiac is distant from the equinoctial in a northerly or southerly direction in this way. We have said in what preceded that the distance between the circle of Capricorn and that of Cancer has embraced the whole obliquity of the zodiac, amounting to forty-eight degrees, for from the latter to the equinoctial are twenty-four degrees, and from the equinoctial to the former the remaining twenty-four. It is plain that from the winter to the summer tropics the sun passing through the whole semi-circle is exalted towards the north, and reversely from the summer to the winter ones is lowered towards the south, and it is obvious that between the circle of Cancer and that of Capricorn is the equinoctial circle. Hence it comes about that twice in the year the sun is in this, from the summer tropics to the winter coming by |81 Libra, and from the winter to the summer by Aries, with the result that in each semi-circle the sun is at one time to the north, and at another to the south, of the equinoctial. If then we wish to find how far each degree of the zodiac in either semi-circle is distant to the north or to the south from the equinoctial circle, we shall find it in this way. Of the equinoctial signs----I mean the beginning of Aries or Libra----we must fit to the mid-heaven above the earth, and mark the parallel on which it falls: then again fit the degree of the zodiac we are seeking to the same meridian line, and mark the parallel on which it has fallen. This done, as many parallel circles as we find from the equinoctial to that degree, so many degrees we shall say it is distant from the equinoctial, and whether to the north or south we have at once by inspection what is being sought. For if the degree we are seeking falls outside the equinoctial, as in the direction of the winter tropical, as has been engraved on the tablet, it is plain that it is distant from the equinoctial in a southerly direction: but if within the equinoctial, as in the direction of the summer tropical, which we say is contained by the equinoctial, it is plain again that the degree of the zodiac we are seeking deviates in a northerly direction. And this is plain from the mere placing of the signs of the zodiac. For if we seek the (τὰ) after the beginning of Aries up to the twenty-ninth of Capricorn, it is plain that they deviate to the north of the equinoctial, and if those after the beginning of Libra up to the twenty-ninth of Pisces they will have a deviation to the south of the same mid-heaven. So it is plain to everyone, that for the sun, the moon, and each of the planetary stars, taking them in each occurring degree of the zodiac, we thus arrive at how much they deviate to the south or to the north of the equinoctial. For having taken the degree, in which the sun, or the moon, or each of the planetary stars, has its epoch, and done all the things previously mentioned, we shall find what we were seeking. For by as much as the degree of the zodiac deviates from the equinoctial to the north or to the south, so great a deviation does the star upon it make. Using the same method we shall know whether each of the fixed stars in the Arachne, is more to the south or more to the north of the equinoctial, and by how many degrees it is distant from it in either direction.
Finis.
H. W. GREENE.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 ἁρμώσας. Read ἁρμόσας.
2. 1 τὸ εἰρημένον ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦ κέντρου τεταρτημόριον, but below (1. 23) ἐπὶ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτο τεταρτημόριον τοῦ καταγραφέντος ἡμικυκλίου. Are both right?
3. 2 ἔσται δ̕ ἒν, Marginal reading κέοιτο δ̕ ἂν =it would lie. Better Greek.
4. 1 ὑπεκπίπτον. Read ---- πίπτειν.
5. 2 παντὸς, so translated.? πάντως=altogether outside it. cf. p. 138, 1. 24.
6. 3 ποιούμενον, I think we should read----μένους, and below (1. 25) ἀριθμοῦντας, as elsewhere in this section he uses the first person plural.
7. 4 εἰ δὲ μὲ.. ἀλλὰ διμ. ἣ τριμοιριαῖος ὁ διοπτευθεὶς.. ἀριθμὸς.. πίπτει, δεῖ δῆλου ὅτι κ.τ.λ. This as I have translated it seems unintelligible. I would place a comma after τριμοιριαῖος, and insert δὲ after ὁ, reading, though this is little more than a matter of spelling, δηλονότι. Then translate 'If, however, the astrolabe is not complete, but bipartite or tripartite, and the observed,' &c.
8. 1 It may equally well be translated ' in the part of it corresponding to what is beneath the earth '.
9. 2 ἢ. Read ἡ.
10. 1 κέντρα=angles, Garnett, xiii, Class Rev. 292.
11. 1 πόση.γρ. πόστη.
12. 1 ἐπανεχθῇ. Read ἐπανενέχθῇ.
13. 1 L. and Sc. translate fit for time, citing Eust. 17. 3. This may be so, but what I understand J. Ph. to mean is this. The ideal day and night would each have twelve equal hours, but most days and nights are longer or shorter than their ideals, and so their hours are not equal, but καιρικαί, i.e. varying with the season of the year, and this I take to be the meaning of the statement of Caelius Rhodiginus (vii. 9): 'Horas autem has (sc. winter) sic inaequales vocant Graeci καιρικάς, nos autem Temporales seu Vulgares, de quibus Ptolemaeus plura et Theon.' I have therefore translated the word by 'temporal'.
14. 1 τρόπων. Read τροπῶν.
15. 1 δίεισι. Read διοίσει, and I have so translated.
16. 2 ἰε should be omitted, as it gives neither sense nor construction.
17. 1? for τινος read τίνος 'of which quadrant'. Cf. Part II, note 1.
18. 2 ἢ μηδόλως ἀριθμοῦντι πάλιν· μίαν κ.τ.λ. Read ἢ μ. ἀριθμοῦντι πάλιν· μίαν κ.τ.λ., and I have so translated.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_sebokht_astrolabe_01_trans.htm
Severus Sebokht, Description of the Astrolabe, in R.T.Gunther, Astrolabes of the World, Oxford (1932) pp.82-103.
Severus Sebokht, Description of the Astrolabe, in R.T.Gunther, Astrolabes of the World, Oxford (1932) pp.82-103.
Introduction
Part 2 - Use of the Astrolabe
1. To find during the day, with the help of the astrolabe, the solar hour; then to find for this hour the degree (of the zodiac) that is in the ascendant, which star rises and sets, is in the descendant, which is in the middle of the heaven (at the meridian) and which is beneath the earth.
2. To find the hour during the night from the stars.
3. To find the hour during the night, by the help of the moon.
4. To find, by the help of the astrolabe, the ἐποχή, that is to say, the position of the sun.
5. To find, by the help of the astrolabe, the ἐποχή, that is to say, the position of the moon and of the five planets.
6. To find the ἐποχή of ascension and descent, that is to say, the latitude of the moon.
7. To verify whether the astrolabe is true or false.
8. How we should test, whether the pointer is accurate and well made.
9. How, with the help of any astrolabe we can know how many are the ascensions of each sign in any climate whether to the centre of life, or to that of the middle of the heaven, and what are the 'descents' to the centre 'of nuptials' and to that which is beneath the earth.
10. To find how many ascensions there are from the beginning of Aries to that of the rising, that is to say, to the Horoscope.
11. How one may know by the help of the astrolabe the composition of the hours of the day or the night, or the length or shortness of the day or of the night which is occupying us, that is to say (the greatest or smallest distance) of the degree 'of life' or of the degree 'of nuptials'.
13. How we can know by the help of the astrolabe which is the more northerly and the more southerly of two cities under consideration.
14. How one may know the longitude of one town with regard to another, which is the more easterly and which is the more westerly.
15. How one can find the difference of the meridian in two towns.
16. How we can find out the ascensions of the right sphere, of which Ptolemy has written.
17. How we can know in which climate we are, from the sun or one of the fixed stars.
18. How we can find the latitude of the seven climates.
19. How we can know, by the help of the astrolabe, the longitude and latitude of the fixed stars.
Chapters 20 and 21 are lost
22. How, by the help of the astrolabe, we can know the declination of every sign of the zodiac from the equator,2 to the north or to the south for each climate, and in what place is either of the three tropical zones.
23. How we can know the declination of the sun from the equator to the north or to the south in every sign and in every degree.
24. Of the measure in latitude of the hemisphere, i.e. of the 180 degrees (which extend) from the north to the south or the division and relative distance of the various zones.
25. How, in every climate, we can ascertain the ascensions of the sign which is in the east, and which is called 'the sign of life', and those of the sign which is in the middle of the heaven.
DESCRIPTION OF THE ASTROLABE
by
SEVERUS SABOKT
ca. A.D. 650
[Translated by Jessie Payne Smith Margoliouth]
[There is no Heading to the Syriac text.]
BY the help of God, Lord of All, we write the Treatise (σχόλιον) on the Astrolabe. On what the brazen astrolabe is; How it is composed; What and of what kind are its different parts; What are the names of the parts and of the figures upon it.
Before we happen to read the Treatise on the astrolabe, how it is to be used for determining the hour, and the other results which may be understood from it, we should know its composition and its form. I say, how and of what it is composed, how all its parts are arranged, and what the positions and signs on it are called; why tablets,1 circles, and different numbers must appear on it, and what is the number that gives the longitude of the heavenly spheres, and what is that which shows their latitude; how the four regions, east, west, north, and south are represented on it; which is the upper side or hemisphere above the earth and which is under it; with many other like things represented on the astrolabe.
This reasonable art is taught us by rules; but first we inquire as to the subject and manner of the astrolabe, and of what it is composed. I will take into consideration, O friend of learning, every necessary question, and accordingly I first mention in a few words the composition and the form of the astrolabe, as I have said above, and even before that I will give the definition of it, then I will explain it, and give notes upon the treatise to the best of my ability. In this way the understanding of this science will be easy and light.
Now an astrolabe is a skilfully constructed instrument, by the aid of which are determined the stars, the hours, the risings (of heavenly bodies), the tropical zones, in a word, the double movement of the celestial sphere, i. e. longitude and latitude, and the change of climes (or the various climes).
It is called skilful (or made by art) to distinguish it from 'natural'; compound, to distinguish it from 'simple'; by the aid of which the stars |83 &c. are determined, to distinguish from it the instruments of other arts. I mean, of geometry, of music, of medicine, and of all the manual arts.
The material of it is brass, the form round and flat, it is composed of three or four tablets.2 If they are raised, they are all found to be round, flat, and equal to each other. They are placed one upon another within one which encloses them all. This last has a rim like a case, which encloses and contains all of them. Above all these and within is placed the circle called the zodiac because the ζῴδια, that is to say the signs of the zodiac are marked on it with their names and degrees, which are 30 in number (for each sign). The astrolabe may be bipartite (διπλοῦς) when one inscribed degree represents two of them, or even tripartite (τριπλοῦς) when an inscribed degree represents three.3 It bears the names (of the signs) and all round the names of the most brilliant and best known of the fixed stars of the celestial sphere; their names being written above them. And all this structure of the signs of the zodiac of the fixed stars of which we have just spoken was called by the philosopher who constructed the astrolabe ἀράχνη, that is to say 'spider', because the attachments of its grooves are like the filaments or threads of a spider's web, plus all round it a round flat circle.
Next, as best they can, they mark on a quadrant 90 degrees, that is to say the quarter of the measure of a circumference, that is to say on one of the quarters of the outside tablet which encloses and contains all the rest. These degrees give the altitude for the upper hemisphere, which can go as far as 90°, to the point situated above the centre of the earth, that is to say, above the head of each one of us. So they divide this tablet of which we are speaking into four parts, by means of two straight lines, one drawn from the top to the bottom and the other from east to west in the revered form of the cross. On the upper part of the surface of this tablet are represented the 90 degrees of which we have spoken; the beginning, i.e. the first degree, is where the upper part of the hemisphere begins, that is to say, on the horizon near the earth and the 90th degree is at the (zenith) that is to say, at the point of the middle of the sky. Upon this tablet is attached a 'ruler' whose arms are sharpened to a point. On these latter are fixed two very small vanes, their height as their width is about an inch, and in each one of |84 them a hole is pierced. These two holes are set exactly opposite one another, so that if one is set directly opposite the sun, moon, or a star, the ray passes directly through the two, that is to say, the ray when it first falls on one vane passes directly to the other. The length 4 of this ruler is that of the diameter of the tablet, so that one of its heads may always pass or fall on the degrees of the quarter-circle. Its width is about an inch.
This ruler of which we have spoken, on which are fixed the two little vanes pierced by the two holes opposite each other, is called 'dioptron' by geometers because by it we see in a straight line a ray of the sun or of some other luminary. The heads of this dioptron, which are, as we have said, sharpened to points,5 are both called pointers of the degrees 6 because they show us in which degree of the quadrant, that is to say, of the quarter of the heaven, is to be found the sun, or some star at the moment of observing when a ray of the star passes through the dioptron.
At the middle of this dioptron, at the middle of all the above-mentioned tablets and of the spider's web is adjusted a hole, equal in each of them, in which is set a nail after the tablets have been arranged exactly one above the other. This nail marks the place (projection) of the North Pole, that is to say, the northern extremity of the axis of the world, and holds together all the parts of the astrolabe so that they shall not get lost.
On each side of the said tablets the clime is indicated by name, and [the tablet is] divided into degrees of its latitude and the hours of its longest day. Each tablet is also divided into four parts by means of two lines, as we have said, in the case of the outside tablet. But on this latter there are indicated only the degrees of altitude of one quadrant or 90°, whilst on the tablets are indicated those of the upper hemisphere from the southern horizon to the northern horizon, i.e. 180°. These 180 degrees begin at the horizon which strictly separates the upper half of the sphere from the lower, which is understood to be the further limits of the earth. On it are defined the east and the west, the north and the south, as well as the rising and setting of all luminaries, stars, and planets. And these reckoned from diameter to diameter in whatever direction desired, amount to 180 degrees, while as far as the point situated above our heads (zenith) are only 90°. Hence it is evident that these tablets of the astrolabe, relative to any clime will always |85 bear from one degree to 90 degrees from the southern quarter or region, as far as the point (σημεῖον) of the middle of the sky, that is to say, to the centre immediately above our head (zenith), in whatever clime we may be.
The philosopher has indicated the southern region not only because the latitude of the sphere or of the world begins thence, but because it is on this side that the circle of the zodiac passes above the horizon and that the greater number of the stars rise and set. On this side too are the three tropical zones whence are known the divers relative latitudes of the climes, and the meridian circle which owes to it its name. The 180 degrees, or rather, the 90 circles are called parallels, i.e. 'close to one another' or after one another.7 Whether reckoned from the east or from the west, but all meet in the circle of the 90 degrees on a straight line which is in truth (the meridian). They are not counted from the East and from the West, that is to say, on the celestial sphere, for such is not the intention of the philosopher who constructed the astrolabe, but from the south, straight along the meridian. The philosopher who constructed the astrolabe, limited its size for every clime, to the tropic of winter, as the figure shows; also, all parallels which precede the tropic of winter are interrupted as soon as they arrive at this zone and no further to the south (read to the north) because there is no more room or surface on the tablet. Hence those degrees or parallels to the south of the winter tropic could not be engraved for there is no room. It is necessary to engrave (them) from the eastern horizon towards the west; but it is evident that if we observe the sun, the moon, or one of the stars in the first degree of the said parallels, or in the th or in the 10th (as we shall learn from the Treatise on the Astrolabe), that is, before it reaches the parallel of the winter tropic which is the thirtieth in the fourth clime,8 it will matter little whether the luminary be in the east or in the west, we shall always say that it is at the altitude of that degree to the south of the winter tropic, because, as we have said, the parallels serve to measure the altitude of the sun, and not its longitude.9 |86
For the longitude of the entire heaven which is measured from east to west is 360°. These degrees are engraved on the edge or rim of the exterior tablet which encloses and contains all the others. These same 360° are divided into four parts of 90 degrees each; and these quadrants start from the equator. Thus the whole sphere is doubly divided by the parallels of longitude and of latitude, all the movement of all the spheres and of all the luminaries are within the same, i.e. the longitude and latitude. It was necessary that this double movement should be known, for the knowledge of it is useful to us for many exact researches and especially for the variations of the climes, and the distinction of the five zones, namely: the three tropical zones, the arctic and antarctic zones. The philosopher contrived to engrave for each climate, on the said tablets the latitude which goes from south to north, and in like manner to write the longitude which goes from east to west,10 and the same on the rim of the outer tablet as we have said above.11 He next taught how to ascertain both together by the rotation of the arachne and of the index of degrees which is fixed above, as we shall learn later. On each of these said tablets, the east and the west are again indicated by their names. The middle of the sky, or 'the point of the middle of the sky' is determined by a line which goes from top to bottom, intersecting all the parallels at right-angles, and passing the 90th degree which is called the meridian, as we have said. It is evident that from this 90th degree till we reach the end of the tablet on the side which the parallels intersect; it is named the south region, and from this same 90th degree towards the opposite side where the parallels stop, we shall have the north region. The last side, beneath where the twelve hours are marked, is called the place under the earth, and the meridian line which passes through it at right-angles is called 'centre of the place beneath the earth', or again, 'of the fathers'. The east is called, 'centre of life', and the west, 'centre of nuptials'.12 The three circles described on each tablet for every clime above and below the earth signify the 'tropics'. That which is at the extremity of all the tablets, and always bears the beginning of Capricorn, indicates the 'winter tropic'. The middle circle on which the beginnings of Aries and Libra constantly move is the |87 'equinoctial'; and finally, the innermost circle, on which the beginning of Cancer always moves, is the 'summer tropic'.
Further, we must most carefully mention that all the circles described on the astrolabe by the philosopher, as those of the tropical zones, the meridian and the parallels, all the four points and the eight places that are spoken of between them,13 the horizons of the seven climes, the axis (ἄξων) and the poles on which its ends rest, the circle of the middle of the zodiac, the arctic and antarctic zones situated above and below the earth and many other analogous things are to be perceived by the mind alone, but not by the senses. And so, the philosopher represented them in the air beneath the sphere of heaven. He considered them with his mind, and saw them on the sphere that bears them quite as clearly as the rest of the luminaries, planets, and stars.
But I think that I have sufficiently shown, concisely what is borne on the quarter of the outer tablet (i.e. the back). The diopter, the parallels which appear on each tablet, their points, the latitude and longitude of the whole sphere, the meridian and the plate beneath the earth, and the tropical zones; and that we must not seek to see by the senses, but by the mind.
I add a few words, O studious friend, on that which is called the web.14 As we have said above, it is placed above all the tables, that is to say, on the parallels of any clime that can occupy us. We can turn it round, and make it rise and lift it gradually to the middle of the heaven, and then make it drop as far as the west and beneath the earth. On that said quarter where there are 90 degrees, we observe among the signs of the zodiac on which degree the head of the diopter, which is the index, falls. After that we look and determine this same degree in the parallels of the corresponding clime, in which it is, then as we have to learn in the Treatise on the Astrolabe, we arrive little by little at what we are trying to find out. This brief recapitulation by way of introduction, on the construction and composition of the astrolabe, before arriving at the Treatise itself, will, I hope, be sufficient. |88 It is time then, for thee, O friend of study, our spiritual son, beloved in the Lord, to approach the Treatise. We will recount it as best we can, and we will divide it into distinct rules, so that he who comes across them may apprehend them easily. I will therefore begin:
End of the Introduction to the Treatise on the Astrolabe.
PART II
USE OF THE ASTROLABE
1. To find during the day, with the help of the astrolabe, the solar hour; then to find for this hour the degree (of the zodiac) that is in the ascendant, which star rises and sets, is in the descendant, which is in the middle of the heaven (at the meridian) and which is beneath the earth.15
We look first at the true position of the sun, and in what sign of the zodiac it is; then, at the hour that we want, we turn the whole instrument facing the sun until a ray passes through the two holes pierced opposite each other in the diopter. It is evident that if we place one point of the diopter called the 'index' on the quadrant, that is on the quarter of the whole celestial sphere which is 90 degrees only, we shall see how many degrees the index moves on the quadrant. We note the degree thence thus obtained. Then we turn the astrolabe to the other side, and turn the zone of the zodiac which is in the middle of the spider's web on to the clime which we want, and on to the intersections of the parallels, that is to say, next to one another, until we place the degree where the sun is, on the intersection of these parallels at the very degree where we first observed it by the help of a solar ray passing through the two holes of the diopter.16 Then we look under the earth for the degree diametrically opposed to the sun on the zodiac and how many hours it moves among the hours engraved underneath; and how this solar hour is to be found. Here is clear to us the degree 'of life', that 'of nuptials', that of the middle of the heaven and that of the underpart of the earth, for the degree and the sign found on the eastern horizon of the clime at the hour observed will be said to be 'at the life', that which is diametrically opposed on the western horizon will be said to be 'at the nuptials', |89 that which is at the summit of the clime, i.e. on the meridian line is 'in the middle of the heaven' and that which is diametrically opposed beneath the earth is 'at the fathers'.
For example, let us suppose that, in the fourth clime the index of the diopter is on the 30th degree, and that the sun is in the first degree of Cancer. Let us turn the web until the first degree of Cancer is on the eastern horizon, then, continue to turn the web till we bring it above as far as the first degree of Cancer on the 30th parallel where the index was, then look for the degree of the zodiac diametrically opposite to Cancer which is the first degree of Capricorn. This is situated beneath the earth at the third hour. That is, I say, the solar hour. From this we know both the four centres; for we find them by observing their places in the fourth clime which rises in the th degree of Leo, it sets in the same degree of Aquarius, again the Ram stands in mid-heaven in the 24th degree and beneath the earth Libra is in the same (degree). To know the ascensions from the beginning of the Ram to the point which rises at this hour we note the position of the index of the web which is the beginning of Capricorn, counting the degrees from that point of the middle of the heavens (the meridian) as far as the point where the beginning of Capricorn is, and we find 112 degrees for these ascensions in the fourth clime. We find also that Leo rises and that Aquarius sets in the th degree. When we carry this number over to the right sphere, we find that the Ram is in the middle of the heavens in the 24th degree: it is evident that Libra is under the earth in the same degree. From the first hour until the sixth the sun is on the parallels which precede the middle of the day, from the sixth until the twelfth it is on the parallels which follow the middle of the day. One recognizes the position of the sun, if it is before or after midday, from the index. If the degrees indicated by the index increase for two successive observations the sun is mounting towards the middle of the day. If the degrees diminish the sun is descending from the middle of the heavens. It is the same for any star.
2. To find the hour during the night from the stars.
First we observe on the instrument the fixed star we seek from those marked on the network, as we have already done for the sun, by the number or degree of the diopter. Then turn the observed star, and place it on that number of the parallels which we have found by the help of the diopter, then we look under the earth in which hour falls the degree in which the |90 sun is situated: we shall say that that is the night hour with its fractions. It is evident also that we shall, from this, know the degree 'of life', that of the middle of the heavens and those which are diametrically opposite to them.
3. To find the hour during the night, by the help of the moon.
First we find out, exactly, in which sign and in which degree the moon moves. When we know this, we find the moon by help of the diopter, as we have done for the sun, in what degrees of the quadrant the moon is situated; then we turn the rete, that is to say, the true place of the moon, and set it on the number of these parallels in agreement with that number where the diopter has shown us that the moon was. We then look beneath the earth in what hour is the degree where the sun then is; that will show us the hours already past. But, by day or night, you must first of all know if the sun, the moon, or the star under consideration are before the meridian; then you look for them on the parallels that precede the middle of the day, or, if after the meridian, on the parallels that follow the middle of the day. It is evident that here again we know 'the centres' of which we have spoken.
4. To find, by the help of the astrolabe, the ἐποχή, that is to say, the position of the sun.
To find the position of the sun, we lift up the instrument a little before the sixth hour 17 of the day so that a ray of the sun may pass through the two holes of the alidade together; then, little by little, in proportion as the sun mounts, we also raise the alidade so that the ray of the sun may always pass through the two holes. When we see that the sun is no longer mounting, but is beginning to go down again, we say that it is the middle of the day. Then we look on which degree of the quadrant the alidade falls; then, turning the instrument round, we cause the zone of the zodiac to turn; and the degree of the zodiac, which we see coinciding with a certain number of the inner intersection of these parallels equal to the degree observed by the help of the alidade when the ray of the sun passed through it, shows us in which sign and in which degree the sun travels for that day. We shall say that the sun is in that degree, and in the sign which contains it.
But, first we must know in which of the four tropics and seasons of the year we are, so as to search only in the three signs which correspond to that season, and to avoid all error. |91
5. To find, by the help of the astrolabe, the ἐποχή, that is to say, the position of the moon and of the five planets.18
First we take one of the fixed stars marked on the rete, and find out on the quadrant by the help of the diopter in what number (i.e. degree of altitude) it is found. We turn the rete until the star arrives on the same degree of the inner intersection of the parallels: we then fix the rete in this position. We next find out by the help of the pointer of the alidade in which degree of the quadrant the moon is (to be found), then we turn the instrument round, and we seek on the parallels the same number that the alidade has given us. The sign and the degree which correspond to the intersection of the parallels equal to the degree of the alidade give us the position of the moon for that night (or rather: the degree of the zodiac which has the same height. We observe and obtain in like manner as for the moon, and so for the ἐποχή or position of the five planets.
6. To find the ἐποχή 19 of ascension and descent, that is to say, the latitude of the moon.
It is possible to know the degrees of ascension ἀναβιβάζων or the latitude of the moon from the astrolabe, thus: we determine, as usual, the night hour from the fixed stars; in like manner we determine carefully, as we have said,20 the degrees of the moon.21 If both times agree we say that the moon is at the place of the eclipses, i.e. in the διάμεσον of the zodiac. If the time given by the stars is less, and that given by the moon be greater, and if the latter is at the meridian, we say that the moon is to the north of the ecliptic. If the time given by the stars is greater than the time given by the moon,22 and if the latter has not yet arrived at the meridian, it is evident that it is in the ἐποχή. If the time given by the stars is less, we ought to know that the moon is to the south of the ecliptic; if the time given by the stars is greater, we shall say that the moon is to the north of the ecliptic, or to the north of the plane which passes to the middle of the zone of the zodiac. |92
7. To verify whether the astrolabe is true or false.
Let us suppose, for instance, that we are in the fourth climate and that the sun is in the first degree of Aries, we then turn the rete so as to bring this first degree of Aries on to the eastern horizon; at the same time we look how many degrees are marked by the pointer which is on the rete. Suppose that it is then at the middle of the heavens. Next turn the rete until the degree opposite to that of the sun, which is the first degree of Libra also arrives on the horizon. Then let us see the number of the risings (ἀναφοράς) that the pointer of the degrees on the rete has travelled from the middle of the heaven, since the place where the first degree of Aries was placed on the eastern horizon, until that when the point diametrically opposed to the degree of the sun has arrived there, we shall find here 180 (if the astrolabe is well constructed) and we write them on one side.23 After that, multiply by 12 hours the number of the times 24 of an hour opposite the first degree of Aries on the third table σελίδιον for the fourth climate in the canon given by Ptolemy, and add the number of the ascensions placed opposite the degree of the sun for this same fourth climate, in the second table. If the number drawn from the canon is equal to the number given by the pointer of the rete, degrees of the astrolabe is true; if there is a difference of two or three degrees it is evident that the astrolabe is untrue.
We can know it also by the help of the canon made by Ptolemy for the right sphere, i.e. the amount by which the pointer of the rete has moved from the degree or sign of the middle of the heaven, is equal to the number of risings on the right sphere of this degree of the middle of the sky. We can know this for any degree, or any sign. And when we are thus seeking for the risings of any sign and for the risings of the right sphere, it is evident that if we turn the rete as far as the point diametrically opposite to that for which we seek, and if we look at the same time how far the pointer of the rete has moved from the middle of the heaven, since we compared the canon to the astrolabe and did not find the same number we ought to conclude that the canon, or else the astrolabe is badly made, and we ought to examine the two, for the canon of Ptolemy is made from the astrolabe. |93
8. How we should test, whether the pointer is accurate and well made.
In every climate we must first observe in which degree and in which sign the sun is, then we set in place the plate of that clime which is occupying our attention; then we turn the rete until the degree of the sign where the sun is, is in the middle of the heaven (we then note its height). Then, towards the sixth hour, we observe the ray of the sun through the two holes of the alidade until the number of the degrees no longer increases but begins to diminish; and if the number then indicated by the pointer of the alidade is the same as the number obtained when the sun holds the middle of the heaven (by the help of the rete) we say that the pointer is well made and true; if not, we shall know that it is not accurate.
9. How, with the help of any astrolabe we can know how many are the ascensions of each sign in any climate 25 whether to the centre of life, or to that of the middle of the heaven, and what are the 'descents' 26 to the centre 'of nuptials' and to that which is beneath the earth.27
We observe the numbers of the degrees of life and those of the middle of the heaven in the climate which we are investigating, and thus, as a consequence we place the indicator of the degrees of the rete on whichever of the degrees of ascension it stands. After having put the beginning of the sign which is occupying us, on the eastern horizon, we make it revolve on (or to) the parallels, and while this sign is rising we count the degrees of |94 ascension which the indicator of the degrees of the rete describes from when the beginning of the sign was on the eastern horizon until the whole sign has risen: the number obtained gives us the ascensions of this sign for this climate.
So that when the first degree of Aries is on the Eastern horizon, which is (the centre) of life, the pointer of the rete which is the beginning of Capricorn, will be found in the middle of the heaven; and when the whole of Aries rises into the fourth climate, the said pointer of the rete will move about thirty degrees from the middle of the heaven; such will be the ascensions of Aries in the fourth climate. And if we wish to know the ascensions of Taurus, we count the road traversed by the pointer of the rete from the place where it was at first as far as the place where the whole of the sign Taurus has risen above the eastern horizon: this will be the number of the ascensions of Taurus, and so we do for the rest of the signs.
We work again in the same way on the right sphere for the sign and the degrees that we wish to know. Then we place in the middle of the heaven (i.e. on the meridian) the beginning of the sign for whose ascensions we are looking, we then make it pass completely to the middle of the heaven; and the amount by which the pointer of the rete moves from the point where it was when we placed the beginning of the sign which is occupying us in the middle of the heaven, gives us the ascensions of this sign on the right sphere; that is to say, to the middle of the heaven.
After having written what is the number of ascensions to the degree 'of life' and to the middle of the heaven for any sign and for any climate, we must speak of 'the descents' to the west, that is to say, to the degree of conjunction, and about those of the middle of the earth (on the lower half of the meridian). We place the beginning of the sign which is occupying us on the western horizon, then note where the pointer is (to be found), and turn the rete round until the whole sign goes down beneath the horizon; the pointer has travelled a certain distance from when the sign has begun to descend until the moment when it has completely set; if we then count the degrees travelled by the pointer they give us the descents of this sign in the climate which is occupying us. We will proceed in the same way for finding the descents to the middle of the earth; placing the beginning of the sign in the middle of the centre 'of the fathers', i.e. the earth, then we turn the rete towards the eastern horizon until the whole sign has passed through the point of the middle of the earth, and the number of the degrees travelled |95 by the pointer of the rete during this time will give us the number of the descents of this sign to the middle of the earth.
10. To find how many ascensions there are from the beginning of Aries to that of the rising, that is to say, to the Horoscope.
If we want to know how many ascensions there are from the beginning of Aries to the horoscope, that is to say, to the degree of the zodiac which is rising at the hour under consideration, whether diurnal or nocturnal, we place the degree of the zodiac which is occupying us, whether diurnal or nocturnal, on the eastern horizon; then we count how many degrees the pointer, which is at the beginning of Capricorn is distant from the middle of the heaven: we say that the number thus found gives the ascensions from the beginning of Aries to the degree which is rising at the hour which we seek.
We can also find the ascensions by taking in Ptolemy's canon the number written in the second column opposite the degree which we have placed on the eastern horizon, in the proper climate which is occupying us.28 This number of (the) ascensions is also to be found in the table for the right sphere.
11. How one may know by the help of the astrolabe the composition of the hours of the day or the night, or the length or shortness of the day or of the night which is occupying us,29 that is to say (the greatest or smallest distance) of the degree 'of life' or of the degree 'of nuptials'.
We have given the rules for finding the ascensions; it is now well to look for the hours (equinoctials) and the equatorial degrees of an hour (temporal) for all climates. To find the length and the degrees of an hour of a certain day, we place the sun's degree on the eastern horizon, then we note the place where the pointer of the rete falls. Next we turn the sun's degree above the earth upon the parallels until it arrives at the western horizon; after which we count how many degrees the pointer of the rete has advanced since the sun's degree began to move from the eastern horizon until it rests on the western. If we are looking for the (equinoctial) hours (of the day) we divide |96 this number of degrees by 15, so many as we subtract so are the horary times (?) (= temporal hours) of that solar or diurnal degree. When we divide the remainder by 12 we know the parts or minutes which are inserted after them (i. e. intercalary).
If we are seeking to know the amount of hours and the horary times of the night, we place the degree (of the zodiac) opposite (to the sun) on the eastern horizon, then we turn it until it arrives on the western horizon. Calculate the advance or course of the pointer of the rete, as we have said before; then, if we want the hours, divide this number of degrees by 15, and we shall have the equinoctial hours of that night; if we are looking for the horary times, divide by 12, and we shall have the degrees of an hour diametrically opposite to the sun. If we subtract the hours of the day from those of the night, the lesser number from the greater, the remainder will give us the excess of the night over the day, or of the day over the night.
Again, we can proceed in another way to find more easily the number of the hours and the degrees of an hour. When we have found, by the method indicated above, the hours and the degrees of an hour which correspond either to the degree of the sun, or else to the point diametrically opposite, that is to say, reckoning from the degree of life, or else from the degree of nuptials,30 we shall subtract from twenty-four the hours that we have found whether for the day or for the night and the remainder will give us the hours of the night or of the day for that day. As for the degrees of an (equinoctial) hour we shall subtract from 30 31 the degrees of the diurnal or nocturnal hour that we have found for the sun or for the point diametrically opposite, and the remainder are those of that other degree of life or of nuptials or of a nocturnal or diurnal hour.
13. How we can know by the help of the astrolabe which is the more northerly and the more southerly of two cities under consideration.
When the sun is in the first degree of Aries, at the sixth hour we shall find out, with the help of the alidade, what is the meridian height in the city. |97 We observe how many are the degrees of this height on the quadrant (which is on the back of the astrolabe), then we go to the other city which we want to compare to the former and, at the sixth hour, when the sun is in this same first degree of Aries, we take its meridian height in the same way. If, in passing from the first town to the second, the pointer of the degrees of the quadrant on the back of the astrolabe indicates a higher number, by the number of the degrees it has added is the second city more southerly than the first; and if it indicates less degrees the second town is by so much more northerly than the first. It is not necessary for the sun to stand in Aries; it may be in Libra, or in any other sign. You can also use fixed stars, proceeding as we have done for the sun. By the help of the alidade we take the meridian height of the star, and when the pointer indicates more degrees, the corresponding town is more southerly; when it indicates less degrees, the town is more northerly. In this way also we find in which climate we are. We can, again, by means of another method, arrive at the same result: Take a style of iron, or of reed, or of wood, or of any other material, and, when it is exactly six o'clock in the town where we are, find out how many feet there are in the shadow of the style we have set up; then we shall do the same in the other town, the same month, the same day, at the same hour (with a style of the same length); when the number of feet in the shadow is greater we shall say that the corresponding town is more northerly; when this number is smaller, we shall say that the town is more southerly, for the shadow is by so much the longer as the sun is more distant from us about midday and by so much the shorter as we are nearer to it.32
14. How one may know the longitude of one town with regard to another, which is the more easterly and which is the more westerly.
We can know this by the eclipses of the moon or of the sun. By the help of the astrolabe, we take the (degree of the zodiac which is at the) middle of the heaven in both cities, at the beginning or at the end of obscuration or during the whole time of the eclipse; then we send (the result found on) the astrolabe from one town to the other of which we want to know the relative position, east or west. It is written above how we take the degree of the middle of the heaven in the two towns, then we compare the degree of the alidade found (at the same moment) in the two towns. When the number |98 indicated by the alidade is greater, we say that the corresponding town is more easterly than the other for which the pointer indicates a smaller number.33
15. How one can find the difference of the meridian in two towns.
Next, we find in the following manner the difference of the meridians in the two towns. We subtract the smallest number of the indicator of the degrees of the alidade from the greatest and we divide the difference by 15: the number obtained represents (some) equinoctial hours, and we shall say that the distance from one town to the other, to the east or to the west, is equal to the number of those hours. It will be midday first in the town which is more easterly.
Thus, when it is three o'clock at Carthage it is six at Arbela, because the difference of midday between Carthage and Arbela is three hours, and this latter town is three hours more easterly than the former. For example, the longitude of Arbela is 80 degrees and that of Carthage 35 degrees 34; therefore, if we subtract the smaller number from the greater we get 45 remaining degrees which, divided by 15 gives us three equinoctial hours.
16. How we can find out the ascensions of the right sphere, of which Ptolemy has written.
For each climate we look for the sign and the degree that is occupying us, then we multiply the number of the degrees of an hour which is written opposite this degree by the six hours which go from the degree 'of life' to the middle of the heaven. Next we add the ascensions written opposite this sign on the second table and thus obtain the ascensions on the right sphere.
Thus, in the fourth climate, opposite the first degree of Cancer, are written the degrees of an hour, namely: 18 degrees and 7 minutes. If we multiply them by 6 hours, we obtain 108° 42'; then, if we add the ascensions written opposite, which are 72° 22', 35 we obtain 180 degrees 36 for the right sphere, in the first degree of Cancer in our climate. |99
We shall proceed likewise, with the same method, for the other climates and for any sign and degree.
17. How we can know in which climate we are, from the sun or one of the fixed stars.
We observe the sun by the help of the alidade, until it no longer mounts, to the moment when it reaches the middle of the day. We then write the degree that was marked by the pointer of the alidade at the sixth hour. There we take the degree of the sun (in the tables and carry it over to the meridian by turning the rete on the third climate until the degree of the sun and the degree of the pointer of the diopter both intersect the meridian. If, on the meridian the sun intersects the circle of height corresponding to the number indicated by the pointer we say that we are in the third climate, if not we shall have to look in the fourth climate or in the fifth or in one of the others until the coincidence occurs. When that happens we shall say that the corresponding climate is ours.
18. How we can find the latitude of the seven climates.
The latitude begins on the southern straightness or directness (i.e. the equator) and so it is divided into 90 degrees, that is to say the half of the 180 degrees which are on the horizon of the heaven. We turn the rete into each one of the climates until the first degree of Aries is on the meridian.37Then we take those degrees written on the parallels of the middle of the heaven (the degree of height) which correspond to the first of Aries, then we subtract them from 90 degrees and we say that the remainder is the latitude of the climate which is occupying us, starting from the south (from the equator).
19. How we can know, by the help of the astrolabe, the longitude and latitude of the fixed stars.
To know the latitude of the fixed stars 38 we turn the rete round until the star which is occupying us arrives on the southern sign = σημεῖον i.e. |100 on the meridian. Then we observe how many degrees of latitude this star is distant from the zone of the zodiac towards the north or towards the south. For the longitude...
(A sheet is missing here.)
... each of these fixed stars and how many degrees is its distance in latitude as far as the fixed stars, by the help of the astrolabe.
For the latitude, we turn the rete round, as aforesaid until the star which is occupying us stays at the middle of the heaven; then we see how many parallels are to be found both the zone of the zodiac and the star which is occupying us. We take the distance from the zones of the zodiac to the stars and find how many degrees distant in latitude to the north or to the south. Likewise, always using the zodiac and placing (the star) on the eastern horizon, we find on what degree of the longitude of the zone and with what sign this star rises. By this means, we find, in addition whether this star appears 39 to the east or to the west of the sun. A star is visible when it is 25 degrees to the east or to the west of the sun.
22. How, by the help of the astrolabe, we can know the declination of every sign of the zodiac from the equator,40 to the north or to the south for each climate, and in what place is either of the three tropical zones.
The declination of the signs from the zone of the equator is found in the following manner: We take the instrument and turn the rete round until the first degree of Aries is at the point beneath the earth (on the inferior meridian). Thence we know the position of the equator in whatever climate it may be: it is enough to look in what degree of the parallels is (to be found) the first degree of Aries 41 and to make a mark there; then we turn the rete round until the first degree of Cancer comes to the meridian which is the middle of the heaven, and we take the number of the degree of the parallels where the first degree of Cancer falls as well as the degree of the parallels noted before; we subtract the lesser from the greater and the degrees which remain give us the declination of Cancer on the southern equator, that is to say, the zone of winter. This same inquiry gives us 24 degrees for the declination of Cancer to the north, that is to say of the zone of summer from the equator.42 |101 In the same manner we shall find 24 degrees for the declination of Capricorn from the southern side or the zone of winter on to the first degree of Aries from the equator. We shall do the same for any degree and for any sign that we like and shall thus find its declination from the equator to the north or to the south. We should do the same for the sun as we are about to learn.
23. How we can know the declination of the sun from the equator to the north or to the south in every sign and in every degree.
We turn the rete round until the degree of the sun, in whatever sign it may be arrives at the mark of the meridian, then we look to see how many degrees the degree of the sun occupies on the parallels.43 If this number is less than that which corresponds to those of the equator we shall say that the difference indicates the declination of the sun from the equator towards the south, whether it is rising or going down. If this number is greater than that of the equator we shall subtract those of the equator from that of the solar degree on the parallels, and shall say that the remainder represents the declination of the sun to the north of the equator, whether it is rising or going down. The sun rises from Capricorn to Cancer, and goes down from Cancer to Capricorn.
24. 24. Of the measure in latitude of the hemisphere, i.e. of the 180 degrees (which extend) from the north to the south or the division and relative distance of the various zones.
The latitude of the sphere is measured from north to south in the following manner.44 As aforesaid, we measure by the help of the astrolabe on the meridian starting from the first degree of Cancer which is the zone of summer as far as the 90th degree (as far as the zenith in the fourth climate); there are 12 degrees. And from the equator as far as the same 90th degree there are 36 degrees. From the same 90th degree as far as the zone of winter, which is the place of the first degree of Capricorn (we find) 60 degrees. And as far as the southern (zone) called 'antarctic' which is constantly |102 hidden, there are 90 degrees. And from the extreme north of the zone called 'arctic' which is constantly visible, as far as the point which is the centre, that is to say the north pole, through which passes the northern extremity of the axis (of the world) there are 36 degrees. And from this said centre (north pole) as far as the southern extremity (as opposed to the arctic zone), there are again 36 degrees. And from the zone constantly visible, i.e. the arctic, as far as the middle of the heaven (zenith) there are 18 degrees. These (last degrees added) together give 90 degrees, for if we add to (both the width of the arctic zone which is constantly visible as far as the middle of the heaven (zenith) we find 90 degrees. And from the middle of the heaven as far as that which is constantly hidden, that is to say antarctic, we find 90 degrees: hence the whole latitude gives 180 degrees.
There exists another division in five zones made by the philosopher. The first zone called 'arctic' is cold and uninhabitable. Its latitude is 36 degrees from the north pole towards the south. The second is called 'tropic of summer' and counts 30 degrees. The third is called 'equatorial tropic' and counts 48 degrees (of which 24 degrees are) to the north of the equator and the other 24 to the south. The fourth is called 'tropic of winter' (and counts) 30 degrees. The fifth is called 'antarctic' (and also again counts) 36 degrees, namely from its extremity as far as the south pole: in all 180 degrees.
There is further another division made by the astronomer Ptolemy. First the arctic (zone) of 36° 9'. Second (the zone) of summer of 30 degrees. Third the equatorial zone which is 23° 51' to the north (of the equator) and as much to the south. 45 The fourth is (the zone) of winter of 30 degrees. The fifth is the antarctic (zone) of 36° 9'. That makes in all 180 degrees; it is evident that here again this philosopher teaches us to measure the latitude from the north pole as far as the south pole.
The poles are points or positions on which we conceive to be situated the two extremities of the axis which we imagine drawn obliquely from top to bottom, that is to say, from north to south, passing directly to the middle of the centre of the earth, which is also placed equally in the middle of the sphere. |103
25. How, in every climate, we can ascertain the ascensions of the sign which is in the east, and which is called 'the sign of life', and those of the sign which is in the middle of the heaven.
We take the ascensions of the degree of life as we have already shewn.46 First we take the degree of this sign on the eastern horizon, and the western degree on the western horizon. Then we observe on which degree the pointer of the degrees of the rete falls, then we make the whole sign rise above the horizon and observe by how many degrees the pointer of the degrees has advanced, and the degrees of the movement of the pointer of the degrees of the rete and those (which it marked at the beginning) of this sign, we substract the smaller number from the greater, the remainder gives us the ascensions of this sign, and its power over the number of the years.47 In the same way, in working to the middle of the heaven, we find how many hours a sign takes to go to the middle of the heaven, because the various signs do not rise equally above the eastern horizon and in the position of the right sphere. For example, when in the fourth climate we take the ascensions of the degrees of the ascendants, as we have seen above,48 we then look how many degrees the pointer of the degrees of the rete has advanced, then we turn the rete round until the degree of life is on the meridian and we look how many degrees the pointer of the degrees of the rete has advanced, we subtract the degrees of life from the degrees of the middle of the heaven, and in the remainder we find the degrees of an hour for the point of life.
End of the Treatise on the Astrolabe composed by the Abbot Mar Severus of Nisibis, that is to say Sabokt. Pray for him who wrote it.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 These tablets, one for each region, were called by the Arabs saphiahs. The Greeks called them τύμπανοι. Cf. Philopon, chapter 2, p. 62. (This and other notes on Sabokt are by Nau.)
2. 1 A different tablet is needed for each climate. Unfortunately the Syriac text contains no figures of them.
3. 2 Philopon calls these astrolabes διμοιριαῖι and τριμοιριαῖοι (p. 62).
4. 1 [Syriac] signifies in this treatise 'length, geographical longitude, horary angle'.
5. 2 This is the correct sense of the Greek κέντρον although in Syriac more often it means 'centre'. Severus also uses it in the sense of 'point' (the zenith).
6. 3 τὸ μοιρογνωμόνιον (Philopon). Cf. inscription on p. 58.
7. 1 It is here a question of parallels to the horizon, or circles of height. The Arabs have translated this word by almuqanterat, that is to say, according to M. Sedillot, circuit progressionum (Mémoire, p. 154).
8. 2 Because, for Sabokt the winter tropic is at 24° from the equator (cf. p. 101 note) and the colatitude of the fourth climate is 54°. The difference, which gives the meridian height of the winter tropic, is obviously 30 degrees.
9. 3 Word for word 'latitude' and 'longitude'. But it is not a question here of ecliptic co-ordinates. The latitude which is seen and which is carried over to the right south is the height. The longitude which is counted on the outside edge is certainly the horary angle. It will, however, be noticed, that it is always a question of meridian height. One can, therefore, as soon as one knows the latitude of the place of observation, immediately deduce the declension from it. It is probably this which leads our author sometimes to confuse height and declension.
10. 1 This must be the azimuth which is reckoned on the horizon.
11. 2 On the edge of the outside tablet the horary angle is certainly measured distinct from the azimuth. Sabokt calls all the angles (azimuth, horary angle and longitude) by the same word.
12. 3 Cf. the four 'pivots' of the Arabs in Sedillot (Mémoire, p. 96) and Prolegomena of the astronomical tables by Ulugh Beg, translation, p. 195. Cf. Fermicus Maternus II, xiii and xiv quoted below (p. 93).
13. 1 These are the twelve 'celestial houses'. Cf. Sedillot, Prolegomena, and Firm. Mat. loc. cit. (v. infra, probl. ix).
14. 2 This name ἀράχνη is found for the first time in Vitruvius. This writer cites the inventors of the various clocks and sun-dials and adds, 'Arachnen Eudoxus astrologus, nonnulli dicunt Apollonium'. Eudoxus, the astronomer, or according to some, Apollonius (invented) the spider. M. Letronne wrote on this subject, 'M. Ideler conjectures with much appearance of reason that it is a question of a horizontal quadrant, thus named because of the numerous lines starting from the vertical pin as centre and describing a spider's web' (Journal des Savants, 1840-41). In reality this conjecture is false, as Nau has shown at length in his introduction. Cf. p. 54.
15. 1 Literally return and revolution.
16. 2 The sun being thus placed all the astral bodies and all the circles are also set in their true positions. The face of the astrolabe thus represents the position of the heavens at a definite moment, and, to know the hour, it is enough to look at the sign which is at the horizon.
17. 1 It is a matter of finding the meridian height, or the culmination of the sun: that is to say, the point where the sun ceases to rise higher above the horizon before sinking again.
18. 1 The title denotes, as in the preceding article, the meridian height although this is not specified.
19. 2 Word for word: 'the retrogressions'. But then it would be a matter only of finding the maximum and minimum of the latitude of the moon, whereas the demonstration seems to give the sense of the latitude at some epoch.
20. 3 Cf. chapter 5.
21. 4 That is to say, the degree of the zodiac which has the same height.
22. 5 The meaning seems to require here the clause: 'we shall say that the moon is to the south of the ecliptic'.
23. 1 It is a matter of estimating directly the ascensions of a certain number of signs, then of comparing this number given by the astrolabe with that given by a table constructed by Ptolemy (called the author), and analogous, probably to those which occur in the Almagest in Bk. II, ch. vii.
24. 2 'The times of an hour' are the equatorial degrees which correspond to an hour; they are found by dividing by twelve the equatorial arc included between the points of sunrise and sunset.
25. 1 We call 'ascensions (ἀναφοραί) to the centre of life' (on the eastern horizon), which correspond to a sign, the number of the degrees of the equator which are mounting above the horizon while this sign itself mounts completely above the horizon (Cf. Ptolemy, Mathematical Composition, Bk. II, ch. vii, and Bar Hebraeus, Course of Astronomy, Bk. II, ch. iii, sects. 1, 2, 3, 4). The moving of the rete reproduces the diurnal movement; the degrees of the equator are noted on the edge of the astrolabe.
26. 2 καταφοραί, as opposed to 'ascensions' ἀναφοραί.
27. 3 The signification of these four so-called 'centres' is as follows: centre 1, is on the eastern horizon; 2, on the upper meridian; 3, on the western horizon; 4, on the lower meridian. The four places called 'centres' by Severus were also called 'pivots', which is a translation of the word 'cardines' (geniturarum) used by Firmicus Maternus II, xiii.
Each one of the intervals was again divided into three parts, these are the twelve loci of Fermicus II, xvii, or the twelve 'houses' of Severus, for each of these places lodges a sign of the zodiac and some planet. The first house begins at the eastern horizon, and continues towards the lower meridian until the thirtieth degree. 'In hoc loco vita hominum et spiritus continetur.' F. M. xvii, 2. The fourth house begins at the lower meridian. 'Quartus locus, id est imum coelum,... ostendit nobis "parentes", patrimonium.' F. M. II, xvii, 5. The seventh house begins at the western meridian (appellatur occasus a nobis, a graecis vero δύσις... Ex hoc loco qualitatem et quantitatem quaeramus "nuptiarum").' F. M. II, xvii, 8. The tenth house begins at the upper meridian, 'a nobis medium coelum a graecis μεσουράνημα appellatur ' F. M. xvii, 11.
28. 1 In the Almagest, Bk. II, ch. viii, the ascensions of the signs of the zodiac are given for every 10 degrees for the various climates.
29. 2 They distinguish two sorts of hours: 1, the temporal hours ὥρας καιρικάς. There are always twelve of these from the rising to the setting of the sun; and so they differ in length according to the season; 2, the equinoctial hours, these latter correspond to the 15 degrees of the equator; and so they are equal to each other, but the days contain more or fewer of them according to the season. Cf. Bar Hebraeus, Course of Astronomy, Bk. II, ch. v, sect. 1.
30. 1 That means that we calculate the time taken by the sun to pass from the eastern horizon to the western horizon and vice versa.
31. 2 This is accurate, for if the parallel described by the sun has n degrees above the horizon, and as twelve temporal hours of the day correspond to these n degrees, each hour of the day will contain n/12 degrees. But the same parallel will have 360-n degrees below the horizon to which will correspond the twelve hours of the night. Each hour of the night will therefore contain (360-n)/12 degrees, or, as Severus expresses it 30 ( -n/12).
32. 1 This latter method is classic, but has no reference to the astrolabe; the former, if one uses the sun, implies an interval of six months between the two observations, according to the account that Severus gives of it.
33. 1 In reality the degrees of the signs of the zodiac go on increasing from the west towards the east.
34. 2 These longitudes are counted starting from the Island of Ferro and are even a little exaggerated. Longitudes were also counted, starting from the continent, which was 10 degrees east of the Island of Ferro (cf. Bar Hebraeus, Cours d'astronomie, Bk. II, ch. i, sect. 1). This explains how the longitude of Cairo could be 55 degrees as M. Marcel maintained, although it ought to be 65 degrees according to M. Sedillot (Mémoires de l'Acad. des Insc. t. 1, 1844, p. 59). Both numbers are accurate, the origin of the longitudes is different.
35. 3 We can deduce this number from the figures given by Ptolemy in the Almagest, for the parallel of the Hellespont (Ed. Halma, p. 106).
36. 4 In reality 180° 4'.
37. 1 The first degree of Aries being on the equator, its height gives the colatitude of the corresponding place. It is a question here, obviously, only of those countries for which the plates of the astrolabe have been constructed. This rule is given by Macarius Hieromonachus (Rhein. Mus. p. 159). But he does not assume that the first degree of Aries is indicated on the astrolabe: he tells us to observe the sun at the moment when it is at the first degree of Aries or of Libra and to take its meridian height. Here the astrolabe is of no use. We use only the rete.
38. 2 Again, it is a question only of the stars represented on the astrolabe; they are usually few in number, thirty at the most. Cf. Sedillot, loc. cit., p. 167.
39. 1 Bar Hebraeus, Treatise of Astronomy, p. 77
40. 2 It is a question of the declension of the degrees of the zodiac. Bar Hebraeus, Course of Astronomy, pp. 17-18).
41. 3 The first degree of Aries always marks the equator.
42. 4 The author takes a round number for the obliquity of the ecliptic, or rather he borrows his figure from an extremely ancient author. For it was in the time of Aristotle that Eudemus represented the obliquity by one side of a polygon of 15 faces (Letronne, Les écrits et les travaux d'Eudoxe de Cnide, ap. Journal des Savants, 1840-1). If we divide 360 by 15, we find that 24 degrees corresponded to one side of a polygon of 15 faces. It is remarkable that John Philopon describing the planispheric astrolabe from sources analogous to those of Severus, also takes 24 degrees for the obliquity of the ecliptic.
43. 1 Again it is a question of the parallels of height.
44. 2 In the first paragraph the latitude seems related to the zenith of the observer.
45. 1 In the Almagest, Bk. I,ch. x, Ptolemy says that the distance of the two tropics is included between 47° 40' and 47° 45'. If we take 47° 42' we obtain 23° 51' for the obliquity of the ecliptic.
46. 1 See ix.
47. 2 Cf. Firm. Mat. II, xxv, De distributione temporum.
48. 3 See xi.
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Severus Sebokht, On the Constellations. Revue de l'Orient Chretien (1929) pp.327-338. Introduction by François Nau
Severus Sebokht, On the Constellations. Revue de l'Orient Chretien (1929) pp.327-338. Introduction by François Nau
Introduction
The sources used by Severus
Biographical details on Severus Sebokht given by Ms. 364.
The treatise on the constellations, written in 660 by Severus Sebokht, Bishop of Kinnesrin.
Introduction
Severus Sebokht has been known above all as a populariser among the Syrians of Greek philosophy. (cf. E. Renan, De philosophia peripatetica apud Syros) We now know, thanks to a manuscript brought to light by Addai Scher and analysed in ROC 15 (1910), pp. 225-254, that he also played an important role in the transmission of Greek science. This manuscript, (Paris Syr. 346 dated to 1309) only contains his correspondance, through the last years of his life with a certain Basil, priest and visitor in the island of Cyprus. From which we can thus conclude that if he wrote 27 chapters in a few years to a single correspondant, his scientific activity must have been considerable.
The first 18 chapters (folios 78-121v) form a separate treatise, which has its incipit and desinit, and to which Severus refers in a later work. It is this treatise, devoted above all to the constellations, that we are translating here. The first 5 chapters are directed against astrologers. These attributing to the constellations effects related to their name, Severus shows at length that these names have been given arbitrarily and are thus, as he says, pure conventions, which have no relation with the nature of the stars. We will give the text of chapter 4 because it contains long citations of Aratus which are missing most of the time in the Phenomena of that author, which is preserved in Greek. |328 We will also give the text of chapter 5 because it contains all the astrological vocabulary already used by Bardesanes in the Book of the Laws of the Countries as well as the text containing the names of the constellations and of the principal stars, because these names are used constantly throughout the treatise.
Severus then leaves the astrologers to turn to cosmography, which must have been very fashionable because it was the basis for astrology: the number of constellations, their names, remarkable stars. The simultaneous rising and setting of the zodiac, and of other constellations. Noteworthy circles of the celestial sphere; their position, constellations that they intersect. For him (ch. 11) as likewise for Manilius (Astronomics, book 1, ch. 6. ff), the milky way is a great circle. The positions of these circles relative to the various climates leads him to give the names of the climates according to Ptolemy, the length of their days, their latitude. He finishes with the extent of the inhabited and uninhabited earth and throws into relief the existence of the antipodes. He also announces "the measure of the sky" but gives nothing which corresponds really to this title.
Two short fragments of chapters 17 and 18 have been edited without a translation by E. Sachau, after a manuscript of the British Museum, Add. 14538, of the 10th century, in Inedita Syriaca, Vienna 1870, pp. 127-134. The rest is unpublished.
In the various manuscripts (Paris, British Museum, Cambridge, Berlin, Notre Dame des Semences) which preserve for us fragments of the works of Severus, this author is named ܢܨܝܒܢܝܐ, of Nisibis, or Nisibite, abbot and bishop of Kinnesrin. He was thus from Nisibis. Despite his surname Sebokht, which is Persian, he proclaims himself a Syrian.1 He must have been the superior of the monastery (abbot) then bishop of Kinnesrin, without doubt Chalcis, to the south of Aleppo. As A. Baumstark has already remarked very well, Severus was never "Bishop of Nisibis" |329 cf. Geschichte der syr. Literatur, Bonn, 1922, p.246-7.2
In June 638 he wrote on the works of Aristotle 3; in 659 he assisted the Jacobite patriarch Theodore in a discussion with the Maronites before Al-Muawiah cf. ROC IV 1899 p.323; before 661 he wrote the treatise on the astrolabe which we have edited and translated (Paris 1899), because he refers to it twice in the treatise on the constellations written in 661 which we translate today; in 662 he wrote a letter on the epoch of the birth of Christ; a chapter on the climates (ms. 346, f. 134), is without doubt from this epoch because we find a reference in it to the treatise on the constellations written in 661. Finally a treatise on the day when Easter should be celebrated in the year 665 which is perhaps by him leads us to hope that Severus was still alive in that year. A. Baumstark (loc. cit.) places his death in 666-7.
The sources used by Severus
References to Theon, Aratus and above all to Ptolemy are found in his works. Severus Sebokht knew most of the works of Ptolemy: the Geography, the Mathematical Composition (Almagest), the Manual tables, and the works of astrology: the quadripartitum and its summary the Book of fruit. He tells us this in the following text. Ms. Syr 346 f. 59v: After writing that the dragon Attalia does not exist but that eclipses only depend on the nodes ascending or descending from the moon (see the JA Sept-Oct. 1910 p. 219-224) he adds:
[Syriac text].... |330
The calculations with the help of which one finds these nodes (ascendant or descendant) exactly with their causes, are in the book which is named the Rule (canon) of calculations, made by the astronomer Ptolemy on the course and the movement of all the stars. Although many men have preceded and followed him, he shines uniquely at the art of astronomy, more than all the ancients and moderns put together. It is following his thought that we are able to determine the exact and true causes of eclipses, because we have taken a droplet of the great sea of sublime science that his works contain in order to start a discussion, i.e. a stimulant to the lovers of work (φιλόπονοι) so that they continue to apply themselves and do not relax their hunger for wisdom (φιλοσοφία), even though their adversaries scream at them and sharpen their words (against them).
We will stop our discourse here, while addressing with admiration to the |331 Creator of the Universe the words of the divine prophet, wise in all things: Your works are large, O Lord, and that your thoughts are deep. The stupid man knows nothing and the foolish man understands nothing.
End of the treatise on: What is the cause of eclipses of the stars (the Sun and the Moon) and that there is no Atalia (the celestial dragon) and from where the moon gets its light. Made by the holy bishop Severus who is named Seboukt of Nisibis.
The enemies, to which Severus Sebokt has just referred, in the year 661, are neither the Arabs (who are still not writing) nor the Armenians, but the Greeks, because he returns to this subject in the following year (662) and attacks "those who believe that they alone have arrive at the limit of knowledge because they speak Greek"; he charges then the priest Basil with asking certain questions of the Greeks (of the island of Cyprus): As a Syrian and an ignoramus, I transmit these small questions by your hands to those which believe that all science is in the Greek language. I request them to answer all these for me with care, cf. ROC, vol. XV, 1910, p. 250 and 252.
However we have already mentioned that in 659 Severus Sebokt, as an assistant to the monophysite patriarch Theodore, was defeated in a public discussion with "those of Beit-Maron". And this discussion had had a painful continuation: "The Jacobites were overcome and Moawiah condemned them to pay twenty thousand dinars, then he ordered to them to keep quiet; and the Jacobite bishops continued to pay every year the same amount of money to Moawiah so that he would not cease protecting them and that the sons of the Church could not persecute them." 4. It seems possible that it is this failure of the year 659 which left Severus with so much rancour in 661 and 662.
In this case his enemies would thus have been the Greeks, he would have been the assistant of the monophysite patriarch because of his knowledge of Greek, and those who are named the "people of Beit Maron" would be Greeks. In fact the monothelite heresy was propagated and supported by the emperors of Constantinople, and so is a melkite heresy, since the name of Melkites was given to the partisans of the successive emperors. |332
It is possible that in the middle of the th century, after the period when so many monks had been dispossessed of their convents 5, that Beit Maron itself was for a time in the possession of monothelites melkites; we do not know at what time the orthodox might have been driven out of it or returned there, we know less still what the relations of the monastery might be with the mountain dwellers of Lebanon.
Here is another text of Severus against the Greeks to show that the Babylonians, i.e. the Syrians, who taught first the Egyptians and then the Greeks all that relates to astronomy (ms 346, fol. 168v-169):
[Syriac text] |333
That the Babylonians were Syrians, I believe that nobody will deny. Consequently, they are greatly mistaken who say that it is not possible that the Syrians know something of such matters (astronomy), since these Syrians were the inventors and the first Masters in these matters. Ptolemy again renders witness to this in the "Syntax"(Almageste), because when he chooses an origin for the computation of the Sun, the Moon and the five planets, he does not start with the years of Greek kings, but with those of the kings of Babylon, that is, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Assyrians. I said Nebuchadnezzar, not the one of whom the prophet Daniel was the contemporary, but another more ancient. Ptolemy has thus given in the "Syntax" that the years that have passed since this first Nebuchadnezzar ---- i.e. of the Babylonian and Persian kings ---- until Philip (Arrhidaeus) the Macedonian, the successor of Alexander the founder of Alexandria, (are in the number of) four hundred and twenty-four years 6. There he rightly shows that he found among the Babylonians, and not among the Greeks, the beginning and foundation of the calculations which he made. It is thus on this foundation that he built and that he piled up the many calculations that he made."
Biographical details on Severus Sebokht given by Ms. 346.
Here are all the titles which mention him and the details that he gives of his infirmities ca. 661-2 AD.
1. The title of the treatise on the constellations (ms. 346, fol. 78r, cf. infra) 7 reads:
[Syriac] |334
Holy Severus, bishop of Qennesrin (Chalcis), who is named Sebokt, the Nisibite.
2. The end of the treatise (fol. 121v) reads:
[Syriac]
(Treatise) which has been made by the holy (bishop) abbot Mar Severus Sebokt. It has been written in the year 971 of the Greeks (661) in the third year of the indiction. It has been written as the solution of questions and certain demands, coming from men who loved teaching, like that (addressed) to the friend of God, the priest and visitor Basil.
3. The treatise on the astrolabe is older than the treatise on the constellations, which cites it twice (xv, 1; xvi, 5). Thus it was written before 661. It ends:
[Syriac]
Here ends the scholion on the astrolabe which was made by the abbot Mar Severus the Nisibite, i.e. Seboukht.
Here Severus does not have the title of bishop, but only of abbot (head of the convent).
4. Chapter 19, which follows the treatise on the constellations and deals with the conjunctions of the planets, is addressed to the same Basil and ends:
[Syriac] |335
When the planets will join together again is something that I have not been able to write now, because this requires a lot of work, and I am in great weakness from illness and also from old age. I am lying on a bed because of the pain in my feet and, in truth, in all my members. I cannot now apply myself to a calculation like that, and to very minute calculations, because in truth my spirit fails, and even as I write now, I write in great distress, very pressed as I was by the love of your spiritual Fraternity.
5. At the end of chapter 20, on predicting eclipses of the Moon and Sun, Severus again writes:
[Syriac] |336
As for the last question put by the noble man in question who loves Christ (Stephen, "illustrious" and chartulary of all Mesopotamia) that we give him an example (παραδείγμα) of the eclipse of the sun and that of the Moon, this was already done by many people, in particular by Theon, who we mentioned, in the commentary (σχόλιον) that he made on the manual tables (πρόχειρος) (of Ptolemy) 8, (and) I hope that your Fraternity (Basil) ---- and by his intermediary the noble man mentioned ---- knows that I am in a great weakness, as the truth bears witness, and what I wrote, i.e. have written now, (I did) with much pain and lying in bed, with my feet extended because of illness, as his pure deacon, Mar Athanasius 9, who saw me with his own eyes, will be able to tell him, I |337 can do nothing of this sort today, firstly because I am alone in being able to take the trouble with such things and there is no-one else to help me in this, and this research demands much work and considerable spare time, although you perhaps think that it is as easy as the rest, finally because I am preparing at this moment to go to one of the hot springs which are here 10 because of the pain in my feet, or, more accurately (μᾶλλον δέ), of my whole body, which is aged, languishing and very weakened suddenly and without warning. However if the Lord, by your prayers, gives me health, I am still willing to do this; if you are (then) of this (world), (all will be) for the best; if not, if you are dead, let the abovementioned man be advised, and I will send this example about eclipses to him which I will make later if the Lord wishes. I propose this to reassure your Fraternity, but, for the moment, it is sufficient, I believe, and more than sufficient, because of my great weakness and exhaustion of spirit which affects me at the moment, as I have already said several times before.
6. Another allusion to the illness of Severus is found at the end of the chapter on the climates, fol. 129 v.
[Syriac]
I again write this (letter) warmly, although I am in great weakness, like I have already said; I write this lying on a bed because |338 of the pain in my feet and deprived of any human help, so to speak. And I do this, firstly because I am motivated by the spiritual charity which bears all things 11, which endures all things, to speak like the apostle (I Cor., xiii, 7), and then because I ask, as you also suggested, that you show these Greeks who glorify themselves as erudite in these things, that there have also been men among the Syrians who were versed in these matters.
7. In the year 662, Severus returns again to this last subject (fol. 170) and says that the Greeks learned astronomy from the Chaldaeans who are the Syrians. He concludes from this that learning belongs to all and gives as an example the Hindus who have found a means of expressing all the numbers with nine signs. This is here the oldest Eastern mention of the Indian figures, which we have published in Journal As., sept.-oct. 1910, p. 225-7.
Undoubtedly it will be thought strange that Severus of Qennesrin, to the south of Aleppo, and Basil of Cyprus make no allusion, around the year 661, to the conquest of Syria and of the island of Cyprus by the Arabs 12. The reason is perhaps in the hostility of the Jacobites to the Greeks their persecutors; for them the Arabs were liberators who spared them for a long time as they needed them 13. It is this that explains why the th century was still a century of relative rest and great literary activity for the monophysite church.
F NAU.
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. (1) He could already have known the Persian language since there is attributed to him the translation from Persian into Syriac of a commentary on the Peri Hermenias composed by Paul the Persian. Cf. JA Jul-Aug 1900 p.73.
2. (1) However it is not impossible that the fragments on Gregory of Nazianzen in Ms. Add. 14517 (ff.236-240. Catalogue Wright....) also belong to Severus Sebokht, because they are attributed to "Severus..." that is, not to "bishop of Nisibis" which would be different but to "Nisibite bishop" or "born in Nisibis" which is precisely the case of Sebokht.
3. (2) In this year, says the catalogue of Syriac manuscripts at Cambridge p.886 Heraclius came to Amida and from Amida descended to Babylon. It is known at least that in that year the Arabs completed the conquest of Syria.
4. (1) R.O.C., vol. IV, 1899, p. 323. We have given a reproduction of the syriaque text in Opuscules Maronites, first part, Paris, 1899, p. 39.
5. (1) cf Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, II, p. 412.
6. (1) The canon of Kings of Ptolemy begins with Nabonassar in 747 BC, mentions the Assyrian and Persian kings, and places Philippe Arrhidaeus in 324. The difference is 423 years.
7. (2) Between 661 and 1306, copying errors appear in the text, some letters are missing, others are changed. This can be seen by comparing certain transcriptions of the Greek either to the original, or with the way in which the same word is transcribed in other places in the manuscript. An interesting fault is that which replaces the mountain of Crete Δίκτον by Riqton, because this fault also appears in Bar Hebraeus, Course of Astronomy, transl., p. 91, and show us that the scientist primate used, in 1279, a manuscript of Severus analogous to our own.
8. (2) On these tables, see note below, xiv, 10.
9. (3) Perhaps Athanasius of Balad, which is given as a pupil of Severus in Qennesrin, who then lived at the convent of Beit Malka in Tur'Abdin and who was named patriarch in 995 (681). Cf Michael, Chronicle, II, 471; Bar Hebraeus, Chron. eccl., I, 287-9.
10. (1) Severus seems to be saying that there are thermal waters not far from Aleppo. Indeed in Rahmani, Chronicon civil Ecclesiasticum, Scharfé, 1901, p: 128, Magnus, curator and general, goes to Edessa to hot springs which are in a village not far from Emesa. ---- The Father F.M. Abel signalled those which exist close to the Dead Sea, cf. Une croisière autour de la mer Morte (=A cruise around the Dead Sea),Paris, 1911, p. 22, 27, 42, 66.
11. (1) The Peshitto reads [Syriac] omnia sperat.
12. (2) Moawiah had conquered Cyprus as of 648.
13. (3) Perhaps it is necessary to see an effect of the devastations caused in Syria by the Persians and the Arabs when Severus "bishop of Qennesrin": writes, "I am ill... there is nobody else here to help me in this... deprived of any human help so to speak."
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_sebokht_constellations_02_trans.htm
Severus Sebokht, On the Constellations. Revue de l'Orient Chretien (1929) pp. 344-... (Partial translation)
Severus Sebokht, On the Constellations. Revue de l'Orient Chretien (1929) pp. 344-... (Partial translation)
Chapter 1. That the figures (constellations) which are seen in the sky are not by nature, but only by convention.
Chapter 2. On the same subject, that the constellations which are on the sphere are not there by nature, using more convincing demonstrations.
Chapter 3. That there are sections which have been given the names of the signs of the zodiac, because the figures that are {conventionally} allotted to these signs never existed in the zone/belt of the zodiac.
Chapter 4. On the fiction (which allots) a figure to the constellations and the inept (imaginary) fables on their subject by the poets.
Chapter 5. Summary refutation of the astrologers and the poets on the subject of the constellations
Chapter 6. How many and which are these forms (constellations) about which we speak, and on noteworthy stars which they contain.
Chapter 7. On the risings and settings of the constellations, with each of the twelve Zw/dia, i.e. signs of the zodiac which are on the circle.
...
Another work of the same holy Severus, bishop of Kinnesrin, who is named Sebokht of Nisibis, on the figures which are said to be visible in the sky, whether they are by nature or by convention; on their rising and setting. On the circles, that is the zones of the sphere and the heights of poles and the latitude of the climates. On the measure of heaven and earth, on the inhabited and uninhabited parts which are found there. There are 18 chapters. 1
|345
Chapter 1. That the figures (constellations) which are seen in the sky are not by nature, but only by convention.2
1 Since you want to know, O friend of science, if the figures (constellations) that are spoken of as on the sphere of heaven ---- I mean those which are on the zone or on the circle called the zodiac, and those which are to the north or the south of this circle, like the 4 other zones, which are said to be placed among them 3 are really by nature such as they are called or if they are really thus by convention and in words, like also the zones or circles, because there are not only some peoples or uneducated ones, not one people or one language who give them some names and appellations, but many peoples and men very renowned in philosophy and even, to tell the truth, all the peoples and all the languages ---- I will tell you on this subject, O friend of truth, in a few words, that which seems to me good and true.
2 Above it, it is necessary for us to make known to the listener who wants to learn that everything that we want to teach ---- i.e. to make known to others using words ---- cannot be taught without (employing) names and words, which are used to discuss things which exist by nature or those which exist by convention. Therefore the eloquent philosopher listed four things that he said firstly are simple, (i.e.) things to express (fol. 78 v) or things with which to express. I mean: events, thoughts, words and writings. Some (exist) for everyone, namely events and thoughts, and the others not, namely words and writings. So it can be seen from this that the first (two) must be expressed and that the last two will be used to express. For example, the sky and earth and the other elements (στοιχεῖον) which result from them are first {type} and must be expressed, they are identical for everyone, because they exist by nature. But names, words and writings are the latter {type} and are used to express things; they are not identical for every man |346 because they are a matter of convention. There is neither the means nor the possibility of teaching or of learning something about what exists by nature without employing names and denominations which are conventions and fictions, as I said.
3 As some of the things mentioned are common and others particular, it was necessary also to create common names and proper names. When there are many beings, which have the same nature to which (one gives) a common name, we cannot indicate each one of them by this common name (for example) man, because it does not give us a specific or known expression. But the proper name of each, for example Peter and Paul, determines the expression and it is more specific. The same remark applies to all the other things which have between them a common part.
4 About these figures (constellations) which are said to be in the sphere of the sky, this is what we have to say. When the astronomical philosopher wanted to inform us about these stars which appear in this sphere of the fixed stars, how many and which are fixed in the circle (zone) in which the sun, the moon and the five others which are called planets circulate, those which (fol. 79r) belong to the zodiac when they circulate at certain times in longitude and in latitude in this circle (zone) of the zodiac; and again how many and which are those which are away from the zodiac, to the north and south of it; and which are those which do not set ---- I mean those which are in the northern zone which do not set; i.e. around the North Pole ---- and which are those which sometimes rise (without one seeing them set) and sometimes set (without one seeing them rise); and, facing those which rise, which are those which set, and facing those which set, which are those which rise, and which are those whose rising advances and whose setting delays and conversely which are those which are slow to rise and precede (others) in setting, and which are said (to be) in the belt of the zodiac or north or south? and because the stars which are fixed on the sphere of the sky are numerous and without number, it was not possible that by naming them by their communal name, which is that of "star", the listeners could be given a definite and specific impression. It was not even possible to give a name proper to each of them, because the stars are innumerable and unknowable, because they are many and massed and the greatest number of them are invisible, or because of their smallness, as we believe, or because of their elevation, which is true also, it was thus not possible for a man to imagine enough different names for their number, because He is alone That has counted the number of the stars and gave names to all, like (says) the sacred psalmist 4, because nothing of all that is escapes Him, that exists, that did exist or which will be, (being) the Creator and the cause of them all. |347
5 To get anywhere, the philosopher worked cleverly and very ingeniously and using another very clever artifice (fol. 89 v), i.e. more intelligent: he made the discovery, or the adaptation, {of how} to distribute the stars on the sphere, initially indeed into three parts, I mean to the circle (zone) which is named zodiac mentioned earlier, and to the part to the north, and to that to the south, and he divided each of these zones into further different parts, the circle, i.e. the region, in the middle in twelve parts (the zodiacal constellations), that of the north into nineteen (constellations) and that of the south into fifteen 5 and in each of these parts, he determined a group and a figure (including) numerous stars, and he gave to it a name from its resemblance to it does not matter which animal or because the arrangement, that is to say, the order, I mean, or the place or form of the stars which were fixed together in this part of the sky appeared to him thus, or because he found, that the majority of men thus named them according to an unspecified usage, or because he understood the poets to imagine some names and assemble some forms (constellations) according to a poetic artifice which assembles and composes bodies and animals which are not in nature and which creates names which are not common use, but (result) from presumption and analogy.
6 For example the one called scorpion, whether it or its dart, will appear thus even to the ignoramus (ἰδιώτης). And like the boreal Crown, that certain Syrians name the goat-shed and the poets call the Crown of Ariadne; like the Hydra which appears in the form of (this) animal, and the Dragon which has just this form, twisted and contorted. ---- (others are named) following the usage of a great number of men, like the (constellation) named the Eagle, or the Goat, or the Dog of the giant (Sirius), names which one finds even among barbarians. ---- Others are (named) according to the invention of the poets, like the two (fol. 80r) Bears, and like Cepheus, and Cassiopea his wife, and Andromeda their daughter, and Perseus husband of the latter, etc.
7 (The philosopher) neglected the majority of the stars because they could not be counted because of their multitude or could not be seen because their elevation, as was said above, he can only mention the most brilliant and largest, because it seemed to him that it was enough to indicate those, as he found them in the names of this or that form (constellation), to arrive at his goal, which was to teach their risings and their settings, and to talk most about those which, at each time, the seven travel through, I mean the sun, the moon and the five planets. Already from this, according to what has been just said, one can conclude that it is already shown that these (constellations) only exist by convention and in word and not by nature and in truth, as the astrologers and some among the pagans have wrongly imagined.
8 That it is as I said, is again demonstrated clearly |348 in what the Philosopher omitted, as I said, the greatest number of stars, without devoting either indication or mention to them. So among the stars of the boreal zone named "Arctic", after dividing this zone into four using the circles which pass through the tropical points and that are named colures, i.e. (passing) through the poles 6. In only three of these regions, he placed constellations, such as were provided to him by poetic fables; as for the fourth part, he left it without any comment, no doubt because of the number and the low visibility of the stars which are there. That he did this, you can see your own eyes, by looking at the bronze sphere (in margin: astrolabe) 7 ---- (fol. 80 v) on this (sphere) the stars are marked with great exactitude, as well as man can do, with their position, their order and their (respective) distance, all those which are in the constellations that are placed on the sphere of the sky; together with the fixed-positions given of the two poles, north and south; and the tropical zones; and those of the poles; and the circle named zodiac which obliquely intersects the tropical zones, and which is divided equally and in a fixed manner by (the large circles which pass) through the two poles, something that we develop below ---- you see there that in this fourth part of the north of which we have spoken, that which is imitated by two (half)-circles linked by the pole and of which one passes through the beginning of the ram and the other through that of cancer, (the philosopher) has indicated no constellation and has given the name of no star 8.
Chapter 2. On the same subject, that the constellations which are on the sphere are not there by nature, using more convincing demonstrations.
1 As we said above, the constellations received their name from their appearance, or according to the custom which existed among many people, or according to a poetic fable and not as if they were really and by nature so, but only by convention and in word, and so that one could, by certain names and (certain) appellations, count specific stars and make them known to others. Because it is not possible for a man to testify, i.e. speak about, something without names and words, as I have already shown above. |349
2 This is shown to us again by this circle charged with stars which is white, i.e. obscure, which according to the common usage among all the (fol. 81r) Syrians is named the way of those which carry a pail, i.e. way of the pail (Chebil-tebna = Milky Way) and among the Greeks Galacsis (ὁ τοῦ γάλακτος), i.e. of milk. What man endowed with any intelligence ---- when indeed even he could forge or imagine these things which are not at all visible ---- would dare to say or to think that there are in the sky some men who carry a pail or that there is a pail in this area of the intersphere (of fixed stars), or that milk is spread or spilt in this place! Since there is nothing of that, it follows that this is a custom that all men, and also the astronomers and poets, have given these names to the circle so furnished with stars as to cause whiteness, i.e. the obscure colour that one sees there, because of the cluster of stars which are there, i.e. their closeness to each other.
3 The giant (Orion)and the Chariot (the great bear) and the Pleiades and Hyades also testify to this, because each received its name because of a certain resemblance. The divine Book itself 9 did not hesitate to name them thus according to the habit of men, because it says: Who made the chariot and the Pleiades and Hyades and the giant 10, and who surrounded the south, and it does not mention only these, but again Arcturus imagined by the pagan fables of the poets ---- at least in the Greek version of the Bible 11.
4 Why are we astonished that names have been imagined for stars which appear with a certain being, since men have given also names and denominations to things which do not exist. It is so with the days and the months of the year which do not have being, i.e. substance, but are {just} certain intervals and certain space of times. The men of this people and that have also given different denominations and ones which do not resemble each other to the rising and the setting of the Sun and to the phases of the Moon (fol. 81 v). They have joined together and added up 365 days and six hours of the year into twelve months, and they have allotted thirty days in each month. As for the five days which remained, some have added them onto the number of the months and have made some months of 31 days, others have carried them over to the end of all the months of the year, and the Persians have put them between the th and 9th month. And all the peoples and in all the countries have given whatever names to the months that they wishes, some have given to the months the names of their gods, others the names of their kings, others have named them after the things which happened to them with the periods of the year, and others have given them various names which don't mean anything, following some unspecified fable. The Persians have given them the names of their |350 gods, not just to all the months, but also to all the days of the months and even to the five days which were apart from the months of the year 12. The Romans, contrary to the usage of everyone, counted the days of their months from top to bottom. They divided each month into three parts which they named kalends, nones and ides. They gave the name of kalends to the beginning of each month, that of nones to the fifth or the seventh day, and that of the Ides to thirteenth or fourteenth day. After the kalends, i.e. the beginning of the month, they named the second day ---- let us suppose a month when the nones fell on the seven ---- "Six days before the nones", and the third "five days before the nones" and so on until the nones. They did the same for the ides and the calends by counting the days from top to bottom, as we have said at greater length in another place.
5 As it was necessary to distinguish times among themselves and also their parts (fol. 82r) one from another so that there was no confusion between those who speak and those who listen, or between those who give and those who receive, so that things past, present or to come are known, at what time, at what hour, in what part of the year, and on what day they took place; all these things could not be known without denominations and names to indicate times, as has already been said many times. It was thus here necessary again, necessarily, to impose some names. As it was difficult for a man to give names to 365 days of the year, especially because that would have been troubling to the spirit, because of their number and abundance ---- this process would not even be convenient for teaching ---- they thus wisely joined together in one month the thirty days during which, according to their calculations, the moon completes its revolution around the sun 13 and becomes again visible, and they joined together in one year the twelve months during which the moon, like the sun, completes its revolution and gives the four seasons: spring, autumn, summer and winter. Fifteen years they made an indiction. Thus they set names for the months and the years, each one obviously for his own country and language, as he wanted it. Thus there was no more confusion about time, all became easy to find and understand; as well as the events themselves, which took place or which was taking place (fol. 82v) (in these times), and all those sort of things. It is obvious that |351 all this has taken place by convention and not by nature, because the knowledge of all these things is not (the same) for every man.
6 It can be seen that the same again has been done for the measure, i.e. the size, of the earth. Although the earth was one and one of the four common elements, it was difficult to grasp it as a whole; the whole was divided initially into three parts, then each part into many and various countries; each country into various cities with their eparchies; and eparchies into boroughs with their territories. Here again the names for all the subdivisions, I mean for the parts, the countries, the cities and the boroughs, came from the names of the kings who created the countries or built the cities like Egypt, Syria and Cilicia which are named after Egyptos, Soros and Qilikos, and like Rome, Alexandria, Antioch and Constantinople which have the names of kings Romulus, Alexander, Antiochus and Constantine; others imagined unspecified names which mean nothing; like Mabbug and Aleppo and Qennesrin and Emesa etc.
Other countries took the names of the rivers which they surround like Mesopotamia. And if there are other things which have been named in this manner, it is by the same process of division and naming, obviously by convention and not by nature.
7 So that these countries with their cities and their boroughs were easier to grasp, the geographical philosophers, to say it in few words, gave names to the three parts (fol. 83r) about which we spoke for all the inhabited earth: Europe, Libya and Asia Major. They that in Europe there were ten regions (πίναξ), twenty-two countries, a hundred and eighteen large cities; in Libya four regions, seventeen countries, forty-two cities; in Asia Major, twelve regions, forty-four countries and a hundred and ninety cities; in all 26 regions, 83 countries 350 cities, etc 14.
8 To point it out again, men did not hesitate to give human names even to animals without intelligence to specify them more clearly, it also sometimes happened that they gave these names to common things and birds; even more, it happened on the contrary that they gave to men the names of animals or birds or inanimate things or other things. It also sometimes happened that they carved and painted on walls of their houses, in the palaces of the kings, in the form of women, Love and Hatred, Justice and Greed and all things similar; i.e. the virtues and the vices which are however only manners, i.e. operations. It is the same for those which are named νίκας, i.e. victories, when they carry the crowns of the victories and they crown the heads of those who shone at athletics. They again represented with statues of men and women the year and months, the earth and sea, and the four winds, they painted each men and each woman |352 with a certain resemblance, bearing for example the fruits or other things which are appropriate for particular times, i.e. the seasons of the year. It is thus obvious (fol. 83 v) here again that it is used here and in all the similar cases, by convention only and in word, and not as if these things were thus in nature.
Chapter 3. That there are sections which have been given the names of the signs of the zodiac, because the figures that are {conventionally} allotted to these signs never existed in the zone/belt of the zodiac.
1 In addition to what I said, the geometricians and the astronomers come to testify in favour of my thesis ---- I mean that the constellations that are said to be in the sky are not there by nature but by convention only and in words ---- because they name the twelve parts of the circle named zodiac "tmimê", i.e. sections, they have set each one to thirty μοῖρα, i.e. degrees. The name δωδεκατημόριον, i.e. one of twelve, is also used to indicate each of the twelve ζώδια (signs of the zodiac) without ever making use of the inventions and of fables of the poets and the astrologers to indicate the twelve places of the ring about which we spoke. They judged rightly indeed ---- with wisdom and love of the truth ---- in saying what was appropriate for the nature of things, and not what came from an unspecified imagination of the spirit, which can have no solid foundation to recommend it to an intelligent philosopher. It is the nature of the things which imposes a solid choice, or according to the thoughts common either to all men or to most of them, or according to what is testified by the wiser and more select men.
2 Here, as you will see again, o friend of truth, the poets and astrologers did not deal here with the nature of the things. In the seventh part of the zodiac, that they name the Balance, there is nothing there of that kind which is drawn or indicated. He that made the bronze sphere 15 did not find here (fol. 84 r), I mean on the celestial sphere, stars which have such a form, therefore he left this part (of the sphere) without representation and without name. Ptolemy does not give the name of Balance to this seventh part, but he generally names it the sole of the foot, or the nails (χηλαί), namely the sole of the feet of Virgo, or the nails of the arms of the scorpion 16, because the measurement of this seventh section, as Aratus draws it 17, goes from the knees of the Virgin to the elbows |353 of the scorpion. This location, i.e. this place, was not named Balance by them without reason, but because (the Virgin) was named 'just', as loving justice and judgement. Since justice was symbolised by the Balance, it is to mark the justice of the Virgin that they gave the name of Balance to this portion. Also sometimes (the Virgin) is represented with a Balance in her hand. As for the Scorpion which is drawn in the eighth part of the circle (zodiac), except for its arms and for a small part of its belly, all its middle and its other members are outside this part, to the south of the whole zodiac.
3 In the same way Sagittarius 18 which is in the ninth part (of the zodiac) has inside this zone only the part which is like a man, but all the remainder and all the horse-part which he trails after him are to the south of this zone. The Fishes also who are supposed to be in the twelfth part are both to the north of the zodiac, especially that which is more to the East; it hasn't even any part inside the zone (fol. 84v), but it is very distant not only from the diametrical line, i.e. the line of the middle described by the sun, but even from the zodiac. Moreover, these two fish are very distant one from the other, and especially their heads, the head of the first, i.e. the western, who is a little closer to the zodiac, looks to the west, and the head of the other, i.e. the eastern, looks to the north, and the space that separates them is 34 degrees in longitude and as much in latitude. All this part of the dodecatomery, i.e. of the diametrical line of the middle of the zodiac, is lacking in any constellation and even in stars, so that all this space is empty, I mean from the middle of the eleventh (sign) until the first, from the sign named Aquarius to the sign named Aries i.e. Ewe, for 45 degrees. It is the same for other signs. If you look at attentively, you will find an empty space, less however than this one.
4 You will find also the reverse, namely that these animals, i.e. constellations, encroach on the divisions of the others. Thus the lion, which is placed in the fifth division, although all its body is rather to the north of the zodiac, has its head in the north of the fourth part, i.e. division, where Cancer is drawn; it is represented with the head turned towards the west when it rises. The tail of Capricorn, which is in the tenth division, enters the eleventh, which is that of Aquarius. Aquarius itself, i.e. that which pours water, has all of its left arm with the skin, i.e. the coat which covers it (fol. 85r), extended above the back of Capricorn, above the tenth place. We have spoken already about Virgo and the Scorpion and said that the feet of the one and the arms (greenhouses) of the other spill into the seventh division which is named Balance, and that there is no representation there of a balance. |354
5 Thus it is seen that in some places the constellations exceed the measurement of their own dodecatomery, which is, as we said, 30 degrees, and, in places, they are squeezed. Thus in the constellation of Cancer, on both sides, to the east and the west, an empty space is found in his dodecatomery, because its image is squeezed and smaller.
6 Thus, of these twelve figures which are placed in the zodiac, some overspill in places into the others, ---- i.e. into the dodecatomery of the others; ---- and others, in places, are separated and a vacuum is found between them. Some are more to the north, entirely or partly. There are also constellations of which a part is to the north of the zodiac, another to the south, and another in the middle; for example Gemini and Aquarius whose heads are to the north, feet to the south and the middle part of each of them is in the zodiac.
7 Geometricians and certain astronomers, considering all this with wisdom, have named these twelve parts of the circle the sections or dodecatomeries, as we said, and have avoided (fol. 86v) the manufactured names, i.e. the ineptitude of the denominations imagined by the poets and astrologers, which are far away from what results from the nature of things, but made obviously for entertainment, i.e. to amuse and to delight the lascivious, the more indecent and the more luxurious listeners, or, to speak more accurately, those who lack intelligence.
8 So that this is even better understood among those who judge all these things with reason and a right spirit, it is not improper, o friend of truth, to give here a small part of their insanities. We will thus condemn their ineptitudes in few words and quickly, although they have already been made fun of, humiliated, and condemned by all those who have intelligence and who knows, as wise men, to separate the pure from theimpure and the holy from the profane, to speak as the sacerdotal book 19, i.e. between the truth and the lie, the just and the fable. So let us give occasion to all those who find us and will pay attention to us to make more fun of them, and to turn them into ridiculous. Give opportunity to the wise so that he can teach himself, teach the just and he will increase his knowledge, to employ the sacerdotal word.20 |362
Chapter 4. On the fiction (which allots) a figure to the constellations and the inept (imaginary) fables on their subject by the poets.
1 Let us see first their fiction about the figure of (stars) named the Bears. In the zone of the north, which is named Ἀρκτικός i.e that which does not set ---- I mean that which is around the North Pole ---- Aratus 21 supposed ---- as he reproduced on the bronze sphere and as he transmitted in writing 22 ---- that there are two bears, one large and the other small, (fol. 86r) and, between the two, the Dragon. It names that which has seven brilliant stars the large (bear), which we, (and) also the divine Book, name the chariot according to its form. (He names) the little (bear) that which has seven small stars, which are closer to the North Pole (and) resemble, in the order of their layout (σχῆμα), the seven other ones mentioned before. As for these three (stars) which belongs to the seven in each (bear) and which seems to trail lengthily in their disposition following the τετράπλευμοι (quadrilateral), i.e. the four stars which they each have, it appeared that they were the tail of each of the (bears), which has no resemblance in nature, because all bears naturally ---- as the sense of sight shows ---- have a small and (even) a very small tail, which is almost invisible and is not perceived without attention 23.
2 (Aratus) again did the same for the Hare which he drew beneath the feet of the Giant (Orion), because he gives him a long tail, which it bends above its back, like that of a dog, which does not happen in nature for hares which are around us. See the stupidity of their drawings! As for a certain fable (dependent) on this ineptitude, which he has composed about these bears, here it is in a few words:
3 There were two women who had hidden the Master of the gods in |363 the mountain of Riqton 24, in the island of Crete, at the moment when the son of Saturn fled the Corybantes 25. To honour them, they were placed at the sky under this image 26.
4 About the Ram, which they place (fol. 86v) in the first part of the circle, in the zodiac, he says that in the past it carried Héliâ 27 and Phriscos 28 and, as it flew above the sea, the young girl Héliâ was seized with fear, and fell into the sea, and this sea was named, after her name: Hélis Pontôs (Hellespont). Phriscos, when he married, killed this ram, and a bridal bed was made for him from it 29; and, in his honour, this image of the ram was (placed) in the sky.
5 About the Bull, which is in the second part of the same circle (zodiac), they say that in the past the Bull arose from the home of Poseidon (Neptune) into Hellas; as it devastated the country, Theseus came against it and killed it. As the gods wept, to show that the action of Theseus was great and, at the same time to appease Poseidon, they fixed this image of the bull in the sky, the first part of the bull, i.e. its first half 30, its head looking to the East; thus they represent it.
6 About the Lion that they place in the fifth part of the zodiac, (they say) that it was from Nemea, a country of the Pelopone(s)e and that it devastated the country; Theseus, having an quarrel with Hercules, sent him to kill it, and when he came, it killed him 31. The gods, who wanted to show that this combat of Hercules was remarkable, drew the lion in the sky using stars.
7 About the Virgin, Aratus says that she was a goddess and her name was Δίκη (justice) 32 and, in earliest times, when the race of men |364 was of gold, she mixed with men and women, and met them each day (fol. 87r) and spoke with them about justice. Then when the race of men was of silver, she started to avoid mankind, she came in the evening from the mountain and didn't have any more contact with any of them, but when they happened to meet, she warned them to come no closer. Then when there were wars and the race of men was of bronze, at the time when they made swords, she grew to hate all the race of men and flew away into the sky.
8 About the Scorpion that they place in the eighth section, i.e. sign, of the circle (zodiac), i.e. in the eighth dwdekathmorion (in the eighth of twelve divisions of the circle), he compiles a similar fable:
About that which is usually called the Giant by everyone, according to the form of the layout, i.e. of the figure, of the stars, and which the poets (name) Orion, (he says) that he was a hunter and that this man dissatisfied Diana 33, she who spills the blood of stags 34, because he says to her that there was no animal which could evade him, or escape his hand; this enraged Artemis (Diane); she sent against him a reptile, the scorpion, and it pricked him and killed him; therefore both were placed in the sky, namely the giant and the scorpion, one opposite the other, to teach men not to glorify themselves and, since then, each time the Scorpion rises, the Giant flees in front of him.
9 Others imagine another fable on this subject. The gods 35, wanting to test the love of men for foreigners, went down near to a certain Ourôs, king of Beotia 36, then when he had accepted them, and had killed for them a bull and refreshed them, while leaving his house they change, thrown aside 37, the skin of this bull which had been killed, and when the gods urinated on it, using their urine (fol. 87 v) and the hide of the bull they made Orion 38. He, when he existed, lusted after Artemis (Diana); she was annoyed and sent the scorpion against him and, pricked on the heel, he died 39. The gods, having pity on him, drew him in the sky using stars, along with the scorpion.
10 About the Goat, i.e. Capricorn which they place |365 in the tenth δωδεκατημόριον, Aratus 40 again says that it suckled Baalchemaïn 41, but as (the latter) did not have a shield, he killed it and made a shield with its skin, when he fought with the sons of earth. To reward it because it had raised him, he placed, in memory of it, the Capricorn in the sky 42.
11 About the boreal Crown, which is named among the Syrians "the goat-shed", based on its form, he says that it is the crown of Ariadne. She was the daughter of Minos, king of the Cretans, and she loved then Theseus, king of the Athenians, but Dyonisos (Bacchus) abducted her and was with her 43. When she died, to honour her and in memory of her, Dyonisos drew for her, using stars, a crown in the sky.
12 About the Pleiades which they place in the Bull, they say that it is the hair of Berenice. She was a wife of the Ptolemy who was named "maker of good things 44". As the latter was at war, she made the wish that if he returned without harm, she would cut her hair and would put it, (as) an offering 45, in the temple; which (duly) took place. And a certain astrologer 46 rose up and said, to flatter her, that the gods had placed this hair in the sky. From there comes the form of a bunch of grapes of this star which we name Kimâ (Pleiades) 47.
13 Again for the one named Κύκνος (Swan), i.e. Ὅρνις, (hen), (fol. 88r) he imagined a stupidity more obscene: He says that Ζεύς (Jupiter) wanting to have a relationship with Nemesis 48, or, as others |366 say, with Leda 49, and so as not to be seen by Ἥρα (Juno), he took the form of a swan, and he was with her whom he loved, and, for the honour of the association with Jupiter, she was drawn in the sky.
14 About the one which is named Perseus, he says that he was the son of the Master of the gods, son-in-law of Cepheus, and husband of Andromeda. She was the daughter of Cassiopea, wife of Cepheus; Perseus himself was born from Danae, when the Master of the sky 50 (Jupiter) had a relationship with her in the form of gold 51. King Polydectes once sent this Perseus to bring him the head of the Gorgon 52. Mercury gave him a helmet and flying sandals (of the wings to the feet). Ἥφαιστος (Vulcan) gave him a sword distinct from its wool, like a scythe 53. As Aclios (Achilles?) 54, one of the poets, says, the three Gorgons had only one eye 55 for the three of them, with the help of which they saw, and they lent it to each other, and one day when one of them lent to her partner, (Perseus) ran in, seized it and threw it into lake Tritonis (Τριτωνίς) 56. He then went and killed (the Gorgon) and threw it in the lake, and Mrousa (?) with it. He was happy when he had taken the head and had placed it at his side... (Jupiter) 57 honoured Perseus and placed him in the sky, holding the head of the Gorgon.
15 He says again about Ἠριδανός that it was a river and that it was placed in the sky. (fol. 88 v) And he says that it had many pupils, i.e. many eyes. The sisters of Phaeton, when he fell from the sky, cried over him close to the Eridanus, close to which they lived, and they became trees 58, and because of that it was named Eridanus 59.
16 Then for Ἀργώ, i.e. the Ship, of which they say that it is |367 in the series named the Dog of the Giant 60. He says that Hercules made it from the tree named Pqôs 61.
17 They again go on about many other similar things which are more indecent and more insane, but I have placed here in a few words and for memory only this fable of the poets and astrologers about this or that of these constellations which are said by them to be in the sky, by leaving out the greatest part, because I am afraid to inflict 62 boredom on those which read or hear (and) so using what has been said in a few (lines), it is known to you, O friend of truth, as well as to all those who encounter (this writing), that it is with reason that we said that these constellations, i.e. these animals which are said to be in the sky, are not there by nature. Some men, led by the spirit of contempt and very misled, for lack of long experience of piety, have imagined this, they will thus be taken aback at the same time because they seem to fight against the nature of things by these insanities and these fictions which they have forged, and (moreover) because they fight against themselves, when they destroy that which they say and believe, and which they believe and say that which they destroy 63, which is in truth of the last madness and of a spirit which is really deprived of reason, because it knows neither the things of which it speaks nor those which it attacks, understanding neither its own nor those of its adversaries. If there is anything more unintelligent than that, it is for the listener of good sense to decide. |371
Chapter 5. Summary refutation of the astrologers and the poets on the subject of the constellations
1 They hold that things here are determined according to destiny 64 and the distribution of the seven stars and the twelve signs of the zodiac, as they say it, and some (planets) are named dominating, and others (the signs) are their houses 65, with exaltations and |372 lowerings 66, of trigons 67 and tetragons of their facing 68 and their figures. According to their beholdings, their testimonies and the corresponding figures, life and death are given to men, as well as health and disease, riches and poverty, lordship and servitude and all that happens in the dwelling of men.
2 Because they say that if their good stars are present in their exaltations, their trigons, and the tetragons of the sphere, namely in the center of life (the East) or in that of the noces (the West) as they say, or in the middle of the sky (of the honors), or in that which is under the ground which is named Parents 69, and which stars of the same influences behold them, or other influences if they are among the good ones, they arrange for good things for those which were born at this hour, those which are born will be rich and powerful, masters and lords, and of happy life. But when the bad ones are present in these places, in their (places) of exaltation, they say, and in their trigons and that the good things have gone astray and are in humbler places, then are born the weak and the sick, the poor and the subject and loose livers. They say many things of this kind, full of ineptitudes and chattering without end, in intermingling and imagining figures, situations and fates, (fol. 89 v) beholdings and testimonies in the signs of the zodiac which are more appropriate to them, in the most appropriate places and figures, according to the astrology which they have created, in trying to suppress among themselves the freedom and free will that God has given men, so that they destroy the search for perfection and the volunteer tendency of each towards evil, since on their theory there is no reward for good deeds or punishment for evil ones, so that the intellectual life and all the control which results from the free will of men ---- who, according to the holy and true word, were created in the image of God 70 Almighty ---- |373 no longer has any point and they are reduced to animal instinct and an unintelligent life.
3 If it is so for them, and if the things which they preach are certain for them as they say, (what happened to men) when there was not as yet either the tropic sign tropic of the Aries, kingdom 71 of the sun and house of Mars 72; nor Taurus house of Venus and its trigon of day 73, exaltation of the moon and its trigon of night; and Leo house of the sun and its trigon of day but of Jupiter during the night; nor Virgo house and exaltation of Mercury and trigon of day of Venus and, of night, of the Moon; nor Libra, tropic sign and house of Venus exaltation of Saturn and lowering of the Sun, trigon of Saturn of day and Mercury of night; nor Scorpio, house of Mars and depression of the Moon; nor Capricorn, also a tropic sign, house Saturn, exaltation of Mars, depression of Jupiter, trigon (fol. 90 r) of Venus the day and the Moon the night? All this only took place after many generations of men had passed, as the fables of poets say. How then, as has already been shown, was there birth, life, death, richness, poverty etc for men prior to the existence and appearance of these (signs) which give them life, death and the remainder, as (the poets) say? If all this happened to men anyway, in the absence (of the names) of the signs of the zodiac and their figures, i.e. exaltations, depressions and all that is told in astrology on this subject, it follows that the fables of astrologers are lies, when they say that what happens to men is determined by the seven (planets) and the twelve (signs). Even if it were true as they say, that which is said (later) by the poets on the nature of each of (the signs) would be untrue, and any account on their subject would be only a fable, as well as the names that they have given them, as we mentioned above, and both (astrologers and poets) have the same root, or rather both lie, as is the case. These figures, i.e. these animals, which are placed in the sky are thus not there by nature and in truth, but by convention and in word only, as has already been said often.
4 Moreover the astronomical philosopher only names the "figures", and nothing else, because it is obvious that the "figure" belongs to another thing which has this figure by nature and appropriately, and |374 not to it. It is thus in taking the figure of the animals which are close to us, and which have (such a figure) by nature as I said, that they have assimilated and named also the disposition and order and appearance of stars with words, and not because it is actually so. When cranes fly, (fol. 90 v) if a man saw that while flying they formed one of the dispositions which has been written about, he would certainly say that it is the disposition which is written (and not a figure in the sky). Even if the stars are comparable and resemble by their appearance and their order the natural animals which are close to us, we will never say that they are thus in truth and by nature. ---- I sufficiently think of having shown by all that which all the forms which are placed in the sky are not there in truth and by nature, but by convention only and in words.
Chapter 6. How many and which are these forms (constellations) about which we speak, and on noteworthy stars which they contain.
1 To know how, in a certain position (of the sky), a man may know the risings and the settings of the stars, and which are those which are rising or setting opposite others, which are those which turn constantly around the pole and which do not set, which are those which rise more quickly and which set more slowly or conversely, we have said, from the very start, whether there is a cause which has constrained us to give such and such names and denominations to the positions and figures of the stars which are in the sky. As we further wish to say and demonstrate, O friend of work, as we will be able, on all these subjects, we will thus say before everything that it is necessary for us to separate and to indicate the forms (constellations), how many and which they are; how many and which are those which are in the circle (zone) of the zodiac, or to the north or the south (of this zone). 74
|377 75
2 Those which are in the zodiac are twelve 76: the Ram 77; the Bull; Gemini; Cancer; Leo; the Ear (Virgin), the Balance; Scorpio; Sagittarius; Capricorn: Aquarius; Pisces.
3 There are nineteen of them to the north of the zodiac: (fol. 91 r) the Great Bear; the Little Bear; the Dragon, Cepheus; Cassiopea; Andromeda; Δελτωτόνι i.e. the triangle; Perseus; Ἡνίοχος (the Coachman); Βοώτης (the Herdsman) who is Ἀρκτοφύλαξ; the boreal Crown; Ἐνγόνσαιν (the kneeler = Hercules); the snake-handler (Ophiuchus); the Lyre; Ὄρνις (the Swan or the Cross of North); the Eagle; Ὀίξτός, i.e. the Arrow; the Dolphin; the Horse, i.e. Pegasus.
4 There are fifteen of them to the south of the zodiac: Procyon; the Hydra; Κρατήρ, i.e. the Cut; the Corbel; the Centaur; Θηρίον (the Wolf); Θυτήριον (the censer); the southern Crown; the Great Fish (the southern fish); Κῆψος; (the Whale); the River, i.e. Ἠριδανός; Orion, i.e. the Giant; the Hare; the Dog; Ἀργώ (the Ship) 78. ---- In total there are 46, both simple and compound.
5 The large stars and the best known, i.e. the most brilliant which are in the signs that we will discuss: (These are) in the Great Bear, the seven most brilliant, which is named, according to custom: the Carriage; in the Little Bear, the seven which are on its shoulders, one of which, that at the north, is only ten degrees from the North Pole, that at the south is at fifteen degrees, another, at the end of the tail, is also only a distance of ten degrees from the aforesaid pole; in Artcophulax (the Herdsman), Arcturus which is placed between its bones 79; in the boreal Crown and the Lyre the most brilliant of each 80: in Ὀρνις (the Swan), the one which is on its tail, which is the most |378 brilliant; in Perseus, the one which is clearest, which is on the head of the Gorgon and which is also named Gorgon; in Ἡνίοχος (the Coachman), the two most brilliant, one, the Western one, is on its coat, the other, the Eastern one, is on the elbow (ἀγκών) of its right arm, the one which holds the whip; the one which is below the one on the coat of which we spoke, and which is named the Goat; in Andromeda, the one which is on her head, which shines the most; in Pegasus (the Horse), two stars, one which is on its shoulder (Schéat = shoulder) and the other on its ὑποτομή, i.e. on its section, (fol. 91 v) which is at the same latitude as the one which is on its side 81; in the Bull, the Pleiades and the Hyades (Aldebaran); in Leo, the one which is named the Heart of the lion (Regulus) and the brilliant one which is at the end of its tail that is named προτρυγητήρ; in Virgo, the one which is named στάχυς, i.e. the Ear; in Scorpio, Antares 82, which is the one in the middle, most brilliant of the three; in Procyon, the one which is most remarkable and which is on its belly 83; in the Hydra, the most brilliant which is on its tail; in Orion, four stars, two are its shoulders 84, of the two others, the first is on the heel of its first foot 85, the other is under the knee of its other foot; in Ἠριδανός, the most brilliant which is at the end of the river; in the Dog, the one which is on its head, the most brilliant and remarkable, which is named Sirius; in Ἀργώ the one which is on its right foot which is named Κάνωδος, which is closest to the southern horizon 86; in the Great Fish, the one which is in its mouth 87 which is largest and most brilliant; in the Centaur, those which are in the rear shoes which are placed on the southern horizon.
Enough on the number of the constellations, their name, and the remarkable stars which are found there. |379
Chapter 7. On the risings and settings of the constellations, with each of the twelve Zw/dia, i.e. signs of the zodiac which are on the circle 88.
1 Let us return to what we promised above, I mean, to make known the risings and the settings and, step by step, we will talk about each sign. We will begin at the top, i.e. the tropic and northern sign which is named Cancer 89, and which turns also at the northern end of the circle of the zodiac.
2 On Cancer and those which rise with him. When Cancer rises, the following rise with him: From the North (fol. 92 r), the northern tooth (pincer) of Cancer, i.e. its arm, where a star appears on its pincer. And the τρίπλευρος 90, i.e. three stars, which seem like a triangle between the head of Cancer of which we spoke and the left rear foot of the Great Bear, and the left rear foot of the Bear, because it leaves the zone of the north 91; on each foot two stars are seen which form (two) pairs. And the head of Leo, because it leaves the dodecatomery 92 (the 30 degrees) of the Lion, namely to the north and west. On the side of midday, the last and more meridional part of the river Ἠριδανός, and the most brilliant star which is at the end of the river. And the Hare and all the back foot of the giant from the femur and below. And Procyon. And half of the Dog, namely the head on which is seen the brilliant star named Sirius, and its two front legs and the right-hand side rear one and the τετράπλευρος (quadrilateral) which is on its belly, and each star which is seen in front of Ἀργώ, and the head of the Hydra and the claws of the front feet of the Lion, because the right-hand side one is to the south of the zodiac and that of the left is also a little to the south.
3 On Capricorn which is diametrically opposed to Cancer and the signs which set with it.
Here are those which set opposite Cancer: In the zodiac, Capricorn; to the north, the elbow of the right arm of Βοώψης which is extended towards |380 the tail of the Great Bear; and the head of Βοώτης, and the link of the boreal Crown; and all E0ngo/nasin (Hercules) except for the left foot which is on the head of the Dragon, since the knee and below, unlike the knee of his right leg, which is above (fol. 92 v) the staff that Bow/thj holds on which a star is seen, rises the wrong way and it bends on its knees, which is why it was named Ἐνγόνασιν; and the head of the snake-holder (Ophiucus), because its head is close to that of Ἐνγόνασιν; and this τετρ́πλευρος which is behind the shoulder of the snake-holder; and the tail of the snake; and a small part of the coat of Sagittarius which is in the dodecatomery of Capricorn, where three stars in the shape of triangle are visible and the points of the horns of Capricorn because they are a little to the north of the zodiac, and four stars arranged one after another from the West to the East above the wings of the Eagle; and the Eagle itself; and the Western half of Ὀιστός (the Arrow); and the left arm, wrapped in the mantle, of Aquarius, which is below Capricorn; and to the south (of the zodiac) all the Great Fish and the southern (fish).
4 On the Lion and (the signs) which rise with him. When the Lion rises, here those which rise with him: To the north (of the zodiac) the right rear foot of the Great Bear, on the claws of which one sees two stars forming a pair; and the τρίπλευρος, i.e. three stars after the right rear foot of the Bear; and part of the arm of Arctophulax as far as his elbow, I mean that which is beside the tail of the Great Bear; to the south (of the zodiac) the bottom of the Giant, the Dogs and the top of Ἀργώ (Ship) and all its ἀρμενον (veil) and the upper half of the Hydra.
(To be continued...)
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. (1) Severus always demonstrates a very methodical approach. He owes this undoubtedly to his numerous works on the Greek philosophers. He always indicates at the head of the chapters what he is going to say, and he summarises at the end of the chapters what he has said. These phrases, often very long, also betray Greek influence.
2. (1) For the astrologers, the sign of the zodiac which rises at the time of a birth imprints on the new-born baby the characteristics connected to the name of the sign. For example Heniochus (the coachman) makes men born who will be coachmen, Manilius, v, 69 ff.; the goats make men born with lustful hearts, burning for play, and shepherds, ibid, v, 103 ff.; the Hare makes men born who will be nimble runners, v, 159 ff. The Arrow gives rise to archers; it is under this sign, says Manilius, v, 298, that Teucer had to be born. Cf Iliad, VIII, 273-334; XII, 387, 400. Severus thus attacks astrology at its foundation by showing that names given to the constellations are purely conventional.
3. (2) Perhaps the Arctic, Antarctic, and tropical zones.
4. (1) Ps. cxlvi, 4
5. (1) See in chap. VI the names given there to these 46 sections.
6. (1) Κόλουρος means "which has the cut tail", because, unlike the Arctic circle, the colure is always cut by the horizon.
{Note to the online text: http://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/museum/esim.asp?c=200701 on colures: The term colure (from the Greek kólouros = tailless) denotes two special meridians on the celestial sphere. The "Solstitial colure" denotes the meridian that intersects the solstitial points, i.e., the two points touched by the Sun at the summer solstice and winter solstice, when at noon it appears respectively at its maximum altitude and minimum altitude above the horizon. The "Equinoctial colure" denotes the meridian that intersects the equinoctial points, i.e., the two points in which the Sun appears at the spring equinox and autumn equinox, when day and night are of exactly equal length. By construction, the colures and the celestial equator intersect the celestial sphere on perpendicular planes.}
7. (2) This must be the spherical astrolabe, because the plane astrolabe carries only a very small number of stars.
8. (3) There is indeed an area without any figure on which, to fill the chart, someone has since written the words "the Giraffe" and "the Linz" (???).
9. (1) Cf. Job, ix, 9; xxxviii, 31.
10. (2) Homer mentions also the Pleiades, Hyades, Orion and the bear that Vulcan had engraved on the shield of Achilles, Iliad, xviii, 486-7.
11. (3) Job, ix, 9.
12. (1) In his commentary on Alfergani, Amsterdam, 1669, p.20, J. Golius writing following Cazwini that the names of the months, those of the thirty days and those of the five ἐπαγομένων, are taken from gods or demons and angels that the old religion of the Persians and of the mages believed belonged to them. It is this that Severus says, who could learn it at Nisibis from where he originated.
13. (2) The synodical revolution of the Moon is 29d 12h 44m.---- On the months, and on solar and lunar years, see Bar Hebraeus, Cours d'astronomie (Course of astronomy), Paris, 1900 (121th fascicule of the Bibliothèque de l'école des Hautes-Études), p. 167-171 of our translation.
14. (1) Ptolémée, Géogr., VIII, give the same numbers of regions and cities, but he lists 34 (or 35), 12 and 47 countries, therefore in all 93 or 94 countries.
15. (1) In the margin "this is the astrolabe" has been added. This mention has been here brought into the text, in red characters.
16. (2) The "claws" of the Scorpion.
17. (3) On the "sphere" of Aratus.
18. (1) In the margin: "i.e. the great figure".
19. (1) Levit., X, 10.
20. (2) The Phenomena of Aratus, often edited and translated, is summarized by Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne, Paris, 1817, t. 1, p. 61-74, which summarises also the commentary which Hipparchus made of it, ibid., p. 106-180. ---- On Aratus see Fabricius, Bibl.graeca (Harles), IV, 88-117. {Note to the online text: Nau here gives the Syriac text of chapter 4, because of the long extracts from Aratus that it contains}
21. (1) One reads in the margin: "i.e. illustrious". The scribe undoubtedly connected the proper name Aratus with the Greek word ἀριστος.
22. (2) It is thus necessary to distinguish the sphere of Aratus which is undoubtedly "the sphere of bronze" about which Severus speaks, on which the constellations are drawn, and the description of this sphere.
23. (3) This passage is summarized by Bar Hebraeus: "the remarkable saint Severus Sebokt, in the book where he emphasizes the impropriety of these figures (constellations), says: A long tail is given to the bear which is in the sky and it is mistaken, because the bear of our countries does not have a long tail", cf. Le livre de l'Ascension de l'Esprit, Cours d'Astronomie rédige en 1279, translation F. Nau, Paris, 1899, p. 91 (Bibliothèque de l'école des Hautes Études, fasc. 121)
24. (1) Bar Hebraeus, loc. cit., repeats this proper name. It should be Diqton (δίκτη ὁρος) or Ida (although Strabo does not admit this identification).
25. (2) These words are again corrupt. The text reads: "When he fled Qoribitiôs bar Qôriôs." To Aratus, the Corybantes are the helpers of Jupiter and prevent Saturn from hearing his cries: Saturnum fallunt dum Dictaei Corybantes, "while the Corybantes of Ida (Dicté) mislead Saturn."
26. (3) See also Eratosthènes, Catasterismes, and Ovid, Metamorphoses, II, v. 495-531.
27. (4) Hellé; Ἕλλη.
28. (5) φρίξος.
29. (6) Undoubtedly with the (golden) fleece of the ram. We did not find these details in Aratus.
30. (7) We did not find this in Aratus. It is about the bull sent by by Neptune to seduce Pasiphaë, the wife of Minos. From this union was born the Minotaur, half bull and half man. It is the Minotaur which was killed by Perseus, and the first half of the animal was placed in the sky. More often, the Bull is attached to Jupiter who took that form to seduce Europa.
31. (8) Again not found in Aratus. The Nemean lion does not seem to be linked to Theseus, but rather to Juno.
32. (9) Cf. Eratosthenes, Catasterismes, 9. ---- This figure does appear in Aratus, v. 97-136.
33. (1) Aratus, v. 636-646, differs from Severus: Fama est... Orion manibus violasse Dianam. The moral at the end is also missing in Aratus.
34. (2) Seems to correspond to "Diana the huntress".
35. (3) Jupiter, Neptune and Mercury (or Apollo).
36. (4). Ὑριεύς, king of Tanagra, in Beotia.
37. (5) Means perhaps "buried", because after ἀπεσπέρμηναν εἰς αὐτήν, it remained buried for ten months.
38. (6) In the margin "the giant". ---- It would have been initially named Ourion "because he came from urine".
39. (7) According to Horace, Orion was pierced by the arrows of Diana whom he had offended Odes, III, 4, v.71.
40. (1) In the margin, as above, "i.e. famous".
41. (2) In the margin; "a god of the first ". He is Jupiter, who has this name again a little further on: "the Master of the sky." Manilius, I, 362, says that the goat nourished "this Master of the world", but does not contain the continuation, although he knows of the battle of Jupiter with the sons of earth, I, 414-124.
42. (3) Aratus limits himself to saying that the Goat nourished Jupiter. ---- The Goat is also a star of the Coachman. ---- Eratosthenes (n° 27) says that the Goat, the mother of Capricorn, nourished Jupiter at the same time as its kid; later Capricorn, also named Pan and Aegipan, helped Jupiter in his battle with the giants and found the cry named "panic" which put the giants to flight. Jupiter, in recognition, placed Capricorn (Pan) and its mother (the Goat) in the sky. ---- It is after the death of the Goat that he made its skin into a shield.
43. (4) It was Ariadne who taught Theseus how to leave the labyrinth.
44. (5) Translation of Ευργέτης; Bar Hebraeus, loc. cit., p. 91, repeats this passage,
45. (6) In margin: "vow".
46. (7) This is Conon of Samos, according to Hyginus, cf. Eratosthenes, Catastérismes, ed. Io. C. Schaubach, Gottingen, 1793, p. 87 (note to chap. 12).
47. (8) It is a cluster of six (or seven) stars of the fifth size, cf. Bar Hebraeus, loc. cit, p. 100. The telescope shows a great number of stars. ---- Aratus, v.251-267, gives the names of seven stars of the Pleiades but does not mention Berenice.
48. (9) Daughter of Night and Ocean. She changed herself into a goose and Jupiter into a swan.
49. (1) Leda is found in Manilius, I, 337, but not in Aratus.
50. (2) Baalchemaïn.
51. (3) Horace, Odes, III, 11(16), develops this to show the power of gold.
52. (4) According to the poets, Polydectes wanted to make Perseus perish, in order to be able, to obtain Danae, the mother of Perseus.
53. (5) According to others, a helmet, which rendered him invisible, was given to him by Pluto.
54. (6) Is this Achilles Tatius, who wrote an introduction to Aratus? Cf. Fabricius, Bibl. Graeca (Harles.), iv, 42.
55. (7) "An eye and a tooth", says Aeschylus in Prometheus, but he only speaks of the sisters of the Gorgons. Perseus seizes their single eye and returns it when they indicate to him where the Nymphs are who have winged shoes.
56. (8) Libyan Lake.
57. (9) Some words are missing here. In the margin it says: "this was cut off in the exemplar."
58. (10) His three sisters, the Heliades, were changed into poplars. Ovid comments at great length on the history of Phaeton, Metamorphoses, II.
59. (11) It is said that Eridanus was the old name of Phaeton. ---- The Greek of Aratus does not mention Phaeton. Cicero, in his translation of Aratus, introduced Phaeton and his sisters at the time of Eridanus, ca. 390-3.
[glossary: reprendre/repris = taken aback]
60. (1) The two Dogs (Sirius and Procyon) are the sisters of Canopus, the star of the Ship. Cf. Bar Hebraeus, loc. cit., p. 104-5.
61. (2) The Payne-Smith Thesaurus gives [Syriac], i.e. [Syriac], and this last word means cucumber or melon. ---- This sense is not thus appropriate. The ship was perhaps made of πέκος, which means skin or bark, and Severus will have supposed that this was the name of a tree. ---- The mast was an oak of Dodona.
62. (3) "That I will not make" ---- Ms.
63. (4) By astrology, they destroy the free will that they preach, and they dare to preach free will when they destroy it.
64. (2) This is the general sense of [Syriac], but this word is often synonymous with [Syriac] (fortune). The position of "fortune" is calculated by adding to the horoscope (the degree of the zodiac which rises on the horizon at the birth of the child) the number of degrees between the positions of the sun and the moon, cf. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, IV, 2.
65. (3) Or residences, οἴκοι, for example: the Lion, a masculine sign, is the house of the Sun; Cancer, a feminine sign, is the house of the Moon, etc. Ptolemy, loc. cit., I, 20.
66. (1) For example the Sun produces its maximum effect when it is in Aries, because it is there in its place of exaltation, ὕψωμα. Its place of depression, ταπείνωμα is in Libra.
67. (2) Signs are in trigons/trines (τρύγωνα), when they form the points of an equilateral triangle, for example, Aries, Leo and Sagittarius. This figure (σχῆμα, σχηματισμός) is favorable.
68. (3) It is said that two signs "behold" each other (ταῦτα βλέπειν ἄλληλα λέγεται) when they are equidistant from a tropic, Ptolemy, loc. cit., I, 18, thus Gemini beholds Leo. They have equal power.
69. (4) The tetragon (or quadrilateral aspect) mentioned above is similar to the trigon: thus the Ram, Cancer, Libra and Capricorn form one (regular) tetragon; but the "tetragon of the sphere" mentioned here is quite different, it is formed, so to speak, by the cardinal points (γωνίαι, cardines, pivots or hinges), where it rises (horoscope), sets, the higher meridian line (midday) and the lower meridian line (beneath the ground).
70. (5) Genesis, I, 26, 27.
71. (1) Or "exaltation". See above.
72. (2) See above. Capricorn and Aquarius are the house of Saturn; Sagittarius and Pisces that of Jupiter; Aries and Scorpio that of Mars; Libra and Taurus that of Venus; Gemini and Virgo that of Mercury; Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I, 20.
73. (3) The second trigon (equilateral triangle) is formed from Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn, which are three female signs, therefore one allots them to the moon and Venus. The Moon dominates during the night and Venus the day. Ibid, I, 21. All that follows appears also in Ptolemy.
74. We give here the syriaque text which contains these proper names, because it will show us how Severus, in science ---- as he had already done in philosophy ---- enriched the Syriac language by a simple transcription of the Greek words. Apart from the names of the signs of the zodiac, which were already fixed in the time of Bardesanes, the majority of the others were created by Severus; moreover they are in constant use in all the present treatise and it is good that their Syriac form is known. [Syriac text omitted from this online edition]
75. (1) Reading [syriac] as "the lower".
76. (2) In the margin: "These are the στοιχεῖα or malwoschè (signs of the zodiac)".
77. (3) In the margin: "i.e. Ewe". In general Syriac gives Ewe.
78. (4) The syriaque reads "Argos".
79. (5) Ἀνάμεσον τῶν σκελῶν, says Geminus, while Aratus writes: "under the belt" and Manilius: medio sub pectoro.
80. (6) I.e. "each of them has a more brilliant star (the Pearl and Vega)" but Severus does not know a name for them.
81. (1) Undoubtedly Algénib (the wing) and Markab (the saddle) which are on the same parallel.
82. (2) Ἀντάρης, a red star "like Mars". It is named "the heart of the Scorpion".
83. (3) Named "the Syrian Sirius", cf. Bar Hebraeus, Course of astronomy, trad. p. 101.
84. (4) Bellatrix and Betelgeuse.
85. (5) Rigel (the foot).
86. (6) On the rudder, or on the right-hand side oar being used as rudder. Cf. Bar Hebraeus, Astronomy, p. 101-5; "At Maraga, Canopus only rises above the southern horizon by one degree two minutes."
87. (7) Famalhaut = the Mouth of the Fish.
88. (1) This subject appears in all the treatises of Astrology. Aratus explains that natural obstacles can interfere.
89. (2) In the margin: "change, beginning of the three (months) of summer, June etc"; to the north Cancer, the Lion and the Virgin".
90. (3, 4) [Syriac].
91. (5) It forms part of the zodiacal zone.
92. (6-9) [Syriac]
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_bar_penkaye_history_00_eintro.htm
John bar Penkaye, Summary of World History (Rish melle) (2010). Preface to the online edition.
John bar Penkaye, Summary of World History (Rish melle) (2010). Preface to the online edition.
Few people today are aware that Christianity spread east from Palestine, as well as west. There were Jewish communities in Babylonia, as well as in the Greek lands, and translations of the Old Testament exist into Aramaic, the common language of Syria, Iraq and Persia at that period, just as they do in Greek.
The dialect of Aramaic used in the centuries after Christ is known as Syriac, and originated at Edessa (modern Urfa) in northern Syria. Christianity soon spread into the Persian empire, large parts of which used Syriac. The Persians of that period were pagans, fire-worshippers, following the teachings of Zoroastrianism. The fire-priests or Magians were supported by the Persian monarchs of the Sassanid dynasty, and they resisted conversions to Christianity by violence. The conversion of the Roman emperor to Christianity in the fourth century only intensified attacks on Christians, now suspected of looking to Caesar as their lord rather than the Sassanid king. It was not until the th century that Marutha of Maiperqat was able to persuade the king to allow a synod to be held which ratified the decrees of Nicaea (325 AD).
Once Christianity was the state religion in the west, it became the victim of dissentions arising from political and personal causes. The Eastern Roman Empire was an absolute monarchy. No political dissent was permitted. But a certain amount of theological argument was permitted, and the convocation of councils of representatives to decide the issues was normal. As may be imagined, every personal and political problem of the period tended to dress itself in theological garb. Since a knowledge of Greek philosophy and theology was required in order to participate, a vast quantity of Greek literature was translated into Syriac during this period, for use by the Syriac-speaking bishops in the east.
These divisions that affected the church in the th century paradoxically improved the position of Christians in Persia. Most of the eastern Christians supported Nestorius, who was condemned at the Council of Ephesus in 433 AD, and so found themselves on the receiving end of official violence. The existence of the border meant that safety lay in the Persian realm. Similarly the Great King was not at all averse to the Christians of his land being of a different creed to the Roman empire. Under these conditions a Nestorian church, using the East Syriac dialect and based in Persia, spread and grew in importance for several centuries.
The Arab conquest of Persia happened more or less by chance. The early Moslems launched their raids at precisely the point when the Persians had no troops left after their decades-long war with the Romans, and swiftly overran the empire. As a small minority interested only in plunder, they initially left the inhabitants alone as long as they paid tribute. The Arab conquest, therefore, did not affect the Syriac world substantially for a century. Indeed the absence of Roman officials demanding to know whether a priest subscribed to this creed or that -- with violence as the penalty for the wrong answer -- was felt as a positive blessing.
John bar Penkaye was a monk of the East Syriac church. His epithet tells us that his family was from Fenek on the river Tigris in Iraq -- indeed his name means John of Fenek. We learn from Nestorian hagiographies that he first belonged to the monastery of Mar John of Kamul, then that Mar Bassima. He must have been born early in the th century, as he recalls the last great Persian monarch, Chosroes II; and he must have died before 693 as he shows no knowledge of the patriarch then elected.
Most of his works have never been printed. Many are lost. Of those that remain, most slumber in hand-written copies made during the middle ages. These are preserved either in obscure eastern monasteries, or in the great western collections of oriental manuscripts such as those in the Vatican library or the British Library. Too often no photographic copies have been made, and even scholars find access to the text difficult.
The most important of his works is a summary history of the world, which he gave the curious title of "ktaba d-rish melle". This has been preserved in a handful of hand-written copies, none very old. The Syriac world largely perished in the 13th century during the Mongol invasions, and most Syriac texts exist in copies made no longer ago than 1900. This work was written in 15 short books or long chapters -- the Syriac term is "memra" -- and the last is an eye-witness account of conditions in the late th century, within the first century of Islamic rule. John bar Penkaye thus becomes a valuable non-Islamic witness to the events of the period.
John's history has never been properly printed. In 1908 Alphonse Mingana printed the Syriac text of books 10-15, with a French translation of book 15, as one item in a curious volume named "Sources Syriaques", at the press of the Dominican friars in Mosul. This became a rare book, but is now accessible online. He used two hand-written copies for the history. The first was manuscript number 28 of the Chaldean Patriarchate in Mosul (now in Baghdad). This was written in 1875, but copied from a manuscript written in AG 1573, which is 1261-2 AD. The other he claimed was his own. A copy exists in the Mingana collection in Birmingham, but as this was written in 1928, it can hardly be the one used.
Just as the text of the whole work has never been printed, likewise no translation has been made of most of it. Mingana only translated book 15, into French. The great Syriac scholar Sebastian Brock published a translation into English of the passages relating to the rise of Islam. This consisted of the end of book 14 and most of book 15. However he omitted about a third of book 15, because this consisted of reasons why the plague and famine then affecting the Christian community was a punishment from God. There is also a German translation of the end of book 14 and start of book 15, according to Brock.
I believe that a BBC television series is contemplated which will describe the early history of Islam. A researcher has already written to me, and enquired about manuscripts of John bar Penkaye. It seems likely that this will stir interest in this author, and potentially in the Syriac world, and its precious cargo of ancient literature.
For the benefit of the general reader I have ventured to turn the French translation by Alphonse Mingana of book 15 into English, and place the result online and in the public domain. This translation of a translation is what follows. I have also compared the result with Sebastian Brock's translation, and amended it in a number of places, including one or two where Brock's version makes better sense. In the interest of the reader, I have also included the short paragraph on Islam from book 14, published by Brock, and added the substance of a selection of footnotes from both Mingana and Brock.
This translation has no scholarly value. Its only merit is that it exists, that it is free, and that it is accessible to the bn people in the world who have some knowledge of English. I would like to think that John bar Penkaye would approve.
Roger Pearse
10th July 2010
Alphonse Mingana, Sources Syriaques vol. 1, Mosul 1908. Bar Penkaye is part 2 of the book. Syriac text on pp. 1- 174, French translation of book 15, pp. 172 - 197.
Sebastian Brock, North Mesopotamia in the late seventh century: Book XV of John Bar Penkayé's Rish Melle, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 9 (1987), 51-75.
R. Abramowski. Dionysius von Tellmahre (Abh. KM XXV, 2), Leipzig 1940, pp, 5-8. This contains a German translation of the end of book XIV and start of book XV.
This text was written by Roger Pearse, 2010. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_bar_penkaye_history_15_trans.htm
John bar Penkaye, Summary of World History (Rish melle) (2010)
John bar Penkaye, Summary of World History (Rish melle) (2010), book 15
End of book 14
Book 15
Note: Alphonse Mingana only translated book 15. I include Brock's translation of the end of book 14 for completeness:
When the kingdom of the Persians came to an end, in the days of their king Khosro 1, the kingdom of the children of Hagar at once gained control over more or less the whole world, for they took the whole kingdom of the Persians. overthrowing all their warriors who prided themselves in the arts of war.
We should not think of the advent (of the children of Hagar) as something ordinary, but as due to divine working. Before calling them, (God) had prepared them beforehand to hold Christians in honour, thus they also had a special commandment from God concerning our monastic station, that they should hold it in honour. Now when these people came, at God's command, and took over as it were both kingdoms, not with any war or battle, but in a menial fashion, such as when a brand is rescued out of the fire; not using weapons of war or human means. God put victory into their hands in such a way that the words written concerning them might be fulfilled, namely, 'One man chased a thousand and two men routed ten thousand'! How, otherwise, could naked men, riding without armour or shield, have been able to win, apart from divine aid, God having called them from the ends of the earth so as to destroy, by them, a sinful kingdom, and to bring low, through them. the proud spirit of the Persians.
Only a short period passed before the entire world was handed over to the Arabs; they subdued all the fortified cities, taking control from sea to sea 2, and from East to West - Aigyptos and the whole of Mesrin, and from Crete to Cappadocia, from Yahelman 3 to the gates of Alan, Armenians, Syrians. Persians, Byzantines, Egyptians and all the intermediary regions: their hand was upon everyone, as the prophet says. Only half the Byzantine empire was left by them.
Who can relate the carnage they effected in Greek territory, in Kush, in Spain, and in other distant regions, taking captive their sons and daughters and reducing them to slavery and servitude. Against those who had not ceased in times of peace and prosperity from fighting against their Creator, there was sent a barbarian people who had no pity on them.
Having reached thus far, however, in the narrative, let us end this book here, and give praise to Father, Son and Holy Spirit for ever, Amen.
BOOK 15
[Translated by Alphonse Mingana and Englished by Roger Pearse]
While our affairs were prospering, purely by divine providence than by any human help, we saw ourselves victorious, thanks to the assistance of our invincible King, in all the wars raised against us by tyrannical despots; and all of us were saved while the pagan kings remained, because the weak (in faith) who were among us were not left in peace for fear of the persecutors. As soon as someone started dozing in the vigilance of the truth, the furnace of persecution isolated him (from his brothers), without requiring the punishment of a synod. Sometimes when the violence of the persecution slackened somewhat, the fathers met as usual, judged the few current disciplinary cases, solved unresolved problems, and put into force the apostolic discipline, and whatever other disciplinary measures as the circumstances of the time required them to take and decide. Consequently, as I said earlier, our faith was very successful and our way of life flourished. There were, indeed, many synods even before Nicaea, but they were not ecumenical, and were not convoked in order to make a new creed, but only for the purposes indicated indicated above.4 But once peace was restored and Christian kings had taken over the reins of government of the Romans, then vice and scandal entered the Church, and synods and sects multiplied, because every year someone invented a new creed. Security and peace led to many evils. The lovers of glory stirred up troubles unceasingly, using gold to obtain the consent of kings, so they could play about with them like little children. All this happened among the Romans.
As for the Church of Persia, as it was under the domination of the Magians, it was had nothing else to oppose. Although some scandals arose, these scandals, however, were not allowed to grow, because from the first the Lord repressed them. So while these things were going thus from apostolic times to the reign of the last Khosro 5, our Saviour, to whom everything is clear even before it happens, saw how much we had lost during this long peace and to what evils we were led by the interference of Christian kings who wanted us to say that this nature above to all suffering suffered 6 -- something even the demons have not dared to put forward 7. He revealed to us many signs, some of which we did not even notice. For since that unfortunate schism happened right up until today, three times he has showed us the sun which he showed to those who crucified him at the time of the crucifixion 8 along with tremblings, quakes and terrifying signs in the sky, indicating the malice of the heretics and the events that were to happen on the earth.
When he saw that there was no amendment, he raised a barbarian kingdom against us, a people who would not hear supplications, who knew no compromise, no peace, and disdained flattery and meanness. Its delight was in shedding blood without reason, and its pleasure laying hands on everything. Its passion was raiding and stealing, and its food hatred and anger; it was never appeased by offerings made to it. When it had prospered and done the will of Him who sent it, it had taken possession of all the kingdoms of the earth, had subjected brutally all the peoples and brought their sons and daughters into a bitter slavery, had avenged in them the opprobrium of God the Word, and the blood of the martyrs of Christ shed through no fault of their own, then our Lord was satisfied and rested, and He agreed to give grace to his people. So the Lord, to punish the sons of Hagar 9 for the ravages they had made, gave them two leaders from the beginning of their kingdom and divided them into two sections. This was so that we might understand the word that was spoken by our Saviour. But they were united until they had subjected the whole earth, but when they returned to tranquility and rested from war, they fought one another. Those in the West said: "superiority is due to us, and the king must be chosen from among us." Those of the East contradicted them and claimed that it was to them that this was due. As a result of this contention, they came to blows. When they had settled the business according to their methods, the victory fell to the Westerners called Ummayyads 10, and this after a great slaughter that took place between them. A man among them named Mu`awiya 11, took the reins of government of the two empires: Persian and Roman. Justice flourished under his reign, and a great peace was established in the countries that were under his government, and allowed everyone to live as they wished. They had received, as I said, from the man who was their guide 12, an order in favour of the Christians and the monks. Similarly because of his guidance they held to the worship of one God, according to the customs of the old law. Firstly, they were so attached to the tradition of Muhammad who was their leader, that they inflicted the death penalty on anyone who seemed not to obey his commands. Their troops went every year into distant countries and islands, raided and brought back captives from all the nations that are under heaven. From every man they required only the tribute, and left him free to hold any belief, and there were even some Christians among them: some belonged to the heretics 13 and others to us.14 While Mu`awiya reigned there was such a great peace in the world as was never heard of, according to our fathers and our fathers' fathers. It was as if our Lord had said: "I will test you in this way, as it is written: 'by grace and justice iniquity may be pardoned.'"15
The accursed heretics who received such assistance for the present time, instead of evangelizing and baptizing the heathen, as required by the ecclesiastical law, undertook a contrary evangelization, perverting to their sacrilegious (faith) almost all the churches of Rome, and revived and rebuilt what had already been abolished. As a result, most Westerners have always used (the addition to the Trisagion): "... immortal, who was crucified for us." All the churches of (these countries) became like a wasteland.
In the same way as we recounted earlier the deeds of the brave when we deserved praise, we should expose our weakness without concealment: because the Scripture says: "Cursed is he who calls good evil and evil good." 16 This period of calm was to us the cause of so much weakness, that there happened to us what happened to the Israelites, of whom it is said: "Israel has grown fat and lazy, he has become fat and wealthy, he has abandoned the God who made him, and despised the strong one that saved him." 17 The westerners, it is true, clung tightly to their sacrilegious (faith), but we who believe we adhere to the true faith, we were so far from the works of Christians, that if one of the former had risen and had seen us, he would have had been dizzy and said: "this is not the faith in which I died."
So I am forced to reveal everything, so that we know that everything that happened to us, happened to us justly, and that we were punished according to the measure of our deeds and our merits. 18 The bishops have forgotten the command: "preach the word, get up with zeal, in season and out of season, keep trying, in all patience and doctrine." Instead of all this, they did the opposite: they dictated orders and shouting loudly as archons, and sent the terror of their voices to their subjects, like animals without reason. They drew their strength and power not from Christ, but from the civil courts, involved themselves in public affairs and uncanonical quarrels. They tried very much to show themselves ministers of Christ by pride more than by humility. They have many people running before and behind them. They receive ovations on horseback and mules, like hyparchs. One mocks another, and a perpetual confusion reigns among them. They judge harshly and punish severely. They teach not in order to edify, but to glory in twisted words and affected speech, and they always breathe severity. Even in their letters they speak like proud men. Look at those who are set at our head.
But, what of those who come behind them, the phalanx of priests and deacons, who serve not Christ but their belly, who are not concerned about the fracture of Joseph; servants of Caesar and not of Christ, lovers of sordid interests and not the interests of faith. Shrines are built, and there is no one to open the doors. Altars are erected, and they are covered with cobwebs. O! What a crime! What long-suffering!
Let's talk about the leaders and superiors, whose crime has exceeded all limits. Because you have to tell them what they want to hear, or else be prepared to have a war with them, those who have no mercy on the members of Christ: those whose food is human flesh; those who require not only what they asked for (by law), but who are not even satisfied with superfluity; those whose pasture is the poor. They suck human blood like the leeches of Solomon, and don't get their fill. They never intend to do the will of God, so that in their internal hatreds, they cause the loss of the world. They pick up, throw away and give to the moth. Like a tomb, nothing can satisfy their greed. They cannot live in justice, and do not understand that they are men and that it is men they govern. They do not remember they are mortal, and never inquire for whom they collect and hoard. And what is the worst of all, they blaspheme the Most High, believing he is an accomplice of their wickedness. They grow fat on the labours of other, like a calf on grass. They do not understand that the needy exist. Their thought, day and night, is to know who to catch in their net: our rich men. As for the judges, they allow themselves to bribed with gifts. Deception and hypocrisy, anger, malice and harshness, these are their own.
Let's talk about the people, it is open to everyone to live like a sheep, in his own way. The law isn't for him, so he transgresses the law. I would say here these memorable words: all have sinned and made themselves hateful, there is none, not even one who does good. Their throats are like gaping graves, and their mouths are full of curses and poison, and the rest of the chapter (of the Scriptures) is applicable to us. We have forgotten the One who created us, and we never speak of the One who has saved us. We have never thought about what he asks of us. He who excelled in exactions, he was welcome among us. We merely envied those who amassed money, because everyone, as much as he could, put on the yoke of evil, and if someone broke this yoke, it was because he lacked time or strength. What wickedness does not our perverse century not bear! There was no difference between pagan and Christian, the believer was not distinct from the Jew, and did not differ from the deceiver.
Let's say some more about the crimes that we commit! We have all broken the yoke and severed the ties. I strongly dislike saying this, I say it notwithstanding and I will not lie. Because if there is someone who denies with his mouth the truth of what I say, he certainly confesses in his heart that the words I say are true. In Egypt, the mother of witches, witchcraft was not as widespread as in our century. At Babel, the soothsayers and diviners were not so numerous as they are now, within the Christian people. The pagans did not leave the dead unburied, like the so-called Christians of today. We even thought we could seek a refuge apart from God! How can I say this without tears! Who will call such people Christians? Who will call them men who know Christ. Who can consider them as the people of God? They shouted like dogs at the poor who knocked at their door, and looked at the foreigners who traveled for the name of Christ as enemies of God, and that 19 class of monks that the demons themselves fear and that the angels honour were vile and despised in their eyes, they were regarded them like the soiled linen of a woman's period. This is the evil of Sodom, the haughty sister, who fed herself on bread and remained in repose, never lend a helping hand to the poor and needy. Time will show us the things that happen following these crimes. O you who hear me, do these things exist, yes or no? Yes, they exist, and I also who am of your number, and possibly worse than you, I know they exist.
I have yet to disclose other impurities darker than these: persecution of priests, slander against the Saints, trade with unbelievers, union with the perverse, relationships with heretics, friendship with the Jews. What! Are these things real? We are obliged to tell the truth.
You can still see desecrations greater than these: contempt for holy shrines, mockery of the divine sacraments, mocking profanation of the holy day of Sunday, neglect of the meetings which are the feast days of Our Lord, transgression of the law, and of the apostolic canons, termination of emoluments and canonical tithes. Do these things exist, my dear friends, or do they not exist? Yes, they exist.
I have yet to disclose other impurities greater than these: impure and useless ablutions; lying inventions consisting of consulting the lot in the water 20, attendance at the doors of soothsayers, too great attachment to the cinders and ligatures of arms 20, a profane liberty of hiding things in the dwellings of demons 20, a too great facility to allow oneself to be persuaded by the diabolical illusions of dreams; quarrels, disputes, murder, adultery, robbery, theft. What, my brothers! Do these things exist, yes or no? I know they exist, and I am tired of telling others so 21.
All these evils are the product of the period of peace. This is not to say that in these days we are obliged to do all this, but that our wickedness has not enjoyed his honour. This period, if we had wanted, could have been a time of great blessings. Peace reigned everywhere, the land gave us ample fruit. Good health prevailed, friendship was everywhere, commerce was doubled, the children bounded with joy, wealth was widespread, riches were immense, the kings were at peace, there were good relationships between the lords, the roads were open, the enemy's forces were broken, the trumpets of war were asleep. Did all this exist because of what? It is the effect of the hand of Christ, almighty and full of grace. What have we done, we, as an return for all these benefits, if not the iniquity that we recounted above. We have returned evil for good, hatred for love, and we have become ungrateful to our benefactor.22
Therefore when we were mixed up in every evil and all the impurities that we have mentioned, and God looked on and was saddened, and began to show mercy as usual, in order to excite our minds gradually to repentance. There were an earthquake in the city 23, but the hardness of our hearts saw them and was silent. He made signs appear in the sky, and our wicked nature saw them and did not take the hint. He sent grasshoppers and locusts that ravaged the fields and vineyards,24 and none of us wondered the cause of all this. The empire began to totter, and our heart was not moved at all. He used up our strength 25 through taxes, and our thought was undisturbed in any way. The kingdom which ruled us was divided in two sections, each of them raided the other, and the hardness of our hearts did not change. He sent troops, destroyed cities and made the roads deserted. As for us, as we remained penned in our iniquity, like sheep in pasture, (punishment) began to reach us gradually, so that our hearts might awaken, if possible. He brought plague on the cattle, so that perhaps we would wake up, but we thought that this was a mere incident. News of captives being taken and epidemics came to us from our neighbours, and we said that this was a fluke. So I too, taking the part of Christ, I will say with the prophet Isaiah: "Heaven, earth, reasoning beings and unreasoning beings, judge between Me and My people. What could I do to my people that I have not done? For I expected them to do good, and they have done evil. Wait a bit and see what I will do to my people." 26
When Mu`awiya ended his days and left the world, Yazid his son reigned in his stead 27. He did not follow in the footsteps of his father, but he loved children's games and the pastimes of the idle. The strength of men declined under his weak government; because the devil put the finishing touch to the punishment of men, that of useless toil; but God took him soon after. When he had thus left the world, there was one of them (the Arabs) named Zubayr 28, who made his voice heard from afar. He said of himself that he was come out of zeal for the house of God. He threatened the west, as transgressors of the Law. So he went south, into the place where was their place of worship, and settled there. A war with him was prepared, and he was defeated. They even set fire to their own place of worship, and a lot of blood was shed.29 Since that time the kingdom of the (eastern) Arabs has never recovered. So when (Zubayr) died, they elected his son to be emir. The westerners had a general named `Abd al-Rahman ibn Ziyad 30 and the easterners had another called al-Mukhtar 31. Nisibis at that time belonged to the west, and an emir named Ibn `Uthman 32 governed it. Another emir of the westerners named Ibn Nitron 33 attacked him. The westerners said that "Nisibis belongs to us by right because it was part of the realm of the Romans" and the easterners pretended that it belonged to the Persians and that it was rightfully theirs. Because of this conflict, there was great trouble in Mesopotamia. The westerners triumphed and the easterners were expelled. The year after, Ibn Nitron gathered a large army and gathered horsemen to him, (as numerous) as the sand. He set himself up very arrogantly and marched to battle with the 'Akoulians 34. He took with him John, who at that time was bishop of Nisibis 35.
Some time earlier George 36, patriarch of the church of Christ, had been transported to the life of glory, and the patriarchal see was occupied by Mar Hnanisho` the exegete, so Ibn Ziyad promised John that "if you come with me, I will depose Mar Hnanisho` and establish you in his place in the patriarchate." 37 So he long believed that victory would be his, because he had many generals.
But al-Mukhtar was angry with the `Akoulians because they were unfit for war, and he gave order that all their slaves should be freed and enrolled in the army in their place. When this order was published, many slaves, former prisoners of war, gathered to him. He gave them as general a man named Abraham 38, and sent him to battle with Ibn Ziyad, with 13,000 men who were all on foot, without arms, equipment, horses, or tents; but each having in his hand a sword, a lance or a club; and they set off.
When they met on a river named Khazir 39, they fought a terrible battle. All the warriors of the westerners were killed, and their pride was turned into a great shame; they were conquered not by warriors but by weaklings. The man seeking the patriarchate had difficulty saving even his coat. The westerners were cut to pieces, lost their general, while their enemies seized their military stores, their wealth, their equipment, their arms and their silver and they themselves (the westerners) took flight in confusion until they had crossed the river Euphrates.
These slaves were called Shourte 40, a name which indicates their ardour for justice. They came and entered Nisibis, which they took. They seized all of Mesopotamia, and in every clash with the enemy the victory was theirs. When they entered Nisibis Abraham left his brother as general, while he went down to `Akoula. But because the Nisibites wanted a general from their own town, and because Abraham, like his brother, was of the Tayayes 41, they rose up against the latter and killed him together with his officers and set up to govern them one of their country, named `Abu-Karib.
The `Akoulians repented of what they had done, because they saw that their slaves had revolted against them. So they rose up against al-Mukhtar and made war on him. After he had beaten them several times, at last he was beaten and killed by them,42 he and a great army which he had formed from prisoners of war. Many other prisoners assembled and gathered to those who were at Nisibis. And every day they gathered men from all sides and enrolled them with them. They took many fortresses and spread fear throughout the Arabs, and wherever they went they were victorious. From that time God began to be angry against the earth. He stirred and arose like a giant; he caused his sword to flash out and terrified the world; He revealed his arm and the universe trembled; he summoned destruction on all his enemies and began to take vengeance on all those who hated him. It is as if it was said: "I have kept silence for eternity, shall I continue to be silent?" 43 and then: "Now I will arise, says the Lord, now I will lift myself up, now I will be exalted; you shall conceive thorns" and give birth to the bow in your spirit 44 etc.
For seeing that, in all the circumstances that have happened, we had stayed in our wickedness, and did not become penitent; because the priests do not tell us: "where is the Lord your God," and the guardians of the law have not recognised Him; because the pastors have betrayed him, while each of us has retired and said to the Lord "Depart from here," the Lord was justly angry against us. He began to make war on us, not by means of despotic kings forcing us to worship idols, nor by way of the Arians, nor by that of Eunomians, but Himself. By the force of his power the peoples were stirred up and the kingdoms shook. He raised his voice and the earth was shaken. He set people against people, and kingdom against kingdom. According to his word, he created famines, earthquakes and plagues. He handed over the sinning generation to overwhelming and unparalleled tribulations. What they sowed, they reaped. He blew (this generation) away and it disappeared, and he gave us into the hands of raiders. Who can calculate the many tribulations that surround the world; especially the unequalled tribulations of plague and famine? Men were imprisoned (indoors) for fear of raiders, for could not even move away to the places elsewhere where there was security.
In the sixty-seventh year of the empire of the Arabs 45, following the striking signs and the terrors that we talked about earlier, and following the battles and wars through which (the Lord) called us to repentance - but we ignored him - in the same year sixty-seven this cruel plague began, that has not been equaled and never will be, I hope. According to the sacrilegious habit that had developed among men, they did not even bury those whom death reaped, but, like the heathen 46, they abandoned them and fled. From then on brothers and parents became like dogs and animals to those who died, and the crows and vultures were to be responsible for burying them. The bodies of dead men were lying in the streets and bazaars like manure on the earth 47, thus contaminating springs and rivers. Dogs began to eat many while they were still alive; each of them saw his fate with his own eyes. Brother had no pity on brother nor father on son. The compassion of the mother for her children was destroyed; she contemplated their convulsions caused by the pains of death and did not approach even to close their eyes. This was a spectacle filled with heartbreak, a terrifying sacrilege. Those who were still alive were scattered in the mountains, like sheep without a shepherd. They wanted thereby to avoid the plague, but it followed them like a harvester. Dogs and wild beasts heaped them up like sheaves. (What was worst of all), they were constantly hounded by looters, from whom they could not escape, for they wandered about everywhere, following them like gleaners. They would haul them out of hidden places and deprive them of everything and leave them naked. But still they thought that it was possible to escape God without repentance and without returning to him with a heart full of penitence. They beat harshly any that reminded them of this and told him: "Go away from here; for we know that flight is much more beneficial than prayer; we have already repented, but we have not been helped, we can't even do that any more." Men were reduced to despair because of their many sins; such pain came down upon them, and they did not repent at all, because 'the bellows for their fire has failed and their lead is consumed,' according the word of the prophet, and 'it is in vain that the refiner refines them; call them condemned coin, because the Lord has condemned them.' 48 'He has truly rejected them, and his soul abhorred them.' In vain he has allowed his hand to dwell on us: we did not wish for his correction. He has sent locusts and other pests, and we are not at all converted; he has sent raiders, and we have not done penance. He has refused the rain during the three months preceding the harvest and we have been unmoved. Plague has herded us like sheep, but we have only added to our wickedness.
The priests and guardians of the law have perished, and the churches have become deserted. The holy vessels have been soiled. Villages were burned, and the cities laid waste and fear commands every roadway. This was just the first generation, that is to say, the beginning of the suffering. He still continued to chasten us seven times over for our sins 49. All the words of the prophets and apostles, and all the curses contained in the law have been fulfilled against us. We were plundered and scattered over the whole earth 50, we were in distress, like a reed shaken by the winds. We have been in anguish and agitation, like Cain was upon the earth. What then! another calamity hit us that removed from us any means to flee and escape from it. The famine, I mean, and the plague. After avoiding the plague, we were pursued by the famine, and all that remained was carried off by raiders. We therefore need to use the words of Jeremiah; for him, he only wept over one people: Jerusalem, but we must weep over the whole world; let us borrow his lamentations so that our sorrows may be contained; but alas! they cannot be limited, because we do not deserve it: see the noble children of Zion 'lying asleep at the top of every street, like flabby beetroot, having had their fill with the anger of God's wrath.' 51 The hands of caring mothers have cooked their own children, who have served them as food, in the destruction of the daughter of my people; then if I go out into the desert, there are men struck by the sword; if I go into homes, there are men overwhelmed with hunger; and those who were struck by the sword were better off than those who had died of hunger, because the latter wasted away as if they had been wounded in battle.
Our feeble generation has been overwhelmed by this harsh plague; the severity of hunger has made the ruddy hue of men blue, like a sapphire; or they turned black and became like brands rescued from the burning. Many women refused to recognize their children, and many others gave birth and dumped (their children) living from their wombs into the tomb. There were no more people to bury: hunger had left them exhausted and emaciated. The storage pits that the famine had emptied, the same famine filled with human corpses 52. He was deemed fortunate who died quickly; and suffering saturated with curses accompanied him who died several times each day from hunger. How many have you seen who fainted when they opened their mouths to ask for bread! Many over-exerted themselves and collapsed in the streets: their fall was their last gasp. It was a sight truly worthy of grief. 53 Small children especially become a terrifying sight: their faces had changed competely, and their fathers recognized them no more. They ate grass like lambs, they hugged stones (in the desert) and won sleep for themselves: but alas! they were found in the morning like pieces of dry wood. Several mothers ate their children. It often happened that a mother spent the night with her children, but their souls were not in this world in the morning.
How many evils, which our sins merited, have I still to tell? Many, pressed by hunger, died on the roads, and their corpses littered in public places: the men trod on them and passed on. Such was the result of the second trial, or rather these are the effects of the evil conduct that we reported. Would all this suffering not suffice to punish our crimes! No, 'you will be further punished'. 54 Because the poor have died of hunger; because orphans and widows have died for lack of care; because the convents and monasteries were destroyed because the monks roamed everywhere, and the saints went into every country; because the wicked were drying up their compassion; because the rich beheld our ruin and said according to the words of the prophet: when then will the month end and the week pass, so that we can open the granary and decrease the measures, etc. Because, we say, they did not stop thinking malicious thoughts, the prophet said: "you will be punished even more than before." The plague returned again and resumed its work of extermination, and herded men, so to speak, one by one; and he whom the famine had spared was devoured by the plague, and he whom the plague had spared, was finished off by the sword. Our iniquity was suppressed by these tribulations; and because we did not recall the fear of God in our rest, God did not remember his mercy in our suffering; he had neither pity, nor compassion, as we had not pitied the torment and suffering of our brothers. On the day of his anger, He did not think of his holy name, but He allowed us to give ourselves to our sins and withdrew his face from us. He did more, becoming our adversary, declaring war on us and pitilessly slaughtering us in his wrath 55.
These, then, are the causes of the calamities that have come upon us today 56, O beloved of my soul, brother Sabrisho`! It is our iniquity which is filled with bitterness and which breaks our hearts. I am sure that we have reached the end of time: I deduce this from the Holy Books and especially the words of Our Lord; for everything that has been written (about this) has taken place, and men have become deceitful, full of pride, ungrateful, cruel, enemies of good, addicted to the passions rather than the love of God, having the appearance of godliness, but denying its power. The blessed Paul said these things of our times, and here they are fulfilled, and in the words of Our Lord, there is nation against nation, and kingdom against kingdom; there are famines, earthquakes and plagues. One thing only we lack: the army of the Ante-Christ, and I believe that these troubles come from him, according to the words of Our Lord who said: "these things are the beginning of sorrows." The blessed Paul also said: "if that which prevents it at the moment is destroyed, then will appear this wicked one, whom the Lord shall consume with the breath of his mouth, and abolish with the brightness of his coming." What is it that prevents it, if it is not the providence of Our Lord, which he has taken from men. There is no more order, and the laws governing the kings, priests, and ordinary people and even the seasons are overthrown. Because of the magnitude of the iniquity, charity has gone cold, according to what is written. Who do you see today loving his neighbour with the charity of which our Lord has spoken? All classes of men are full of jealousy, hatred, slander and whispering; everyone speaks ill of his neighbour, and there is no one who supports or consoles, and if there be one, he does so in dissimulation and not in truth. The Lord had all this before his eyes when he said: "when the Son of man comes, shall he find faith on the earth?" With whom do you see a shadow of faithfulness? Contemplate those are in the forefront of society, and descend down to me, the last of all, begin with the priests and end with the people, look at the monks and consider carefully the various members of society: do you see a man who keeps his station? Do you notice anyone who follows his own path? Alas! All of us, we walk in darkness; what other stronger evidence do we require for the next fulfillment of the words of Our Lord?
The arrival of the Shourtes, of which we have spoken, and their victory is the work of God, and I believe that they will cause the destruction of the Ishmaelites (Arabs). So is fulfilled the prophecy of Moses, who said: "his hand extends over all and the hand of all is on him." The hand of the Arabs has in fact subjected all peoples, and these Shourtes count among them men of all peoples under heaven. So I think that it is through them that the Arab empire will end. They, in their turn, will cease to exist because they mingle with other kingdoms from which they have taken captives. It appears that the men who avoid the sword, the famine and the plague of today 57, are reserved for greater evils. They have against them a people from distant countries, and the prophets have already predicted their actions. A kingdom will destroy another realm. They (the Shourtes?) have already attemped to destroy the Roman Empire, and even want to rule over all. This is a greedy people who have been called to do the wrong thing and does not know it. Therefore when you know it has been freed from its bonds, arm yourself against inward things; the senses will be a clear sign, and they will understand everything, when they see it.
The earth will then be like wheat in a sieve: it will shake, and the skies will be darkened and the earth will be filled with human blood. They (the Shourtes?) will no longer focus on acquiring a kingdom, they will no longer want gold and they will despise riches, because they will satisfy the will of God. After that, there will be another evil, hidden in good, like a deadly poison in honey. Let us stop here: because here begins the kingdom of the Lord. We have started and finished with him, because everything comes from him, everything has been done by him and everything is directed by him: to him be glory and blessing, for ever and ever. Amen 58.
We have composed briefly these discourses, giving ten years to each word. Do not be surprised if the same happens here; God knows what other events could still happen. It was important to us, to deposit only, with the grace of God, the talent that we have been given, so that many seek, and so that knowledge increases, and so that the many are tired and that one alone finds. He will command the earth a second time, not to give (as in creation) what did not have, but to provide what has been sown in it. Let us be placed, ourselves, in the eastern part of this area! Let us not see the south nor know the north! because we hope that we shall be as we have been, and that we will not be found in the state where we are now 59.
We set out, dear (Sabrisho`), as you know, to tell when the wise creator began to show us his providence, and we have reported how he honoured our creation more than anything else, and we have unveiled our ingratitude to him. We have also recounted what he did before and after the flood; and how he gave his commandments; what he did to the Jewish people through the prophets, and what the Jews did to the Gentiles. (We have also mentioned) that the rebel demons work against us, and how they are always ready to do us harm, but the (divine) grace prevents them. (We have set out) what (God) did by means of the Maccabees, which he revealed to the prophets, and how their words came true; how the people (of God) and the gentiles entered into iniquity and revolted; how he reconciled himself with men without any merit on their part; what mercy he showed them by sending them the Christ; what He did on joining us, how he worked our salvation, dispersed our enemies, raise us up from our fall, and ascended to heaven; and how He honoured his apostles by the descent of the Holy Spirit and how through them he plucked all the peoples from error; how He was with our fathers whom He made victorious, and how He defeated the evil kings and enhanced the glory of His churches. We have shown what the Christian kings did, and what evils the heretics caused; how God changed the events against the world, and what signs he gave to terrify us; how he brought against us a barbarian kingdom and how he punished us temporarily; and how he gave us the means to repent, and how we are rebels and insurgents; and how he overthrew the empire against us and how he punishes us by a severe penalty today 60.
In short, we have shown how he began by our creation and led our steps slowly, like a father with his children and like a teacher and his pupil, and how he will finish with us too. Finally we have put in this epitome all that God did in this world, in his gentleness and forbearance, for mankind, and what men did for him in their wickedness and their errors. What will he do with them in the future? We will leave that question to his knowledge, because the hidden things belong to him, and things visible belong to us and our children. — That, in short, is the history of the world, dear Sabrisho`; we have composed it in epitome, because otherwise we would not have been able to work on it. We have only put the beginning (= the abstract) of the facts, because you can see the end (= extent) in all the books 61. The Lord has helped us do this only in this way; so here let us finish the book, saying, with the blessed Paul, to him who has helped us: to him who do more than anyone, and whose power working in us more than we can think and believe, be glory in his Church, through Our Lord Jesus Christ, through ages of ages, Amen, Amen, Amen, Amen; glory, glory, glory, be to him; three times glorify the Holy Trinity, which has strengthened our weakness, Amen, Amen; let all the people respond: Amen.
Footnotes
The footnotes are given in substance, rather than word-for-word. AM=Alphonse Mingana, SB=Sebastian Brock, RP=Roger Pearse.
1. In fact Khosro II had died in 628 AD, prior to the collapse of the Sassanid empire. (SB)
2. I.e. Mediterranean to Persian gulf. (SB)
3. Unknown, but represents furthest south, as the "gates of Alan" represent furthest north. (SB)
4. This suggests that the Nestorians of the th century possessed a translation of the acts of most local synods held in the west prior to Nicaea. (AM)
5. John bar Penkaye has in mind Khosro (Chosroes) II, or Parwez, who reigned from 590 to 628. This obliges us to believe that John was born early in the th century. (AM)
6. After Justinian proclaimed the "theopaschite" formula in 533, this issue had been the main point of contention between the Roman and Persian churches (SB).
7. An allusion to the protection given by the emperors Anastasius and Justinian to the monophysite party, and by the empress Pulcheria to the Cyrillians. (SB)
8. He means a total eclipse of the sun. Three solar eclipses are recorded in Syriac chronicles, the first two for 25th Aug. 667 and th Dec. 671. Several more took place in this period, some of which would have been visible in the Middle East (SB).
9. I.e. the Ishmaelites or Arabs of the desert, who the bible calls descendants of Hagar, the maidservant of Abraham (Gen. 17: f ). (AM)
10. The battle of Siffin, 657 AD. (SB)
11. The caliph Mu`awiya I, great-grandson of Ummiah, who was Mohammed's grandfather's cousin. He reigned from 661 to 680. (AM, SB)
12. Mohammed. (AM)
13. The monophysites. (SB)
14. The Ghassanids and Lakhmids. (SB)
15. Prov. 16:6.(SB)
16. Isaiah 5:20 (SB)
17. Deut. 32:15. (SB)
18. SB omits the text from this point until note 22. (RP)
19. This together with the earlier phrase shows that Bar Penkaye was a monk. (AM)
20. We have been unable to understand these phrases. (AM)
21. There is nothing to add to this picturesque and simple depiction over a period of two centuries of the manners of the Nestorian church. (AM)
22. End of the portion omitted by SB. (RP)
23. Edessa suffered a devastating earthquake at Easter in 679 AD. (SB)
24. A.G. 990 (SB)
25. Or "wealth" (SB)
26. Isaiah 5:3-4, adapted (SB).
27. Yazid I reigned at Damascus from 680 to 683. He fought against Hussein, son of Ali (680-1), besieged and pillaged Medina (681-2) and was going to attack Mecca and kill the son of Zuebir when he died. The Shi'ites execrate him. (AM)
28. `Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr revolted against the caliphs of Damascus in March 684. He was able to remain independent until 689, when he submitted to `Abdel-Malik. (AM and SB)
29. The events of October 683 are meant here, rather than al-Hajji's seige of Mecca in 692. (SB)
30. He and his brother were generals of Mu`awiya I, who made them governors of Khorassan and Segestan, ca. 673-4. Yazid removed them in 681 and replaced them with their brother Salam. (AM) There is an error here; his brother `Ubaydallah is meant. (SB)
31. Al-Mukhtar son of `Abou-`Oubeida, born in 622, defeated the caliph `Oubeid-Allah, conquered Mesopotamia, and supported the family of Ali. He was defeated by Mosab, the general of the caliph `Abdallah, and put to death in 687.
32. Not otherwise known (SB). [Note that AM gives names as "Son of `Uthman", and SB as "bar Uthman", the Syriac form. It seems more sensible to say "ibn Uthman". RP].
33. Not otherwise known (SB).
34. These are the Kufites, so labelled in the Khuzistan Chronicle, p.36. (SB)
35. John of Dasen, or 'the Leper'. He managed to occupy the see for 22 months until his death in 695 AD. He was in fact a rival candidate to Hnanisho` from the first. (SB)
36. George was patriarch from 659 to 680/1. (SB)
37. Hnanisho` was patriarch from 685/6 to 692/3. The intervening period when the very aged John I was patriarch is ignored. (SB)
38. Ibrahim ibn al-Ashtar. (SB)
39. A little river which rises in the upper part of the district of Marga and flows into the Zab near the ruins of Nimroud. It is noted for the swiftness of its flow. (AM) The defeat and death of `Ubaydallah ibn Ziyad took place on th August 686 AD, according to Islamic tradition, but Michael the Syrian (vol. 2, p. 471) states that it was in AG 996 (so the editor; the ms. says 995), i.e. 686 AD, on 22-23rd September, and that 400,000 died. (SB)
40. Probably "surat", who had "sold" their life for the cause of God (Koran IV, 76) rather than "surta" (bodyguard).(SB)
41. = Arabs. (RP)
42. rd April 687 AD. (SB)
43. Isaiah 42:14. The preceding section is a mixture of biblical phrases. Cf. Ps. 78:65, 143:6, Ezek. 32:10, Is. 52:10, Deut. 32:41. (SB)
44. Isaiah 33:10-11. The last few words are given by Mingana, "et vous enfanterez l'arc dans votre esprit." - "and give birth to the bow in your spirits" is how SB renders it - but does not seem to correspond to the next part of Isaiah, "and you will give birth to stubble." SB gives no reference. (RP)
45. At the end of 686, the same year as the death of al-Mukhtar. (SB)
46. The Zoroastrians. (SB)
47. Using a variant reading in Mingana's edition (SB).
48. Jer. 6:29-30. (SB)
49. Gen. 4:15. (SB)
50. The first part of the sentence is not in the Mingana translation. (RP)
51. Is. 51:20. (SB)
52. Orientals often dig pits to contain grain for which there is no space in the house. (AM)
53. This sentence is not in AM, only in SB. (RP)
54. Is. 1:5. (SB)
55. These pages by an eye-witness which contain a detailed description of the plague and the famine following in 686-7 are among the finest pieces of Syriac literature. (AM)
56. These words, so precise, must be those of a contemporary. (AM)
57. The author recounts, chapter by chapter, the events taking place before his eyes. (AM)
58. This paragraph is difficult to follow and relates prophetically to events to take place at the end of time. (AM) SB stops here. (RP
59. Apocalyptic material relating to the second coming of Christ, and suggesting a millenialist tendency in the author.
60. I.e. the famine of which he has spoken at length. The plagues took place in 686-7. Bar Penkaye must have lived in the th century, and perhaps ca. 617 to 690. From this point the author gives a summary of the contents of his book. (AM)
61. This word does not have the sense of archaeology given to it by Duval, but rather of epitome, summary, abridgement.
This text was translated by Roger Pearse, 2010. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_chronicle_00_eintro.htm
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Preface to the online edition
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Preface to the online edition
Background
Discovery of the Chronicle
Quotations in later writers
Publication
The online edition
Background
The Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea introduced the concept of a table of dates and events for the known world, with each row of the table being one year, and the olympiads signalled every four years. Once this concept existed, continuation was inevitable. Every copyist who reached the end of Eusebius in 325 AD would be tempted to add a few more lines, dates, events.
In the west St. Jerome did just this, translating the table into Latin and bringing it down to his own time. He also added events before 325 which were important in the Latin world but not included by Eusebius. Later Latin continuators added their own years and events on the end.
In the Syriac-speaking world, the scholar bishop James of Edessa did exactly the same. Like Jerome, he added a preface of his own. Like Jerome, he translated the Chronicle into his own language. Like Jerome, he added events to the narrative of Eusebius which the latter had omitted, mostly relating to Persian events. And like Jerome, he continued the table of years down to his own time, ca. 700 AD. And like Jerome, he found continuators who extended his table down the years. He was also quoted verbatim by historians who abandoned the tabular format but made use of his material.
In the west the Chronicle in Jerome's version remained a definitive guide to world history to the end of the middle ages, and formed the foundation of modern chronology. But the Mongol invasions in the 13th century almost destroyed the tradition of Syriac literature, and caused vast losses.
Discovery of the Chronicle
In the 19th century a hoard of Syriac manuscripts were discovered in Egypt at the monastery of Deir al-Suryani in the Nitrian desert and brought to England by Henry Tattam. Among these was a manuscript containing a chronicle in tabular form by "James Philoponus" (James Lover-of-work). This was recognised as a copy of the Chronicle of James of Edessa. The manuscript is today in the British Library where it has the shelfmark Additional 14685.
The manuscript is not complete. It contains almost none of James' translation of Eusebius. A few lines only at the top of the first page seem to be from this translation. The manuscript then contains 9 folios (18 pages) of an introduction, discussing the calculations of who lived when by Eusebius and pointing out some errors. It then begins the "canon", or table of years and events, starting in 326 AD. This continues down to 630 AD, and then the manuscript breaks off. There are several gaps in the middle also. Finally the manuscript is nearly illegible as a result of damage.
Quotations in later writers
The Chronicle of James of Edessa was quoted by later writers, themselves mostly lost. But substantial quotations exist in the extant history by Elias of Nisibis, and in the massive 12th century Chronicle by Michael the Syrian, who also includes tables of years in his work. These sources allow us to continue the table of year numbers and rulers down to James' time, and also fill in some events not present in the British Library manuscript.
Publication
The Syriac text of the table portion, in tabular format, was printed by E.W.Brooks in the Zeitschrift für deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 53, p. 261f. He also added an introduction, which is reproduced on this site, and an English translation of the event-data in the Chronicle given in non-tabular format. He also printed the Syriac text of both the introduction and the canon-table in the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Latinorum series vol. 5 with a Latin translation in tabular format in vol. 6. In the latter case he filled some gaps that he was unable to read in ZDMG, and supplemented the text from Elias of Nisibis and Michael the Syrian. Even so, extensive portions consist of dotted lines, indicating material that he knew was in the manuscript but was unable to read.
The publication is unsatisfactory. Brooks acknowledges that reproducing the exact format in printed form is nearly impossible. Which events relate precisely to which years is sometimes far from clear, in the tabular form. The English translation contained guesses, since it was printed in flat form.
A modern publication would seem to be desirable. The use of ultra-violet light would certainly reveal more than Brooks could read; the use of multi-spectral imaging would probably recover all of it.
The online edition
When I learned that an English translation of this text existed, I felt that it should be placed online and made more accessible. This feeling was increased by learning that Moslem sites make use of the testimony of the Chronicle as early evidence of the life and date of Mohammed. They make use of an entry, in fact, that Brooks did not translate in the ZMDG publication.
On the face of it, it seemed like a simple task to draw the lines on a webpage, using the Latin translation as a guide, and pop into the boxes the English translation made by Brooks. This was not so. Brooks Latin version is more complete and better than his English version. Important entries inside the canon table itself -- of the accession of rulers -- are not included in the English. Brooks never translated the introduction into anything but Latin.
The text placed online consists of my best effort at combining the Latin text from the CSCO with Brooks English version. Where necessary I have translated material from the Latin. I have been forced to omit cross-reference data to other chronicles supplied with the English, as there is really nowhere to put it. Merely drawing the Chronicle in HTML has not been a trivial task.
Unfortunately the introduction is too lengthy for me to attempt to translate it from the Latin. Present circumstances render it impossible for me to commission a translation of the introduction direct from the Syriac, as I would like to do anyway. I hope this may become financially possible in future.
The layout follows that of the Latin version in CSCO 6. I hope that it will be useful, and will encourage interest in this important but neglected text.
Roger Pearse
nd November 2009
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_chronicle_00_intro.htm
E. W. Brooks, The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa. (1899) pp.261-327; introduction (pp.261-265)
E. W. Brooks, "The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa",
Zeitschrift für deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. 53 (1899) pp.261-327; Introduction (pp.261-265)
The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa.
[E. W. Brooks]
In Brit Mus. Add. MS 14,685, dating from the 10th or 11th century 1, are contained fragments of a chronicle by a certain ܥܩܘܒ ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ or James Philoponos. On fol. 1 the title is given as 'A Chronicle in continuation of that of Eusebius of Kaisareia' composed by James ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ". This title is howeverpreceded by a few lines recording the deaths of Licinius and Martin, which must be supposed to form the conclusion of a version of the Chronicle of Eusebius; but whether this is by the same author as the chronicle following there is nothing in the MS to show. The chronicle begins with a long introduction, which is published in full in Wright's Catalogue of the Syriac MSS p. 1062 ff., followed by a discussion of an error of 3 years in the reckoning of Eusebius and a list of dynasties contemporary with the Roman Empire (Wright CBM p. 1064) 2. After this introductory matter, which occupies 9 folios, we have the chronicle proper, which begins on fol. 10 with the 21st year of Constantine (326), and extends with several gaps down to the year 630, where it breaks off. In the middle of each page is a chronological canon, in which the years from the beginning of the chronicle are equated with the Olympic years and the years of the Roman, Persian, and Arabic sovereigns. It would appear also that originally an equation with the Seleucid reckoning was given every ten years; but in our MS only a few of these remain, and of these a large proportion are incorrect 3. At each side of the canon, and sometimes also above and below it, historical notices are inserted. It is probable that originally each notice was written against a particular year in the canon; but such juxtaposition is easily lost in copying, |262 and little confidence can be placed in the dates derived from the position of the notices in our MS 4. In a few cases however a consulate or a Seleucid or regnal year is given in the text.
As the fragments are at present bound up, several of them are in the wrong order: thus a little examination makes it clear that the fragments on fols. 11 and 13 belong to the same folio, while other corrections may be made by simply observing the years in the canon: such corrections are mentioned in the notes on the text below.
As to the author, the same name ܥܩܘܒ ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ occurs also as that of the scribe of Add. MS 17,134, written in 675 (Wright CBM p. 336). Wright in both cases identifies the writer with. James of Edessa, and in the case of 17,134 supports the identification by arguments given on p. 338; and I may here add that the careful transliteration of Greek names noted by Wright in 17,134 is found also in 14,685, but, as is natural in the case of a copy, with less perfect accuracy.
M. Nau however in an article in the Journal Asiatique 1898 contests the identification on the following grounds.
1. James of Edessa is never called ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ; and, as his chronicle was written after his elevation to the bishopric, he must necessarily have given his episcopal designation, or at any rate it must have been added by a scribe; and even in 17,134 it would have been added afterwards.
To this it may be answered that James resigned his see in 688 after an episcopate of 4 years and was not restored till 4 months before his death in 708; hence, if the chronicle was written during these 20 years, he could scarcely have used the episcopal title; and, though a scribe might have been expected to supply it, we can hardly affirm that such must necessarily have been the case. In 17,134, written before his elevation, the title could not possibly have been given, and it is surely unreasonable to say that some reader must have added it in the margin. The reason that ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ is not elsewhere found applied to James of Edessa may be sought in the practice of transcribers of giving the titles of works in their own words. If we had the beginning of the chronicle, we should perhaps find the author described as ܥܩܘܒ ܐܘܪܗܝܐ5.
2. Our chronicle is too short to be the celebrated work of James of Edessa, and the citations from James in Michael [the Syrian] are not found in it. Moreover our chronicle is a continuation of Eusebius, whereas Gregory [Bar Hebraeus] quotes James as supporting Eusebius, and the Bibliothèque |263 Nationale possesses a MS 6 which contains extracts from the chronicle of James, dealing with a period anterior to Constantine.
To this I answer that our chronicle is not the full work of James but only a series of extracts from it. This may be proved from the existing fragments; for on fol. 21 v we find the following statements "And, when he soon died, John came in, the predecessor of Felix, of whom it has been previously stated that he had been expelled", whereas the succession of Felix to John is mentioned on the same page, where there is no gap in the MS, without any mention of an expulsion. Other passages which point to the same conclusion are mentioned in the notes. As to Michael [the Syrian]'s citations, I have examined the MS of Michael [the Syrian] 7 for quotations from James not contained in our text, and the only one which I can find relates to a period long after the point where our MS breaks off; but, even if I have missed any, the fact that our text contains only extracts is a sufficient explanation of their absence.
In the period covered by our MS I find the following citations, from James in Elijah of Nisibis 8; (i) Building of Amida AS 660, (ii) Appearance of a cross AS 664, (iii) Death of Ephraim AS 684, (iv) Death of Maurice AS 914, (v) Eclipse of the moon AS 915. Of these (i) occurs word for word, (iii) with only verbal differences, (iv) with some details omitted, in our text: (v) is absent, while; as to (ii), it is not in our present text, but, since something has been lost at the bottom of fol. 11v, we cannot be sure that it was not originally contained in the MS. Besides these Elijah gives a reference to James under AS 698, but through an oversight no historical notice is written there. There can be little doubt that the notice intended was the death of Eulogius of Edessa, which the Edessene Chronicle records under that year. This is not mentioned in our MS, but the accession of Cyrus, which must have formed part of the same notice, is recorded opposite the year 60 (385). This state of things is just what we should expect to find, if the MS contains, as I suppose, a series of extracts from the chronicle of James.
As to the passages which show that the chronicle of James began before the time of Constantine, I have already mentioned that the continuation of Eusebius is preceded by a chronicle dealing with earlier events, and it appears to me most probable that this was the work of the same author. I may add that Michael [the Syrian] 9 expressly states that James of Edessa wrote a translation as well as a continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius.
3. A hymn of James of Edessa, which is found in the Paris 10 and Vatican MSS 11 which contain the revision of Paul's translation |264 of the hymns of Severus and others by James of Edessa, is not found in Brit Mus. Add. 17,134, which contains the revision of the same translation by James ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ; and in the case of a hymn of Severus which is found both in the Paris and in the London MS the corrections of James found in the latter are absent in the former.
This is easily explained by supposing that the hymn of James was not written in 675, the date of the London MS, but belonged to a later recension, and that in the hymn of Severus the scribe of the Paris MS did not trouble himself to add the corrections. If James did not make any corrections, the collection would not be a revision at all, which it is expressly stated to be 12.
On the other hand the canon of Michael [the Syrian], which is with very few exceptions identical with that of our author, is expressly stated in notes on fol. 81v and fol. 264r to be taken from the canon of James of Edessa from 326, where our author's canon in fact begins, down to 710 13. Yet more, in the former of these passages Michael [the Syrian] also informs us that James made a correction of 3 years in the chronology of Eusebius and gave lists of dynasties omitted by him, both of which we find in our MS. Accordingly, if James of Edessa and James ܪܚܡ ܥܡܠܐ are different persons, we must suppose that between 675 and 708 there lived two men who were both named James, both wrote chronological canons beginning in 326, both made a correction in 3 years in Eusebius, both gave lists of dynasties omitted by him, both revised Paul's translation of the hymns of Severus, and were both learned Greek scholars.
I am unable therefore to feel the least doubt as to the identification and have no hesitation in entitling the work "The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa".
It is not possible to reproduce in print the exact relation between the canon proper and the historical notices; but in the translation I have placed before each notice the year of the era of James (beginning in 326) to which it appears to correspond; but it must be understood that in many instances it is impossible to say with certainty to which year the scribe meant to refer a notice. I have not thought it necessary to reproduce the canon proper in the translation, but have contented myself with giving the term assigned to each sovereign and the equation for the first year of each together with the equations for the Seleucid years, wherever such are given in the MS. I have added the citations from James in Elijah of Nisibis, which are not contained in our MS: of these those which relate to the period after 622 have |265 already been published by Dr. Baethgen in his edition of the later portion of the chronicle of Elijah (Abh. für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Bd. 8); but for the sake of completeness I repeat them here. I have also added a citation in Michael [the Syrian], which, as it relates to a period after the death of James, must be taken from the continuator. The introductory portion of the chronicle (fols. 1-9) does not appear to be worth publication, and I have therefore confined myself to the chronological canon which begins on fol. 10.
As the MS unfortunately breaks off before the Arab invasion, the fragments are: valuable rather for the light which they throw on the works of Theophanes, Michael [the Syrian], and other authors who drew directly or indirectly from James than for any direct historical information which they supply. The MS gives us however more detailed information as to the length of the reigns of the Persian kings, Ardashir II; Shahpuhr III, and Warahran IV, than is provided by any other authority, and it adds several names to our list of the bishops of Edessa in the th and th centuries. Among these occurs the name of Paul, whose accession is assigned to the year 604; and, since under the year 606 14 we are told that the bishops of the East fled to Egypt before the Persians, and we know from other sources that after the conquest of Egypt the patriarch and other Egyptians fled to Cyprus, there can be little doubt that this is the Paul, bishop of Edessa, who, while seeking refuge from the Persians in Cyprus 15, translated the hymns of Severus, John, son of Aphthonia, and John Psaltes, whose identity has hitherto been a matter of considerable doubt.
Words and letters supplied from conjecture to fill gaps in the MS are enclosed in square brackets, but no alteration has been made in the text.
In the translation I have placed all the notices on the right of the canon proper on each page before those on the left. This of course violates the chronological order and sometimes causes awkwardness, as on fol. 21v, where the reference to the notice of the succession of Pope Felix appears to precede the notice itself; but on the other hand to arrange the notices chronologically would often separate notices which are clearly meant to be read together, and, seeing how very doubtful the dates are, it would be an unsatisfactory plan to arrange the notices in accordance with them.
Addenda
At the end of the article, p.327, Brooks adds these notes:
p. 262. According to Elias of Nisibis (fol. 88 r) the chronicle of James was written in AS 1003 (= 692 AD).
p. 263. Elias of Nisibis also cites James for the death of Phocas and accession of Heraclius (AS 921), where his sentence is in a somewhat different form from that in our MS.
1. 1) Wright CBM p. 1062.
2. 2) It also contains a fragment of a list of Emperors (fol. v) extending from Augustus to Maximinus Thrax. This seems to have formed part of the discussion of the error in Eusebius.
3. 3) The Seleucid years, being placed not in the canon proper but in notes at the side, are easily misplaced.
4. 1) In some instances a mark of reference is Inserted to show to which year the notice belongs.
5. 2) That is if the lost earlier portion of the MS was also the work of James: see below.
6. 1) Syr. 306.
7. 2) Brit. Mus. Or. 4402.
8. 3) Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 7,197.
9. 4) fol. 81v.
10. 5) Syr. 337.
11. 6) Assem. BO 1. p. 487.
12. 1) ܒܗ ܒܬܘܪܨܐ ܚܕܬܐ ܕܥܩܘܒ ܐܘܪܗܝܐ
13. 2) James died in 708, but the note on fol. 264r explains that the canon was continued by one of his pupils down to 710.
14. 1) The date is clearly too early, but this docs not affect the accuracy of the fact. That the chronology is here confused is shown by the fact that the ordination of Cyrus of Alexandria, which did not take place till 631/32, is assigned to 610.
15. 2) Wright CBM p. 336. Moreover Paul, the translator of Gregory, was in Cyprus in 624 (id. p. 423).
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009, and updated in 2022. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Syriac text is rendered using unicode and the Beth Mardutho Meltho fonts.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_chronicle_00_intro .htm
E.W.Brooks, Introduction to the CSCO edition of the Chronicle of James of Edessa (1907) CSCO 6, pp.197-8
E.W.Brooks, Introduction to the CSCO edition of the Chronicle of James of Edessa (1907) CSCO 6, pp.197-8
The Chronicon of Jacob of Edessa
Translated by E.W.Brooks
Fragments of this chronicle are preserved in Ms. British Museum Add. 14,685, which according to Wright was written in the 10th or 11th century. The author is named as Jacob Philoponus or "lover of work", who is the same as Jacob of Edessa, so Wright believes, based on the comparison of excerpts of the work of Jacob of Edessa quoted by Michael the Syrian. The canon itself, which begins on folio 10r, is a continuation of the Chronicon of Eusebius of Caesarea; to it a preface is prefixed, in which the work of Eusebius is corrected and supplemented.
In the manuscript as we now have it, the fragments are disordered: fol. 12v should be read before 12r, and fol. 18v before 18r, folios. 11 and 13 come from one and the same folio, and likewise foll. 19 and 20; and two fragments which are contained on fol. 19 ought to be joined together.
The fragments go no further than the year 942 of the Seleucid era (= 631 AD), but the canon, as we learn from Michael 1, was continued until the year 1021 AS. Michael notes that Jacob himself died two years before, so that the last two years must be supposed to have been added by a pupil. But Elias of Nisibis 2 states that Jacob wrote the Chronicon in 1003 AS (=692 AD). If this is so, 18 years must be attributed to a continuator. The canon of years was copied by Michael, and so parts missing from the manuscript can be very easily replaced. Similarly that author quotes several passages completely from the preface which are mutilated in our manuscript. Also in Elias of Nisibis excerpts are quoted as testimonies, either from the preface, which he calls the Chronicon, or from the Canon itself, which we have used in editing the work.
Among the sources used for the canon are Socrates, Theodoret, the Chronicle of Edessa, John of Ephesus, the so-called History of Zacharias Rhetor, and perhaps catalogues of emperors, kings and bishops. In the preface, as well as the chronography of Eusebius, James used some Alexandrians, perhaps Anianus and Andronicus, and a catalogue, it seems, of the kings of Persia.
The start of the preface was translated in the catalogue by the most excellent Dr. Wright; the canon I myself in the year 1899 edited with an English translation and commentary: the text of the whole work is here translated for the first time. Many places, which in the previous edition of the canon were left lacunose or filled up wrongly, I have now filled and corrected from Michael. The layout of the manuscript both in the text of the canon and the translation I have been able to exactly imitate: in the translation I have filled in lacunas in the canon of years, but in the text it did not seem worth the labour to do so.
Bibliographic notice:
You may read a description of the manuscript in Wright, Catalogue of syriac MSS. in the British Museum, p. 1062-1064.
Editions: W. Wright, op.cit. p. 1062, 1063. London, 1872. Text of the exordium.
E.W.Brooks, The chronological canon of James of Edessa (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Bd. LIII, p.261 ff and p. 550). Canon with English translation. - Cf. also ibid., p. 534 f. (notes by Sigismund Fränkel). - See also F. Nau, Notice sur un nouveau ms. de l'Octoechus de Sévère d'Antioche et sur l'auteur Jacques Philoponus ( Journal asiatique, ser. IX., tom. XII, p. 346 f.)
1 Ed. Chabot, p. 453.
2 British Museum Addit. Ms. 7197, f. 88r.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_chronicle_02_canon.htm
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Part 2 - Canon tables
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Part 2 - Canon tables
The Chronicle of James of Edessa
p.288
Constantine the emperor apportioned and assigned money to the churches, and [apportioned it] also to the widows and to all who were occupied in divine service.
PERSIANS
Sapor
69 yrs
ROMANS
Constantine
32 yrs
TOTAL
YEARS
Aithalloho,] the 19th bishop, [was] celebrated in Edessa, [and James] in Nisibis; and both of them were present [at] the [Synod of Nicaea]. — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — stood — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — —ius — — — — — emperor — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — not on account of the finding [of the cross — — ], but on account of the building — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
Constantine [sent] letters everywhere, both to all the bishops about [the peace] of the churches, and also to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem about the building of [the church] of our Saviour, and [ordered] the bishops, [and also ordered] Eusebius to place in order the sacred books.
276th Olympiad
20
21
1
21
22
2
22
23
3
23
24
4
277th Olympiad
24
25
5
25
26
6
26
27
7
27
28
8
278th Olympiad
28
29
9
29
30
10
30
31
11
31
32
12
p.289
— — — — — — Athanasius [returned] at [the beginning] of the reign of Constantine the younger. For also, [before] he died, was ready to restore him. He sent a message also to the Alexandrines by a royal letter, in order that they might receive him.
36th, Constantine with his brothers, 24 yrs.
[Jul]ius [the 33rd bishop,] was appointed in the church of [Rome] for 15 years.Maximus, the 42nd bishop, was appointed in the church of Jerusalem; His right eye had been knocked out in the heathen persecutions.
Barni was appointed to succeed Habsay as 21st bishop in Edessa (1).
279th Olympiad
32
33
13
13. At this [time] the Iberians also are attracted to Christianity by means of a certain Christian woman, who had gone to that country as a captive.
At this time again Shabur raises a persecution against the Christians throughout his country, and in it many are martyred for Christ's sake. Shabur goes up to make war against Nisibis, and he returns from it in shame through the prayers of James the bishop; and immediately he goes in wrath and carries off captives from the whole of the land between [the rivers] and devastates it in the year 649.
[At] this time time this Synod was assembled (2).
p.290 — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
[But, since Eu]stathius, bishop of Antioch, had been sent into] exile in the lifetime of the elder Con[stantine, the ortho]dox ordain in place of Eustathius P[aulinus], while [the Arians] appointed Eulalius: and, when he [lived] but a short time, they put [Euphro]nius in his place: and, when [he] also did not [live long], Flacciltelas(3) was appointed by the A[rians] to succeed him, [and after] his death they ordain Stephen. And the Arians occupied all the churches of Antioch, while Paulinus [had] only [one] little one.
[Now] in Constantinople, after Alexander fell asleep, who ruled the church 23 years, the orth[odox] ordain Paul, and the Arians Macedonius: [and, when] Paul was driven out by [the Arians], Macedonius came in — — — — — — — — — — — — he brought Eusebius from [Nikomedeia — — — ] and rejected both of them.
1) Michael (fol. 86 r) mentions these bishops, but not the Edessa Chronicle or Gregory, in both of which authorities Abraham is the immediate successor of Aithalloho. In the list of bishops in Mich. fol. 415r the succession is Aithalloho, Abraham, Eulogius, Rabbulo, Aithalloho, Habsi, Barni, Abraham, Barse, Eulogius. 2) Possibly the Synod of Tyre is meant. The imperfect notice shows that our MS did not contain the full chronicle of James. 3) Flaccilus or Placitus; the two names seem to have been confused by the Syriac writers.
p.291
A synod [at Antioch], and it performed the dedication.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Sapor
Constantius
Constantius 1) the emperor [inclined] to the opinion of the Arians, [and] through him [they did] whatever [they wished].
33
2
14
When James, bishop of Nisibis, died, Walgash was appointed to succeed him.
34
3
15
Athanas[ius] is immediately banished for the second time; and he fled and went to Julius at Rome; and with him [was] Constans the emperor, who [assembled] a synod at Serdica in the matter of Athanasius. And [two] bishops are sent by Constans from Rome to Antioch [to] Constantius, [Euphratas] and Vincent: and [Stephen prepared] a plot [against them.] 2)
35
4
16
At this time Antony the hermit was celebrated for asceticism.
Constantine, the eldest emperor, died, when he had reigned 3 years.
280th Olympiad
36
5
17
37
6
18
p.292 — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
[When Constans had reigned for 6 years at Rome, and also his nephew [Constant]ine the younger, the son [of his brother Constantine had reigned] for 3 years, they are both killed [by the soldiers] by the advice of Magnentius and Bretanio, while [Nepotian] also, who was of the royal family [and] had assumed the sovereignty in Rome, [is killed by the soldiers of] Magnentius. Magnentius accordingly [was in possession of] (3) the whole of Italy and Africa, while Bretanio (4) [was] proclaimed [at Si]rmium. But Constantius the emperor, when [he heard of] all these things, marched hastily against the usurpers, and when he had fought and [overcame] them [he ruled] alone.
1) Ms. = Constantinus. 2) Supplemented from Michael the Syrian. 3) This is the sense required. 4) Vetranio.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Sapor
Constantius
Constantine 1) makes war with the Franks and overcomes them. And the same year there were many earthquakes in the East, and especially at Antioch, throughout the year.
38
7
19
[A]thanas[ius is banished for the rd time, and] the Arians ordain George, [a man of] their [opinions, to succeed him] at Alexandria.
39
8
20
281st Olympiad
p.293 The year 660 of the Greeks. This year Constantius built the city of Amida between the rivers; and the same year the Romans fought a battle with the Persians by night.
40
9
21
41
10
22
[There are some] who say that in the year 658 of the Greeks the city of Amida was built.
42
11
23
44
12
24
282nd Olympiad
A synod is held at Milan about the faith and about Athanasius; and they hold to the holy definition of faith drawn up at Nikaia and acquit Athanasius. p.294 This year, the 15th [of C]onsta[n]t[ius], was the battle between Constantius and Ma[g]nentius.
44
13
25
Liberius, the 34th bishop, was appointed in the church [of] the Romans for 7 years. Ephraim, the Syrian doctor, was distinguished at Nisibis at this time. [The city of] Tella between the rivers was built and was called [Cons]tant[ia], which [was] formerly called [Antipolis].
[Liberius, bishop] of Rome, is sent into exile — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
45
14
26
46
15
27
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Magnentius killed himself, and Decentius his brother was strangled.
Constant[ius] gives orders, and Gallus the Caesar is put to death in the year 666.
Constantius makes Julian, the brother of Gallus, Caesar in the year 667.
Sapor
Constantius
47
16
28
283rd Olympiad
48
17
29
Da[masus], the 35th bishop, [was appointed] in the church of the Romans for 19 years.
Leontius of Antioch died, and immediately Eudoxius of Germanicia seizes the see of that city.
49
18
30
50
19
31
[In this time Abraham Qidunaya followed the ascetic life]. 2
51
20
32
At this time Apollinaris was notable. 1
284th Olympiad
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
52
21
33
53
22
34
54
23
35
55
24
36
p.295
Upon the death of Arseni[u]s, whom the Arians appointed in Jerusalem, [who] was the 44th bishop, Herakleios, an Arian, succeeded as the 45th, and after him Hilarion, the 46th.
At this time Aetius, who was the teacher of Eunomius, was distinguished.
Julian the Caesar rebels against the emperor Constantius; and, when the emperor heard of the rebellion of Julian, he went out from Antioch to march against him and died in Cilicia. When Eudoxius was expelled from Antioch, he expelled Macedonius from Constantinople and occupied the church there. Afterwards the Arians appoint Meletius to succeed Eudoxius at Antioch. When then Meletius did not teach in accordance with the opinion of the Arians, they expel him and appoint Euzoius in his place; but he was appointed in the church of the orthodox in the city. And some of the orthodox, avoiding the communion of Meletius, appointed [Paulinu]s, an old man, to be their bishop [by the instrumentality of Lucifer], because of what has already previously [been stated] above [that he was appointed to succeed Eus]tathius.
1) Supplemented from Michael the Syrian. 2) From the Chronicle of Edessa and Michael the Syrian
PERSIANS
37th of the ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
At [this] time Eusebius [bishop of Samosata] was celebrated — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
Sapor
Julian [for 1 year 7 months]
285th Olympiad
56
1
37
57
2
38
p.296
Upon the death of Julian they appoint Jovian [emperor] over them. He, making amity and peace [with Sapor, gave] him Nisibis.
PERSIANS
38th of the ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Athanasius returns to Alexandria from his fourth exile and occupies the see for 6 years.
Jovian after reigning 7 months only, died in Bithynia.
And when Eunomius had been expelled, he separated himself from the Arians then they became two parties. There was a great earthquake; and there was a synod of bishops [at L]ampsacus in the th year [after] that of Seleucia.
Sapor
Jovian [for 7 months]
58
1
39
[The] anger of God happens at Alexandria. 1
39th Valentinus with Valens
his brother and Gratian, for 14 years
680th year of the Greeks There was
59
1
40
a great earthquake and Nicaea fell, in the
286th Olympiad
[p.297] month of Tesrin I, on the 11th day. And in that year there was another earthquake.(2)
60
2
41
Procopius the tyrant died in the nd year of the emperors.
61
3
42
62
4
43
There is a great and marvellous hail in Constantinople.
63
5
44
Gratian became emperor on the 24th [of] August in the rd [year] of the emperors.
One synod is assembled [ in] Illyricum, and another at Rome, [ and] they confirm the confession of the consubstantiality.
287th Olympiad
The emperors write to the bishops of Asia and to all the bishops of the diocese of the East, and they confirm the confession and faith of Nicaea.
[Eudoxius died] in the rd [year] of the two emperors, which is [the year 678 of the Greeks, and] the Arians [ordained] D[em]ophilos. (3)
1) This event relates to year 40 of the Chronicle.
2) This event relates to year 41.
3) It is hard to see how this sentence can be filled up except as above; but either some unusual expression was used or there is a copyist's error. Eudoxius did not in fact die until 370, the th year of Valentinian and Valens: cf. also ann. 45 (370), where Eudoxius is represented apparently as still alive.
p.298 Valens went out against the barbarians, who had crossed the river Istros; and he fought and overcame them, and expelled them from the land of the Romans. Further also, when he made peace with them, he put constraint upon them, and all the Goths became Arians by the advice of the impious Eudoxius.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Sapor
Valens
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — were deceived [ — — by Eudoxius] the impious — — and accepted [the opinion] of the Arians.
64
6
45
65
7
46
After Athanasiu[s] had served the bishopric 46 years, and had made 284 bishops, and had been sent into exile [p.299] five times, he fell asleep piously on the nd of Iyar; and after him Peter, the 20th bishop, was appointed in the church of the Alexandr[ines] for 7 years.
66
8
47
[Valen]s [makes] a persecution against the orthodox and sends many bishops into exile. Athanasius the combatant also is expelled from his church for the th time, and the Arians ordain Lucius in his place, whom the Samosatenes expelled from their city.
67
9
48
288th Olympiad
68
10
49
69
11
50
The orthodox are expelled from the church of the Edess[enes] by the Arians, and Bar[se] the bishop is also [sent] into exile.
10th Ardashir son of
Sapor, for 3 years and 8 months
The blessed my lord Ephraim, having been celebrated in Edessa up to this time, died in the year 684 of the Greeks on the 9th of June.
1
12
51
At this time Gregory, hishop of Nazianzos, is established in Constantinople by the orthodox bishops to look after the believers there; for he was celebrated at that time, as were Basil of Caesarea, and Gregory of Nyssa and Peter of Sebasteia, the brothers of Basil.
Valentinian died after a reign of 12 years, and Gratian his son ruled after him, who had also been made αὐτοκράτωρ in his father's lifetime at Rome.
At this [time] Libanius the s[ophist] was distinguished at Antioch.
And [at] Alexandria] Didymos, [a blind man], was celebrated as an expounder of the Scriptures and of the authors.
In the same Antioch also Afrahat the monk too was celebrated for asceticism, who also reproved Valens.
2
13
52
The Arabs rise up against the land of the Romans [— — — and] a woman, [whose name was Mu`awiya,] reigned over them. — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — they made peace — — — — — — cleverness — — — — — — — —
p. 300 [Valens] gave [license to the pagans] to sacrifice [at Antioch, and also to the Jews] that they might govern themselves according — — —. Only against the orthodox he stirred up a persecution, allowing the Arians to do with them whatever they pleased. For this reason therefore, when he was in Nicomedia, he gave orders that some presbyters, [who] had come to him from Byzantium [to] accuse the Arians, should be burnt with the ship [on which] they had come in the midst of the sea; and in fact they were burnt.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Ardashir
Valens
289th Olympiad
3
14
53
Isaac the monk, who was celebrated at this time, was distinguished in Constantinople; who reproved Valens, when he went out to fight with the Goths and Avars(?) and was killed there. For, when [the Romans] were defeated [and] fled, the barbar[ians] found him [in a village] and burnt him with fire together with it. [As] they said (?), when his brother was alive, [and he asked him for help] against the ba[r]barians, [he said, "It is not lawful to] help a man who fights with God".
p.301
40th, Theodosius, for 16 years and 8 months
Year 690 of the Greeks.
4
1
54
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
11th Sapor, for 4 years and 4 months
1
2
55
2
3
56
290th Olympiad
The city of Rhesaina between the rivers was built.
3
4
57
p.302
[In the year 69]1 of the Greeks, which is the th year of Theodosius1), [he assembled a synod of bish]ops in the royal city of Constantinople, who] anathematized Macedonius, the fighter against the Spirit, and those who shared his [opinions].
When the synod met, it dismissed Gregory, that he might go to Nazianzos, and appointed Nectarius th bishop there.
1) According to the canon of James AS 691 (380) is the nd year of Theodosius. The error is perhaps due to a confusion between two authorities, since the Chronicle of Edessa places the synod in AS 693. The year 58, to which the notice seems to be assigned, answers to the th of Theodosius; but, as the notice is at the top of a page, we should perhaps refer it to the last year on the preceding page, i. e., 57 = the th of Theodosius.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Sapor
Theodosius
Upon the death of Meletius the great in the Synod Flavian is appointed in his place as 33rd bishop in the church of Antioch.
Arcadius was proclaimed emperor by his father.
The other orthodox party in Antioch [after] Paulinus appoint [Evagrius] bish[op] over them.
4
5
58
At this time were celebrated the bishops Amphilochius of Iconium, Ambrose of [M]ilan, [Op]timus of Antioch in Pisidia, and Diodoros of Tarsos.
12th, Warahran Garmanshah, son of Sapor the great, brother of Ardashir and Sapor who were before him, for ten years and 11 months.
Theophilus was appointed 22nd bishop in Alexandria for 27 years.
1
6
59
p.303
2
7
60
Cyrus was appointed 25th bishop in Edessa.
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
291st Olympiad
3
8
61
4
9
62
5
10
63
6
11
64
Year 700 of the Greeks.
292nd Olympiad
7
12
65
8
13
66
9
14
67
The Emperor Valentinian died and Eugenius rebelled.
— — — — — — — of Theophilus the bishop — — — — — showed intense eagerness to — — — — Constantinople.
p.304
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Warahran
Theodosius
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — at Antioch — — — — — — — — — —
10
15
68
293rd Olympiad
[John] the ascetic was distinguished at this time in Egypt; to [whom] Theodosius [sent] — — — — — — — — — — — — — usurper — — — — — but — — — — — — — — and victory — — — and [his] death — — — — —. But, when he was ready to march, he proclaimed [his] son Honor[ius] emperor. Anastasius was appointed 37th bishop in the church of Rome.
11
16
69
Theodosius marched against Eugenius the tyrant: and, when they joined battle, the tyrant was defeated and killed in the rd consulship of Arcadius and the nd of Honorius.
p.305
13th Yezdigerd son of Sapor
for 21 years.
1
17
70
[Theodos]ius died, [and Arcad]ius [and Honorius reigned after] him, [Arcadius] at Constantinople, [and Honorius at Rome.]
41st reigned Arcadius with Honorius
for 13 years.
Arbogast killed himself — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
p.306
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Yezdegerd
Arcadius
[Upon the death of Nectarius John, who was called] Ch[rysostom, was appointed th bishop in Constantinople, who was brought] from Antioch to [Constantinople].
2
1
71
3
2
72
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — [and Sisinn]ius, — — — — — — — a learned man, was distinguished at [this] time.
294th Olympiad
4
3
73
5
4
74
6
5
75
7
6
76
295th Olympiad
[Gainas] the Goth raised a rebellion against Arcadius; and [on fighting taking place he was defeated] in the consulship. of Stilicho and Aurelian, or, [as some] say, in the following consulship. [At this time] some monks are sent by John to Phoenicia by the emperor's [orders] to destroy the temples of the heathen and to break in pieces the idols and graven images.
p.307
8
7
77
Theodore, [bishop] of M[opsuestia, a city] in C[ilicia], was distinguished at this time as an expounder of the Scriptures — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — In Edessa, [after the death of Peqida Diogenius was appointed 28th bishop].
9
8
78
Accusations are made against John the bishop, and he is sent into exile, and Arsacius is appointed to succeed him there as th bishop. Then [after] John's deposition the dioceses of east [and west] are in schism.
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — legation
— — — — — — — — — — — — of the Romans
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
* p.308
* 10
9
79
11
10
80
296th Olympiad
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Yezdegerd
Arcadius
12
11
81
13
12
82
14
13
83
42nd Theodosius, for 42 years
15
1
84
297th Olympiad
16
2
85
17
3
86
18
4
87
19
5
88
298th Olympiad
20
6
89
21
7
90
14th Warahan, son of Yezdegerd, for 22 years
1
8
91
2
9
92
299th Olympiad
3
10
93
4
11
94
5
12
95
6
13
96
— — — — — — — — — — — — also — — — And 1, when they were drawn up in battle array [the Persians were conquered, and seven generals of the Persians] 2 were killed by Ardabu[riu]s, the Roman general, [and by Areobindus and Bitia]nus, the Roman generals. The Saracens also were drowned in the Euphrates [who came to the help for the Persians] 3 — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
1) For this year see the Chronicle of Marcellinus for 421, and the Chronicon Paschale p. 579. 2) Supplemented from Michael the Syrian. 3) Supplemented from Socrates Scholasticus.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Warahran
Theodosius
300th Olympiad
7
14
97
8
15
98
9
16
99
10
17
100
301st Olympiad
11
18
101
12
19
102
13
20
103
14
21
104
302nd Olympiad
15
22
105
16
23
106
17
24
107
18
25
108
303rd Olympiad
19
26
109
20
27
110
21
28
111
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Warahran
Theodosius
22
29
112
* p. 309
* 15th Yezdegerd, son of Warahan, for 19 years
304th Olympiad
1
30
113
Dioskoros was appointed 24th bishop in the church of Alexandria for 8 years.
2
31
114
3
32
115
Leo was appointed 43rd bishop in the church of Rome for 21 years.
4
33
116
305th Olympiad
5
34
117
6
35
118
7
36
119
8
37
120
306th Olympiad
9
38
121
10
39
122
11
40
123
12
41
124
p.310
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — and of the monk Barsauma.
Upon the expulsion of Domnos and Hibo Nonnos was appointed in Edessa, and in Antioch Maximus, the 41st bishop.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Yezdegerd
Theodosius
307th Olympiad
In Constantinople Anatolius was appointed 13th bishop.
13
42
125
43rd Marcian, for 6 years and 6 months
At this time — — — — — — — — — — — — —
14
1
126
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
15
2
127 (1)
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
16
3
128
308th Olympiad
17
4
129
18
5
130
19
6
131
16th Piruz (son of Yezdegerd) 2 for 27 years
44th Leo for 18 years
1) From here to 152 added by the editor. 2) Missing from Michael.
p. 311.
— — — — — — — — way — — — fervent, shunning [the communion] of the bishops who had swerved from [the faith], those of Jerusalem [appointed Theodosiu]s [in place of Juvenal], while those of Alexandria [appointed Timothy in place of Proterius]. In like manner also in many places — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —. But the bishops who had swerved from [the faith, since] they were [not accepted] by the churches, and they would not endure their [communion], not considering their folly, — — — — — — — — — [out of] desire of power made use of worldly authorities and [the sword of tyranny — — — — ] to get possession of churches and sees [and the flock — — — — which] was purchased with the blood of Christ. — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Piruz
Leo
1
1
132
309th Olympiad
2
2
133
3
3
134
4
4
135
5
5
136
310th Olympiad
6
6
137
7
7
138
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Piruz
Leo
Piruz
Leo
8
8
139
313th Olympiad
9
9
140
18
18
149
311th Olympiad
45th Leo the less, for 1 year
10
10
141
19
1
150
11
11
142
46th Zeno, for 16 years
12
12
143
20
1
151
13
13
144
Basilicus usurped the imperium, and he and his son Marcus reigned for two years.
312th Olympiad
14
14
145
314th Olympiad
15
15
146
21
2
152
16
16
147
17
17
148
p.312
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — patrician — — — — — — — — — —
his son — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — —
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Piruz
Zeno
22
3
153
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 1) — — — — And after a short time [Peter was expelled], and after him Calandion, a Nestorian, was 45th bishop. In Alexandria, on the death of [Timothy] Salofaciolus 2) Peter, [who is called] Mongos, [succeeded him as] 26th [bishop. But,] when [Zeno heard of it,] Peter is expelled [after a] short [time] from Alexandria, and Salofaciolus [ took his place.] In Jerusalem Martyrius was appointed 52nd [bishop].
23
4
154
24
5
155
25
6
156
315th Olympiad
26
7
157
27
8
158
17th Valash (son of Yezdegerd) for 4 years
1
9
159
2
10
160
316th Olympiad
3
11
161
4
12
162
18th Qawad son of Piruz for 11 years
1
13
163
2
14
164
317th Olympiad
p.313 — — — — — — — — — — —
3
15
165
— — Calandion of Antioch [was] also an accomplice. For this reason, when after 3 years these men had
4
16
166
Sallustius [was appointed] 53rd [bishop] in Jerusalem.
47th Anastasius the Silentiary for 27 years
been overcome by Zeno, Calandion also was expelled from Antioch, and Peter came in again by the emperor's orders.
Leontius and Illous are taken and killed.
Theoderic came as far as Rhegion Malanthiodes(?), and he went on and passed into Thrace; and he burnt and destroyed much property and withdrew.
Theoderic the usurper entered Rome; and Arcadius (3) the Anti-Caesar, who had been appointed there by Zeno, fled before him to Ravenna; and [he carried off captives from the whole area of Italy.
Zenon gave orders, and Pelagius 4) was strangled — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
1) In this lacuna is a fragment containing the name of Kalandion, and another containing the name of Patrick or 'patrician'. 2) Clearly an error for Timothy Aelurus. Chron. Edess. LXVIII. 'Dion.' (Rev. de l'Or. Chret. 1897). 3) Actually Odoacer. 4) Bishop of Crete.
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
fled — — — — — — — — — — — — —
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Qawad
Anastasius
Upon the death of [Palladius Flavian was appointed 47th bishop] in Antioch.
5
1
167
6
2
168
[In Alexandria John was appointed] 28th bishop.
318th Olympiad
7
3
169
Euphemius having been expelled from Constantinople, [after him as 18th bishop was Macedonius. (3) — — — — — — — — — —
8
4
170
9
5
171
— — — — — — — — — — — — sedition
10
6
172
—— — — — — — — of the Isaurians — — —
319th Olympiad
The payment of gold (4) [was remitted] to the workmen [throughout the land] of the Romans. [A large number of locusts], came, but [did] not [do much damage.
11
7
173
Zamasph, brother of
Qawad, revolted and reigned
2 years.
There was] a great earthquake, [and the hot spring of Abarne] was dried up [for three days.]
1
8
174
2
9
175
* p.315
* Qawad killed his brother and reigned
30 years.
1
10
176
[A comet] appeared.
320th Olympiad
A large number of locusts [damaged] all the crops, and [there was] a severe famine throughout the land between the rivers.
2
11
177
3
12
178
A great fire appeared in the northern quarter and burned throughout the night. And immediately after a short time the Huns went out and made war with the Persians.
Kawad came from Armenia [and encamped against] the city of Amida between the rivers, [and, when] he had taken it, he massacred within [it] eighty thousand men.
3) The fragment that follows refers to the rebellion of the Isaurians. (4) The Chrysargyrum.
P. 316. Qawad came against Edessa, which he was unable to attack — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
[Five] Roman [generals] are sent out; and they fought [against Nisibis] and could not take it. For this reason Dara is built on the frontier of the Romans.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Anastasius was appointed 48th bishop in the church of Rome.
Qawad
Anastasius
4
13
179
Elias was appointed 54th bishop in the church of Jerusalem.
John was appointed 29th bishop in the church of Alexandria for 11 years.
5
14
180
321st Olympiad
Year 820
of the Greeks
6
15
181
Simeon, bishop of Beth Arsham, was celebrated in prison at this time.
7
16
182
The emperor gives orders [to open the coffin] of the martyr Euphe[mia and bring out] from there the ordinance laid down by the Synod [ of Chalcedon] and burn it.
8
17
183
9
18
184
322nd Olympiad
10
19
185
Paul was appointed 34th bishop in Edessa.
Vitalian rebelled [against the emperor]; and, when H[ypatius] went against him, he was defeated and taken prisoner by him.
11
20
186
12
21
187
When Macedonius was banished from Constantinople, Timothy took his place as 19th bishop.
And in Antioch, when Flavian was banished, Severus was appointed 48th bishop.
13
22
188
Dioscorus was appointed 30th bishop in Alexandria for [ 3] years.
323rd Olympiad
14
23
189
Anastasius died
on [the 9th]
of tammuz (1).
A great and terrible comet appeared in the East.
15
24
190
16
25
191
Elijah was banished from Jerusalem, and John was appointed 55th bishop.
17
26
192
Symmachos was appointed 49th bishop in Rome for 6 years.
324th Olympiad
John was appointed 20th bishop in Constantinople, while in Rome Hormisdas was appointed 50th bishop.
18
27
193
48th Justin for 9 years
When Justin became emperor, [he accepted] the synod of Chalcedon; and Severus [withdrew] from Antioch, and Paul the Jew [was appointed 49th] bishop there. [And after] one year they banished him; and Euphrasius [was appointed] 50th bishop.
19
1
194
20
2
195
In the first year of Justin, Vitalian, after being reconciled, was killed, he and Paul the notary and Celerian his domestic.
In the nd year of Justin John, bishop of Constantinople, died, and [Epiphanius] took his place [as 21st bishop].
Amantius the provost and Theocritus and Andrew the chamberlain were put to death, because they tried to prevent the proclamation [of the Synod of Chalcedon].
(1) July. p. 318.
There went out an order [from the emperor to] the soldiers that they should all assent [to the Synod] of Chalcedon: and in fact they assented.
[Corinth] was overthrown by an earthquake (3).
The Homerites were martyred in the town of Nigron.
There was a flood in Edessa.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
[Paul assembled the bish]ops [of Syria and restored to] their churches [all those who] accepted the Synod of Chalcedon.
Qawad
Justin
21
3
196
[Asclepius] was appointed [35th] bishop in Edessa.
John was appointed 51st bishop in Rome; after him as the 52nd bishop was Felix.
325th Olympiad
[Timothy was appointed 31st] bishop [in Alexandria for 17 years.
22
4
197
Antioch and Seleucia were overthrown in an earthquake. A cross of light appeared in the sky in the northern quarter, and the church of Antioch was burnt.
23
5
198
24
6
199
[In Jerusalem Macarius was appointed] 56th bishop; after him was [Peter, the 57th bishop] (1).
The Persians and Saracens came as far as the districts of Antioch and Apameia.
25
7
200
326th Olympiad
26
8
201
Ephraim was appointed 51st bishop in Antioch.
There was a riot in Constantinople, and the church was burned, and Hypatius was put to death.
27
9
202
Anthimos was appointed 22nd bishop in Constantinople.
49th Justinian for 38 years
Andrew was appointed 36th bishop in Edessa.
The Persians came to the land between the rivers and fought against Martyropolis, and they laid many places waste and carried off captives from them.
28
1
203
29
2
204
Addai was appointed 37th bishop in Edessa.
327th Olympiad
In Rome Bonofatius was appointed 53rd bishop; and, when he soon died, John entered upon the see, the predecessor of Felix, of whom it was previously stated that he had been expelled (2): and after [surviving] a short time he died, [and] Agapetus became 54th bishop.
The Huns went out and carried off captives and devastated as far as the districts of Antioch. Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices, were sent by Justinian to Khosru; and he made peace for 7 years.
30
3
205
18th (3) Khosrau son of Qawad, for 47 years
1
4
206
The Samaritans rebelled and set up a chief for themselves; and the Romans came and massacred them.
2
5
207
[And] Justinian assembled before him the expelled bishops; and Severus came to him with many others, and they speak about the peace of the churches: and they did not effect anything, because Agapetus prevented it.
3
6
208
328th Olympiad
Belisarius the general went and took Carthage and brought the usurper, who had rebelled there, prisoner; and with him came also Agapetus of Rome and died in Constantinople; and Silverius took his place in Rome as 55th bishop.
4
7
209
5
8
210
6
9
211
7
10
212
329th Olympiad
8
11
213
Upon the departure of Anthimus Menas was appointed 23rd bishop in Constantinople.
9
12
214
The orthodox in Alexandria are divided; some [ordain Gaianus, and others] Theodosius, the 32nd bishop: who when he had ministered for 2 years [was expelled — — — —].
(1) James has transposed these two bishops. (2) The succession of John and Felix is mentioned in the opposite column of the same page in the MS (see p. 263), but nothing is there stated as to John being expelled, which shows that our MS is only an epitome of the work of James. (3) Evagrius (4. 8) also places the earthquake of Corinth in the reign of Justin. 'Dionysios' places it in AS 841. p.320:
There was a hard and severe persecution in the land between the rivers, and upon all those who would not consent to communicate with the Synod of Chalcedon: and all the monks were expelled from their cloisters and lived in the open air in the frost; and the winter happened to be a hard one with much frost and snow, so that many men and animals died in it.
Ephraim assembled a synod of 132 bishops in Antioch and anathematized the Synod: and there was a severe persecution in Amida, and many were killed.
The peace between the kingdoms was broken; and the same, year in Kanun 1) there was a great comet in the evening for 40 days; and then in the same year, [which is the year 850] of the Greeks, Khosru went up [and carried off captives from] Soura and Berrhoia and Ant[ioch] and Apameia and their territories. And the Romans [also] carried off captives from the lands of the K[urds] and the Arzanenians and the Arabs.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Severus died. Vigilius was appointed 56th bishop in Rome. John Philoponus was celebrated in Alexandria at this time. Zoilus was banished from Alexandria, and Apollinarius was appointed.
Khosrau
Justinian
10
13
215
11
14
216
330th Olympiad
12
15
217
And after Ephraim Domninus becomes 52nd bishop in Antioch.
13
16
218
Mark became 58th bishop in Jerusalem.
Khosrau went up and carried off captives from Callinicus and the whole of the southern portion of the land between the rivers.
14
17
219
15
18
220
Two bishops are now ordained in the East by those who did not assent to the Synod of Chalcedon, James and Theodore, because their bishops had failed on account of the persecution of the Chalcedonians.
331st Olympiad
There was a great pestilence [throughout] the earth, which began in Ethiopia [above] Egypt in the year 853 of the Greeks, while in the year 854 it spread over the whole district of the East.
16
19
221
17
20
222
18
21
223
The Romans went down [with an army] and destroyed much property in the country [of the Persians].
19
22
224
332nd Olympiad
20
23
225
Eutychos was appointed 24th bishop in Constantinople.
Khosru again went and took Petra, a city in Lazica, and placed a garrison there.
21
24
226
22
25
227
Amazon was appointed 38th bishop in Edessa.
There was a pestilence among oxen throughout the countries of the East for 2 years, so much so that the fields were left uncultivated for lack of oxen.
In the 25th year of the reign of Justinian the emperor the bishops were assembled in Constantinople, and the synod was held which is called [the fifth Synod: and] he commanded them, and they anathematized Theodoret and Theodore and Hibo and their writings.
Khosru went and fought against Edessa and carried off captives from Batnai.
And thenceforward it happened that the Romans fought against it for [a time; and after] 7 years they defeated the Persians and took it from [them] (2).
There was a great famine and scarcity throughout the district of the East; and all this was so severe that, though many ate men, they could not satisfy themselves.
Theodora the empress died. Theo[dosius] and Anthimos and Year 860 of the Greeks
many archimandrites were summoned to Constantinople by the emperor [concerning] the peace of the churches.
The barbarians took [Rome and] utterly destroyed it; [and???] fled from it [to Constantinople — — — — — — — — — — — — — peace — — — —
(1) December or January. (2) The MS is here out of order, since it is clear that this statement applies not to Edessa, which was never taken by the Persians, but to Petra, and so it in fact appears in Michael the Syrian, who follows the same authority as James.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
The emperor commanded that the monks who had been driven away should return to their cloisters.
Khosrau
Justinian
23
26
228
At this time [arose] the heresy of the Agnoetes.
333rd Olympiad
Pelagius was appointed 57th bishop in Rome.
There appeared fire in the sky in the North for several days. In this way it also appeared like a terrible comet.
24
27
229
When the persecution of the believers in the East had ceased a little, [they ordained] for themselves as archbishop in place of Severus a man of Thello called Sergius of the [archive-]house; and he soon died.
25
28
230
26
29
231
There was an assembly of many monks from the East before the emperor concerning the peace of the churches; and with them went up also James the bishop.
27
30
232
334th Olympiad
28
31
233
In Jerusalem Eustathius was appointed 59th bishop.
29
32
234
30
33
235
John was appointed 39th bishop in Edessa (1).
The heresy of the Tritheites arose at this time. Those evil things which were done among men by Photius the monk.
31
34
236
John was appointed 58th bishop in Rome.
335th Olympiad
In Antioch Anastasius was appointed 53rd bishop.
The emperor drew up an edict concerning the faith, and ordered that no one should stir up any question about the faith at all, but that everyone should believe in accordance with the edict, and those who did not assent to it should be driven out.
32
35
237
33
36
238
John of Sarmin was appointed 25th bishop in Constantinople after the expulsion of Eutychos his predecessor.
34
37
239
35
38
240
In Edessa Epiphanius was appointed [40th] bishop (1).
(p. 323)
* 50th Justin for 13 years
Now the orthodox had the following bishops; in Syria were James and Theodore; and in Constantinople were John of Asia and Theodosius of Alexandria, who died at this time.
336th Olympiad
36
1
241
37
2
242
38
3
243
39
4
244
337th Olympiad
The orthodox appoint as archbishop in Syria Paul who came from Alexandria, who is called "of Beth Ukhome".
[Anastasius is expelled] from Antioch, and Gregory becomes bishop.
John is sent to Alexandria from Co]nstant[inople] by the [Ch]alcedonians in succession to Ap[ollinarius]
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
(1) Not known from any other source.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Khosrau
Justin
Hormizd
Maurice
40
5
245
13
8
265
41
6
246
20th Khosrau son of Hormizd for 38 years
42
7
247
1
9
266
43
8
248
2
10
267
338th Olympiad
3
11
268
44
9
249
343rd Olympiad
45
10
250
4
12
269
46
11
251
5
13
270
47
12
252
6
14
271
19th Hormizd son of Khosrau for 13 years
7
15
272
339th Olympiad
344th Olympiad
48
13
253
8
16
273
51st Tiberius for 4 years
9
17
274
49
1
254
10
18
275
50
2
255
11
19
276
51
3
256
345th Olympiad
340th Olympiad
52
4
257
52nd Maurice for 20 years
53
1
258
54
2
259
55
3
260
341st Olympiad
56
4
261
57
5
262
58
6
263
59
7
264
342nd Olympiad
p. 324
Maurice is killed, and all his sons with him (1). The peace between the Romans and the Persians is dissolved.
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Khosrau
Maurice
12
20
277
Severus, bishop of Edessa, was stoned.
53rd Phocas for 7 years and 8 months
The believers in the East made Athanasius archbishop.
Narses rebelled against Phocas and came to Edessa and occupied it and was besieged in it.
13
1
278
14
2
279
The believers in Edessa had Paul for their bishop, while the Chalcedonians. appoint Theodosius for themselves (2).
The Persians took the city of Dara.
15
3
280
346th Olympiad
16
4
281
The bishops of, the district of the East (and with them were monks and many people) fled to Egypt before the Persians.
The Persians took the fortress of Tur `Abdin.
17
5
282
18
6
283
The Persians took the city of Amida, also Tella, also Rhesaina.
19
7
284
347th Olympiad
Year 920 of the Greeks
20
8
285
In Alexandria Cyrus was appointed bishop for the Chalcedonians.
The Romans kill Phocas and make Heraclius emperor.
54th Heraclius for 32 years
21
1
286
[The union] of the believers was made in Alexandria ( 3).
The Persians took Edessa.
22
2
287
The bishops are expelled — — — — — — — —
The Persians conquered the whole of Syria and Phoenicia and Palestine.
23
3
288
— — — — — — — — — — — — the Persians from
348th Olympiad
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
Heraclius made [his son] Constantine [Augustus]. — — — — — — — — — — — — — of the Romans
24
4
289
— — — — — — — — of the Orient; and he came
25
5
290
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
26
6
291
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
The Persians took [Egypt] and conquered [Libya].
27
7
292
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
349th Olympiad
(1) Elias of Nisibis (quoting James) "The year 914. This year Maurice, King of the Romans, was killed, and his wife and his sons, on the 23rd of November: and Phokas reigned after him."
(2) This Paul is no doubt the translator of the hymns of Severus and others (Wright CBM. p. 336; cf. Schroder in ZDMG. 31 p. 400; Hallier Untersuchungen uber die Edess. Chronik p. 77). Theodosius is not known from any other source.
(3) Michael the Syrian (fol. 237 r) places this union in AS 921 (AD 610), but, since he ascribes it to the action of Niketas, the date in our text (= AD 611) is more probable. The Liber Chalifarum however assigns it to 618.
p. 326
— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
PERSIANS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
and Mohammed goes down for purposes of trade to the country of Palestine, Arabia, Phoenicia and Tyre.
Khosrau
Heraclius
Isaiah is sent to Edessa as bishop from the land of the Persians.
28
8
293
29
9
294
In Alexandria the believers ordained Andronicus bishop.
30
10
295
There was an eclipse of the sun.
31
11
296
In Alexandria Benjamin was appointed bishop for the believers.
Khosru gave orders, and Edessa went into captivity.
The Persians carried off captives from the whole of the land of the Romans as far as Bithynia and Asia and as far as the sea of Pontus and devastated it.
First king of the Arabs, Mohammed
was appointed for 7 years
350th Olympiad
The kingdom of the Arabs, whom we call Saracens (1), began when Heraclius, Emperor of the Romans, had reached (2) his 11th year, and Khosrau, King of the Persians, his 31st year.
1
32
12
297
940th year
of the
Greeks
2
33
13
298
304
3
34
14
299
4
35
15
300
Cyrus made a persecution against the believers in Alexandria.
351st Olympiad
The Arabs began to make incursions into the land of Palestine.
5
36
16
301
The believers in the East ordained John archbishop (3).
6
37
17
302
7
38
18
303
p.327) The Persians killed Khosrau, and Shirwai became king for 9 [months].
21st Shirwai son of Khosrau for 9 months
And the Edessenes who survived returned from [captivity].
nd of the Arabs Abu Bakr
for 2 years and 7 months
Shahr Warz and Boran and Khosru [and] Piruz and of Azarmidukht [and] Hormizd, of all of them made around [two years].
[Heraclius] and Shahrbarz made [a treaty], and [the Persians] began to come out from [the land of the Romans] and [to go down to their own country].
1
1
19
304
22nd of the Persians, Ardashir son
of Shirwai for 1 year and 10 months
352nd Olympiad
The Jews — — — — — — —
2
1
20
305
— — — — — — — — — — —
3
2
21
306
(1) Literally "Tayaye".
(2) Lit. "had brought"; but the construction is a strange one, and the Syriac is perhaps corrupt.
(3) It is clear that the copyist has placed this notice too early, since the death of John's predecessor Athanasius is recorded by Elijah from James under AH 10 (631): see below.
[The British Library manuscript breaks off at this point. The remaining material is from Michael the Syrian, who almost certainly uses James' for this period].
23rd of the Persians, Boran daughter
of Khosrau for 1 year
ARABS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
`Uthman
Constantine
rd of the Arabs, `Umar
son of Khattab for 12 years
3
4
321
4
5
322
1
1
22
307
5
6
323
Other Persians for one year
6
7
324
2
1
23
308
7
8
325
24th of the Persians, Yezdegerd
son of Khosrau for 12 years
8
9
326
9
10
327
3
1
24
309
10
11
328
4
2
25
310
11
12
329
5
3
26
311
12
13
330
6
4
27
312
The kingdom of the Arabs is divided in two
7
5
28
313
8
6
29
314
In the city of Yathrib, `Ali for 5 years,
in Syria Mu`awiya
9
7
30
315
10
8
31
316
1
1
4
289
11
9
32
317
2
2
15
332
Heraclius died and left two sons in the kingdom
3
3
16
333
4
4
17
334
55th Constantine for 7 years
5
5
18
335
12
10
1
318
th of the Arabs, Mu`awiya alone for 20 years
`Umar was killed and th reigned
`Uthman for 12 years
1
19
336
1
11
2
319
2
20
337
2
12
3
320
3
21
338
4
22
339
5
23
340
6
24
341
7
25
342
8
26
343
9
27
344
56th of the Romans, Constantine and
his brothers for 16 years.
ARABS
ROMANS
TOTAL
YEARS
Justinian was deposed
and 58th reigned Leontius
for 3 years
Mu`awiya
Constantine
10
1
345
11
2
346
11
1
371
12
3
347
12
2
372
13
4
348
13
3
373
14
5
349
59th of the Romans, Tiberius, also
known as Apsimarus, for 7 years
15
6
350
16
7
351
14
1
374
17
8
352
15
2
375
18
9
353
16
3
376
19
10
354
17
4
377
20
11
355
18
5
378
Mu`awiya died and his son Yazid
reigned as th king for 4 years.
19
6
379
20
7
380
1
12
356
`Abd al-Malik died and his son Walid
reigned as 9th king.
2
13
357
3
14
358
Justianian reigned again and killed the others (1)
4
15
359
Yazid died and the kingdom of the Arabs was divided, and afterwards reigned th Marwan for one year.
1
1
381
2
2
382
1
16
360
3
3
383
The kingdom of the Arabs was divided among many, and afterwards reigned th `Abd al-Malik for 30 years.
4
4
384
5
5
385
57th of the Romans, Justinian
for 10 years
1
1
361
2
2
362
3
3
363
4
4
364
5
5
365
6
6
366
7
7
367 (2)
8
8
368
9
9
369
10
10
370
(1) Leontius and Tiberius. (2) If Elias of Nisibis is correct, this is as far as the tables given by James went. The final few rows which contain the year numbers of `Abd al-Malik and Justinian must be attributed to a continuator.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_chronicle_03_fragments.htm
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Fragments and extracts
James of Edessa, Chronicle. Fragments and extracts
Brooks gives the following material in two publications:
E.W.Brooks "The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa," Zeitschrift für deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 53 (1899), p. 261-327. This includes an English translation of all the material, but all mixed together rather than as in the sources.
E.W. Brooks et al., "Chronicon Iacobi Edesseni", in: Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 5-6, Scriptores Syri 3-4 (= "Chronica minora 3") (1905-1907). Online here.
From the head of the British Library manuscript
ZDMG p.309:
The manuscript contains some words from the version of Eusebius, at the top of folio 10:
— — — the 1]9th [year] of Shabur, the 9th king of the kingdom [of the Persians]. But according to the era of the Greeks this first [year] is the year 637, and by the Olympiad reckoning it is the first year of the 276th Olympiad, and by the era of Antioch it is the year 374, and by that of Diocletian it is the year 42 1).
Constantine made his two elder sons, Constantine and Constantius, Caesars.
Extracts from the Chronicle of James of Edessa preserved in Elias of Nisibis 1
The history of Elias of Nisibis quotes James of Edessa for items not found in the British Library manuscript. In the CSCO publication, on pp.256-7 (online here), Brooks gives a Latin version. Some of the same material is incorporated in the English translation of the chronicle in the ZDMG article, p.309 onwards. This item is organised as Brooks prints it in the CSCO, but the translation of each line is as he gave it in the ZDMG. Brooks indicates the source for the entries in the CSCO p.256 n. 1. I include a couple of the footnotes.
1. (Year 27) The year 664. This year a cross appeared in the sky in the East on the th of May.
2. (Year 87) The year 723. This year Rabbulo was appointed bishop of the Jacobites in the city of Edessa.
3. (Year 99) The year 735. This year Honorius, King of the Romans, died on the 15th day of August.
4. (Year 110) The year 746. This year Rabbulo, bishop of Edessa, died, and Hibo succeeded him.
5. (Year 125) The year 761. This year Theodosius, King of the Romans, died on the 11th day of July, and Marcian reigned after him.
6. (Year 132) The year 768. This year Marcian, King of the Romans, died on the 15th. day of January, and Leo reigned after him.
7. (Year 134) The year 770. This year Hibo, bishop of Edessa, died, and Nonnos succeeded him. (3)
8. (Year 150) The year 786. This year Leo, King of the Romans, died on the 11th day of January, aud Leo his daughter's son reigned after him for less than a year; and he died, and Zeno reigned after him.
ZDMG p.316, note 3: El. Nis. Chronicle of Edessa LXVIII gives the date as 769. In El. Nis. the notice is in a different hand to the rest and is absent in the Arabic version, while the name of the authority is in black instead of red,
9. (Year 166) The year 802. This year Zeno, King of the Romans, died, and Anastasius reigned after him.
10. (Year 193) The year 829. This year Anastasius, King of the Romans, died, in the month of Tammuz on the 9th day; and Justin reigned after him.
11. (Year 202) The year 838. This year Justin, King of the Romans, died, in the month of Tammuz on the 9th day; and Justinian, the son of his sister, reigned after him.
12. (Year 250) The year 886. This year Justin the Caesar made Tiberius the Caesar partner in the kingdom on the th of December.
13. (Year 254) The year 890. This year Justin, King of the Romans, died on the th of October, and Tiberius reigned after him
14. (Year 257) The year 893. This year Tiberius, King of the Romans, died, and Maurice reigned after him.
15. (Year 278) The year 914. This year Maurice, King of the Romans, was killed, and his wife and his sons, on the 23rd of November: and Phocas reigned after him.
16. (Year 279) The year 915. This year the moon was eclipsed on the night of the fifth day of the week on the 16th of July.
17. (Year 285) The year 921. This year Phocas, King of the Romans, was killed, and Heraclius reigned.
18. (Year 306) The year 10 (of the Arabs). This year Athanasius, patriarch of the Jacobites, died.
19. (Year 314) The year 18. This year there was a severe pestilence throughout the districts of Syria.
20. (Year 351) The year 56. This year appeared a terrible comet in the morning; and it began on the 28th day of August and lasted till the 26th day of October.
21. (Year 360) The year 66. This year Psomiros (1), King of the Romans, came to the throne.
ZDMG p. 324 n.1: Justinian II is meant, but the name clearly stands for Apsimar. Elijah or some earlier copyist took the name Tiberius Apsimar for two Emperors and substituted the latter name for Justinian which followed. The same error occurs in his list of Emperors (Brit. Mus. Add. MS 7197 fol. 11 r).
22. (Year 370) The year 75. This year there was a total eclipse of the sun on the first day of the week, the th of October, at the fifth hour of the day.
From Michael the Syrian. (from ZDMG p.324)
In the year 1019 of the Greeks in July there was a sign, and that was stars which shot or moved about in the. air, which some men call falling stars. And they appeared in every part of the sky, moving about quickly and rapidly the whole night from the southern to the northern quarter, a thing never heard of before since the creation of the world. And learned and holy men, in particular James of Edessa 1 and Moses the son of Al Hugr, wrote with regard to them what was said at the time by those natural philosophers who teach that they are vapour, that is condensed air, and, when it ascends, it comes in contact with the fire above and is burnt. And then the questioner asked them, "Whence has all this condensed air ascended? And where is it concealed?" And they could not then return any answer at all, but were reduced to saying, "Whatever the Lord pleases he does." And the outcome of events showed that these shooting stars denoted the Arabs, who at this time entered the district of the North and slew and burnt and destroyed the district and its inhabitants.
1 i. e. the continuator. James died in June 708. This fact shows that it is the chronicle, not some other work of James, which is here quoted.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: james_of_edessa_letter_virgin_mary.htm
James of Edessa, Letter on the genealogy of the Virgin Mary (1901) ROC 6, pp.522-531
James of Edessa, Letter on the genealogy of the Virgin Mary (1901) ROC 6, pp.522-531
1. Exordium.
2. The Virgin Mary is of the seed of David.
3. Citation of the apocrypha.
4. The messiah is of the seed of David.
5. The messiah has come.
6. Response to an objection by the Jews.
7. Peroration.
The Letter of James of Edessa to John the Stylite on the genealogy of the Virgin Mary
[Translated by F. Nau. Englished by Roger Pearse, 2011]
From the same to the same: James to John.
1. The divine apostle Paul when he wrote to men like those today, who were interpreting with great difficulty the mysterious words of the Gospel of Christ, said with wisdom and profundity: If there are men for whom our gospel is hidden, it is so for those who are perishing, for the unbelievers whose minds the god of this world has clouded, so that they do not see shining the light of the Gospel of the glory of the Messiah who is the image of God 1. — But all of us, he said, who behold as in a mirror the glory of the Lord, are changed into the same shape, that is to say into the same image 2, from glory to glory, when we believe without hesitation in the words of the Gospel as (coming) from the Lord who is the Spirit 3. So your Fraternity will know that, if someone interprets with great difficulty, finds obscure the words of the Gospel and does not believe it, or wants to oppose it with insidious and treacherous subtleties, this is one of those for whom the Gospel is hidden, one of those who are perishing, and one of those whom God has abandoned and, so that their minds are darkened by the shadows of the god of this world, and that the light of his Gospel does not shine in their eyes, because they are not worthy of being saved, because of their disbelief and the lack of rectitude of their spirit.
2. For we who — in the words of the apostle who knew and taught the mysteries of the Messiah — see and look at the words of the holy book as in a mirror 4, there is nothing in the Gospel that lends to difficulty or disbelief, but we are informed by the mysterious words it contains; we look at these words like one who looks at his reflection in a mirror, and they show clearly the picture of the truth. We learn from it that the Messiah has truly come, and we say that if he has truly come he was born, in the flesh, of the seed of David, as the prophets said of him; if he came and if he was born of the seed of David, he must necessarily also come at his time; if he came and he came at his time, and if he is born in the flesh of the seed of David, then the woman who gave birth is also by absolute necessity of the seed of David, as all these things depend on each other and are attached like (the rings) of a chain; they are combined and established by a necessary sequence of ideas and there is no (possible) hesitation on this subject.
That the Messiah is the seed of David is what everyone professes: the Jews, the Mohammedans, and also all the Christians who confess that he was incarnate and made man in his human nature. This fact that the Messiah, in the flesh, is the seed of David — as the holy prophets wrote in advance, is confessed by all, and to them is like (a) fundamental (dogma), to Jews as well as to Mohammedans and to Christians. I have said that it is (a) fundamental (dogma) recognized by the Jews, although they deny the true Messiah who came in truth, (because they acknowledge it) at least for the misleading Messiah that they expect, they say and say absolutely of him that he is of the seed of David and that he will be born of it. The Mohammedans also — although they do not recognize as God and as son of God the true Messiah who came and who is recognized by the Christians — they all confess without hesitation that he is the true Messiah who was to come and who was predicted by the prophets; they have on this subject, no controversy with us, but rather with the Jews; they set against them, by force of argument, by thought and word, that which I said earlier, and which was announced by the prophets: namely that the Messiah will be born (of the seed) of David and even that the Messiah who must come is to be born of Mary; this is firmly confessed by the Mohammedans and no one among them will deny it, as they say to all and always that Jesus, son of Mary, is indeed the Messiah; they also call him the Word of God, as do the holy books, and they add in their ignorance that he is the Spirit of God because they fail to distinguish the Word from the Spirit, even they do not accept calling the Messiah God and Son of God.
If all this is acknowledged by us and by the Mohammedans, that the Messiah is born of the seed of David, as stated by the prophets, and that the Messiah is born of Mary, and also that the one born of Mary is the true Messiah and not the one whom the Jews are waiting for, it follows that we and the Mohammedans must confess that he came in his time. Based on these facts acknowledged on both sides, who would hesitate, or search, or find only difficulties when it is necessary to respond to this question:
"Is Mary of the seed of David, or not?" It is clear indeed, and without any discussion, that if the prophets said the Messiah will come from the seed of David, and if we confess that the son of Mary is the Messiah, Mary, of whom he is the son, necessarily belongs to the family of David, although this is not written in the holy books, neither in the Old nor the New (Testament), and even though we can not make for her a genealogy from David and even though we do not know from whom she is descended, and we know neither her father nor her mother. For the holy books do not give the genealogy of women, but only that of men 5. Also the holy apostles were fishermen and simple men and not learned, they did not take care or think to tell us from whose seed came the Blessed Virgin, but (they busied themselves) only in preaching to us the gospel of Christ, and teaching us what the Messiah, who sent them, commanded them to teach us; he who said: Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, and teach them to obey everything that I have commanded you.
3. So by a firm and conclusive syllogism we must show to a Christian or Arab interlocutor that the Blessed Virgin Mary and Mother of God is of the seed of David, although this is not shown by the (holy) Books. This cannot be demonstrated by providing "evidence" from strange and superfluous stories that are brought forward by many and is written and read, but are not part of the holy books. Know indeed, O friend of truth, that I know the stories written by men of zeal, based on their own ideas without any testimony of the (holy) books. The Blessed Virgin Mary, mother of the Messiah, is the daughter of Anne and the just Joachim; the latter, according to the authors of these stories, was the son of Panthir, and Panthir was the brother of Melchi (Μελχί) 6; the latter was the son of Iani 7 (Ἰανναί), who was descended through his family from the tribe of Levi. They were based in Galilee, near the place where Tiberias was built 8.
As I said earlier, I do not want to demonstrate the matter with a superfluous demonstration taken from strange things, but using this firm and conclusive syllogism as I did earlier, O friend of God and the truth, that I want the truth to be upheld and not using words (learned) from superfluous stories; whoever the man may be who speaks with you and asks you or presses you on this issue, whether a Christian or a Mohammedan, if he is intelligent and has a reasonable soul, he will understand what the syllogism from which he will understand and will gladly testify to the truth without discussion. What I have said is enough to show clearly to a Christian or to a Mohammedan who talks about this subject, that the Blessed Virgin Mary is of the seed of David 9.
4. I must now quote for you the words of the prophets. They will show you evidence that the Messiah is, in the flesh, of the seed of David; it will then be shown you, in order to refute the Jews, that the Messiah has come in his time as it was written about him. Thus the expectation (of the Jews) is pointless, for because of their wickedness and blindness of heart, they were led to believe in a lie and not in the truth. The (holy) Spirit (by the) psalmist, testifies to you that the Messiah comes from David, when he says:
I have found David my servant and I have anointed him with my holiness (with my holy oil) 10;
and speaking of the Messiah who is to come from him, he adds further:
I will make his seed eternal, and his throne like the days of heaven 11.
The prophet Micah said:
And you Bethlehem, house of Ephrata, you're are not the (most) little among the thousands (the major cities) of Judah, because from you I will make come a ruler, who will command over Israel, and his outgoing (his origin is) from the beginning of the days of the world 12.
— Isaiah said:
And I'll make with you an eternal covenant: the holy things (the virtues) promised to David 13.
— Jeremiah said:
Behold, the days come, says the Lord, and I will raise unto David a just offspring, and a King shall reign and be wise; he will make judgement and justice on the earth. In his days (during his reign) Judah will be saved, and Israel shall dwell with confidence and the name that the Lord will give it will be: our righteousness 14.
— And after something else:
I will break the yoke on their necks and I will cut their chains, and foreigners shall not subjugate them any more, but they will serve the Lord their God and David their king, whom he has established 15.
— And further on again:
Thus says the Lord: If you can make pointless my covenant that I have made with the day and my covenant that I have made with the night, so that day and night no longer have a place in time, then my covenant that I made with David my servant also will be pointless, and he shall have no son to reign on his throne 16.
— Ezekiel says in the name of the Lord:
I will make a covenant together with David, I will kill every wicked animal on earth.
By "animal" he means, in my opinion, the devil 17. — And further on:
I will purify them and they shall be my people, and I will be their God; and my servant David shall be their king and they shall have only one shepherd 18.
— And again:
My servant (David) will be their leader forever 19.
These are the testimonies of the prophets, to show you that the Messiah is descended from the seed of David, and there are others like them.
5. You will also recognize without hesitation that the Messiah has come and the expectation of the Jews is pointless; because if the arrival of the Messiah means that he will control all peoples, that he will rule as far as the ends of the earth, and he will bring all peoples to know and worship the God of Israel, pulling them out of the error of the worship of demons, then this Messiah who has come has done and has completed all this in reality; so it is evident that the true Messiah who was to come has already come and the expectation of the blind and deceived Jews is pointless. You may know clearly, and it will be demonstrated (to you), that the coming of the Messiah took place in his time, as it had been decided before the creation of this world, for the refutation of the error of the Jews, by these mysterious words that the angel Gabriel said to the prophet Daniel, when he prayed to God about the captivity of Israel after the completion of the seventy years of the prophecy of Jeremiah, in the second year of Darius, fourth king of the Persians; these are his words:
Daniel, I am come to make you understand; at the beginning of your prayer a word came forth, and I have come to you to make (it) known to you, because you are a man of (curious) desires. Be attentive to the words and understand the vision: seventy weeks were fixed for your people and for the holy city, so that iniquity would be abolished and forgotten, so that the sin would be ended, so that the sins are sealed, so that eventually the illegal would end, so that iniquity would be purified; then will come the eternal justice, the vision and the prophecy will be sealed, the holy of holies will be anointed. So you'll know and you will understand that, from the promulgation of the response to build Jerusalem until the Messiah, (there will be) seven weeks and sixty-two weeks, and they will return, and the place and the wall will be built and the times will be completed. And after the sixty-two weeks the anointing will cease, and there will be no more judgement (justice) 20
hese words show that the Messiah came at the period which had been set in advance, and the words of Gabriel are not misleading. He said that seventy weeks of years were awarded to Jerusalem after the reconstruction that followed the return from captivity, after which the Messianic anointing, in which there was justice and power, would stop: the weeks are four hundred and ninety years. So if you count from the second year of Darius, during which this dream took place, and add four hundred ninety years, you find that this word (prophecy) was completed in fact in the year when Herod the Ascalonite reigned over the Jews; there were no more since then appointed (over the Jews) as chief and judge. Then the Messiah was born, in the thirty-third year of Herod, which is the three hundred and ninth year of the computation of the Greeks or of the Edessenians. It follows that the Messiah foretold by the prophets has come, that he came in his time, and that he has accomplished everything that was written about him and everything he had do and accomplish, and therefore the expectation of the Jews is in vain.
6. If, according to their bold vanity and eloquence, they go so far as to dare to declare and say that these seventy weeks spoken of the prophet are double weeks, as they are accustomed to say because of what the angel added at the end of his speech:
after seven weeks and sixty-two weeks.
Even so, shame because of their error covers the faces of the Jews for their pointless insistence; because if we go along and accept their argument, and say, following the opinion of inept fools 21, that these seventy weeks were double, we still find that the time of the Messiah is past and we find the double end of these weeks came around the time of Zeno and Anastasius, the Roman emperors. For if to the year three hundred and nine, the year of the birth of the Messiah, we add four hundred and ninety years, years which derive from the double weeks wildly imagined by the Jews, we find the year seven hundred and ninety-nine of the computation of the Greeks, which is about the fifteenth year of the Emperor Zeno of Romans; the first year of the Emperor Anastasius his successor is roughly the eight hundred and first year of the computation of the Greeks. Thus, even according to the ineptitude imagined by the impudence of the Jews, the Messiah has already come and it is demonstrated to everyone that their expectation is pointless and useless, because even accepting double weeks, the word of (Daniel ) would have been completed in the time of the emperor Anastasius, and the foolish Jews have not seen arrive this Messiah for whom they were waiting in vain.
So now, everyone: the true Christians and the bold heretics, the Muslims and the Jews in spite of themselves, all confess truly and necessarily that the Messiah has indeed come, that he came in his time, and he is descended from the seed of David, and if all these things are necessarily satisfied (are linked), Mary, the Blessed Virgin who gave birth to him, is also descended from David, although that is not explicitly written in the Holy Book, and that we are not able to produce what is not written. Because that which the truth (the reasoning) states, without allowing anything to be added or subtracted, shows much better the truth to our spirit and to our faith than if we were gathering superfluous words which are not written (in the Bible) and that we can not demonstrate from the sacred books.
7. This is what I have thought (good) to reply to your Fraternity about what you have asked the limited learning of my Humility to write to you; I prepared and I wrote all this with great pain and weakness of body and soul, for I have no one — like a weak old woman has other people who weave what she has worked and prepared in her old age — to take and weave what I have prepared, and make it into a garment, and so help my Humility; but when I have prepared, unraveled, twisted and turned the vestment, I am then obliged, when I cannot do so, to weave 22, cut, finish, sew, assemble and make a garment or outfit for the friendly spirit of science which has need of it 23.
Read it, and pray for my Humility; beware of making or writing something that would hurt me, just write to me again now as you always wrote to me, not calling me doctor, and so imagining that I would thus take more care to enliven you (enlighten you). You'll be preserved (remain) wise and in good health always, body, soul and intelligence, through the prayers of the saints. Amen.
[Footnotes - material in square brackets is added for the online edition]
1. (1) 2 Cor. 4. [2 Corinthians 4:3-4]
2. (1) This phrase must be a gloss by James of Edessa.
3. (2) 2 Cor. 3:18.
4. (3) 1 Cor. 13:12. [or perhaps 2 Cor. 3:18]
5. (1) This idea is found again in Dionysius bar Salibi (d. 1171).
6. (2) James of Edessa thus makes the father of Joachim the brother of Melchi instead of connecting him to Matthat. From this we can see that he omits Matthat and Levi, and so is following Julius Africanus and Eusebius.
7. (3) The father of Melchi. Cf. Luke 3:24.
8. (4) Dionysius Bar Salibi quotes this passage as follows: "James of Edessa says that the stories say that Mary was the daughter of Joachim, was of the tribe of Judah, Joachim was the son of Esther — the manuscript says "of Panthir" —and Esther was the brother of Melchi, son of Neri (Νηρί) — the manuscript says: the latter of Neri — who was descended in genealogy from Nathan and through a woman, from the race of Levi, and lived in Galilee in the place where was built the city of Tiberias." Note that the manuscript of Dionysius read "Panthir" like ours, and that Dionysius has replaced the word by "Esther". His manuscript also said: "the latter of Neri" where ours says "the latter was son of Iani". The differences between these two texts are also numerous.
All these names, except Esther and Panthir, are included in the list given by St. Luke. Dionysius introduced Esther because, in one of his lists, a woman of that name married successively Ματθάν (Matt. 1:15) and Ματθάτ (Luke, 3:24) and because he could not find a word that was closer to [Syriac].
9. (1) Dionysius takes the same approach: "We say that in mentioning Joseph (as a descendant of David) it is known thereby that the Virgin is descended from David like him. Because people from one tribe married within their tribe, although there were some exceptions." He then discusses this reason at length.
10. (2) Ps. 89:21. [Perhaps Psalm 89:20 (English/Masoretic) or Psalm 88:21 (LXX/Vulgate)?]
11. (3) Ibid. 89:30. This is the text of the Peshitta. [Perhaps Psalm 89:29 (if we follow the English numbering) or Psalm 88:30 (if we follow the LXX numbering)]
12. (1) Micaiah 5:2. The masoretic Hebrew, the Peshitta and the Greek of codex Vaticanus read: "You are (too) small to be (counted) among the thousand (the principal towns) of Judah. The text of James of Edessa corresponds to a different Greek version. Cf. Matth. 2:6.
13. (2) Isaiah 55:3. The translation of this passage differs among the versions.
14. (3) Jeremiah 23:5-6.
15. (4) Jer. 30:8-9.
16. (5) Jer. 33:20-21. These verses are missing in the most ancient manuscripts of the LXX, in Vaticanus, Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus.
17. (6) Ezechiel 34:25. Instead of " I will make with David " the Hebrew, the Vulgate and Peshitta read: " I will make with them "
18. (7) Ezechiel 36:23-24. [Perhaps Ezekiel 37:23-24]
19. (8) Ezechiel 36:25. [Perhaps Ezekiel 37:25]
20. (1) Daniel 9:22-26. The Syriac text differs from the Peshitta and still more from the revision of James of Edessa, as we have said in the introduction.
21. (1) Such language appears readily in oriental argumentation, and we should not be astonished at these expressions.
22. (1) This word paraphrases three analogous terms.
23. (2) James of Edessa seems to be very old, tired and left to himself. Probably the composition of this letter belongs to the period when, expelled from Edessa, he took refuge at the monastery of Teleda. At that time he was about 70 years old. John the Stylite was younger, because James died in 708 and there is a letter addressed to John the Stylite and dated to the year 718 (1029), in Georgs des Araberbischofs Gedichte und Briefe, Leipzig, 1891, p. 72-9.
This text was created by Roger Pearse, 2011. Notes to footnotes by Turretinfan. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
From Nau, F. 'Lettre de Jacques d'Edesse sur la genealogie de la sainte Vierge', Revue de l'Orient chretien, 6 (1901), 512-531. Taken from ms. British Library Add. 12172, fol. 87-91r, a 10th century manuscript.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ghewond_00_intro.htm
Ghewond, History (date) pp.i-iii. Translator's preface.
Ghewond, History (date) pp.i-ii. Translator's preface.
Ghewond's History
Translator's Preface
Almost nothing is known about the life of Ghewond, author of the sole th century Armenian history describing the Arab domination. It has been suggested that he was born in the 730s in the village of Goght'n, received his clerical education and degree of vardapet (doctor of the Church) in the city of Dwin, and died in the latter part of the century. His History covers the period from ca. 632 to 788 and includes descriptions of the Arab invasions of Armenia in the mid th century, the wars fought by the caliphate against Byzantium and the Khazars, the settlement of Arab tribes in Asia Minor and the Caucasus, and the overthrow of the Umayyads, as well as information on Arab tax policies, the status of the Armenian Church, and the Armenian and Arab nobilities. Ghewond is considered a trustworthy historian. He correctly lists the caliphs and the lengths of their reigns, except for the reigns of the initial three caliphs. He correctly lists the names and reigns of the ostikans or Muslim governors of the newly-created administrative unit called Arminiya, which included Armenia, East Iberia/Georgia, and parts of Aghuania (Atrpatakan/Azerbaijan). He was a supporter of the ambitions of the Bagratid family and, according to the colophon at the end of his History, wrote under the patronage of Shapuh Bagratuni, son of Smbat sparapet (commander-in-chief), whose activities are recorded in the work. Ghewond's major source for the period of the Arab invasions (640-660s) was the th century historian Sebeos [see Sebeos' History, chapters 30-38]. For the first half of the th century Ghewond was relying on the accounts of older contemporaries, but for the second half of the century he himself was a bitter eyewitness. He describes the increasing harshness of Arab tax policies and the growing intolerance of individual caliphs and their governors, which triggered two unsuccessful rebellions in Armenia (747-750 and 774-775). Martyrological literature may have been a source for part of chapter 40. That chapter contains the first reference to the Armenian Era (a system of dating with A.D. 551/552 as year one) which later Armenian historians were to adopt. However, the date Ghewond provides for the martyrdom in question is incorrect. Another source which Ghewond claims--"the enemy himself"--is quite suspicious. In that passage (in chapter 34), Arab soldiers--who have just annihilated Armenian rebels--purport to have seen priests with candles, incense, and gospels encouraging their foe. This is a literary device rather than a source. Fellow clergymen, Armenian nobles, and the author's own observations seem to be principal sources for much of the th century. The Bible was a clear source of inspiration for Ghewond throughout his life and throughout his History. Our author was a fatalist and moralizer who attributed all calamities to God's vengeance. Consequently he had no sympathy for rebels, be they Armenian lords and peasants who challenged the Arab overlords, or the iconoclastic Paulician sectarians (the "sons of sinfulness") who challenged the Armenian Church in this period. In Ghewond's account, the failings of the Christian Armenians were due entirely to their own sins, but so too were the failings of the Muslim Arabs. Ghewond's worldview is consistently negative, probably a reflection of the bleakness of the period he chronicled. |ii There is some question whether Ghewond's text has reached us intact. Titles provided by some later medieval historians could imply that the work began with an account of the prophet Muhammad's life, though this is not certain. The late 13th century historian Step'annos O'rbelean, in chapter 7 of his History of the State of Sisakan, claimed that Ghewond's History contained a gahnamak or list of princes, but the extant text of Ghewond does not. The lack of a concluding section also seems peculiar, especially for an author so prone to moralizing. In addition to possibly missing portions, Ghewond's text may have gained a section (chapters 13-14), containing the lengthy correspondence between Caliph 'Umar II and Emperor Leo III, which many scholars today regard as a later interpolation. The most detailed study of Ghewond's text remains father Nerse's Akinean's Ghewond er'ets' patmagir [The Historian Ghewond the Priest] (Vienna, 1930; also in the journal Hande's amso'reay, vols. #43-44, 1929-1930). In a deliberately provocative section of his study Akinean suggested that Ghewond and another historian, Movse's Xorenats'i, were one and the same person. However vocabulary, style, and worldview--among other factors--rule this out, and Akinean's proposal has found no support among scholars. Eight of the surviving fourteen manuscripts of Ghewond's History are housed at the Matenadaran in Yerevan, Armenia. The oldest and most complete (ms. #1902) dates from the 13th century and seems to have been the source of the other copies, many of which are defective. The first publication of the classical Armenian text was made by K. V. Shahnazarean (Paris, 1857), based on a 17th century manuscript. A better edition was prepared by K. Ezean and issued by S. Malxasean (St. Petersburg, 1887), based on several manuscripts, including the earliest. Translations have been made into French by Shahnazarean/Chahnazarean (Paris, 1856); Russian by K. Patkanean (St. Petersburg, 1862); and modern Armenian by Aram Ter-Ghewondyan (Yerevan, 1982). An English translation and scholarly commentary of chapters 13-14 was issued by A. Jeffery [Ghevond's Text of the Correspondence between 'Umar II and Leo III, Harvard Theological Review, 37 (1944) pp. 269-332]. The first complete English translation [History of Lewond, the Eminent Vardapet of the Armenians] was published by father Zaven Arzoumanian (Philadelphia, 1982), and includes an introduction, valuable notes, and a map. Our translation below was made from the classical Armenian text of Ezean/Malxasean (St. Petersburg, 1887, second edition) and excludes chapters 13-14. For the history of the 7- th centuries see N. G. Garsoian, "The Arab Invasions and the Rise of the Bagratuni (640-884)", in The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, vol. I, R. G. Hovannisian, ed. (N.Y., 1997); and A. Ter-Ghewondyan, The Arab Emirates in Bagratid Armenia (Lisbon, 1976), translated by N.G. Garsoian. On the Paulicians see N. G. Garsoian, The Paulician Heresy (Paris, 1967); V. Nersessian, The Tondrakian Movement (London, 1987), chapter 3; and S. Dadoyan, The Fatimid Armenians (Leiden, 1997), chapter two. The maps and accompanying text in R. H. Hewsen, Armenia, A Historical Atlas (Chicago, 2000) pp. 104-107 also are valuable. Later epic literature, including the Armenian David of Sasun and John Mamikonean's History of Taron, and the Byzantine Digenes Akrites perhaps contain material reflecting this period. The transliteration employed here is a modification of the Library of Congress system, substituting x for the LOC's kh, for the thirteenth character of the Armenian alphabet. Otherwise we follow the new LOC system for Armenian, which eliminates diacritical marks above or below a character and substitutes the single or double quotation mark to the character's right. In the LOC romanization, the seventh character of the alphabet appears as e', the eighth as e", the twenty-eighth as r', and the thirty-eighth, as o'.
Robert Bedrosian
Long Branch, New Jersey 2006
A note on pagination
The printed editions of these online texts show the page number at the top of the page. In the right margin the pagination of the classical Armenian (grabar) text also is provided. We have made the following alterations for the online texts: the page number of the printed English editions (Sources of the Armenian Tradition series) appears in square brackets, in the text. For example 101 this text would be located on page 101, and 102 this text would be on page 102. The grabar pagination is as follows. This sentence corresponds to the information found on page 91 of the classical Armenian text [g91] and what follows is on page 92. In other words, the classical Armenian text delimiters [gnn] indicate bottom of page.
This text was placed online by Robert Bedrosian, and kindly placed by him in the public domain to facilitate circulation. This slightly reformatted version appears here by his permission. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ghewond_01_history.htm
Ghewond, History (2006) pp.1-47
Ghewond, History (2006) pp.1-47.
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter 14
Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Chapter 19
Chapter 20
Chapter 21
Chapter 22
Chapter 23
Chapter 24
Chapter 25
Chapter 26
Chapter 27
Chapter 28
Chapter 29
Chapter 30
Chapter 31
Chapter 32
Chapter 33
Chapter 34
Chapter 35
Chapter 36
Chapter 37
Chapter 38
Chapter 39
Chapter 40
Chapter 41
Chapter 42
Colophon
[Translated by Robert Bedrosian]
1. First [we shall discuss] those called Amir al-Mu'mnin [Commander(s) of the Faithful]. Muhammad (Mahmet) [ca. 570-632] died after exercising power for twenty years. In the eleventh year of the [reign of the] pious, God-pleasing Emperor Heraclius [610-641] of Byzantium, [Muhammad] was succeeded by Abu Bakr [632-634], 'Umar [634-644], and 'Uthman [644-656] [who ruled] for thirty-eight years. As long as the God-crowned Heraclius was living, [the Arabs] did not dare to conduct raids against Judaea, because [Heraclius'] reputation for bravery was widespread, and he terrified them. Thus [Heraclius] held the rule of Judaea and Asorestan until the end of his life. Once Heraclius' son [Constantine III, 613-641] had come to rule [g ] in his father's stead, the Lord awakened the spirits of malevolent men so that through them the blood of Christians would be shed in vengeance, because we had sinned before the Lord God. [The Arabs] began to form brigades and mass troops against Constantine's realm, against Judaea and Asorestan, having for support the command of their law-giver, that sower of darnel, to "Go against the countries and put them under your rule, for the plenty of the world has been given to us for our enjoyment. Eat the meat of the select ones of the countries, and drink the blood of the mighty." The Jews were their supporters and leaders, having gone to the camp at Madiam and told them: "God promised Abraham that He would deliver up the inhabitants of the world in service [to him]; and we are his heirs and sons of the patriarch. Because of our wickedness, God became disgusted with us and lifted the scepter of kingship from us, subjecting us to the servitude of slavery. But you, too, are children of Abraham and sons of the patriarch. Arise with us and save us from service to the emperor of the Byzantines, and together we shall hold our realm." [The Arabs] were encouraged further hearing this, and went against Judaea. News reached the emperor of the Byzantines, who wrote [g ] to the general in Judaea, saying: "I have heard that the Saracens have arisen and attacked Judaea and Asorestan. Gather up your troops, go fight against them and block them, so they do not spread their raiding over our country, bringing the sword and death to it. Now put on your armor and organize your troops." [The general], upon receiving the imperial order, wrote to the military commanders who were under his authority, wherever they happened to be, to come to him. Coming quickly, altogether they formed a mighty army which went before the marauder who had grown strong and was coming against them. Now [the two sides] faced each other in the confines [of the place called] the Rock of Arabia. [The Byzantines] saw the boundless host of the Madiam army, as numerous as a swarm of locusts, with [their] incalculable number of camels and horses. Then the Byzantine troops displayed great ignorance, for they put the army's supplies out in the open at a great distance from themselves. And, leaving their horses at the camp, they went forth to make war on foot, armored, against [the Arabs]. Exhausted from the sun's heat, the hot rocks and sand, and from the weight of their weapons, they fell upon the enemy. [g ] [The Arabs], who had rested themselves, quickly leaped on their mounts and attacked, delivering many blows to the Byzantine troops and putting the rest to flight, pursuing them to the Byzantine camp, and generally killing many of them. Then the Ishmaelites, having loaded up with looted Byzantine treasures and after robbing those who had fallen to their swords, returned in joy to their own land. Thereafter they ruled over Judaea and Asorestan, putting the land and country of the blessed city of Jerusalem under taxation. Thus, from that time forth, Judaea and Asorik' ceased paying taxes to the emperor of Byzantium, since the army of the Byzantines was unable to resist the Ishmaelites. And so Ishmael came to rule over Judaea. |2 2. A year later [the Arabs] became insolent toward the shah of Iran. They assembled a multitude of troops and came against the shah of Iran whose name was Yazdgird (Yazkert) [III, 632-651], the grandson of Xosrov [II, 590, 591-628]. Yazdgird also assembled his troops to battle, [g ] but he was unable to withstand them. [The Arabs] struck the [Iranian] troops, destroying them with the sword, and they struck and killed the shah. With that, the kingdom of the Iranians ended, having lasted 481 years. The Ishmaelites pillaged the country and the royal treasury and took [the spoil] to their own land. A large body of troops separated and started raiding the land of the Armenians from the Iranian side, capturing the districts of Mark' and Goght'n and the village (dastakert) of Naxjawan. Many men were killed by the sword; others, with women and children, were made captives and taken across the Arax (Erasx) River at the ford of Jugha. The army then divided into two parts, one part transporting the captives to their own land, and the other brigade raiding through the district of Artaz against the Byzantine general named Procopius, who was encamped in the district of Kogovit, near the borders of Bazudzor and Marduts'ayk'. Prince T'e'odoros of the R'shtunik' clan alerted Procopius that "troops of the marauding Ishamelites have arisen and are coming against us." But Procopius, placing his faith in the multitude of his troops and not in God Who determines [the outcome of] the battle, wrote nothing in reply to the prince of the Armenians. [T'e'odoros R'shtunik'], who was embittered by the destruction of the land of the Armenians and by the laziness of the general, [g ] impatiently wrote [to Procopius] two and three times. General [Procopius], getting angry at the prince [who was in his presence], threw the scepter he was holding in his hand at [T'e'odorus]. [T'e'odorus] left him, saddened, and immediately ordered the forces under his authority to "arm and go against the Ishamelites." The troops mounted their horses and went to a hill named Eghbark' where they held the summits of the gorges, waiting to ambush [the Arabs]. They slew many of them, took booty from the fallen, and went on to the district of Garhni, having separated from the [Byzantine] general. Then Procopius ordered his own troops to go against the enemy. The army of the Ishmaelites rushed against them, destroying most of the Byzantines. The survivors took to flight and [the Arabs] pursued them to their camp and then they themselves returned to their own camp to rest. They say that there were more than 60,000 Byzantine troops [involved there], while the Ishamelites had less than 10,000 men. The next day, gathering up the spoil stored in the camp, [the Arab army] turned about and returned to its own land. This occurred in the twenty-second year of Abu Bakr and 'Uthman and 'Umar, the Ishmaelite caliphs. For the next three years they ceased coming against the land of the Armenians. However, in the twenty-sixth year of their rule, once again they attacked the land of the Armenians with a very large force.[g ] |3 3. In the second year of the Byzantine emperor Constantine, who was Heraclius' grandson, news reached Prince T'e'odoros that the marauders had arisen and were coming against the land. He took his troops and wanted to get hold of gorges at the Dzora pass, but was unable to get there in advance [of the Arab army] because the enemy had attacked with the speed of winged snakes. Thus they left Armenian forces behind them and headed to the capital city of Duin. They found the city devoid of fighting men, because all of them had gone along with Prince T'e'odoros. All they encountered there were women, children, and other people who were not soldiers. They came against the city and quickly took the fortress. They killed the men they discovered and took into captivity the women and children, some 35,000 souls.
Tell me, who is capable of lamenting in a worthy fashion the wretchedness of these disasters? For they occurred everywhere. The holy churches, which the pagans were not worthy to enter, were pulled apart, demolished, and trampeled under the loathsome feet of the infidels. Priests, deacons, and worshippers were slaughtered [g9] by the insolent and merciless enemy. Delicate women, who had never experienced adversity, were whipped and dragged into the square crying out laments for the fate that awaited them. Similarly, the multitude of captives with their sons and daughters were in the same calamity, groaning and sighing. They did not know who was more worthy of lamentation, those who had been slain by the infidel's sword, or the sons and daughters left alive who were to be seized and taken, to be alienated from the faith of Christ and its spiritual and divine glorification. Though there were many weeping and mourning the pitiful sight of blood-spattered bodies fallen on top of one another, [the survivors] were not in a condition to gather up the bodies and bury them. How very appropriate [to this situation] is the prophet's lament: "O God, the heathen have come into thy inheritance; they have defiled thy holy temple. They have given the bodies of thy servant to the birds of the air for food, the flesh of thy saints to the beasts of the earth. And there was none to bury them" [see Psalms 79: 1-3]. All these disastrous horrors, which Judaea had experienced before, were now visited upon us. When the troops of the Armenians with the lords (naxarars) and Prince [T'e'odoros R'shtuni] saw the ferocity of the marauders who had come against them, their resolve weakened and they were unable to attack the pillaging enemy. Even though they saw their women and children being led away into captivity, [the Armenian troops] were unable to resist, [g10] because they were few in number. Rather, they just sat sobbing, lamenting, and grieving for their women and children. The Hagarenes transported [the captives] to the country of Syria, and then they ceased coming against the land of the Armenians for ten years. |4 However in the thirty-sixth year of their rule, they assembled a force and again attacked the land of the Armenians. The leaders [of this expedition] were 'Uthman and Oqba. When they reached the borders of Armenia, they divided into three fronts and began their raiding. One front went by way of the land of Vaspurakan, capturing towns and fortresses as far as the city of Naxjawan. Another front went through Taro'n, and the third front reached Kogovit and besieged the fortress of Artsap'. Locating an entrance to the fortress, they went in secretly at night. They found the guards sleeping, and so they took that fortress. They bound the men they encountered there. Then they negligently took their pleasure, having abominably foul intercourse with the women. But all-seeing God took pity on [the Armenians], not ignoring those who believed in His Name. As retribution for the evils [the Arabs had] wrought, He sent Prince T'e'odoros who, roaring like a lion, took six hundred armed men and quickly went against the marauders who had arrived there. Appearing at [the fortress] suddenly, [T'e'odoros and his troops] killed some 3,000 of the enemy, freed the bound [men], pursued the few survivors, and retrieved the captives. [g11] Then, collecting the enemy's loot and booty, they turned back joyfully glorifying God Who demanded vengeance from their enemy. As for that [other front of the] army about which I narrated earlier, it took its spoil and captives and went to the land of Syria. After that they stopped [raiding] for two years. Having wrought such evil deeds during their day, the princes of the Ishmaelites--Abu Bakr, 'Uthman, and 'Umar--died. 4. Succeeding them, a certain Mu'awiya held authority for nineteen years and four months, and then died [661-680]. [We shall now describe] Prince Grigor who lived in [Mu'awiya's] time, the events that took place in the land of the Armenians, and the deaths of the princes. The caliph of the Tachiks [Arabs] began to assemble troops to come against the land of the Armenians in the first year of [Mu'awiya's] reign, which was the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Constans [II, 641-668], the grandson of Heraclius. News of this reached Emperor Constans who ordered the general in the Cilician area to go against them. [Constans] removed Prince T'e'odoros from his authority because of the treachery he had worked against general Procopius, and put in his stead [g12] a certain Smbat from the Bagratid clan, sending him along with his general. He wrote to T'e'odoros R'shtuni, who previously was the [presiding] prince, saying: "Arise and come with us to battle, bringing along the troops under your control." However [T'e'odoros] did not want to go. [Constans] wrote a second time: "If you do not accompany us to fight the marauder, on our return I shall exterminate your House, [removing it] from the [other] clans of our [empire]." Frightened by these threats, [T'e'odoros] dressed his son, Vard, to go to Prince Smbat, ordering him to deal treacherously with his allies, and to unite with the enemy. [Vard] went to the general of the Byzantines and [together] they set off for Syria, crossing the bridge on the Euphrates. T'e'odoros' son then went to the general and requested that he be appointed as guard over the pontoon bridge. [The general] ordered that [Vard] guard the front of the bridge. |5 When the two sides clashed in battle and the wounded fell on both sides, again the Tachik fighters became strong, putting the Byzantine troops to flight. This occurred on Holy Saturday, on the eve of Easter. Once T'e'odoros' son observed the Ishmaelite victory, gathering his strength he crossed to the other side of the river and severed the bridge's [connecting] ropes, so that the [Byzantine] fugitives would not survive. Getting the Byzantine troops in their midst [the Arabs] hurled some of them into the river, though some of them escaped and fled to Byzantine territory. Thereafter the Byzantine emperor's courage abandoned him [g13], since he realized that the collapse of his authority was the Lord's doing. From that point on he ceased going against the Ishmaelites. Now the caliph of the Ishmaelites wrote an edict to the land of the Armenians: "If you do not pay taxes to me and come under the yoke of my service, I shall put all of you to the sword." Nerse's, the chief-priest of the Armenians and builder of [the church of] St. Gregory, together with the princes and lords of the land assembled and agreed to become tributary to the tyranny of the Ishmaelites. [The Arabs] requested hostages, and [the assembly] gave [them] two of the Armenian lords, Grigor from the Mamikonean House and Smbat from the Bagratuni House. Mu'awiya, caliph of the Ishmaelites, took them and levied a 500 dahekan annual tax on the land of the Armenians [in exchange for allowing them] to remain without fear in their dwellings. In the second year of his reign Mu'awiya summoned Grigor and Smbat, who were hostages at the royal court. He gave to Grigor the honor of [the position of presiding] prince of the Armenians [ca. 662-684/85], and sent them back to the land of the Armenians with numerous gifts. There was great peace during the years of his rule. Mu'awiya's son, Yazid [I, 680-683] succeeded him, living for two years and five months before dying. He had kept taxes over the land of the Armenians at the same rate [as his father]. After [Yazid], 'Abd al-Malik [685-705], son of Marwan [I, 684-685] ruled. He lived for twenty-one years before dying. An account of his deeds follows. [g14] ['Abd al-Malik] was a cruel and warlike man. In the second year of his rule there was a fierce conflict, warfare, and a great bloodletting among the Tachiks which continued for three years, claiming innumerable lives, and which fulfilled the prophecy of David: "Their swords shall enter their own hearts and their bows shall be broken" [Psalm 37:15]. Instead of the shedding of innocent blood and the merciless slaughter which [the Arabs] visited upon the Christian peoples, the blood of the guilty was shed and God demanded vengeance upon those who had insulted His servants, a vengeance visited upon them by their very own hands. Grigor, [presiding] prince of the Armenians, kept the land of the Armenians in a peaceful state throughout his reign, free from all raids and attacks. For he was a God-fearing man, pefectly pious in the faith, charitable, hospitable, and [a man who] cared about the poor. In the village of Aruch in the district of Aragatsotn he built a wonderfully appointed and adorned house of worship as a memorial to his own name, to glorify the Lord's name. |6 During the war which broke out among the Tachiks, the Armenians, Georgians, and Aghuanians ceased to pay tribute to them, having been tributary for thirty years. This rebellion lasted for three years. In the fourth year, [g15] a northern people called Khazars (Xazirk') ruled over the land of the Armenians and they killed Prince Grigor and many Georgian and Aghuanian lords and princes in battle. [The Khazars] spread out raiding across the land of the Armenians, seizing numerous districts and villages. Then, collecting their loot and captives, they returned to their own land. 5. [The following chapter concerns] the reign of Ashot, the conflagration caused by the Romans, and the death of Ashot. After the death of Grigor, Ashot patrik [the patrician] succeeded him in the authority of [presiding] prince. [Ashot] of the Bagratuni clan was a prominent grandee among the Armenian lords, rich and mighty in authority, virtuous and modest in all wordly matters, more noble and more acquainted than all others with piety toward God. He concerned himself with all manner of benevolent work, was interested in education, and adorned the churches of God with doctoral arts and groups of clerics and splendid [ritual] vessels, all out of his treasury. He built a church [called Amenap'rkich'] at Dariwnk', the seat (ostan) of his realm, and placed in it the icon of the life-giving incarnation of Christ with its miraculous powers, which he had taken from the West, naming the church after it [Amenap'rkich' "Savior of All"]. [g16] In the first year of his reign, a star of astonishing aspect appeared like a column of light shedding light from its own tail, and they called it a comet. It became a symbol of [the coming of] famine, the sword, and great violence. In the second year of the reign of Emperor Justinian [II, 685-695, 705-711] and during the reign of Ashot patrik, [Justinian] sent a large force against our land of Armenia. They came and destroyed the land with looting, subjecting numerous beautiful buildings to fire and turning them into ruins. And then [the Byzantine troops] returned to their own land. However the Byzantine grandees became inimical toward Justinian, cut off his nose, and exiled him. In his place they enthroned Leo [Leontius, 695-698], Apsimeros Tiberius [Tiberius III Apsimar, 698-705] and Theodosius [III, 715-717]. Meanwhile Justinian had gone to the land of the Khazars, married the daughter of the Khaqan/Qaghan (Xak'an), the king of the Khazars, and requested auxiliary troops from him. [The Khaqan] provided many troops and sent along with them an extremely mighty man, named True'gh [Terbelis/Tervel, khan of the Bulghars, 700/701-718], Justinian's father-in-law. Arriving in Constantinople, [Justinian] fought and conquered his adversaries and established his reign for a second time. True'gh died in the battle. Then [Justianian] sent the other Khazar troops back to their own land with many gifts and valuable goods. Ashot held authority for four years. [g17] In the fourth year of his rule a looting brigade of the sons of Ishmael attacked the land of the Armenians. These sons of sin and children of impiety worked their wickedness on the towns of Mark', at Xram, Jugha, and Xoshakunik' for they tortured the men, demanding taxes, and they planned to molest the women with their loathsome and obscene intercourse. News of these crimes reached Prince Ashot who immediately ordered his troops to go against them. [The Armenians] put [almost] all of them to the sword, while the remainder were put to flight. Once the wily son of Satan saw this attack, he became more violent and ordered his troops to spread the [looted] treasures in the field before the Armenian troops. The latter, carelessly turning attention to the booty, slacked off in their pursuit [of the Arabs]. Only Prince Smbat with a few men continued pursuing them. The enemy, growing stronger, turned back on them, wounding the [presiding] prince of the Armenians. However [Smbat's] soldiers gave a shout and [the remaining troops] arrived quickly, striking and killing the enemy. They took the prince, fatally wounded, to Kogovit where he died in his bed, gloriously 689. He was buried in his [clan's] mausoleum in the village of Dariwnk'. [g18] |7 6. [This chapter] concerns the battle which occurred in the swamp. After the events which we have just narrated, the emperor of the Byzantines, who was called Apsimar and who succeeded Emperor Justinian, again sent a force [to Armenia] with orders to capture Smbat, the son of Varaztirots'. This was in revenge for Smbat's desertion of the Byzantine army on account of his father Varaztirots', whom the Byzantines had slain. They came and fought against him in the swampy plain of Payik. Many of the Armenian troops were killed, since they were few, as were many of the Byzantine troops. Once Smbat realized that he could not withstand the Byzantine army, he escaped by a hairsbreadth with a few men. The Byzantine troops returned to their own land. 7. Now I shall again discuss the unbelievable disasters which befell us from the Ishmaelites. In the sixteenth year of the reign of 'Abd al-Malik' [685-705], Satan again inflamed his malevolent heart and [the caliph] ordered his troops to come against our land. The military commander was the bloodthirsty [g19] and diabolical Muhammad (Mahmet) [ibn Marwan] who swore a vow to his prince [his brother, Caliph 'Abd al-Malik'] that he would not replace his sword in its scabbard until he had plunged it into our land. Boasting, he went to the district of Jermadzor mercilessly putting to the sword whomever he found, as he had promised. However, since many people had been warned in advance about his coming they had taken precautions and sought refuge in the fortresses. [Muhammad ibn Marwan] also took numerous strongholds through deceit, falsely urging them to make peace. But once they had secured [that peace], they descended into the fortresses and put their swords to work, killing the men, and taking captive the women and children. Such a crisis descended on our land that [the living] envied the dead who had departed this world in peaceful rest, rather than endure a life of such misery. Two years later his impiety came to a head, and [Muhammad] began to spew forth his deadly poison. He planned death for the monastery of Saint Gregory. For [the Arabs] had seen the wonderful, venerable, and revered [church] vessels which the kings, princes and lords of this land had accumulated there. They saw too the [monastery's] arrangements of the angelic orders of priests, the goodly discipline of vardapets and worshippers, and [they heard] the angelic hymns [sung] across the country. These things wounded their inflamed souls and so they treacherously planned a fatal ruination for them. A brigade of the infidels went to spend the night under their roof. Getting up [g20] in the night, they strangled one of their own servants and threw him into a ditch. When morning had dawned, they arose to leave. Then they sought for the servant whom they themselves had killed, and were unable to find him. They visited many difficulties and dangers upon the monastic community. Then they initiated a search and found [the dead servant's body] in the ditch where they had thrown it. Immediately they began piling up all kinds of falsehoods and then seized everyone from the youngest to the oldest, and put them into prison. They wrote an edict to the bloodthirsty Muhammad explaining what had been done to them and asking what sort of death [the clerics] should be subjected to. When [Muhammad] had heard this, he told them to judge [the clerics] themselves as they wished, and to confiscate the church's belongings as booty. Having received the unjust order, executioners moved to implement that command of their satanic father, who was a murderer from the very start and never knew righteousness, as we learn from the Lord. They removed from prison all the people bound with ropes, cut off their hands and feet, hanged them from trees, and ended their lives. |8 Who could endure [hearing about] the unbelievable disasters visited upon them without weeping? The blessed church grew dim without the beauty of its altar, and the sound of heavenly glorification [ceased]. Silent were the spiritual, rational orders of the [divine] mass which the blessed [clerics] offered with the purest of thoughts. The glow of the lamps, which illuminated the evening like the day, had been extinguished. Gone was the fragrance [g21] of sweet-smelling incense, and [gone were] the prayers of the priests dedicated to the atonement of the people seeking peace from humane God. One could say that the altar of the Lord had been stripped of all splendor. Oh the suffering of Christ! How did He permit the infidels to slander the people who glorify Him and to give them such bitter deaths? Rather, He wanted to bestow eternal life [on them] through a transitory death, so that by sharing in His torments they would also share in His glory, and so that those who were crucified with Christ would also be crowned along with Him. Those who had died with Him would be reborn with Him and eternally inherit the rest they were promised. Similarly, those who collaborated with Satan will inherit with him the many different bitter torments which have been prepared for him, the fire, darkness, unending lament, tears, and the gnashing of teeth, about which He who has prepared them knows. All these things will befall those who work iniquity. As regards the aforementioned Muhammad, after accomplishing all these evil deeds, he went to Syria with much spoil. Meanwhile the inhabitants of our land were left like the burned husks of wheat which are thrown at the feet of swine. 8. When general Muhammad left for Syria, he left an Ishmaelite prince [Abu Shaykh ibn Abdullah, 701-703] as his replacement in the land of Armenia. The latter hatched an evil plan to eliminate the nobility and their cavalry from Armenia. His treachery was quickly revealed to Smbat of the Bagratuni House and to other lords and their cavalry. When [Smbat] realized the [truth about the] plot, he summoned to him his clan members from the army of the nobles: Smbat, son of Prince Ashot, Vard, son of Prince T'e'odoros, and his brother, Ashot, as well as other lords. He sought to find some way for them to save their lives. The decision adopted was to yield and leave the land, and to go to the Byzantine emperor. Some of the lords of the land of Vaspurakan then separated and departed, going to a plain called Ar'estakoghm on the Vaspurakan border where a certain monk resided, in order to ask him about these matters. For [the monk] was a blessed and select man, full of spiritual wisdom. He lamented and bemoaned the destruction of the land and the churches and the draining away of the lordly clans, but was unable to suggest anything except that they should be careful and beware [g23] of treachery. Offering prayers for them, [the monk] entrusted them to the grace of God, and sent them away. |9 They went along the bank of the Arax River and crossed into the borders of Ughaye', reaching the great town of Akor'i. Meanwhile the Ishmaelite troops which were in the city of Naxjawan chased after them and did not let off the pursuit, since there were more than five thousand of them and they wanted to devour [the Armenians] alive. When the Armenian troops learned that the marauders had arisen and were coming upon them, they crossed the Arax River [again] and encamped at the town of Vardanakert. The Tachik [Arab] troops continued to come after them. Then the Armenian forces sent a message to the Tachik troops, saying: "Why are you pursuing us? What wrong have we done you? Behold, our country lies before you, we are giving you our dwelling place, our vineyards, forests, and estates. Why do you also seek our lives? Let us quit our borders." However, the Ishmaelite troops did not want to listen, since their hearts had been hardened by the Lord so that they would be put to the sword. The Armenian troops secured the roads of the town and placed guards over them until dawn. They themselves spent the entire night in prayerful vigils, looking to the mighty right hand of God for aid and a just verdict on themselves and their enemies. As soon as day broke, when morning matins had ended, they celebrated the divine mass and those [g24] worthy of it communed in the Lord's body and blood, regarding it as their last rites. They ate a small meal to strengthen their bodies, and then immediately arose and organized themselves brigade by brigade and front by front, and went into battle. Aid from Almighty God came to the Armenian forces, for although there were less than two thousand troops, nonetheless they slaughtered many [Arabs] with their swords. [At that season] the days were already quite cold and icy, and then the weather turned even more bitterly cold, preventing the Ishmaelite troops from unleashing their might. They had spent the entire night sleeping on the snow. When day broke, they fell to [the Armenians'] swords. Those [Arabs] who escaped the sword fled and went on to the Arax River which had [lightly] frozen over from the cold. With that multitude of troops on the ice, [the ice gave way] and those who had escaped the sword fell through it into the depths to drown. A small number of the fugitives, some three hundred, turned [for aid] to tikin ("Lady") Shushan. But Smbat, Ashot's son, went in pursuit with his troops, wanting to kill them. Tikin Shushan came before him with many entreaties and was able to save those who had come [to her] on foot, naked, barefoot, and wounded. She bandaged their wounds, brought them back to health, and outfitted them with goodly clothing. She also provided pack animals from her own herd [for them] and then sent them to the caliph of the Ishmaelites, [g25] 'Abd al-Malik. As a result she received great thanks from him and also magnificent gifts. The army troops, engorged with the enemy's spoil, sent glad tidings of their victory to the Byzantine emperor. As gifts from the enemy's loot they also had delivered to him choice Tachik horses and the noses which they had severed from the [Arabs'] corpses. The emperor received that gift greatly offering thanks to the Creator and [expressing] gratitude to Smbat, the lords with him, and their troops. He also bestowed on [Smbat] the dignity of curopalates, in a royal fashion. [Smbat] received this honor from the emperor, took his own troops, and went to the land of Tayk' where he entered the fortress called T'uxark', and took precautions against the sons of Ishmael. |10 In this period, another marauder came against the troops which were in parts of the land of Vaspurakan. They came against them in the district of R'shtunik' at the village called Gukank', where the two sides faced off. When [the Arabs] saw that [the Armenians] were few in number, they forcefully attacked them. But then again God showed His mercy and came to their aid. [The Armenians] put all [the Arabs] to the sword except for two hundred and eighty men who fled into a church. [The Armenians] were unable to get at them [g26] and so they planned to set the sanctuary on fire. However the prince of the Vaspurakan area, Smbat, son of Ashot, did not allow them to commit this sacrilege, saying: "God forbid that we do such a thing to the dwelling place of the glory of God, Who has given such a victory to us." So they set up guards to stand watch until the sanctuary itself should give them up and expel them. After a while, one of the Ishmaelite troops who was their commander sought reconciliation, in order to save his own life. Then he went to the Armenian troops and said: "We have heard that Christian folk are merciful when they see people in misery, that they feel pity and show mercy. Show mercy to us and grant us our lives as a gift, and take our belongings as booty." General Smbat responded: "We are taught by our Lord that the merciful are the ones worthy of mercy. You, however, are a merciless people, unworthy of mercy, nor shall we show it to you." When the Ishmaelite heard this, he said: "At least grant me my own life and do not kill me, and [in exchange] I will deliver the rest of them into your hands." [The Armenians] agreed not to kill him. He went back into [the church] and said: "We have no hope staying here, since they will not show us mercy. Rather, come on and let us get out of here. Should they kill us we will attain the paradise promised to us by our law-giver, Muhammad. Should they let us survive, we will live." [g27] Encouraged by these words, they all went outside and were immediately put to the sword. As for the man they had promised not to kill, he was thrown into the depths of the sea alive. Then [the Armenians] collected spoil from the fallen, divided it up amongst themselves, and departed to their own places. |11 9. After these events, when the caliph of the Ishmaelites, 'Abd al-Malik, learned about the destruction of his troops, he summoned general Muhammad and his forces and ordered him to take a multitude of soldiers and go against the land of the Armenians, to kill and take captives. [Muhammad] immediately organized troops and forcefully and boastingly threatened to implement the command of their caliph. When the lords of the Armenians learned about the strengthened marauder who was coming against them, they entreated Sahak, kat'oghikos of the Armenians [Sahak Dzorap'orets'i, kat'oghikos 677-703], and some bishops of the land who were with him to go in advance of the Ishmaelite army, to speak words of peace to their general, and to place themselves under the yoke of service to them. As [Sahak] was departing the land, he greeted everyone as they kissed his right hand in peace, blessing his flock and their shepherds who trusted him, and entrusting them to the grace of the Lord. He passed many lodging-places and reached the city of Harran, where sickness [g28] came upon him. He died there, before general Muhammad had reached Harran. But first, he wrote these last words to the Ishmaelite general:
"My people have sent me before you to discuss the counsel adopted by the united lords and common people of Armenia and [the matters] which they request of you. However, the keeper of the grainary of life has suddenly called me to Him, and thus I have not managed to meet and talk with you. Now I swear to you by the living God and the covenant which God made with your father Ishmael to give him the entire world as obedient subjects, that if you make peace with my people, they will service you as tax payers. Stop your sword from shedding their blood and stop your hand from pillaging, and they will obey you wholeheartedly. As for our religion, let us have the authority to hold to what we believe in and confess to. Let none of you torment us to turn us away from our beliefs. If you do as I beseech you, the Lord will advance your rule and implement your will, and subdue everyone under your control. But if you will not heed my words and choose to invade my land, the Lord will shatter your ambitions, and will not guarantee the course of your footsteps, and He will turn around the hearts of your troops so that they will not work your will. He will stir up impediments [g29] to you on all sides and will not allow your rule to last. If you do not ignore my requests, my blessings will come upon you."
As soon as Muhammad arrived at Harran they informed him about the Armenian kat'oghikos and gave him his letter. Having read the letter, [Muhammad] inquired about his demise, and they told him that he had not been buried yet, as he had just died. Once [Muhammad] heard this, he quickly went to the place. Then, standing close to the deceased, he greeted him according to their custom, something we confirmed two or three times from credible men. [Muhammad] took [Sahak's] hand and began speaking with him as though with a living person. He said: "I realized your wisdom by reading your letter. Like a brave shepherd concerned about his flock, you hastened to come before my conquering sword. I agree to check my sword from shedding the blood of innocent people. Instead, I will implement all that you requested from me, to have your pious blessing upon me. Should I deviate by one word from all of your words, may all the curses which I read about in your letter be visited upon me." Having said this, he returned to his lodging-place. Those who had accompanied kat'oghikos Sargis from Armenia, now took the body of the blessed patriarch and laid it to rest in a grave [g30] in glory. Then, receiving that written pledge from the Ishmaelite general's hand, they departed for the land of the Armenians. When the inhabitants of the land saw the written assurances and pledges, they trusted them and thereafter they served the Ishmaelites through the payment of taxes. As for general Muhammad, he came a second time to the land of the Armenians with a large force, in the eighteenth year of Caliph 'Abd al-Malik, remaining there for three years. He did no evil [to the Armenians], ignoring what had been done to the Tachik troops in the town of Vardanakert. Rather, he steadfastly adhered to the written oath which he had given them, merely scrutinizing [the behavior of] the Armenian lords. Thus, having held his reign with such conduct, 'Abd al-Malik died. |12 10. After ['Abd al-Malik], his son, Walid (Vlit') [al-Walid I, 705-715] succeeded him as caliph of the Ishmaelites, ruling for ten years and eight months before dying. Here [is a description of] his deeds. In the first year of his reign, [al-Walid] resolved to do away with the families of Armenian lords and their cavalry due to a grudge he held against Curopalate Smbat. [al-Walid] claimed that they were an irritant and obstacle to their rule. While [g31] this wickedness was incubating in their hearts, the aforementioned Smbat quickly wrote to the Byzantine emperor requesting his help. Agreeing to this, the emperor sent numerous troops as an auxiliary force under the command of a general. Smbat, uniting [his forces] with the Byzantine general's, came to the village called Drashpet in the district of Vanand, and struck camp there. When Muhammad, the prince of the Ishmaelite troops, heard about this he assembled his forces with great preparation and went against them in battle. When they had reached a certain spot they deployed--front against front and brigage against brigade--and the fight began. Then the wrath of the Lord came upon [the allies], since the Byzantine troops lost their appetite for war and fled, taking refuge in fortresses. The enemy grew stronger and slew many with the sword. They say that more than fifty thousand combatants fell. The few survivors were chased out of the land. Gathering up his forces, [Muhammad] returned to the city of Dwin. When the caliph of the Ishmaelites observed that the Armenian lords had been leading the Byzantine troops, he ordered Muhammad to implement the same wicked plan [he had devised]. Muhammad took the unjust order and commanded a certain Kasim, who was his commander in [g32] the Naxchawan area, to summon to the city the Armenian lords and their cavalry on the pretext of [recording them in] a royal military census, giving them stipends, and dismissing them. [The lords]--with their traditional naivete--believed the treachery of the cunning hunters, and quickly went there. As soon as they had arrived, [the Arabs] ordered that they be divided into two groups: one [half] was gathered into the church of Naxchawan, while the other half was sent to the town of Xram where they were put into the church there. And [the Arabs] put them under guard and pondered how to destroy them. Then all of them assembled, brought out of confinement the men from noble clans, and then set fire to those who remainded trapped in the sanctuary. They burned to death before the altar of the Lord. When those who were trapped realized the bitterness of the danger [awaiting them], they one and all took refuge in God, looking solely to Him for help and crying out: "You who are the refuge for the persecuted, the helper of those in danger, comforter of the weary, give aid to us who are persecuted and surrounded by dangers, save us from the bitter death which awaits us. The heat of the flames surrounding us has intensified seven times more than the flames of Babylon. Now, just as You sent [g33] an angel to save the three childre from the furnace of Babylon, in Your mercy do not abandon us. For we are Your servants, even though many times, as sinners, we have displeased Your sweet love for humanity. In mercy, remember Your servants. For behold, Your sanctuary and the place where Your name is glorified has become a cemetary for us. Therefore, praising Your blessed and awesome name, we place in Your hands our souls, our breath, and our bodies." Having said this, all of them together sought blessing from On High, and died. |13 Now [the Arabs] put the noble lords into prison in fetters and subjected them to unendurable torture, demanding much weight in gold and silver. And they told them: "When we receive this amount of silver, we will free you alive. As a result, they even made oaths to convince [the lords] to believe in their false promises. [The lords] because of the danger facing them, gave into their enemies' hands much of their accumulated treasures, both [treasures] which they had placed in hiding under water to keep them from these [Arab] pirates, and [treasures] kept on dry land. This was done so that perhaps they might save their own lives. But once they had been drained of their wealth, the infidels condemned them to death and hanged them. [Among those] seized were Smbat, son of Ashot from the Bagratid clan, Grigor and Koriwn from the Artsrunid clan, Varaz-Shapuh and his brother from [g34] the Amatuni clan, and numerous other Armenian lords whom I am unable to mention one by one. By eliminating all of them [the Arabs] emptied our land of its lordly heirs. In this period, with the land of the Armenians devoid of its lordly clans, the situation resembled [that of a flock of] sheep surrounded by wolves. The enemies visited every sort of evil [upon us] as they attacked, keeping the inhabitants of the land of the Armenians in perpetual and disastrous crises. Plagued by these constant afflictions, [the people] raised their groans and sobbing cries On High. Meanwhile Curopalate Smbat and the lords with him arose and quit the land, requesting a city to dwell in from the Byzantine emperor and pasturage for their herds. [The emperor] gave them the city named Poti (P'oyt') in the territory of the land of Egeria. And they dwelled there for six years. When Muhammad had wrought all these evils, the protest which arose in the land reached the ears of the caliph of the Ishmaelites whose name was al-Walid. The latter immediately dispatched an edict summoning [Muhammad] to return to him and sending as his replacement a certain 'Abd al-Aziz, who was hard of hearing. Despite this he was sagacious and full of wordly knowledge, as well as a narrator of legends and fables. Once he had been confirmed in his authority, he wrote an edict to the Armenian lords convincing them to return to [g35] their own land and giving them a written oath in accordance with their custom. When they were certain [of the trustworthiness] of the pledge, they captured the city they were dwelling in and its treasures, ravished the church's ornaments as spoil, and returned to Armenia, detaching themselves from the Byzantine emperor. When the emperor heard about this, he regretted their ingratitude and summoned the leaders of the church--the metropolitan and archbishops--and ordered them to write anathemas in a book. And he ordered that [these anathemas] be read out at the conclusion of the feast of Easter against the perpetrators of such ingratitude, since that act of impiety was carried out on that very feast. They arranged that these same anathemas be read out every year, right up to the present. [Such curses] had an effect on them and became the cause of their ruination. |14 'Abd al-Aziz ruled the land of the Armenians and pacified it [by stopping] all the unjust attacks upon it, severely rebuking and subduing the boastful callousness of the sons of Ishmael. He rebuilt the city of Dwin mightier and larger than before and fortified it with gates and locks, and surrounded it with a moat filled with water to protect the fortress. "For," 'Abd al-Aziz said about himself, "I was the one who destroyed Dwin before, and now I shall rebuild it. I was a twelve-year-old lad [g36] [then] wearing a red apron. When the Tachik troops were battling with the city, I crawled through a passageway and emerged on top of the wall. In my own language I loudly shouted out to our troops, which resulted in the weakening and flight of the guards who were protecting the wall and the triumph of the Ishmaelites. And we destroyed this city." They say that he recounted this story about himself. 11. During this period, once again the heart of general Muhammad [ibn Marwan] became inflamed, [this time] against the land of the Chinese (Chenk'). He requested many troops from the prince of the Ishmaelites and promised that he would bring the king of the Chinese into submission and service to him. [The caliph] mustered many troops, as many as 200,000 men, and gave them to him. With this multitude of troops, Muhammad left the area of Damascus and headed to the East, crossing Asorestan, the land of the Persians, and Khurasan, until he reached a part of the land of the Chinese. There he encamped by the banks of a mighty river, called Botis. He wrote an edict to the king of the Chinese, [with this import]: "Why do you alone so stubbornly refuse to submit to our caliph, while all [the other] nations tremble with fear of us? In whom do you take refuge [through your act of] not submitting to us? Do you regard us as your maidens [g37] amongst whom you strut with studied elegance? Now if you do not enter under the yoke of service to us, grasp this: I will turn your country into a desert, [devoid] of inhabitants, and put an end to your kingdom. Do not negligently delay in responding to this letter; rather, do it immediately." As soon as the king of the Chinese, who was called Chenbakur, read this document he summoned to him all of his p'shtipans and hamaharzes and deliberated as to what response to give. Consulting with one another, they wrote a response of this sort: "Could it be that you are mightier than any of the kings who have ruled over the world, from the beginning [of time] until now? How is it that the king of Babylon, who ruled the whole world, and the kings of the Macedonians and the Persians were unable to rule over our land? Understand that you are [merely] more impudent than any dog and are tangled up in the leash of lust. Because of it, you expressed your wicked desires about my beautiful virgins, and this has forced you to risk your life and the lives of those soldiers who have come with you. Could it be that there are no cemetaries in Damascus for your bodies? Now understand you, that our land has not been tributary to anyone, nor will I be the one to effect this. However, if you [merely] want a gift from me, after the manner of kings, I will give it to you. Then you can get up and go back to your place in peace." |15 Muhammad again wrote to Chenbakur: "Give me 30,000 girls and I will leave you in peace, [g38] otherwise I will come against you in battle." So the king of the Chinese agreed to this and sent a messenge to Muhammad, saying: "Stay where you are in your army until I implement your request." Meanwhile he ordered his troops to put curtains around some carts and to conceal in them his heavily armed choice cavalry, in place of the requested girls. In this way he would catch them in his trap. Coming to the banks of the river, they encamped opposite them. Seated [hidden] in the carts were more than 40,000 cavalrymen. Chenbakur himself with a few men encamped a short distance from them and then sent [word] to General Muhammad: "Come and take the 30,000 girls which you requested from me and which I selected from throughout my entire kingdom for your notables. Now take from the notables of your army a number corresponding to the number of my girls, cross over to this side of the river, and I will give those arriving my girls by casting lots, so that there will be no squabbling or fighting among your forces." Then [Chenbakur] had boats sent across the river to fetch them. Now [the Arabs] foolishly selected 30,000 renowned men from their troops and sent them across the river. As soon as the crossing was finished, the emperor of the Chinese gave an order to attack the Ishmaelite soldiers. [g39] Once the two sides had clashed in battle, those [soldiers], who were hidden by the curtains, emerged. [The Chinese] trapped [the Arabs] in their midst and put their swords to work [seeing to it] that no one survived to flee. They also severed the ropes [securing] the ships so that no one could survive. And no one did survive excepting Muhammad and a few men who leaped onto horses and jumped into the river, trusting in the bravery of their horses. Thus in deep shame did they return from the emperor of the Chinese to the country of their habitation. Nor thereafter did they ever go to the country of the Chinese to wage war. [Caliph al-Walid] ruled for 10 years and 8 months before dying. 12. Sulaiman [715-717] succeeded [al-Walid] as caliph, ruling for two years and eight months and then dying. Here [follows an account of] his deeds. In the second year of his reign [Sulaiman] assembled numerous troops, entrusted them to General Maslama (Mslim), and sent him to the Caspian Gates. They arrived and fought against the Huns [Khazars] who were in the city of Darband (Derbend), striking and afflicting them. [The Arabs] demolished the walls of the fortress. While pulling down the fortress walls, they uncovered a large stone in the foundation which [g40] bore this inscription: "The autocrat emperor Marcian (Markianos) [450-457] built this city and these towers at great expense [with funds] from his treasury. In later times the sons of Ishmael will demolish it and rebuild it once more [with funds] from their own treasury." As soon as [the Arabs] discovered this inscribed rock, [they] ceased pulling down the wall. Then, after designating overseers, they started to rebuild the demolished wall. |16 Maslama took a multitude of troops and crossed through the Chora [Darband] Gates, raiding the land of the Huns. He went and pitched camp close to T'argu, a city of the Huns. Now as soon as the inhabitants of the land spotted the [Arab] bandits who had arisen and had come against them, they forthwith notified the king of the Khazars, whom they styled [the] Khaqan/Qaghan (Xak'an). The latter gathered up a host of troops, and all his gigantic and strong-bodied forces--whose renown for bravery was acclaimed among all peoples--and he came and encamped close [to the Arabs]. They did battle with each other for many days, but not [fighting] brigade against brigade. Rather, the combat was wrestling. The Khaqan was delaying entering the fray until the arrival of Alp T'arxan, whom he had called upon for assistance. When Maslama observed the countless multitude of troops [facing him], he began to doubt himself and wondered whether he could find some means of extricating himself from them. So he ordered his troops to kindle an enormous fire in the camp. Then, leaving behind his army's [g41] equippage, concubines, servants and serving women and all the rest of the camp rabble, [Maslama] cut a path through the Caucasus Mountains, destroying forests as he went. Thus was he able to take to the road and escape from the clutches of the enemy by a hairsbreadth. And thus did he return from the land of the Huns, with his head bowed in disgrace. After all these events, Sulaiman died. 13. After [Sulaiman], 'Umar [II] succeeded [as caliph, 717-720], ruling for two years and five months. They say that ['Umar II] was more noble than all the men of his clan. He effected the release from captivity of those whom Muhammad had led off from the land of the Armenians, after he had immolated the lords of our land. For [Muhammad] had seized numerous fortresses and had enslaved men and women. But once 'Umar's rule was established, he released all the captives to return to their own places and brought peace to the lands under his dominion. This 'Umar wrote a letter to the Byzantine emperor Leo [III, the Isaurian, 717-740] regarding the power of our faith, which was composed in the form of various questions. Below, briefly, we shall summarize it. [g42] 14.
[Translator's note: the letter from 'Umar II to Leo III and its reply (pages 42-98 of the 1887 St. Petersburg edition) is regarded as a later interpolation and is not translated here. For an English translation and scholarly commentary see A. Jeffrey, "Gevond's Text of the Correspondence between 'Umar II and Leo III," Harvard Theological Review (1944) pp. 269-332.]
15. Such was the reply written by Emperor Leo and sent by one of his trusted servants to 'Umar, caliph of the Ishmaelites. When the latter read it, he was overcome by shame. As a result of this letter ['Umar] became more kindly and tolerant of Christian peoples and on every occasion demonstrated his benevolence. Indeed, as we narrated earlier, he was the one who released the captives and pardoned everyone's offenses without charge. He demonstrated the same good will toward his own people, more so than any of his predecessors ruling before him. Opening up the treasuries, he gave out stipends to the cavalry officers. After all these events, he died. 16. After ['Umar] a certain Yazid (Yazkert) [Yazid II, 720-724] ruled for six years. He was a filthy man who wrought acts of fanatical cruelty toward our Christians. [g99] Motivated by an impure evil spirit, he ordered that the life-giving icon of the true incarnation of our Lord and Savior and his disciples be broken up and destroyed. Similarly he smashed the dominical cross(es) of Christ which had been erected in many places to aid in worshipping the Trinity. This was because the demon of fanaticism forced him to try to budge the rock of faith. As it happened he was unable to move that rock and instead was crushed by it. Having reached the apex of his fanaticism, he ordered the mass slaughter of pigs, which resulted in the obliteration of the bulk of herds of these unclean animals from the country. For once again fanaticism was roused in his mind by the demon. When [Yazid] was approaching his demise and was close to death, the violence of that demon choked him and he perished. And thus did he receive a worthy judgement from the Lord of all, and thus did he perish bitterly. |1717. [Yazid II] was succeeded by Sham, also known as Hisham (Heshm) [724-743], who ruled for nineteen years. In the first year of his reign, he conceived the disastrous plan of sending a certain general named Harith (Hert') to conduct a census [g100] throughout the land of the Armenians. This was aimed at making [even] more onerous the oppressive yoke of tax service through diverse evils, and at showing dissatisfaction with the benevolence of [the former caliph] 'Umar, as though he had inappropiately spent the treasures which had been accumulated by the caliphs preceding him. [Yazid II] visited many calamities upon this land of ours, to the point that everyone was groaning from the unrelenting, inescapable, and unendurable oppression. Thereafter his hand was to weigh even more heavily upon the land of the Armenians. 18. In this period once again there was unrest in the northern areas. For the Khazar king, who was styled the Khaqan, had died. When his mother who was named P'arsbit' saw this, she commanded the general named T'armach' to assemble a large force and to go against the land of the Armenians. In a unified body [the troops] passed through the land of the Huns, through the Chora Pass, through the country of the Mazk'ut', raiding the Paytakaran land, crossing the Arax River into the country of the Iranians, ruining Artawe't and Gandzak shahastan as well as the districts called E"t'shibaguan and Spantaran P'eroz and Ormizd P'eroz. [g101] [The Khazars] encountered the Ishmaelite army and its general, who was named Djarrah (Jar'ay) [Djarrah ibn al-Hakami, ruler of Arminiya, 722-725, 729-730]. [The Khazars] killed all of them and spread about raiding in the district of Zarewand, also besieging the fortress called Ampriotik. They left the army equippage and those whom they had enslaved by their swords near the city of Artawe't. But while they were battling against Ampriotik fortress, suddenly a brigade of Ishmaelite troops under their general, named Sa'id al-Harashi (Set'-Harashi)[Sa'id ibn Amru al-Harashi, ruler of Arminiya 730-731], fell upon their camp with a small number of men. [The Arabs] killed many of them and took those they had enslaved. The bad tidings of this event reached the troops who were besieging the fortress of Ampriotik. When [the Khazars] heard about the evils which had befallen them, they left that fortress which they were besieging and went against the brigand who had attacked their camp. When [the Khazars] clashed with the same [Arab] troops, [the Arabs] dealt them many blows, even seizing their [battle] emblem. This was a bronze statue/image which the Harashi brigade have with them to this day as a testament to the bravery of their forbears. |18 Subsequently the Ishmaelite caliph sent his brother, Maslama (Mslim) [Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik] with a multitude of troops to provide auxiliary assistance to the Harashi brigade. But when Maslama arrived there he found that he had not come in time to participate in the warfare, since Sa'id had already secured the victory. And so, [treacherously] he put some [of al-Harashi's men] to the sword, put some to flight, and expropriated their booty and captives. He insulted, upbraided, and tortured [Sai'id al-Harashi] and even wanted [g102] to kill him. However, he was unable to openly give such an order because [al-Harashi's] clansmen had arisen and were creating an uproar. So he did not dare to work his will. Rather, he silently checked these plans of his and returned to the Ishmaelite caliph. 19. After this [the caliph] began to threaten the Byzantine emperor. He sent an emissary to Leo [III, the Isaurian, 717-741], emperor of the Byzantines that he submit to him and pay taxes. When Emperor Leo did not acquiesce to the terms laid out in the message, [the caliph], enraged, sent his brother Maslama with a large force against the land of the Byzantines. [Maslama], taking the multitude of troops, crossed through Syrian Cilicia to the land of Mysia, [located in an area] which translates as "between the lands" in [western] Asia Minor. Thence he reached the land of Bithynia and encamped by the banks of a swiftly flowing river called the Sangarius (Sagar'ios). The Byzantine forces also made preparations, moving the residents of the land into fortresses and fortified cities to shield them from the Ishmaelites. Then they encamped opposite them on the other shore of the river, fortifying their encampment with a surrounding ditch. Thus did they remain waiting for some time. Meanwhile, on a daily basis, Emperor Leo kept sending words urging great caution to the Byzantine general so that [his forces] not fall into a treacherous trap. Rather he wanted them merely to remain there and hold them without warfare. [g103] However, [the Byzantine general] did not take care as the emperor had ordered. For he had heard that the Ishmaelite general had called upon his troops to spread about raiding here and there, to take a lot of booty and captives and return to their own land. When the Byzantine general learned about this, he ordered his troops to arm and attack them. Now when [the Byzantine troops] had arisen and were approaching the Ishmaelite troops, the latter immediately were aware of their pursuit since [the Byzantine army had stirred up and was] accompanied by a great cloud of dust. [The Ishmaelites] separated their equippage and divided their mass into three fronts, setting up ambuscades here and there. Maslama himself was at the head of one part of the troops and clashed with [the pursuers]. [The Byzantines] who faced them were unprepared and landed in the midst of their foe together with their gear. Then those hiding in the ambuscades sprang out, trapping them and they put to the sword many of the Byzantine troops. After this [the Arabs] spread about raiding the surrounding areas taking the districts and cities of that country. It is said that the number of people taken captive was more than 80,000. Then [the Arabs] joyfully returned to their own land. |19 When the caliph of the Ishmaelites observed the magnitude of the victory, he and his lords made merry. He gave magnificent gifts to his brother and blessed the triumph which he had achieved. As for the loot including the men and women slaves and equippage, he divided it among his troops. For the rest of that year [the caliph] desisted [from further warfare]. [g104] 20. Now at the commencement of the next year once more [the caliph] assembled a force--larger than the previous body--entrusted it to general Maslama, and sent it against Byzantium. [The caliph] made his brother swear an oath that he would not return to him until he had implemented his will, for he had vowed that he would destroy that empire and raze to the foundations the city called Constantinople and the numerous institutions of [the cathedral of] St.Sophia, which had been built with heavenly wisdom as a house of God on earth. And [he swore that] he would build there a place of loathsome devil-worship, [a mosque] as a place of worship. With all these [promises] as his firm intent, [Maslama] advanced with the multitude of his troops to the land of the Byzantines. He pitched camp by the shores of the Pontic [Sea] with all his materiel. As if to demonstrate his surliness toward Emperor Leo, [Maslama] dispatched an emissary to him with a letter full of contempt and ridicule, with the following import: "Why this stubborness, and why have you not come forth to us as a tax payer? For all nations quake in fear of us. Whom are you relying on to help you that you reject us? Could it be that you have not heard about the evils we visited upon all those kingdoms which turned against our sovereignty [g105], kingdoms which we have smashed and pulverized like clay pots? All the world's wealth has become ours because the Lord's command and the promise [made] to our father Ishmael has been fulfilled. And indeed, we have conquered every kingdom. Or perhaps you have not observed how many calamities have been visited upon your country during your reign. With my own hand I have ruined many of your cities, and with my own sword I have slain multitudes of your troops. Know this: if you do not become tributary I have sworn an oath that I will not return to the land of my birth until I have eliminated your kingdom and wrecked the fortifications of that city whose walls you rely on. And as for that place of your worship which you named [Haghia] Sophia, I will turn it into a bath house for my soldiers and the wood of the cross that you revere I will smash over your head, for the glory of our faith is great before the Lord and He will aid us." [Maslama] wrote these and worse insults to Emperor Leo. [Leo], as soon as he had read the mocking letter ordered the patriarch [Germanus, 715-730], the senate, and the entire multitude of the city to ceaselessly glorify [God] for three days at [the cathedral of] St. Sophia. By the emperor's command the entire city was aroused [to go] to the place of worship. Then the emperor himself arose and went [g106] to the blessed sanctury holding out the letter of insults in his hand, like Hezekiah invoking the indulgent forgiveness of our Savior who from the start had reserved mercy for those dear to him. Tearfully did [Leo] beseech the God of all to give aid [to the Byzantines] and to exact vengeance on the malevolent enemy. He also mentioned the condemnation of the reproacher, reciting the Davidic psalm which says: "How the enemy have corrupted Your holy place and Your enemies have boasted of their wealth. They set themselves their own victory and did not recognize the visitation from Heaven." [Psalms 73, 3-4] |20 This verse and many others like it did he pour forth before the Lord in confession, prolonging his prayers with fasting for three days. After this he wrote a letter to General Maslama with the following import: "Why do you take pride in your wickedness, chief of the infidels? Why do you sharpen your treachery like a razor? Why do you brazenly boast before the Almighty? You insolently envision our Savior and His throne. For these reasons we hope that His mercy which you insult will repay you for your wickedness and that He will silence that abominable mouth of yours which you opened against the King of Kings and His city, and this temple to the glory of His name, and against me, the protector of the throne of Christ. [May God punish you] in accordance with the curses of the prophet David, who said that those mouths [g107] which speak iniquity will be silenced. As for us, we do not boast of our bows nor do we live by our swords. Rather, it is the right hand of the Lord and His arm and the protecting power of the light of His face which can destroy those who boast in their impudence, the way you do. It has never entered your mind that blood will be demanded from you for those you slaughtered with your sword and those you led into slavery from my country. That is because it was not due to the righteousness of your deeds but because of our own impiety that [God] permitted the rod of sinners to be visited upon the righteous, so that we take measure of our weakness and be counseled to behave according to whatsoever pleases the Creator. You are testing the Lord our God. But He can sink you and all your multitude in the depths of the sea by agitating the waves, precisely the way the hard-hearted Pharaoh was consigned to the depths of the Red Sea. It was the wand of Moses which turned the waters upon the Egyptian troops and destroyed them by drowning. That wand was the model of the all powerful Cross of Christ which today you have insulted. "But now, if you turn around and distance yourself from me you will choose what is good for yourself and for your troops. Otherwise quickly do whatever is obsessing you. And let the Lord determine what is good and pleasing in His presence, and let Him pronounce the verdict. Let Him save His people and deliver us those who have troubled us, with their heads bowed down in disgrace." [g108] As soon as the Ishmaelite general read this letter he became even more furious and rose up like a wild beast to do battle against the solidity of a rock, so that he be caught in his own trap, as was fitting. For it was the Lord Who hardened his heart. Then he ordered his soldiers to prepare the boats and they implemented this command at once, since the ships had been in readiness for many days. [General Maslama] took ship right away with all his gear, and approached the city [of Constantinople]. When Emperor Leo saw the multitude of troops--like a forest on the sea--he ordered the iron fence for the wall to be secured, and closed the doors of the fortress with a chain, and did not allow anyone to fight the enemy. For he remained awaiting a visitation from On High and [was waiting to see] vengeance meted out [to Maslama] in accordance with his deeds. [Leo] immediately ordered the patriarch, the senate, and the entire multitude of the city to take the invincible and glorious sign of Christ's Cross with them in steadfast faith. The emperor himself went through the midst of the crowd carying that undefeatable triumph [the Cross] on his shoulders, while the people glorified Heaven with fragrant incense and glowing candles and torches before and behind the victorious and venerable Cross to pay honor to it. Then the entire multitude opened the city gates and emerged, raising up the Cross over the waters and crying out: "Help us, Christ [g109], son of God, saviour of the world." Having broadcast these words to the heavens above three times, [the emperor] struck the waters of the sea with the symbol of the Cross, imprinting the outline of the Lord['s Cross] upon it. |21 At once, through the power of the holy Cross, the depths of the sea churned and violently pounding waves rose up causing a massive destruction of ships, and a great drowning of the Ishmaelite troops--to the point that most of the troops drowned in the waters of the sea just as Pharaoh's troops had borne [divine] wrath from the punishing sea. A portion of the troops, clinging to planks, was carried to the far coast of the sea, to the land of Thrace, while other [survivors] were washed up onto distant islands. For the multitude of troops exceeded 500,000 men. As for those who had escaped the disaster and were on dry land, [the emperor] did not permit them to be mercilessly slain. Rather he commanded that they be kept besieged there as there was no means of their getting food. Great hunger descended upon those troops which had already devoured their own horses and mules and now turned to slaughtering their concubines and servants to eat and satiate their hunger. Then did they direct many entreaties to Emperor Leo to have mercy on them and give them provisions. For out of many, only a few survived. Emperor Leo, considering that the Lord had exacted revenge upon the enemy, showed great mercy on them. He summoned [Maslama] to him and greatly upbraided him, recalling [g110] his shameless impudence. "Why," [Leo asked] "did you want to attack our country, mercilessly put my troops to the sword and lead the inhabitants of my cities into slavery? Our Lord [represents] life, while you are the son of death and unworthy of life. Indeed, the Lord has judged my case and turned your impiety back upon your own heads and demanded from you the blood of the innocent [which you shed]. So I shall not put forth my hand against you and not judge you as is fitting. For behold, you are in my hands. I am sovereign over you, to kill or spare [you as I choose]. But you will not be killed; rather, go and narrate [to others] the powers of God which you have witnessed." Then Maslama responded to the emperor: "What shall I say before you about these things, for truly I am unworthy of life. The crimes which I have committed against your country are not few in number. You have displayed great mercy to me by allowing me to live, for I testify to my own errors. Since it has entered your heart to have mercy on me, release me to go home and I will vow that I will no longer wage war against you." [Emperor Leo] so ordered. Maslama readied himself and boarded a vessel, cautiously traversing the Mediterranean and returning to his own country in great disgrace. As he went from city to city, he was greeted with sighs and sobs, the beating of foreheads and the pouring of ashes over them. And he, with his head bowed in great shame [g111], encountered great insults from them, but could only make this response: "I was unable to fight against God." Thereafter he went home and, to the day of his death, did not gird a sword to his waist. 21. In that period Hisham, caliph of the Ishmaelites, sent Marwan (Mrwan) [Marwan ibn Muhammad, ruler of Arminiya, 732-744], Muhammad's son [to rule] over the Armenian people in place of Sa'id, whom they called al-Harashi. When Marwan had reached the city of Dwin, the lords of Armenia came out to meet him. [Marwan] spoke words of peace with them and summoned Ashot, Vasak's son, from the Bagratid House. [Marwan] gave him the authority of patrician over the land of the Armenians, by order of Hisham, and exalted him with many honors. However when Smbat's sons learned about the honor given to Ashot, who had been exalted by Hisham and by General Marwan, they were furiously angry. Word of their discontent reached the ears of Muhammad's son who immediately ordered that they be arrested. [Marwan] sent Grigor and Dawit' of the Mamikonean clan to the Ishmaelite caliph, and he wrote an accusation against them [g112] stating that they were agitators opposed to Ashot's authority. [Caliph Hisham] ordered that they be taken to the desert called Yemen (Eman) and placed in confinement in prison for the rest of their lives. Once the authority of the patrician Ashot had been established [Ashot III Bagratuni, presiding prince 732-748], he went to the caliph of the Ishmaelites regarding the tyranny [imposed upon] our land. This was due to the fact that for more than three years the stipend [which should have been paid] to the Armenian lords and to their cavalry had been withheld. [Ashot] faced Hisham and spoke words of truth and wisdom in his presence. And [the caliph] exalted him worthily and acceded to his request. He ordered that [the sum of] 100,000 [pieces of silver] for the [past] three years be weighed out for him. Thereafter throughout his tenure the same level [or payment] in silver for the cavalry was received without obstruction. |22 22. Subsequently Marwan, son of Muhammad, assembled many troops including Prince Ashot with the lords and their cavalry, and went off with them to raid the land of the Huns [Khazars]. They battled against the city [of Varach'an/Balanjar], beating its defenders and capturing the city. When the inhabitants of the city saw that the brigands had overpowered them [g113] and taken the city, many of the citizens hurled their belongings into the sea, some also drowned themselves by jumping into the water. Now the Ishmaelite troops gathered up the [remaining] multitude and the booty and, together with Prince Ashot, Marwan returned from the Hun areas with great triumph and much spoil. When he reached the Barda'a (Partaw) shahastan he set aside a fifth portion of the captives and loot and sent it to their caliph Hisham, relating the circumstances of their triumph. [Hisham] accepted the spoil, extending great thanks to Marwan and his troops, and deprecating his brother Maslama by citing Marwan's brave victory as an example. However [Maslama] responded: "I was waging war not against men, but against God, while [Marwan] was fighting against irrational beasts." Marwan divided up the remaining loot and captives amongst his troops, giving a portion to Ashot and to the other respected lords, [giving them] servants and serving maids. [Marwan] himself ruled over our land, ending all violent attacks and iniquitous deeds. He amputated the hands and feet of robbers, thieves, and enemies of order, and then put them to death [by hanging them] on trees. After [reigning for] 19 years, Hisham died. [g114] 23. [Hisham] was succeeded by al-Walid (Vlit') [al-Walid II, 743-744] who ruled for one and a half years. He was a powerfully built strongman who enjoyed single-combat wrestling. Whenever he heard about some [other] combatant, he had him fetched so that he might test his own prowess. Furthermore, he occupied himself with drunkenness and unbridled, lecherous sex. When the lords of his clan observed the deeds of their prince who was steeped in such senseless and loathsome obscenity, they consulted reliable [wise men] of their faith, whom they styled kura, asking what they thought of him. They responded: "Because he has insulted the honor of our caliphate and deviated from the precepts of our law-giver [Muhammad] and deports himself with disgraceful behavior, he is worthy of death and should be killed." So [the clan members], accepting the command of the kura, entered the royal palace, found [al-Walid] in a drunken stupor, and slew him with a sword. In his stead they elevated [to the caliphate] a certain Sulaiman from the same branch of the royal clan. [g115] |23 24. When Marwan learned about the death of their caliph al-Walid, he forthwith assembled his troops. He left [as ruler] over the land of the Armenians Ishak (Isahak), son of Muslim (Mslim) [Ishak ibn Muslim al-Ukaili, governor of Arminiya 744-749/750]. Then he took the entire multitude of his forces and went off to make war against his clan, as an avenger of the death of al-Walid and his son. Finding some [men] from the clan of the slain [caliph], [Marwan] united them and all the men of his clan with his own forces. Many other sons of Ishmael adhered to him, forming a large army, which then crossed the great Euphrates River. The two [opposing armies] faced off near the confines of Damascus [at a place] called Rusafa (R'usp'a). They warred against each other for many days, causing numerous casualties on both sides. Every day toward evening, close to the time of the final prayer, they stopped fighting and sat and mourned their fallen, prepared the corpses and took them to the cemetary, saying: "We are one people [speaking] one language, [having] one principality. We are brothers, so why are we plunging swords into each other?" [Despite having said this], the next day they resumed the fight and prolonged it. But then Marwan beat the opposing side, slaying Sulaiman, and he himself held authority for 6 years [Marwan II, 744-750]. [g116] During that period of their reign [internecine] warfare never ceased among the sons of Ishmael. For Marwan besieged the city of Damascus, then started to fight and destroyed [the city's] iron gates. The inhabitants of the city, those sons of Ishmael who had been steadfastly resisting, were [captured and] tied to four posts and had their faces scraped off with serrated knives and thus died bitter deaths. Pregnant women were cut in two. Lads were shoved into spaces between the rocks and cruelly crushed to death. Girls who were virgins were led into captivity along with a motley multitude. For this was the Lord's revenge upon the city because of its accumulated sins. It was here that the prophecy of Amos was fulfilled [which says]: "For three transgressions of Damascus, and for four, I will not revoke the punishment, because they have threshed Gilead with threshing sledges of iron. So I will send a fire upon the house of Haz'ael, and it shall devour the strongholds of Benhadad. I will break the bar of Damascus, and cut off the inhabitants from the valley of Aven, and I shall destroy all the inhabitants of Harran and the people of Syria shall go into exile. Thus says the Lord." [Amos I: 3-6, with slight variation.] It is certainly worth pondering why the prophet [g117] put all sorts of iniquities into three [categories] yet regarded the actual source of the Lord's anger to be [merely] the fourth [category]. It seems to me that this city of sinners was full of many types of evil, since [the residents] were sick mentally, sick in their senses and sick in their hearts and [these sicknesses] fostered the tendencies to kill, ravish the properties [of others] as well as [arousing] their lecherous desires. Their fourth [iniquity] was that not only did they not fear a visitation from God, but they actually blamed [God] for the evil they worked, [God] Who is the source of all good things. It was this that irrevocably transformed God's forgiving mildness into rage toward the sinners. |24 25. While the din of the mob fighting this unbelievers' war grew louder among the sons of Ishmael, the sons of Smbat were freed from their confinement as hostages. They were released by the order of al-Walid. However before they reached Syria, al-Walid was slain and they were detained there, since no one dared to release them. But when warfare resumed among [the Arabs], [the former hostages] slipped away and came back to the Armenians. When they reached [g118] the land of the Armenians after a short while they went to the Vaspurakan area where they created hardship and great anguish in the country. They subjected [the people] to violent and forcible revenue collection until the lands' protests reached the commander Muslim's son, Isahak, who forbade them from such banditry. Subsequently when they saw how the battle was going with this rabble, over time, once again, [Ashot's opponents] began to oppose Ashot's authority and were attempting to set traps for him everywhere. They attacked him at night while he was sleeping and his forces were dispersed throughout the district. They wanted to kill him. But the prince's guards alerted him about the brigands coming against him and he escaped their clutches by flight. [His opponents] loaded up with much booty from Prince Ashot's treasures and returned home. [Ashot], realizing their treachery--since during [these] days of peace [his enemies] tried to exact wicked vengeance on him--protected himself from them for some days. He gathered the folk of his House into his fortress of Dariwnk', his wife and entire family, and left guards to protect the stronghold. He himself went to the land of Syria, to Marwan the Ishmaelite caliph and informed him about the source of the disturbance between himself and his lords. When the Patrician [Ashot] and his troops arrived [g119] at the site of the battle, Marwan's forces enjoyed numerous successes and destroyed his foes for they had heard the news of his arrival, that the Patrician of the Armenians had come to [the caliph's] assistance with his 15,000 select cavalrymen. Thus when Marwan's opponents learned about this, they abandoned the fight and sustained some very serious losses on that day. And so, after defeat on the battlefield they stopped fighting for a while. Now it happened that at the very time when Prince Ashot was in the land of Syria, Muslim's son [Ishak] designated Grigor of the Mamikonean House [as commander] over the Armenian troops in place of Ashot. Marwan, being informed about the revolt of Smbat's sons and what Grigor's brother Dawit' had done to him, sent an emissary to Muslim's son Ishak--who was commander of the land of the Armenians--ordering that Dawit' be arrested and given over to a certain Oqba (Ok'ba) to be tried and judged as the latter saw fit. As soon as [Oqba] received this order, he was unable to retrain himself; rather, he called at once for him to be treacherously taken and placed in the hands of the merciless executioner. [The executioner] took and bound him with wicked restraints and put him into confinement in jail for a few days. Then he wrote to Marwan inquiring what he [would] order. And he ordered that his hands and feet be cut off and then that he be tied to a stake until he died. Thus [Dawit'] died a pitiful and ignoble death. As is said of behavior unpleasing [g120] to God and of the hatred which they showed to each other, truly bad fruit grows from bad seed. That is how it was in this case. |25 When these wicked deeds had been done, Marwan once more established the rule of Ashot and sent him to the country of the Armenians with very splendid honors. Thereafter Grigor did not cease displaying his animosity or vengefulness over the killing of his brother, though out of fear of the tyrants he demonstrated peace toward Ashot, but in words only. In his heart he did not recognize his authority. For he was waiting for an opportune moment to carry out his plan. 26. While warfare among [the Arabs] continued, all the [Armenian] lords of the land thought to drop their yoke of obedience and to rebel from the Ishmaelites. Grigor from the Mamikonean clan suggested this plan and he did this with the malicious intent of removing Ashot from power. Meanwhile all the lords of the Armenians went to Prince Ashot to convince him to participate in their fruitless scheme. [g121] When the prince saw the unanimity of the lords and their cavalry--since one and all were enthused by this hopeless idea--he had his doubts. He summoned his lords one by one and beseeched them with much conversation not to participate in such an iniquitous undertaking, saying: "Oh brothers, I see no prudence in your foolish scheme. Quite the contrary, it is a devious plan and a disastrous proposition. Clearly our forces are few when compared with the brutality of the Ishmaelites, we cannot withstand their troops, and we will be unable to dislodge our country from the mouth of the dragon. It will bring only trouble and danger to our aim. If you prefer, accept my counsel and let us not do it. Instead let us pay taxes to them as we are currently doing and let us keep our property, our vineyards, forests, and farms." But the lords of the Armenians did not want to adopt this wise advice. Resisting him, they retorted: "If you do not join our alliance, none of your troops will stay with you. We cannot tolerate the crisis that the our country of Armenia is experiencing. Therefore Prince Ashot unwillingly united with Grigor and the other lords and made a vow on the holy cross to firmly adhere to their alliance. Once they had ratified this agreement, they withdrew from the commander of our land and went and took refuge [g122] in the fortresses of Tayk' with all their families and belongings. They were particularly relying on the troops of the Byzantine emperor which were located in the Pontus area, for there was an oath of peace between them by order of Emperor Constantine [V, Copronymous, 740-775]. Now it happened that all the sons of sinfulness [the Paulician heretics] went and mingled with the rebels' brigade. They had neither fear of God nor of princes nor [did they respect] the dignity of elders. Rather, like strangers and foreigners, they spread around capturing brothers and their kinfolk and, taking much booty, they inflicted torments and beatings upon their brothers. |26 As a result, God withdrew his forgiveness and shattered their unity. Indeed their iniquitous activities did not last even for a full year. Prince Ashot broke with them and went to the village of Hazr in the district of Bagrewand. Some of the lords accompanied him and wanted to unite with the sons of Ishmael. However [some of] the lords who were with him went and informed that malicious Grigor about the details of this strategy. [Grigor] had for some time wanted to implement his treachery, so he quickly assembled his troops and pursued [Ashot] over the mountains like a crow. [Grigor] caught up with him at night and besieged the place where he was resting. [Grigor] knew about the vacillation of [Ashot's] troops, for they did not come out to help him. Seizing [Ashot], he gave him to one of the servants of Dawit' [Mamikonean], ordering him to [g123] blind his eyes. [And by this deed] he reduced the glory of our entire land, consigning it to a shadowy darkness and plunging into deep sorrow not only his own person but all the lords of his own clan. Subsequently they realized [what they had wrought] but were unable to do anything that helped. Rather all they could do was sit and lament, moan and cry. For the splendid crown had fallen from their heads and was ruined. And thereafter the glory of the Armenian people vanished. As for that oath-breaking Grigor, he went off to the city of Karin [Erzerum]--as though returning from some feat of valor--and broadcast the tidings of his victory. But after some time the judgement of God was visited upon him, a punishment commensurate with his actions. For his stomach became frightfully and dangerously swollen and he grew feverish. And thus did he quit this life, unremembered. Afterwards his brother Mushegh became prince for a short time [c. 750]. Ashot, who had held authority for 17 years with honor more glorious than all the previous princes, experienced this traitorous treachery. Afterwards he lived for 13 years, dying in deep old age. He was entombed with glory in his [clan's] mausoleum in the village of Dariwnk'. [g124] |27 27. Let us return to the previous strand of our historical narration. Now it happened that while Marwan still held the caliphate and was fighting with his own clan members, once again the fanatical flame of that fire [of rebellion] blazed out in the eastern areas, in the land of Khurasan. When all the lords of the sons of Ishmael observed the unbearable danger which had increased amonst them, they tried to save their own lives. Thus, some of those who were of the clan of their lawgiver [Muhammad] separated from the rest and went as fugitives to the land of Khurasan and concealed themselves there for a while. Subsequently they unified the Khurasanian troops, placing as general over themselves Kahat'ba and a certain Abu Muslim who was artful in the heresy of astrology. They united and slew the leader of the land and attracted their troops to their own side as well as many from the rabble who were suffering from unbelievably stringent tax demands. Then they began to attack from the side of Syria. When Marwan's forces went against them, they were unable to prevail against that mob. For the destruction of his power derived from the Lord. They struck and killed many of them [g125] while others fled. The troops of Abdullah [were the attackers] and they were called the sons of Hashim. Continuing to advance, they crossed the Tigris River, conquering and subduing many cities. Meanwhile all the troops that Marwan sent against them were decisively crushed, and [the Abbasid rebels] subdued everyone as far as the great Tachik military camp of al-Kufa (Akogha). As for the residents of al-Kufa and Basra, when they saw the [army's] brutal power, they cooperated and added to their forces. When Marwan realized what was unfolding, he was plunged into a great panic, opened the royal treasury, and distributed it to his troops. Surrounding himself with soldiers, he arose against [the Abbasids]. The two sides drew near to each other and deployed brigade against brigade. When they clashed in battle many were wounded on both sides and innumerable corpses fell on the field of battle. There was protracted warfare between the two sides until the next year. At the end of the sixth year of Marwan's reign, God's retribution was visited upon him as his own blood was demanded for the blood of the kinsfolk he had shed. Now the troops of Abdullah grew [even] stronger and attacked with bestial ferocity, reaching Marwan's camp. They slaughtered them so severely that it was said that some [g126] 300,000 cavalry were killed and that their blood flowed in streams which evaporated into a dark fog. The remnants of his troops were forced back and trapped in Marwan's camp. [The Abbasids] then advanced to the fortress-like base and the very tent of Marwan where [Marwan] himself was seized and killed. All these evil [events]--the disruptions of war, the capture of cities, and the shedding of blood--transpired during the 6 years of [Marwan's] reign, after which he died. |28 28. Then in place [of Marwan] Abdullah [Abu-l-Abbas al-Saffah, 750-754] ruled. He sent his brother, another Abdullah [Abu Jafar al-Mansur] to circulate throughout all the lands of his realm. First he came to the land of the Armenians, reducing everyone to bankruptcy with many afflictions and torments, to the point that he was demanding taxes from the dead. He made many orphans and widows suffer greatly and tortured priests and servants of the churches mockingly, beating them with sticks so that they reveal the names of the dead and their families. He viciously tormented the inhabitants of our land with bitter tax demands, imposing a tax of many silver zuze's per capita and placing a lead seal around their necks. [g127] Now the lords of the clans voluntarily and involuntarily gave gifts of horses and mules, precious clothing and other gold and silver goods, to fill the mouth of that dragon which had attacked to wreck the country. When they had satisfied his wicked appetite, he passed on to the area of the Iranians and Medes as far as the land of Khurasan, thence to Egypt and the land of Pentapolis as far as Africa. Wherever he went, through his rapacious, greedy behavior, he entrapped people like someone casting a net, to the point that his own family styled him the "father of a coin." For in truth he revered the coin more than he revered God. When he was leaving our land he placed Yazid (Ezit) [Yezid ibn Usaid al-Sulami, ruler of Arminiya 752-754, 759-770, 775-780], son of Usaid, in charge of making judgements and collecting taxes in the land of the Armenians. As prince of the Armenian lords, Yazid established Sahak [Sahak VII Bagratuni, presiding prince 755-761], son of Bagarat, who was from the same House as Prince Ashot, and the son of his father's brother. He was a tall, attractive man with a noble disposition, who knew the fear of God. Wherever they sent him he led his troops, although they were toiling through the battles unwillingly. This was because at that point the Armenian troops' annual stipend of silver, which until then had come from the [caliph's] court, had been terminated. Moreover [the Arabs] demanded that expenses for the cavalry be provided from taxes levied on the princely Houses [g128], that is all the expenses for clothing and feeding these brigades. Abdullah [Abu-l-Abbas al-Saffah] died after three years of rule. His brother, the other Abdullah [Abu Jafar al-Mansur] took over his authority, ruling for 22 years [as caliph, 754-775]. |29 29. During his reign the Byzantine emperor [Constantine V, Copronymous, 740-775] left his imperial seat and came to the Karin area, to the city called T'e'odupolis [Erzerum], with an enormous heavily armed mass [of soldiers]. Upon arrival they destroyed the walls of the citadel and Emperor Constantine, son of Leo, opened the treasury and withdrew a large amount of gold and silver. He also found in that treasury a fragment of the Lord's Cross, which he removed and took with him. He also took to Byzantine territory the city's troops and Saracen population with their families. Many residents of the district beseeched the emperor to remove their yoke of servitude to the Ishmaelites. And they too departed along with him. Receiving [the emperor's] permission they quickly prepared their belongings, taking strength from the power of the Lord's Cross and the emperor's glory. They left their birthplace and, separating [from their own people], joined the pious emperor's side. But the next [g129] year Yazid assembled the troops under him and went to that city of Karin and imposed the poll tax on the land. Assembling an innumerable host, he designated officials over the work which included swiftly rebuilding the city's demolished walls. He led the sons of Ishmael and their families there and settled them to hold and protect the city from [their] foes. And he stipulated that the provisions for their food should come from the land of the Armenians. 30. In this period the din of the mob of brigands of the impious nation continued unabated in our land. For the sons of Belial practised their natural evil everywhere and did not desist. Now there was a certain snake-like individual named Sulaiman. [Allied] with him were the sons of sinfulness [?Paulicians] in the Iranian areas who commenced making attacks on the Vaspurakan area, [people] with unworthy behavior, fruit of wicked seed. Sahak and Hamazasp, lords of the Artsruni House, applied themselves [to the problem] with only a few men and fell in among the enemy. When [the enemy] saw that [their attackers] were few in number, they surrounded them and wanted to slay them. And when Sahak and Hamazasp saw the brigands rising up against them and that there was nowhere to flee to, they put their swords to work [g130], killed a host of enemies, and tried to cut their way through the mob to escape. It was there that Hamazasp was fatally stabbed, fell from his horse and was surrounded by the enemy, who killed him. When Sahak saw the death of the brother he so deeply loved, he [resolved to] sacrifice his own life. He dismounted and hamstrung his horse, and then commenced furious single combat. He covered the ground with numerous corpses, seeking revenge for his brother's blood. But then he gave his life, defeated in battle. Thus did these two select lords, sons of Vahan Artsruni, pass away. |30 Subsequently their brother Gagik and the lords with them learned [what had happened]. They went to the site of that battle lamenting and crying. However, they were unable to catch up with the enemy. So they turned back to bury the dead, sighing and lamenting. As for the enemy, they returned by the same route [they had come by]. Afterwards some of [the enemy] fell into Gagik Artsruni's hands. And he killed Sulaiman and many with him. 31. While Yazid [ibn Usaid] was still ruling, he sent an emissary to the king of the north [g131], who was called the Khaqan, seeking to establish marriage relations with his [House]. By this, [Yazid] sought to achieve a peace treaty between the Khazars' forces and himself. Agreeing to this, the king of the Khazars gave [Yazid] as a wife his sister, named Khatun. [The Khaqan] sent along with her many hand maidens, ladies in waiting, and servants. But Khatun lived for only a short while and then died. Moreover that peace treaty between them was dissolved because [the Khazars] suspected that her death was the result of some treachery. [The Khaqan] assembled an enormous force and entrusted it to one of his generals, named R'azht'arxan, of the Xat'irlit'ber brigade. He sent [this army] to our land, which was under Yazid's control. They spread around raiding north of the very mighty Kura River and seizing numerous districts of the land of the Aghuanians: Hejar, K'agha, Ostani, Marzpanean, Haband, Geghawu, Shak'e', Bex, Xeni, Kambexchan, and Xoghmaz. They also took the desirable plain of Baghasakan where there were countless flocks of sheep and herds of cattle, which [the Khazars] took as spoil. From lands under the sway of the Iberians/Georgians they took seven districts: Shuch'k', K'ue'shkap'or, Dzelt'd, Tsuk'e't', Ve'lists'xe', T'iane't', and Erk. Gathering up a multitude of [g132] captives and a great deal of booty, they returned to their dwelling places. As for that gouty braggart [Yazid], who held sway over the land of the Armenians, he could not even lift his head [from shame]; rather, he just sat there like an irrational animal and the ruination of the land was as nothing to him. But it happened that after a short while the shadow [of the Khazars] which had darkened the country of the Aghuanians dispelled and [the Khazar leader himself] united with the caliph and [even] sent his son as a hostage to the land of the Syrians. He himself soon died by the sword, close to the Aghuan Gates. |31 32. Now let me discourse about that rebel called Saleh [al-Kindi] whom Abdullah had initially sent to the land of the Armenians. He was an impious and bloodthirsty creature against whom many took precautions, since they could not endure such tribulations any longer. There were some among the Armenian lords who gave up and abandoned their legacies, fleeing to Byzantine territory and seeking refuge near Emperor Constantine. Now as for Gagik, lord of the Artsrunik' House, he was unable to find any [foreign] place to flee to. And so he migrated to the fortress of Nkan, gathering there all the lords of the land with their cavalry. Then he arose and commenced raiding [g133] in the land of Atrpatakan, in the districts of Zarewand, Butak, Zidr'o', Tasuk, Gaznak, Ormi, Surenapat and other neighboring districts where [Gagik's forces] worked deeds unpleasing to God, similar to the infidels, and unbefitting Christians. They demanded taxes from the land, using numerous wicked tortures [to get them]. Then [Gagik] arrived in the district of Her. A certain Ishmaelite general [named] R'uh also arrived [in Her], wounding many Armenian troops and putting the rest to flight to Nkan fortress. [R'uh] himself circulated around in the Vaspurakan district to try to catch [Gagik] in his net. However, when the lord of the Artsrunik' saw the destruction of his forces, [he realized] that he would be unable to resume his impious deeds, and retreated into the fortress where he desisted for a while. Subsequently another force came against him. Its cheif was Muse', who besieged that fortress for a year. When he was unable to capture it, he treacherously summoned [Gagik] to [discuss] peace. [Muse'] arrested [Gagik] and turned him over to the caliph who put him in shackles and threw him into a prison of unbearable narrowness and demanded from him the silver he had demanded as tax from the country of the Persians. [Gagik] withheld none of the treasure which was in his hands, just to save his life. But it did no good, for he died there in [g134] tribulation, like a worthless man. [Gagik's] sons, Hamazasp and Sahak, were kept in bondage for a long time. However, since they resisted the will of the evil executioner, [the caliph eventually] became reconciled with them and ordered that they be sent [home] with honor to the country of the Armenians. |32 33. In this period, during the overseership of Yazid and during the caliphate of the other Abdullah [Caliph al-Mansur, 754-775], the unbearable level of taxation greatly increased over the land of the Armenians. For the insatiable greed of this hellish enemy was not satisfied by eating the flesh of Christ's chosen flock or by scornfully drinking their blood as though it were water. The entire country of the Armenians was thrown into unendurable distress, as the discovery of [new sources of] silver ceased. Everyone gave up their belongings just to save their lives, but [what they gave] still was not enough. They were wickedly tortured, put into fetters, beaten, or hanged. Many fled to the caves and crevices of the country and hid there; while others, unable to find what was demanded of them, died in the snow or drowned in rivers. Taxes were demanded of them in silver and per capita as a result [g135] of which they were deprived of everything they possessed. They tied our country of Armenia with the bonds of bankruptcy. The lords and grandees, one and all, ate from a furnace of poverty. Despite the fact that Prince Sahak and the patriarch, Lord Trdat from the House of the lords of Vanand district, protested many times, Yazid, who was in charge of tax collection in our land, did not heed their complaints. The clamor of their protests reached Abdullah [Caliph al-Mansur] who angrily summoned Yazid and, as his replacement, sent Muslim's son, Bakkar (Bagar) [Bakkar ibn Muslim al-Ukaili, 769-770]. After not too long a period--not even one full year--Bakkar was summoned back for no cause and Hasan [ibn Kahtaba al-Tai'i, 754-759] was sent as his replacement. This was because with deceitful machinations he was furthering the descent into torments of the country of the Armenians. And yet, [the prime mover in this] was not he; instead, he was implementing the will [of God], the corrector of princes. He was [but] a witness to the anger from On High: hosts of locusts, hail, and absence of rainfall. Such were the examples of [divine] wrath visited upon us. Now when Hasan ibn Kahtaba arrived to be the overseer of the country of the Armenians, along with him came many brigades from the clans of the land of Khurasan. Even more bitterly and more frequently did they work their abominable acts, increasing the disasters and worsening the plight of our land. For as we noted earlier, it was the Lord [g136] who hardened their hearts to vengeance for our sins. Indeed famine, the sword, and slaughter increased during his clan's tenure. Beyond this there was the insulting of patriarchs, ridiculing of bishops, beating and torture of priests, as well as persecution and dispersal of the lords. The military commanders of our land were unable to endure this. They groaned and heaved, reeling from the unendurable calamities. Furthermore the mass of the common folk (r'amik) were afflicted by diverse evils: some were beaten severely because of their inability to pay taxes, some were bound in chains, some were hanged. Others were stripped naked and thrown into a lake in the most bitter cold of wintertime and then guards were stationed around to torture them. And thus did they die cruel and painful deaths. We are unable to narrate more about these disasters. |33 34. Now I shall describe how the savage insanity of the nation of the Ishmaelites came to a head. For when the lords of the Armenians saw [the extent of] the calamity they were ensnared in, they put their lives into their own hands [and decided to act]. However [g137] they were unable to realize [their goal] because they were few in number. Nonetheless they considered it better to die bravely than to live in danger, and so they opted for rebellion--to withdraw from obedience to the Ishmaelites. This [rebellion] was initiated by Artawazd of the Mamikonean House. When he went to the capital Dwin, he greatly organized his troops. There he received weapons and [other] war materiel. [Although] he himself took up shield, helmet, and all the armaments [of war], he made himself appear to be an intimate [supporter] of the Ishmaelite forces, someone who wanted to fight against their enemies. When he [finally] resolved to distance himself [from the Arabs] he went to the city of Kumayri in the Shirak district, where he killed the tax collector and seized whatever he found there. He took his own [Mamikonean] House and went to the land of the Iberians/Georgians, taking along all the lords of the land. News reached Dwin that the sons of Hmayeak had worked these criminal acts. Hasan [ibn Kahtaba al-Tai'i] swiftly assembled many troops, including Ashot's son Smbat, the sparapet [commander-in-chief], and other lords and pursued [Artawazd's forces] to the district called Samts'xe' in the land of Iberia/Georgia. He captured gorges, seized part of the booty, and sent them fleeing to the land of the Armenians. So [the Armenian rebels] went and secured themselves in the land of the Egerians and [Artawazd] personally took over the reigns of power [g138] over the Egerians and over the Ve'r'i, who are the Virk' [Iberians/Georgians]. These events further enraged Governor Hasan, who immediately sent [word] to all parts of his realm that taxes be gathered with added force and violence. Thus there was additional grief from taxes in our land, since the discovery of silver had completely ended in the land of the Armenians. This inflamed the heart of one of the lords, named Mushegh, who was the son of Count Hrahat from the Mamikonean House. He united some of the Armenian lords with him and withdrew from submission to the Ishmaelites. He found some of the sons of Ishmael in his own district and [even] in his own home. They had come to demand from him the blood[price] for those clanmates who had been killed. [Mushegh] put them to the sword. Then he migrated to Artagers fortress with his House. |34 Reaching the district of Bagrewand with 260 men, he seized the tax collector named Abu Mjur (Apumchur) and those with him and put them to his sword. Thus, in that country, demands for taxes were silenced. After this, all those [folk] who were grieving physically and spiritually flocked to him. Then enemies from all quarters arose and came against him. But before this, some 200 heavily armed sons of Ishmael had arrived from the city of Karin [g139]. In the nighttime [Mushegh] went against them with a few men, to the village of Xars where [the Arabs] had encamped their forces in the vineyards. [The Mushegheans], surrounding them, demolished the vineyards' weak walls, which were constructed with stones, without mortar. The horses were trapped under the strong explosion of falling rocks and many of the horsemen were trampled and died. [As for Mushegh], he gathered up the weapons, booty and horses of the fallen and gave them to his own troops. Then he himself went toward his fortress. When news of this disaster reached the city of Dwin, the Muslim general Muhammad began receiving frenzied complaints from all sides. So he gathered up his troops and those from the city of Dwin, entrusting [the force] to a military commander named Abu Njib (Apunchip) to go and avenge the blood of the fallen. The general took approximately 4,000 choice cavalrymen and cautiously passed along the royal highway, reaching the village of Bagawan in the district of Bagrewand. Here Mushegh and some 200 of his men pounced on them. [g140] As they fought each other, the Lord's speedy assistance came to Mushegh's brigade. Delivering many blows, they slaughtered the Ishmaelite troops. The survivors took to flight, but [Mushegh's forces] pursued as far as Aruch village, seizing many of them including the general himself. And they wiped them out. In great triumph [the Mushegheans] turned back, heavily laden with the enemy's spoils. Of the many [Muslims] who fled, only a few reached the city of Dwin. All the men and women of [the governor's] people came before him, shrieking and wailing and casting dirt over their heads and striking their foreheads, tearing their collars and filling all the city's broad streets with sobbing and lamentation. Great dread descended on the Saracens' brigade, and it did not dare sally forth from the city. Rather, they took refuge in the city's fortifications. When the Armenian lords saw the [positive] outcome of these developments, all of them became certain of [its eventual] success, and pursued the foolish plan. For they thought that the rule of the Ishmaelites was ending. They were even more deceived by the opinions of a monk who, filled with the spirit of fanaticism, began prophesizing [the following] vain and futile words: "Lo, the time of your salvation has arrived, for soon the royal scepter of authority will once again return to the House of T'orgom [the Armenians], and by means of you vengeance will be exacted from the race of Ishmael. Do not fret that your numbers are fewer than theirs. For just one of you can conquer a thousand of them, while two [of you can conquer] tens of thousands. This is because the Lord is fighting your war. Arm yourselves and fear not." Thus did [the monk] on a daily basis narrate such false and delusional visions, and everyone believed him [g141] and called him a seer. Tricked by such words they also gradually deceived the great sparapet Smbat, Ashot's son, into believing it. |35 All the lords of the Armenians came together in some spot and swore an oath to die together [rebelling]. Consequently they united, some 5,000 men, since many of the common folk allied with their brigades. They arose from there and went to the city of T'e'odupolis which is [also] called Karin [Erzerum]. They besieged it with walls and throughout the entire winter they battled against it. They erected towers and punched holes in the city's outer walls. But they were unable to accomplish anything except to kill some people with rock-hurling machines. Ashot of the Bagratuni House, the son of Prince Sahak, did not associate himself with this harmful and disastrous affair, since he was a prudent and brilliant man. Rather, he continued to advise them to distance themselves from the monk's fanatical and damaging counsel. He said: "You are too young, and I know that you cannot resist the power of that [g142] multi-headed dragon; and furthermore [their leader] has a limitless host at his disposal and his treasury can supply them with unlimited materiel. All the kingdoms which reject their authority they smash like earthenware pots. Indeed the Byzantine [emperor] cannot lift a hand [against them]. He quakes with fear at the sight of them and does not dare go against the divine command. You are unfamiliar with all the power of the Byzantine emperor, his personal bravery, [and the qualities of] his forces and materiel. He never once thought to capture the land of the Armenians [from the Arabs]. [Emperor] Constantine, son of Leo, in one day of single combat against ferocious wild beasts, slaughtered a lion as though it were a goat's kid. Yet now [even he] who possessed such strength drew back in fear from that very evil wild beast which now pollutes our country. On whom will you rely [for help]? Whose power, whose strength [will help you] against the invincible [Arab commander's] authority? If it pleases you, accept my advice. For my concerns are for your safety, and for the needs and peace of our land. The matter will resolve itself in [one of these] three ways. Either you will return and then submit to them, and your country will remain in peace. Or you will reject [submission], take to flight with all your comrades and their families, abandon the inheritance of your fathers and their dwellings, forests, [g143] fields, even your fathers' graves--and go into exile to the Byzantine emperor. Or else you will fall into their hands in a single day and die a disagreeable death. For I know things about the godless caliph, [and I know that] he will not stop until he succeeds." But [the rebels] did not accept the advice that they heard. Quite the contrary, they regarded it as treasonous since they were so [completely] under the sway of that delusional man. [The monk] continually exhorted them to stand firm in the undertaking before them, and not to entertain doubts. But the effects of his devious, destructive advice were revealed shortly, for they broke away from each other and became disunited. The lords of the Artsrunik' House, Hamazasp and his brothers, stayed where they were in the land of Vaspurakan; Vasak, Ashot's son, and those of the Amatunik' and Trunik' Houses, remained where they were, some in the secure fortress in the village of Dariwnk' and in the hideouts of Maku, some holed up in the valleys of Arageght. They circulated around the districts looking for food, took it, and returned to their keeps. Now the Tachiks who were in the city of Dwin came and began raiding here and there in the districts around them. They looted and shed blood in the village of Ptghunk', in T'alin, and in Koghb [g144] causing great bloodshed and killing many people. When spring arrived, the caliph organized brigades [to go] against the country of the Armenians. He assembled some 30,000 select, heavily armed cavalrymen mounted on choice horses, from the clan of the Khurasan brigade, and entrusted them to a general named Amir (Amr) [ibn Isma'il]. He sent them off from the expansive, renowned city which Abdullah [Caliph al-Mansur] himself had built, that city, securely fortified with impregnable defending walls, which was named Baghdad. |36 Then general [Amir], with great caution and extensive preparation, went to the city of Xlat' in the land of the Armenians, reaching it via the Syrian areas. When he entered the city, he was informed by the citizens there about the caliber of the Armenian forces, their numbers, whether they were [merely] youths, who were the military commanders, whether they were closely united, how brave, whether [inexperienced lads] without moustaches or seasoned fighters. Having been informed about all this, he prepared his own military commanders accordingly. Now Sahak's son Ashot was in that city at the time and notified the Armenian lords about the enemy's arrival, and instructing them to assemble in one place, wherever they happened to be, to live or die as one. But they considered the information in this document unreliable, [g145] as though he deceitfully wanted to save the city from besiegement and thereby show himself as loyal to the Ishmaelites. Therefore, with this in mind, they ignored his words and persisted in carrying forward their earlier scheme. After this the lords of the Artsrunik' clan assembled troops in the land of Vaspurakan [including] Hamazasp and his brothers and those from the Amatunik' clan together with their troops. As auxiliaries they called upon Ashot's son Vasak, the brother of Smbat sparapet from the Bagratunik' clan with his forces, and they advanced upon the village of Arch'e'sh to destroy it to its foundations and to kill the soldiers in it. They reached the village of Berkri in the district of Ar'beran and waited for the others to assemble. Many of the common folk were attracted to them as foot soldiers for the battle. One and all wanted to do this, but then, suddenly, [bad] news reached them. Someone arrived and informed them that a large force of the sons of Ishmael had arrived and were awaiting them. But Hamazasp, lord of the Artsrunik', did not believe [the messenger] and beat and tortured him as a liar. [Hamazasp] himself boastfully proceeded against the village of Arche'sh with his troops. As they neared the town, the residents informed the commander Amir in the city of Xlat' [g146] about the arrival of the Armenian lords. [Amir left Xlat'] with a multitudinous host and lay in ambush near the village of Arche'sh. Thus, while the Armenian brigade was battling against the fortress, [the Arabs] suddenly emerged from the ambuscade where they were concealed and pounced on the Armenian troops. [The attackers] put them to flight, killing the majority of the infantry brigade which consisted of local residents--since they were naked, weaponless, and unskilled in warfare. [The Arabs] mercilessly slaughtered those they encountered in the bitter light of that day, while others [of the fugitives], in their panic, fell into the river and drowned. Four men from noble clans also perished, three from the Trunik' House and one from the village of Urts'. Moreover some 1,500 of the common folk fell. As for those who turned to flight, almost none of them was able to save his own life. This terrible disaster occurred on Saturday, the fourth day of the month of Hrotits' (December). The enemy pursued and struck the Armenian troops as far as the place known as Tay village. Then [the Arabs] turned back and their army greatly rejoiced. As a result [of this defeat], despair increased in our land of Armenia, while the infidel enemy was delighted and overjoyed. After catching their breath, [the Arabs] resumed their assaults, travelling by the royal [g147] highway through the district of Apahunik'. They reached the village of Artsni in the district of Bagrewand, where they encamped by the banks of the river which flows through it. With them were all the craftsmen and creators of armaments who prepare weapons and war materiel. |37 Meanwhile those [Armenian] troops who were besieging the city of Karin had brought it close to the breaking point. Famine had become very severe there and, unwillingly, [the Arabs] wanted to give it into their hands. But as soon as the news about the defeat of the [Armenian] brigade reached the city of Karin, the Armenian fighting force lost heart and lifed the siege of the city. They could have left for Byzantine parts and saved themselves from the iniquitous, malicious slanderers, but instead they thought it better to die than to witness the destruction of our land and the desecration of Christ's churches. Having so resolved, despite the fact that their numbers were fewer than the enemy's, they voluntarily turned to this peril. They assembled a force of some 5,000 men, quit the city of Karin, and crossed through the confines of Basen into the district of Bagrewand. Next they crossed the Arsanias River and courageously attacked the enemy, [after first] leaving their equipment and horses two stadia distant. They went on foot, ferociously prepared to battle the enemy. Enemy brigades also arose against them with great preparation. [g148] At daybreak [the two sides] were in battle array. When they clashed with each other, initially the Armenian brigade was dominant, delivering many blows, putting the enemy to flight, and killing many of them. But then [the Arabs] regained strength, turned from their flight, and resisted [the Armenians] with a wild rage, inflicting wounds on most of the common soldiers. Some of the lords then fled with their cavalry and the commoners who were with them. For many of them had fallen [and their corpses] covered the plain. |38 Yet these valiant martyrs ignored the bitter deaths awaiting them, even though they were vastly outnumbered by their wicked hunters. Until their final breaths they vied with each other, saying: "Let us bravely die for our land and our people. Let our eyes not witness our sanctuaries and the sites of the glorification of our God trampled by these loathsome men. Before that happens, let our enemy's sword confront us and have their way with us. Let us trade our persons for the truth of our faith and not for earthly concerns. For this death is temporary whereas life is eternal." This is the encouragement they gave each other, fixing their gazes On High for assistance, saying: "God, help and accompany us quickly. Pity the great shame we are found in. [g149] In our peril we call upon Your name, Oh Lord, and glorify You in the dangers surrounding us. For countless evils surround us and hold us and the hour of our death has arrived." [The Armenians] offered these and even more fervent pleas [to God]. Then fortified anew with aid from On High, nothing could shake their earlier determination, despite the fact that they were not even 1,000 [soldiers] facing 30,000 [Arab troops]. As we learned directly from the enemy, a multitude of angels was fighting on their side and appeared to the enemy in human form. They also confirmed that they had seen clerics and priests with gospels, candles, and incense at the front encouraging them. Then [the Armenians] mercilessly began to take vengeance on their foe until their hands weakened from the weight of their weapons. Some, devoid of weapons, fell at once, exchanging this transitory sinful life for the venerable hope of eternal life, and thus they became valiant martyrs. The names of the military commanders were as follows: Sparapet [commander-in-chief] Smbat and his ally and comrade Sahak from the Bagratuni House; General Mushegh and Samue'l, lord of the Mamikonean [g150] House, a vibrant and handsome young man who was the son-in-law of the sparapet; from the Gnunik' House, Vahan dashnak [the dagger], and many lords and commoners who cannot be named one by one. Close to 3,000 men fell [in that battle], but [they lay there] in a pitiful and dishonored state, since their bodies found no graves. Rather, the corpses of these war dead remained out in the open, exposed to the sun, dust, rain, and tempests. Then again lamentations and wailing greatly increased in our land of Armenia. For great leaders and respectable military commanders were snuffed out in one moment. And thus the country was plunged into deep despair and the deepest sorrow over the loss of these brave and preeminent warriors. For [the country] was bereft of their help and was betrayed into the hands of the bestial and crazed enemy. Yet they recalled the mercy of God's visitation, [God] Who showered His mercy on humanity from the start, especially on those who glorified His name. They called upon God's loving mercy and sought His assistance for the hopeless and those living in doubt on earth. For this [latest disaster] followed on the heels of the [earlier] destruction in the town of Arche'sh, [and occurred] on a Monday in the same month, on the 14th day of [the month of] Hrotits' (December). Yet this tribulation was even more severe, since there was no way to [g151] grieve for and mourn the dead openly and to have funeral meals in their homes. Neither could they even bury the dead. |39 35. Then the enemy extended their raiding in the district of Bagrewand and adjacent areas, causing great crises among the inhabitants of the country. They stubbornly resolved to wreck and ruin the [Christian] temples of prayer and to pollute the churches of Christ's holiness. They wrecked the glorious symbol of Christ's Cross which had been erected at the entrances and exits as [a source of] refuge and protection for those who had come to worship the consubstantial Trinity, burning and eliminating them. They treated with fanatical spite the priests, monks, and their servitors--as though they were the leaders of those who had died in the battle. From various places they ravished Church vessels and relics of God's saints and carried them off as booty. Once the infidel troops had loaded up with this spoil from the land of the Armenians they turned again to the fortresses and conquered the strongholds where people had taken refuge, summoning them to peace, giving them written oaths and bringing them down from the fortresses. Then [General Amir ibn Isma'il] left the land of the Armenians as though he had enjoyed some wonderful and valiant triumph and [g152] went through the land of the Persians. He wanted to stand before the caliph and receive a reward from him for his labors. But at that very moment the verdict of righteous God was delivered upon him and he perished in the country of the Persians. He died suffering from horrible pains, a worthy recompense for the blood of innocents shed by his hands. He was killed not by the sword of man, but by an invisible sword wielded from On High, [a sword] more forceful than any double-edged [earthly] sword which severed his spirit, breath, sinews, and mind. That sword [of God] sought vengeance for the blood of [His] sons and repayment for those who hated Him. [God] cleansed and preserved the country of His [believing] people, and drew back the scepter [used for punishing] them. And once again [people] were secure in their dwellings. |40 36. Once more the caliph sent Yazid [ibn Usaid] to Armenia as commander/governor as a replacement for Hasan [ibn Kahtaba]. [Caliph] Abdullah [Abu Jafar al-Manur], having worked all the malice his heart desired, crushing his own soul with the sickness of greed for money--his clan's particular greed--cursed by the prophet [g153], hopelessly died that same year. [God] revealed the full recompense of the judgement to be meted out to him in the next life by means of one of His worthy servants, a certain priest. For [this priest] had a vision a few days before [the caliph's] death in which he saw the place of his torments, a deep prison sealed off with an iron door. [The caliph] was brought to the mouth of the abyss by two soldiers who opened the door. And he saw flames shooting up to the sky. [The soldiers] took and hurled this malefactor down the stairs of the pit where he was trapped and received the punishment that he merited. Such was the revelation of that vision about the fate which awaited him, judicious punishment for his wicked deeds by the righteous judge. 37. Now after this [al-Mansur's] son, Muhammad al-Mahdi succeeded him [775-785]. He was much more noble than his father and of much better disposition. He opened all the treasuries which the impious al-Mansur had kept closed, and distributed gifts to his troops. He also opened the border gates, allowing merchants [g154] to trade and to satisfy the requirements of those in need. And then there was plenty in the country, and the discovery of [new sources of] silver expanded, and the inhabitants of the country were at peace from the coercive extraction of taxes. Although [al-Mahdi] tightened the yoke of taxation, the country rested somewhat from the cruel and calamitous tribulations because of the discovery of silver. This was due to the additional discovery of silver in the mountains in the land of the Armenians. During his reign pure silver ore was extracted [which satisfied] the needs of the population [for taxes]. Then [Caliph] al-Mahdi began to attack the authority of the Byzantines. He assembled a force which he entrusted to one of his generals, his own brother who was named 'Abas [al-'Abas ibn Muhammad], and sent it to Byzantine territory. For in the same year that Abdullah [al-Mansur] had perished, Emperor Constantine [V] also died, and his son, Leo [IV, 775-780] occupied his father's throne. While [al-Mahdi] was planning to begin raiding Byzantine territory with his troops, the emperor quickly sent a large force against Basanastan, which is called Bishan [Commagene]. [This army] was commanded by three generals, two of whom were Armenian lords, Tachat from the Andzewats'i House, and Artawazd from the Mamikonean House, plus a third who was from the Byzantine army. Advancing with many troops, they reached the areas of Cilicia and Bishan where they raided throughout the land capturing numerous cities, districts [g155] and villages. Those resisting them in battle were crushed, ground to dust. As booty they also took into captivity a multitude of common folk. They say that their number exceeded 150,000 men. These [captives] were taken to Byzantine territory. Then they went and presented their booty to the Byzantine emperor. Emperor Leo received his troops with great adulation and gave very magnificent gifts to his generals. Then they rested for [the remainder of] that year. |41 38. The next year the Caliph sent emissaries [to Constantinople], puffing greatly and hoping thereby to terrify [the Byzantines]. We learned that along with his message, [the caliph] sent two sacks of mustard seed to the Byzantine emperor and wrote: "I shall soon send an enormous number of my troops against your land, as many [soldiers] as the mustard seeds which you see. Will your country be large enough to hold my countless troops? If you have some strength in your hands, get ready to fight me." The emperor read this document but did not get upset. Instead, he calmly wrote a reply: "Man does not [g156] secure victory by himself. Rather [the victory] goes to whomever God grants it. God might give your troops to my troops as food, like the mustard seeds you have sent. Do what you have promised to do, but whatever is the will and pleasure of God, that is what will be done." Simultaneously the emperor issued an order to relocate the inhabitants of the countryside to the cities, strongholds, and secure fortresses. And the caliph, having assembled countless troops, entrusted them to the same general whom we mentioned earlier, and sent them against the country of the Byzantines. This multitude [of troops] arrived in the Galatia country and besieged the expansive city called Amorium. Though the city was invested by this host of soldiers and besieged for some three months, nonetheless [the Arabs] were unable to capture it, because it was [well] protected by its walls and the surrounding areas had been carefully attended to. For the sources of the Sagaris River are near the city and form swamps all around it. Thus [the Arabs] were unable to inflict damage, but could only sit and maintain the siege. Yazid [ibn Usaid], the governor of Armenia, had also assembled his forces and came to the aid of General 'Abbas. He went to the areas of Pontus, to the fortress-cities of Koloneia, Govat'a, Kastighon and the district of Marit'ene's and fought them. But [g157] none [of these battles] bore any fruit, and [Yazid] returned in great humiliation to the land of the Armenians. Furthermore the Ishmaelite army gave up on its siege of the city of Amorium and returned to the land of its residence. |42 39. It remains for us to describe the events which followed. In the seventh year of Muhammad [al-Mahdi's reign], Emperor Leo, Constantine's son, died and his son Constantine [VI] succeeded him, an extremely young boy. When Caliph al-Mahdi learned about the death of the Byzantine emperor, he assembled many troops, appointed his son Harun (Aharon) as general, and sent [the army] against the land of Byzantium. Just as the Ishmaelite army reached Byzantine territory, the Byzantine army came against them. [The Byzantines] had already blocked the roads, so [the two armies] sat there, facing each other. The Ishmaelite troops were unable to arise to get food, and thus there was severe famine among the Ishmaelite forces. Now Tachat, son of Grigor from the Andzewats'ik' House, whom we mentioned earlier, had previously come as a fugitive to the Emperor Constantine [V] from the caliph. [The emperor] received him with great ceremony and delight, and honored him because of his personal bravery, since he had earlier learned about [g158] his courageousness. [Tachat'] had demonstrated his bravery to the emperor previously in the territories of the Sarmatians who are called Bulghars, whence he returned with great victory. When the emperor observed his brave heart, he appointed him general over 60,000 men; and he remained obedient to the emperor of Byzantium for 22 years. But after the death of Constantine and his son Leo, and the accession of Constantine [VI, 776-780], Emperor Constantine's mother the queen treated [Tachat] with great rancor. For that reason [Tachat] turned to the caliph. When the Ishmaelite troops were being besieged by the Byzantines, [Tachat] requested a written oath from them so that he could return to his country. He promised to lift the blockade on them and convey them to the country of their residence. When the caliph heard about this, he swiftly acceded to the request, promising [Tachat] whatsoever he wanted. When this had been confirmed in writing, [Tachat] arose and quit the country of the Byzantines with his entire House and extricated the Ishmaelite troops from the siege. Harun, the caliph's son, styled [Tachat] his father and gave him very splendid gifts. And when Tachat came before the caliph, the latter personally thanked him and gave him many valuable items from the royal treasury. He also gave him the dignity of the principate over the country of the Armenians [presiding prince of Armenia] and sent him back to his land with great grandeur. But when Prince Tachat [g159] had returned to the land of the Armenians by order of the caliph and had come to 'Uthman [ibn 'Umara ibn Kuzaim, ostikan 781-785] who was then governor and chief of the country, ['Uthman] did not implement his prince's order. Instead he delayed and sent emissaries to their caliph claiming that it was not the will of the united lords of the Armenians that someone who had rebelled from [Arab] authority and aided the Byzantine emperor should be set up as prince over them, people who had submitted to our rule, for he might be a traitor in our forces. Now despite the fact that Tachat, on numerous occasions, wanted to inform the caliph about the rupture of his authority, he was unable [to reach him]. This was because ['Uthman's allies] held all the routes leading out [of the country], they seized [Tachat's] emissaries and imprisoned them. Thus his complaints did not reach the ears of [Caliph] Muhammad [al-Mahdi] and his son Harun until the end of that year. Thereafter, when all of [Tachat's] protests finally reached the ears of Caliph Muhammad [al-Mahdi] and his son Harun a great disquiet was visited upon 'Uthman, the governor of our country. Unwillingly, at the caliph's command, he [finally] gave the principate to Tachat. Then 'Uthman assembled the troops of the lords of Armenia and went to the country of the Aghuanians to the city called Darband by the Caspian Gates, [a city] well fortified with a wall which was built to resist the troops of [g160] the Huns and the Khazars. ['Uthman] also summoned Prince Tachat, as well as the sparapet [commander-in-chief] Bagarat and Nerse'h Kamsarakan and other Armenian lords during the very hot days [of summer] when Hephestus was at its peak, in the most disagreeable sweltering heat. He encamped on the plain called K'eran. They passed the entire summer on that furnace-like rocky plain. Some of the Armenian lords were unable to bear the extremely hot weather and died, [among them] Tachat and the sparapet Bagarat and Nerse'h Kamsarakan and other troops. Caliph Muhammad [al-Mahdi] was enraged when he learned about the lamentable deaths of prince Tachat and the lords with him. He terminated ['Uthman's] rule and sent as a replacement a certain prince named Rauh (R'oh) [ibn Hatim, ostikan 785-786/87] as governor of the land of the Armenians. Muhammad [al-Mahdi] reigned for 8 years and then died, as Rauh arrived [in Armenia]. |43 40. After [al-Mahdi], his son Musa (Muse') [al-Hadi, caliph 785-786] ruled for one year. He was a wanton, impudent and possessed person, so manipulated by the demon inside him that when he was disporting himself in accordance with his unworthy behavior, [g161] he designated men as targets instead of objects and shot arrows at them, and killed them. When he was confirmed in his authority [as caliph] he sent a certain Khouzaima (Xazm) [ibn Khazim at-Tamimi, ostikan, 787] to the country of Armenia in place of Rauh. Truly, as befitted his name he was contentious (xazmabar) and fiendish. When he arrived at the city of Dwin, all the Armenian lords came out to meet him, including the Artsrunid princes Hamazasp, Sahak, and Mehruzhan. Now when that malicious enemy [Khouzaima] saw their magnificent and glorious aspect, and the excellent readiness of their troops, he immediately had them seized, bound, and put in prison for three months--these proto-martyrs and heroes. Then he sent accusations about them to Caliph Musa [al-Hadi] and received back an order to kill them. This wrathful verdict and unjust death sentence was sent to the prison where the venerable martyrs were being held. As their death sentence was being read out, the captives asked a man named K'ubeida, who was sympathetic to them and a friend, if there was any way to elude the unjust sentence meted out to them. And he told them: "The only way to escape from their clutches and live is to agree to convert to our faith and to [g162] accept the word of our Prophet. That is your only deliverance from the death you have been condemned to." When Meruzhan heard this pronouncement he was terrified about his temporal death and condemned his person to loss in eternal Gehenna. He destroyed the mild yoke of faith in Christ and separated from the flock of the Lord, dressing himself in the clothing of wolves, making himself liable to eternal judgement. But since this was done out of fear of imminent death and not willingly, perhaps Christ will have mercy on his repentant soul. |44 Then the courageous martyrs donned the armor of faith and put on their heads the fortifying helmets of salvation and replied [to K'ubeida]: "God forbid that we should exchange the truth of God for falsehood, eternal life for daily life, eternal glory for transitory glory, Christ the hope of all, for our insignificant blood." Thus did they vie with each other while in prison, saying: "Oh brothers, we have enjoyed enough this fleeting glory. Hereafter let us not live for greatness, transitory glory, gleaming golden robes, not for love of kinfolk, the tenderness of [our] children, or any of the good things of this world [things which] many have aspired to yet instead inherited hopelessness." Thus did they encourage each other during their grief in prison. In prayer they united with God and anticipated inheriting eternal life. [g163] Finally the day of decision arrived when the course of their martyrdom would be completed. It was the blessed, glorious day of the Epiphany of Christ, which is celebrated for eight consecutive days by the Christian faithful. [Khouzaima], that instrument of injustice, summoned them before him at a tribunal. Since he was previously cognizant of their firm adherence to the Christian faith and their enthusiasm for it, he did not repeat the same arguments to them. Rather, he had the venerable Sahak brought into the arena first. The instrument of torture which they used was of the latest design: two forked blocks of wood firmly anchored to the ground on the right and left. The martyr was attached [to this device] with his armpits on the forked ends and his hands tightly tied to the wood. Then [Sahak] was beaten on the back with a cudgel so severely that his body separated [into pieces]. Meanwhile the venerable Hamazasp was being held outside, in chains. He prayed to the Lord in his heart without moving his lips or making any audible sound. It was only in his heart that he lamented and sighed and called on the Lord for aid in the tribulation he was about to face. Having severely tortured [Sahak], they released him from the painful bonds and led the venerable Hamazasp to the same place of torture. In the same fashion they tied him between the two wooden struts and also beat [g164] him with even greater ferocity. [Hamazasp] also courageously withstood the torments. So [Khouzaima] issued the order to kill them with a sword. When the executioners heard the judge's order, they immediately raised their swords and chopped off their heads. Thus did [Sahak and Hamazasp] surrender their souls and depart this life. On the following day [Khouzaima] ordered that their bodies be hanged on wood. And he appointed soldiers to guard [their corpses] so that no Christian would steal and bury the bodies. So full of bitterness was the heart of that unjust judge that even after their deaths [his heart] was not softened. Rather, he had the bodies removed from the wood and the bones of these venerable generals burned to ash in the fire. Even these ashes were not spared for burial but were tossed into the waters of a river. According to the words of the Apostle [Luke] in return for the afflictions they experienced they will be richly rewarded a hundredfold with glory, as the Lord said: "Anyone who has left father, mother, wife, children or fields for my name will receive a hundredfold more in this world and eternal life in the world to come" [compare Luke 18: 29-30]. This [martyrdom] occurred during the reign of [Caliph] Musa [al-Hadi], in the governorship of Khouzaima, on the day of the blessed Epiphany of the Lord, in the year 233 of the Armenian Era [A.D. 784; should be January 6, 786]. Musa held the caliphate for one year and [g165] then died. During his day the prince of the Iberians/Georgians [Stephen III, the Guaramid, 779/780-786] also was cruelly slain, raised up by his hands and feet and cut in two at a tender age. Thus after his death, he was regarded as a sacrificial lamb. After working all this evil, [al-Hadi] perished a year later. |45 41. Subsequently Harun (Aharon) [al-Rashid, 786-809] became caliph. He was the son of Muhammad [al-Mahdi] and the brother of Musa [al-Hadi], and was a greedy, money-loving man. During his reign his own brother 'Ubaidullah (Ovbedla) opposed him. Because of the antagonism between the two, [Harun al-Rashid] divided [the territorial authority], giving to his brother Atrpatakan and Armenia together with Iberia/Georgia and Aghuania. In accordance with his evil nature he designated for governors over our country godless men of unrestrained and avaricious behavior who had never even considered what the fear of God meant. The first of these was a certain Yazid, the son of Mazyad [Yazid ibn Mazyad al-Shaybani, 787-788, 799-801]. After him was Abd al-Kebir (Abdalk'bir)[Abd al-Kebir ibn Abd al-Hamid al-'Adawi, four months], who reigned briefly and did neither good nor bad and so seemed good. Following him was a certain Sulaiman [Sulaiman ibn al-'Amri, 788-790] who was a greedy malefactor and the worst of them all. That same 'Ubaidullah came to the city of Barda'a (Partaw) and confirmed Sulaiman as prince over the land, entrusting to him the Lord's people, who were like sheep surrounded by evil wolves. [g166] [Sulaiman] so increased the yoke [of taxation] on people that they could not endure it. For even if they gave all that they possessed, it was not enough to save themselves. This same Sulaiman sent to the city of Dwin his son-in-law, a certain Ibn Ducas (Ibndoke'), an impious and malevolent man, son of one of his maid-servants, who was of Greek nationality. He imposed unendurably heavy taxes on the residents of our land. All the lords, common folk, bishops and the kat'oghikos Esayi [Esayi I Eghipatrushets'i, 775-788] came and pleaded with [Ibn Ducas] to reduce the onerous level of taxation, but it was of no avail. For the wrath of the Lord had delivered the Christians into merciless hands. [Ibn Ducas instead] sent tax collectors to the different parts of the land with the order to double the yearly collection and to take it immediately, and they implemented the command. Once this was accomplished, this son of satan devised another wicked scheme. He had lead seals put around the necks of everyone, demanding many zuzas for each [seal]. Thus did this wicked executioner reduce everyone to the worst extremes of bankruptcy through his intolerant measures. [g167] |46 42. The year after the arrival of 'Ubaidullah, the same disasters escalated further. For from then on, no one was master of his own belongings. Instead, everything was taken as booty. Many people, unable to bear the severity of the disasters, voluntarily left their flocks and herds and fled, while the enemy captured their livestock and property and took them as spoil. Thus deprived of their belongings, naked, barefoot, starving, and unable to make a living, [people] fled to Byzantine territory. They say that their number exceeded 12,000 including women and children. Their leaders were Shapuh from the Amatunik' House and his son Hamam and others of the Armenian lords and their cavalry. The impious and brutal enemy pursued them with their troops, catching up in the district of Kogh at the Iberian/Georgian border. In the ensuing battle some [of the Arabs] were put to flight while others were slain. Then [the Armenian] fugitives crossed the Akamsis [Chorokh] River. The sources [of this river] are in the Tayk' area and it flows in a northwesterly direction crossing through Egeria and into the Pontic [Black] Sea. As soon as they had forded the river, they quickly notified [g168] the Byzantine emperor Constantine [VI]. He called them to him and gave honors to the lords and their cavalry. He settled the common folk on good fertile land. As for the half of the people who remained [in Armenia] they endured extreme poverty like slaves, serving as woodcutters or water-carriers like the Gibeonites. Furthermore [Ibn Ducas] that fiendish, impious man whom 'Ubaidullah had appointed as governor of the city of Dwin, hatched another diabolical scheme. For at that time the venerable kat'oghikos of the Armenians, Esayi, had passed to Christ with blessed and orthodox faith [A.D. 788], and [Ibn Ducas] decided to examine all the Church's property and possessions. So he summoned all the clerics and terrified them with violent threats, saying: "Do not conceal anything from me. Bring it all out into the open. Should anyone hide something that later is discovered, he will pay for it with his life." Horrified by these threats, [the clerics] turned over everything to him. Everything kept hidden in the treasuries they revealed and placed before him without exception: precious gold and silver vessels, some with precious gems, and royal garments for the blessed altar and for conducting the divine service [g169]. As soon as [Ibn Ducas] saw this, he decided to confiscate all of it, but then changed his mind and took [only] whatever appealed to him from the treasuries and splendid vestments and vessels. The rest he gave to the sacrist of the church [to hold] until Step'anos [Step'anos I Dvnets'i, 788-790] acceded to the throne of the patriarchate. [Step'anos] sat on the patriarchal throne only after paying many bribes, selling off all belongings and properties until [the Church's] villages and servants were freed and its debts [were paid]. |47
Colophon The teaching of Ghewond regarding the chronologies of the House of T'orgom has concluded. [It was written] by order of Lord Shapuh Bagratuni for the glory and praise of the most holy Trinity which is blessed now and forever, amen. Lord Hamazasp from the honorable Mamikonean House desired [a copy of this work] and paid me, the unworthy scribe Sargis, from his legitimate funds to reproduce it. I beseech you to remember [me] to merciful God, to Whom glory forever. Amen.
End
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: timothy_i_apology_00_intro.htm
Timothy I, Apology for Christianity (1928) pp.v-vii, 1-15
Timothy I, Apology for Christianity (1928) pp.v-vii, 1-15
WOODBROOKE STUDIES
CHRISTIAN DOCUMENTS IN SYRIAC, ARABIC, AND GARSHUNI, EDITED AND TRANSLATED WITH A CRITICAL APPARATUS
BY
A. MINGANA
INTRODUCTION BY
RENDEL HARRIS
VOLUME 2
TIMOTHY'S APOLOGY FOR CHRISTIANITY
Reprinted from the "Bulletin of the John Rylands Library," Volume 12, 1928
CAMBRIDGE W. HEFFER & SONS LIMITED
1928
|v
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
The present volume is the second of the series of the "Woodbrooke Studies" which I have drawn from texts contained in MSS. of my own collection.
I have followed with interest the reviews of the first volume of the "Studies" which have appeared in the leading theological and Oriental journals of Europe and America, especially those printed in Germany. I wish here to express my thanks for the appreciative remarks of all the scholars who have discoursed on the theme, and to assure them that I have taken notice of their words of friendly criticism concerning the form and arrangement of the "Studies" whenever I have felt justified in doing so, with a view to further improvement.
In answer to inquiries, I may here state: (a) that the photographic reproductions appearing in the "Studies" are executed at Bournville, Birmingham; (b) that my collection of MSS. on Christian literature in Syriac, Garshuni, Arabic and Ethiopic has been given in trust by Mr. Edward Cadbury to the Woodbrooke Settlement, Selly Oak, Birmingham, the name of which appears on the title-page of the "Studies."
A word of thanks is due to the Aberdeen University Press and to the Arabic and Syriac compositors for the satisfactory way in which they have performed a difficult task
It is a pleasing duty to express my gratitude to my venerable friend for the vigour of his two Introductions and the virility of his inimitable style.1
A. MINGANA.
John Rylands Library,
st August, 1928.
1 His curious slip to the effect that Luke was the recorder of the dream of Pilate's wife instead of Matthew has been corrected in the present volume.
[Blank]
|vii
CONTENTS.
Timothy's Apology for Christianity.....1-162
Introduction......1-10
Preface and Translation.......11-90
Facsimiles of Mingana Syr. 17......91-162
WOODBROOKE STUDIES
CHRISTIAN DOCUMENTS IN SYRIAC, ARABIC, AND GARSHUNI, EDITED AND TRANSLATED WITH A CRITICAL APPARATUS
By A. MINGANA.
WITH INTRODUCTION
By RENDEL HARRIS.
Fasc. 3.
The Apology of Timothy the Patriarch before the Caliph Mahdi.
Introduction.
IN the year 781 a.d. in the reign of Mahdi, the third of the Abbassid Caliphs at Bagdad, there occurred a two-days' debate between the Catholicos or Patriarch of the East Syrian Church (who was also the recognised head of all Eastern Christians) and the Caliph himself, as being the spiritual and temporal head of the Mohammedan religion. It was a time when Islam was in the freshness of its new faith and animated by the glory of those sweeping triumphs by which the Most Holy (blessed is He!) appeared to have attested the call to belief and the associated call to arms of his new prophet and messenger. With the final consolidation of the new faith and the necessary canonisation of its great document (one book this time, not four), there had come also the dawn of a new civilisation, of which Mohammed himself had never dreamed, and the splendour of Bagdad, founded by Mahdi's predecessor, Mansur, had, to some extent, retrieved the age-long ruins of its neighbour, Babylon the Great. We are close to the days of the prime of Haroun al Raschid, who is, in fact, second son and ultimately the successor of the Caliph with whom the Patriarch Timothy held his debate, and he is actually engaged on a military expedition on behalf of his father for the further conquest of the unsubdued West, at the time when the discussion was taking place. What is more important for us to realise is, not that we |2 are near to the romantic days of Al Raschid, but that we are very close indeed to the days of Mohammed himself. Less than 150 years have elapsed since the death of the prophet; and it is not only in a historical sense that we are aware of contiguity with the first of the Commanders of the Faithful; in a literary sense we are even nearer still to the Islamic beginnings, for we have no earlier documentary evidence than the one before us of the relations between what is commonly regarded as decadent Christianity and dominant and minatory Islam. The period to which we refer is almost a tabula rasa for the history of Islam itself. So Dr. Mingana is directly contributing to Mohammedan history. Nor will the document, which is here published for the first time, be undervalued by either Christian or Moslem, if we find, on reading it, that Christianity, at least in Mesopotamia, was not so decadent as has been commonly assumed, nor Islam so blighted by intolerance, at least in Bagdad, as it has been in later days and under less generous rulers. So we may read the debate with an open mind, whether we are Moslems or Christians, and we shall at least be able to admit from either side, if we take sides with the Patriarch or with the Caliph, that the Christian religion is not a mere collection of traditions flanked and buttressed by obsolete practices and rituals, and that the Islamic doctrine, which has next to nothing to apologise for in the shape of obscure rituals, was, in the time of the early Abbassid Caliphs, undivorced from reason, and not requiring, either first or last, the sacrifice of the intellect. As we read the report of the conference, we shall be surprised to find how keen the two antagonists are to appreciate one another's arguments: the Patriarch praises the Caliph, endorsing from time to time his theology, and we feel the sincerity of his commendations, which outrun any possible cloak of hypocrisy; and the Caliph on his side is so touched by the piety and the eloquence of his antagonist that he breaks out into an appeal which, if done into Latin, would be, 'O cum talis sis, utinam noster esses.'
"If you accepted Mohammed as a prophet," said the Caliph, "your words would be beautiful and their meanings fine."
On the other side the Patriarch carries the language of conciliation so far as to startle a modern Christian reader; he does not, like Tennyson's Mogul Emperor, say,
"I stagger at the Koran and the sword;" |3
he uses the Kuran as a text-book in the debate, and, to a certain extent, allows the sword as a lawful instrument of propaganda, provided, of course, that it is used, like the Old Testament uses it, in the suppression of idolatry. "Who will not," says Timothy, "praise, honour, and exalt the one who not only fought for God in words, but showed also his zeal for him in the sword? as Moses did with the Children of Israel when he saw that they had fashioned a golden calf, and when he killed all those who were worshipping it..." from which it appears that Timothy would have made an excellent Puritan, and a great preacher of the Old Testament among the Ironsides; but we must not anticipate the general arguments of the new book, in the desire to assure our readers that they will not find a more temperate and judicious use of controversial weapons and methods than are disclosed in the document before us. One further preliminary caution may be given to those who read the book from the standpoint of what is called Orthodox Christianity. Do not be deterred from estimating the work rightly by a preliminary objection to the Christian representative (for he was the official representative of all the churches), as a Nestorian. It may, we think, safely be said that there is very little in Timothy's presentation of Christian doctrine which is not altogether in accord with Catholic definitions. Once indeed he deals a heavy blow at the Jacobite Syrians and the Greeks for their Patripassian theology, but this objection to a dying or a suffering God may be taken in an orthodox sense. We must not, of course, expect to find him betraying acquaintance with beliefs which are accretions to the Faith on the part of Western and mediaeval Christianity such as, for example, the Assumption of the Virgin, of which he clearly knows nothing; his Mariolatry indeed is moderate enough; if, however, the modern reader does not ask too much from the Patriarch's noble confession of faith, he will find as much as he has a right to ask or to expect. And now let us turn to our Apology, and see what it tells us with regard to the opinions of the Moslems on the one hand, and the Christian believer on the other. A few words on Christian Apologetic in general will serve to introduce the matter.
Apology or the Defence of the Faith is inherent in the Christian religion, from its first publication and (we may safely say) to the very end of its possible existence as a religion. Our Lord Himself announced that Apology was a prime function of His believers and |4 followers. You shall be brought before Sanhedrin and beaten in Synagogues, yes! and before kings and rulers shall ye be set for my sake, to give your testimony to them. In this way Jesus describes what we may call a progressive Apologetic, an expanding defence; the judges change, the defence will change to match the court. It is a court of Jews to begin with, a court of world-rulers later on. Notice the vision of Jesus in the matter of Apology, and His implied assertion of His own central position in any legal proceedings against you for my sake. And as He is in the dock, and eternally numbered with the transgressors, His followers will be entrusted with two privileges; either they will be standing in the dock with Him and He with them, or they will be allowed to act as Counsel for His defence; He does not propose to pass either Jewish or Pagan courts without a proper Apologia.
Naturally the manner of the defence will vary, according to the constitution of the Court, and the code of laws which has been infringed. We shall, however, find that in Christian Apologia there is almost always a reminiscence of the fact that the first Court which sat to judge the Christian believer was a Jewish Sanhedrin. They had their own lictors, before ever Roman fasces were seen, and their "forty stripes save one" were the primal condemnation which developed into the "Non licet vos esse" of imperial power. It is important to keep this in mind because we shall see in the document before us abundant traces that the Testimony which Jesus foretold was, to begin with, a Testimony against the Jews, and that it was developed along this line, even though the Jewish advocates had ceased to appear, and the Jews themselves had come to be dismissed with contempt by the Christian Orator. One cannot understand Christian apologetic apart from the relation of Christianity to Judaism. We shall return to this point presently.
We were speaking of the Christian advocate under the name of the Orator, but we shall need to remind ourselves that this is just what Jesus warned his disciples not to be. They were not to premeditate, nor prepare set speeches; their position was to be on the one hand a prepared and preferred Silence, plus what we may without irreverence call the Luck of the Holy Ghost. The Spirit itself should tell them, at the very time of the inquisition, what they ought to say, as well as what they were to abstain from preparing to say. No doubt in the |5 first ages, and often in later ages, saints and martyrs have followed the counsel of their Master: it was, however, a counsel of perfection, which soon gave way to what seemed to be a more reasonable manner of affirming or confirming Christian truth; and so we have philosophers with documents, which they throw at the heads of princes, without waiting for the arrest which they may feel sure will not very long be deferred. Where there is no Court to which they may be handed over, they will make use of literature, especially in the form of Dialogue, and say in book-form the things which they would like to say in a full and open Court. Justin Martyr, for instance, does not really vary his theme in passing from his Apology to his Dialogue with Trypho. Either document will show the same arguments and the same proof-texts. The Apology was never recited, and some people say that the Dialogue, considered as a discourse between real persons, never occurred. We are not disposed to concede this; only we are bearing in mind that Apology tends to a literary form, and that Justin's case shows it to be derived from an anti-Judaic matrix, even when the anti-Judaic argument may be flanked by, or even set aside in favour of, a more philosophical presentation. Aristides also is a true philosopher; you can see his Stoic dress the minute he rises to speak; while Justin is a Platonist, and tries to handle the philosophical argument for the Being of God; but the dress fits him awkwardly, and he is not really happy until he pulls out from under his robe the Book of the Prophets of Israel.
These preliminary considerations will help us to understand the position which Timothy is going to take up before the Caliph. He will take part in a philosophical and theological argument, more because the Caliph presses him into it than because he loves it; but he knows that the common ground of their agreement does not lie in the Moslem philosophy, however much they may overlap Christian thought, but in the common use of sacred books as a court of appeal; and he is sensible that his friendly antagonist agrees with him in this and is much nearer to him than any Chief Rabbi of a hundred Sanhedrins could be. Each of the debaters has enlarged his library of references: both accept the Torah; both accept the Gospel (only the Caliph puts in a caveat against possible corruptions either of Torah or Gospel, in a sense that would be unfavourable to Islam); and what is more strange, both accept in some sense the Kuran, or at least the |6 Christian debater is willing to use the Kuran in cases where its testimony coincides with that of the Law and the Prophets. Hie area of reference, extended in this way, and even when qualified by limitations, is a wider area than could be marked out if the Caliph had been, let us say, a Prince of Judaism. In that sense Christian and Moslem are nearer together than either could be in a debate with Judaistic controversialists. Indeed, the reader, who for the first time turns these pages, will say, we did not believe they could be so near together. Moreover it is not merely an artificial approximation, caused on the one hand by the courtesy and grace of a prince, who has the very life of his opponent contingent upon a word that he might say, but is too good a Moslem to say, and on the other hand evoked by the courage of the Patriarch, and the clearness of his utterance. The two are at one in a number of fundamental points, and this underlying unity so well expressed and so generously admitted on both sides, is what gives the document something more than a passing value. As we have said, the Jews are outside the arena of debate; at least it seems so. It is, however, only seeming. One cannot keep the Jews out of either Christian or Moslem tradition and apologetic
In this connection I may, perhaps, be allowed to recall something which I wrote some years since in review of a tract which my dear friend, Mrs. Gibson, had written on what she called The Triune Nature of God.
The discourse which Mrs. Gibson published was an Arabic treatise which she had transcribed from an early MS. in the Library of the Convent of St Kathrine on Mount Sinai. It was edited by her 1 under the title "On the Triune Nature of God" and was evidently intended as a piece of propaganda, either in the conversion by a Christian writer of his Moslem neighbours, or as an Apology for Christian doctrine in the same quarter. It was a valuable contribution to our history of early Moslem and Christian relations; for the date, if rightly assigned, is very nearly as early as the text of Timothy upon which we are engaged. I took exception, however, to the title, which I asserted should have been Contra Muhammedanos, as it was not limited to an exposition of the Doctrine of the Trinity, but covered a wider ground of debate between Moslems and Christians; and I went |7 on to point out in the pages of the American Journal of Theology 2 that the writer, whom Mrs. Gibson had unearthed, had made use of the very same Scriptural arguments in dealing with Moslems that his predecessors had been in the habit of using against the Jews. In fact he had for the most part transcribed and followed the lost book of Testimonies against the Jews, with the slight modification that was made necessary by the change in the persons addressed from Jews to Moslems.
My reason for referring to the matter here lies in the fact that Timothy has done the very same thing. One has only to take up such a book as Cyprian's Testimonies, with its proofs that the Jews have fallen from grace, that new worship and a new covenant have been called for, followed by the series of Biblical proofs on the nature of the Messiah, to satisfy ourselves completely that we are sailing on the same stream of Christian thought as Justin and Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Cyprian. Look, for instance, at the following statements of Timothy:
"O our victorious King, the changes that were to take place in the law given through Moses, God has clearly predicted previously through the prophets whom we have mentioned. God said thus through the prophet Jeremiah, and showed the dissolution of the Law of Moses and the setting up of the Gospel, "Behold the days come, saith the Lord, that I will make a new covenant, etc'"
Here Timothy is following closely the method of Cyprian's first book of Testimonies. He goes on to tell the Caliph that
"We have received concerning Christ numerous and distinct testmonies from the Torah and the prophets." "The Jews did not accept Jesus in spite of the fact that the Torah and the prophets were full of testimonies about Him." These he proceeds torepeat, in the same way as Justin and Cyprian repeat them, only adding to the Christian corpus of Testimonies such corroboration as he can extract from the pages of the Kuran, of which he has evidently been a careful student. When he is challenged to say whether the title Servant of God is not more proper for Christ than the title Son of God, he replies: |8
"He has indeed been called not only a servant, on account of his service, but a stone, the door, the way, and a lamb. He was called a stone, not because He was a stone by nature, but because of the truth of His teaching, etc."
Here we recognise one of the lost titles of Christ, to which a whole section was assigned in the primitive Book of Testimonies, but which passed out of currency at an early date, except where the Testimonies of the Prophets conserved it. We do not think that any one will read the Patriarch's biblical arguments carefully without seeing that they are based upon a previous collection of prophecies. These prophecies were collected for use against the Jews to whom the appeal to Law and Prophets was in order; but it must never be forgotten that the Law and the Prophets are equally a Court of Appeal for the Moslems. The only question that can arise is whether the Law and the Prophets and the Testimonies that they contain have been transmitted to us in an exact and incorrupt text The challenge as to purity of transmission is made by the Caliph in the usual Moslem form; we were surprised to find it so early; the text of both Old and New Testament and the contained Testimonies has been, he says, falsified by the omission of the name of Muhammad as the Prophet of God. The Patriarch is seen at great advantage in his argument that the concurrence of Jewish and Christian teachers in the text that they use contradicts the possibility of corruption; they cannot have agreed to falsify texts about Muhammad of whom the early writers have never heard. Let the uncorrupt copies be produced; since they cannot all have been destroyed; and since they cannot be found, it is safe to say that they never existed. There has been no corruption.
Of the general trend of the argument we may say that the debate very nearly resolves into a concession on one side that "I would be persuaded to be a Moslem if it were possible." Could concession go further than the admission that Muhammad walked in the steps of the prophets, whether we call him the Prophet or not: or the statement that if I had found in the Gospel a prophecy concerning the coming of Muhammad, I would have left the Gospel for the Kuran, as I have left the Torah and the Prophets for the Gospel? All of this is consistent with "sweet reasonableness." The defect of the Kuran is the lack of evidence for the Kuran, in Timothy's judgment. He makes no concession that is not consistent with orthodox Christian |9 belief; on the other hand, when he moves outside religion into statecraft, and calls those who oppose in the West the new militarism of the East by the name of "murderers" deserving "fire and hell," he goes further than either a serious Christian or a sober-minded Moslem could follow him.3 Was it a crime to defend Constantinople against Bagdad, and would it be no crime but the highest virtue to defend Bagdad against Byzantium? "Murderers" was a two-edged epithet; either side could use it; neither side should do so.
Setting aside these instances of extreme political concession and inconsistency, which at least may add to our constant wonder how such tractable and submissive people as the Patriarch represents could ever be chosen as subjects for massacre and extermination, we turn with admiration to the dignity and the courteousness of the Caliph's attitude in debate. If he is pressed into a position in which he has nothing to reply, or where nothing further can be said with advantage, he introduces a new subject, or repeats a former statement. Sometimes, as when the Patriarch, having used up material illustrations of the Doctrine of the Trinity, such as the favourite one (there is no better) of the Sun and its Light and its Heat, makes a noble confession that all such similitudes are insufficient for the exposition of the Nature of God, the Caliph observes (with a twinkle in his eye) that " You will not go very far with God in your bodily comparisons and similitudes." Which, indeed, the Patriarch had admitted in advance, and was ready to concede and repeat, only with the explanation that the creature, discoursing on the nature of the Creator, must necessarily use the materials for discourse that Creation supplies. So they continue their two-days' discourse, agreeing where they can, as on the Virgin Birth of Jesus and the sinlessness of His character (which the Caliph holds it is blasphemy to deny), and differing where they must, as on the Unity or Trinity of God, and on the question whether either God or Christ really died on the Cross.
In the end the Patriarch comes back to the use of similitudes, this time to one that is not transcendental in its interpretation, the Parable, as we may call it, of the Lost Pearl, in a darkened house, on a fog-ridden day. Jesus Himself had played with the Quest for such a Pearl in the Gospel; but this time the Pearl is not overseas; it has |10 been dropped on the floor of the house; many are searching for it, many think they have found it, one grasping a stone, another a bit of glass or the like, while one only holds the recovered jewel. Who shall say in whose hands the treasure lies? The day shall declare it When the fog lifts we shall know. We have it, says the Caliph, with a Eureka of his own which has the very ring of reality. Amen, says the Patriarch, may we all be found in possession of it, when the Day of judgment, of illuminated and undeceived Judgment arrives. The Patriarch, however, was too good a Christian to allow it to be thought that all faiths, including the one which he represented, stood an equal chance till the Last Day. He alters his similitude of the Pearl to prevent misapprehension of the Divine Revelation, as a figure of which the Pearl has been introduced. The Pearl which everyone is groping after in the darkened room and in the fog-laden atmosphere has a luminosity of its own. One can find it in the dark, without waiting for the 'awful rose of Dawn' at the end of the world, in which both Moslem and Christian believe. He indicates some of the ways in which this soft radiance of the Truth discloses itself; for God does not leave Himself without witness; there are in all times signs and wonders, words and works of the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete. And so the assembly dissolves, the two noble champions withdraw from the arena, the Patriarch first praying for his Majesty and his heirs a kingdom that shall not be moved.
Rendel Harris.
|11
PREFACE, EDITION AND TRANSLATION.
By A. MINGANA.
Prefatory Note.
I GIVE in the following pages the text and the translation— accompanied by a critical apparatus—of an official Apology of Christianity. The writer of the Apology is the celebrated Nestorian Patriarch Timothy I. (a.D. 780-823), and the man to whom it was delivered by word of mouth is no less than Mahdi, the third `Abbassid Caliph (a.D. 775-785). There is reason to believe that it was delivered in this way towards the end of a.D. 781 or at the latest 782. See below, p. 84. The Apology is mentioned by `Abdisho` of Nisibin in his Catalogue under the title "Discussion with Mahdi." Assemani, Bib. Orient., iii. 162.
The Apology is in the form of a private theological discussion between Timothy and Mahdi. It is not necessary to suppose that every word in it was uttered verbatim, but there are strong reasons for believing that it contains as faithful an analysis as could possibly be made under the circumstances of the questions and answers of the Caliph and the Patriarch. We may also state with some confidence that the Patriarch's intention having mainly been to show to his correspondent and co-religionists in general the nature and the extent of his answers to the Caliph's questions, he may have neglected to record all the words of the latter and contented himself with mentioning only the gist of his objections. This colloquy was naturally conducted in Arabic, but we have it now before us in the Syriac style of one of the most illustrious ecclesiastical dignitaries that have ever honoured a high Patriarchal See of any Church either Eastern or Western.4
It is naturally somewhat difficult to ascertain the duration of the time that must have elapsed between the two days of the oral discussion of the two friendly antagonists, and the days in which that oral discussion was first written down in its present form by the Christian protagonist. |12 From the nature of some phrases used in the text I am inclined to believe that that time could not have been very considerable, and I consider that a.d. 783 constitutes the lowest limit to which we might ascribe it with safety, since the author uses in this connection the words "before these days " (p. 16).
I have in my footnotes compared Timothy's Apology under Mahdi in the eighth century with two other Apologies of the ninth century: that of `Abd al-Masih b. Ishak al-Kindi, and that of `Ali b. Rabban at-Tabari. Kindi's Apology—to which I refer by the word Risalah —is in favour of Christianity and was written under the Caliph Ma'mun (a.D. 813-833),5 and that of Ibn Rabban is entitled Kitab ad-Din wad-Daulah, is in favour of Islam, and was written under the Caliph Mutawakkil (a.d. 847-861).6
I may here note that I believe that Kindi's Apology mentioned by the Muslim Biruni 7 and the Christian Nestorian `Abdisho' of Nisibin 8 is a genuine and authentic work. His adversary, who Biruni tells us was `Abdallah b. Isma`il al-Hashimi, informs us 9 that he had frequent discussions with the Patriarch Timothy, the author of the present Apology. The Apology itself makes mention of contemporary events that took place in the time of the author, such as the insurrection of Atabag al-Khurrami,10 and counts two hundred years from the time in which the Prophet lived down to the time in which it was written.11 Kindi himself being decidedly a Nestorian could not possibly be confused wtth any other author of a hostile community from the beginning of the ninth to the end of the tenth century, such as the Jacobite Yahya b. `Adi who died in A.D. 974. Kindi 12 quotes the Nestorian hymn, "Blessed be the one who created the light," 13 explains the "sleep" of Lazarus through the Nestorian exegesis,14 and clearly shows in many passages his adhesion to the Nestorian Christological belief in the mystery of the Incarnation.15 No Jacobite author could possibly have done this.
Further, no other milieu was so favourable for the writing of a |13 book of such an aggressive tone as that created by the Caliph Ma'mun,16 and no author could have spoken in such a way of himself, of his adversary and of Islam in general except a man of a true and noble Arabian extraction as Kindi, on his own showing,17 was.
As to the distinction between sifat dhat and sifat fi`l they are adaptations to Arabic and Islamic philosophy of the previously known Syriac terms of dilaita dakhyana and dilaita de-sa`orutha. Even the present Apology of Timothy alludes to this distinction. I cannot, therefore, see why a Christian Arab author writing about a.d. 820 should not have made use of this philosophical notion which was at home in Christian circles of his time, and in my judgment the argument taken from the use of these two terms in favour of a later date for the Christian Apology 18 is scientifically unwarranted by the Nestorian philosophical studies of the time.
It has also been urged that another detail might suggest that the Christian Apology was not composed by Kindi but by an author of the tenth century, and that is the allusion that it makes to the fact that the name of Muhammad is believed by the Muslims to be incribed on the base of the throne of God.19 It has been said 20 that since Tabari who died in A.D. 923 refuted an opinion similar to this held by the Hanbali Barbahari, the Apology could not be ascribed to about A.D. 820. But is it not probable that such a belief was held also by some Muslims in A.D. 820? What proof have we that it was the Hanbali Barbahari who was the first man to hold and enunciate such a belief? After a careful study of the subject I have come to—in my judgment—the only probable conclusion: that from internal and external evidence Kindi's Apology for Christianity is genuine and authentic in spite of some variants exhibited by the different Arabic and Garshuni MSS. that contain it. The contrary opinion is, I believe, a mistake which should be at once corrected.
To return to our present Apology: I may state with some confidence that the Patriarch Timothy was well acquainted with the contents of the Kur'an, but his knowledge does not seem to have been acquired at first-hand; it was rather derived from some Christians of his own community. It is also very doubtful whether he was aware of the existence of a Syriac translation of the Islamic Book. The |14 phrase "I heard" and the Kur'anic Arabic words that he uses in this connection suggest that he was dependent upon an Arabic and not a Syriac text of the Kur'an.
The most important verses of the Kur'an which he quotes in a Syriac translation are iii. 48; iv. 156; iv. 159; iv. 170; xix. 17; xix. 34; xxi. 91; and xc. 1-3. He is also aware of the existence of the mysterious letters found at the beginning of some Surahs. The usefulness of these quotations for the criticism of the text of the Kur'an is emphasised in my foot-notes, but it will not be here out of place to put side by side the Syriac text of the Kur'an as quoted by Barsalibi —a text which I edited and translated in 1925 21—and by Timothy. If both texts are identical there would be strong reasons for believing that the Jacobite Barsalibi and the Nestorian Timothy were quoting from a text lying before them. On the whole, however, the balance is in favour of the opinion that Timothy's text is not Barsalibi's text.
Barsalibi. Timothy.
[Syriac omitted]
|15
The only old MS. that contains the present Apology is the one preserved in the Monastery of our Lady, near Alkosh,22 which may be ascribed to about the thirteenth Christian century. From it are transcribed Seert 65,23 Vatican 81,24 Mardin 50,25 and Mingana 17. Apart from Seert 65 which might have been ascribed to the eighteenth century all the other MSS. were copied in the nineteenth century, and if we have a faithful copy of the MS. of the Monastery of our Lady we have practically all the other MSS.
For my present edition I give all Mingana 17 in facsimile. It was transcribed some thirty years ago by the very able copyist, the priest Abraham Shikwana of Alkosh, from the above MS. of the Monastery of our Lady, and in my last journey to the East (in 1925) I collated it myself with the original MS. The reader has therefore every reason to rely on the accuracy of the text of the Apology. In some passages my translation slightly deviates from the text for the sake of clearness. The editorial plural is sometimes maintained.
In an article in the J.R.A.S. (1920, p. 481) on Ibn Rabban's Apology for Islam I drew attention to the fact that religious controversies between Muslims and Christians had not undergone any appreciable change since the 9th century; the same remark holds good with regard to Timothy's and Kindi's Apologies for Christianity.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1 In the seventh volume of Studia Sinaitica.
2. 1 For January, 1901.
3. 1 Was he perhaps affected by the fanaticism of certain persecuting Byzantine Emperors?
4. 1 On his remarkable zeal in the spread of Christianity in Central Asia see my Early Spread of Christianity in Central Asia, 1925, pp. 12-17, 30, 74-76. See also my Early Spread of Christianity in India, 1926, pp. 34 and 64.
5. 1I use in my references the Arabic text published in Cairo in 1912 by the Nile Mission Press.
6. 2 My references are to my own edition and translation of the work in 1922-1923.
7. 3 Athar, p. 205 (edit Sachau).
8. 4 Catalogue in Assemani Bibl. Orient., iii. 213.
9. 5 Risalah, p. 8.
10. 6 Ibid., p. 53.
11. 7 Ibid., p. 65.
12. 8 Ibid., p. 105.
13. 9 In Bedjan's Breviarium Chaldaicum, i, ii, and iii, p. 47.
14. 10 Risalah, p. 63.
15. 11 See ibid., pp. 124-125, etc.
16. 1 Risalah, p. 134.
17. 2 Ibid., pp. 98 and 135.
18. 3 Encyclopedia of Islam, ii. 1021.
19. 4 In Risalah, pp. 55-56.
20. 5 Encyclopaedia of Islam, ii. 1021.
21. 1 An Ancient Syriac Translation of the Kuran.
22. 1 No. 90(7°) in A. Scher's catalogue in J.A., 1906, p. 57. The reference to No. 96 in Baumstark's Gesch. d. Syr. Lit, p. 217, is a misprint.
23. 2 In Scher's catalogue. In my last journey to the East in 1925 I was informed on the spot that this MS. was among those which had been destroyed by Kurds in the world war of 1914-1918.
24. 3In J.A., 1909, p. 263 and in Zeit. f. Assyr., ix., p. 363.
25. 4 In Revue des Bibliotheques, 1908, p. 80. No special mention, however, is made of the Apology in the Catalogue.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: timothy_i_apology_01_text.htm
Timothy I, Apology for Christianity (1928) pp.16-90
Timothy I, Apology for Christianity (1928) pp.16-90
[Translated by Alphonse Mingana]
With the assistance of God we will write the debate held by the Patriarch Mar Timothy before Mahdi, the Commander of the Faithful, by way of question and answer, on the subject of the Christian religion.
On the one hand I feel repugnance to write to your Lordship,1 and on the other I am anxious to do so. I feel repugnance, on account |16 of the futility of the outcome of the work. It is true that I could not have acquired a mature experience of such a futility from the single discussion herein mentioned, but I may state that I have acquired such an experience from discussions that took place before the one involved in the present lucubration.2 I am anxious, in order to confirm and corroborate a traditional habit, inasmuch as the habit of friendly correspondence has acquired the right of prescription from very early times, and has thereby received an additional title to existence; as a matter of fact it is born and grows in us from our childhood, nay even babyhood, and it is very difficult to shake a habit of such a duration. For the reason, however, stated at the beginning I sometimes infringe this law, especially when I am reminded by a wise man who says that it is useless to draw upon that which is difficult to inherit. This is also due to the fact that the subject is to me difficult and is even against my nature, but we know that habit conquers inclination, as a powerful thought conquers a weak one.
We often see that a strong and well rooted branch goes spontaneously back to its former and congenial state after it has been violently twisted, and we do find that when powerful torrents are diverted from their natural channels with violence, they return immediately to their natural and customary course, without the need of any violence. This happens to me in relation to your great wisdom; to put a stop to our correspondence we must needs make use of violence, but after the cessation of this violence, we go back to our natural state, while love conquers all between us and covers the weaknesses of the flesh which are full of shame and confusion, and also many other human proclivities which are known to the mind, but which the speech conceals and hides under the veil of silence. Such weaknesses are well known to your great wisdom, as if you were their father and originator, and are also known to all the members of the Orthodox Church. Love covers and hides all these weaknesses as the water covers and hides the rocks that are under it. But let us now embark on our main subject in the way sanctioned by our old habit and ancient custom.
Let it be known to your wisdom, O God-loving Lord, that before these days I had an audience of our victorious King, and according to usage I praised God and his Majesty. When, in the limited space |17 allowed to me, I had finished the words of my complimentary address, in which I spake of the nature of God and His Eternity, he did something to me, which he had never done before; he said to me: "O Catholicos, a man like you who possesses all this knowledge and utters such sublime words concerning God, is not justified in saying about God that He married a woman from whom He begat a son." 3 —And I replied to his Majesty: "And who is, O God-loving King, who has ever uttered such a blasphemy concerning God?"—And our victorious King said to me: "What then do you say that Christ is? " —And I replied to his Majesty: "O King, Christ is the Word-God, who appeared in the flesh for the salvation of the world."—And our victorious King questioned me: "Do you not say that Christ is the Son of God?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "O King, Christ is the Son of God, and I confess Him and worship Him as such. This I learned from Christ Himself in the Gospel and from the Books of the Torah and of the Prophets, which know Him and call Him by the name of "Son of God" but not a son in the flesh as children are born in the carnal way, but an admirable and wonderful Son,4 more sublime and higher than mind and words, as it fits a divine Son to be."
Our King asked then: "How?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "O our King, that He is a Son and one that is born, we learn it and believe in it, but we dare not investigate how He was born before the times, and we are not able to understand the fact at all, as God is incomprehensible and inexplicable in all things; but we may say in an imperfect simile that as light is born of the sun and word of the soul, so also Christ who is Word, is born of God, high above the times and before all the worlds."—And our King said to me: "Do you not say that He was born of the Virgin Mary?"—And I said to his Majesty: "We say it and confess it. The very same Christ is the Word born of the Father, and a man born of Mary. From the fact that He is Word-God, He is born of the Father before the times, as light from the sun and word from the soul; and from the fact that He is man He is born of the Virgin Mary, in time; from the Father He is, therefore, born eternally, and from the Mother He is born in time, without |18 a Father, without any marital contact, and without any break in the seals of the virginity of His Mother."
Then our God-loving King said to me: "That He was born of Mary without marital intercourse is found in the Book,5 and is well known, but is it possible that He was born without breaking the seals of the virginity of His mother?"—And I replied to him: "O King, if we consider both facts in the light of natural law, they are impossible, because it is impossible that a man should be born without breaking the seals of his mother's virginity, and is equally impossible that He should be conceived without a man's intercourse. But if we consider not nature but God, the Lord of nature, as the Virgin was able to conceive without marital relations, so was she able to be delivered of her child without any break in her virginal seals. There is nothing impossible with God,6 who can do everything."—Then the King said: "That a man can be born withour marital intercourse is borne out by the example of Adam, who was fashioned by God from earth without any marital intercourse, but that a man can be born without breaking his mother's virginal seals we have no proof, either from Book nor from nature."
And I replied to his Majesty in the following manner: "That He was born without breaking the virginal seals of His mother we have evidence from Book and nature. From Book there is the example of Eve who was born from the side of Adam without having rent it or fractured it, and the example of Jesus Christ who ascended to Heaven without having torn and breached the firmament. In this way He was born of Mary without having broken her virginal seals or fractured them. This can also be illustrated from nature: all fruits are born of trees without breaking or tearing them, and sight is born of the eye while the latter is not broken or torn, and the perfume of apples and all aromatic substances is bora of their respective trees or plants without breaking and tearing them, and the rays are bora of the sun without tearing or breaking its spheric form. As all these are bora of their generators without tearing them or rending them, so also Christ was born of Mary without breaking her virginal seals; as His eternal birth from the Father is wonderful, so also is His temporal birth from Mary." |19
And our King said to me: "How was that Eternal One born in time?"—And I answered: "It is not in His eternity that He was born of Mary, O our King, but in His temporalness and humanity." —And our King said to me: "There are, therefore, two distinct beings: if one is eternal and God from God as you said, and the other temporal, the latter is therefore a pure man from Mary."—And I retorted: "Christ is not two beings, O King, nor two Sons, but Son and Christ are one; there are in Him two natures, one of which belongs to the Word and the other one which is from Mary, clothed itself 7 with the Word-God."—And the King said: "They are, therefore, two, one of whom created and fashioned, and the other uncreated and unfashioned."—And I said to him: "We do not deny the duality of natures, O King, nor their mutual relations, but we profess that both of them constitute one Christ and Son."
And the King retorted: "If He is one He is not two; and if He is two, He is not one."—And I replied to him: "A man is one, while in reality he is two: one in his composition and individuality, and two in the distinction found between his soul and his body; the former is invisible and spiritual, and the latter visible and corporeal Our King, together with the insignia of his Kingdom is also one King and not two, however great may be the difference that separates him from his dresses. In the same way the Word of God, together with the clothings of humanity which He put on from Mary, is one and the same Christ, and not two, although there is in Him the natural difference between the Word-God and His humanity; and the fact that He is one does not preclude the fact that He is also two. The very same Christ and Son is indeed known and confessed as one, and the fact that He is also two does not imply confusion or mixture, because the known attributes of His natures are kept in one person8 of the Son and Christ."
And our King retorted to me: "Even in this you cannot save yourself from duality in Christ"—And I demonstrated the fact to him through another illustration and said: "The tongue and the word are |20 one with the voice in which they are clothed, in a way that the two are not two words nor two tongues, but one word, together with the tongue and the voice, so that they are called by all one tongue with the word and the voice, and in them one does not expel two. This is also the case with the Word-God; He is one with His humanity, while preserving the distinction between His invisibility and His visibility, and between His Divinity and His humanity. Christ is one in His son-ship, and two in the attributes of His natures."
And our King said to me: "Did not Jesus Christ say, I am going to My God and to your God?" 9—And I said: "It is true that this sentence has been said by our Saviour, but there is another sentence which precedes it and which is worthy of mention."—And the King asked: "Which is it?"—And I said: "Our Lord said to His Disciples 'I am going to My Father and to your Father, and to My God and your God.'"—And our King said: "How can this be? If He says that He is His Father, He is not His God, and if He is His God, He is not His Father; what is this contradiction?" 10—And I replied to him: "There is no contradiction here, O God-loving King. The fact that He is His Father by nature does not carry with it that He is also His God by nature, and the fact that He is His God by nature does not imply that He is His Father by nature. He is, however, from His Father by the nature of the Word, born of Him from eternity, as light from the sun and word from the soul; and God is His God by the nature of the humanity of the Word born of Mary. Man is living and rational only by the nature of his soul, which has indeed received from God a living and rational nature, but he is said to be living and rational in his body also, through its association with this living and rational soul. In reality what be is by nature when his body and soul are separated, is not what he is in its composite state when his body and soul are united. In spite of all this however, he is called one living and rational man and not two. In the same way God is called, and is, the Christ's Father by the nature of the union of Word-God with our human nature, and on the other hand He is called His God by the nature of His humanity that He took from us in union with the Word-God.
"In this way He is then one Son and Christ, and not two. He |21 was not born of Mary in the same way as He was born of God, nor was He born of God in the same way as He was born of Mary. So the Son and the Christ are really one, in spite of His births being two, and the same Christ has God as Father by nature, and as God: Father by the fact that He is Word-God, and God by the fact of His birth from Mary."
Our King showed here marks of doubt as to the possibility of all the above explanations, and I removed his doubt through another illustration, and said: "The letter of the Commander of the Faithful is one, both in the words that are written in it and in the papyrus on which the words are written, and our King, the King of Kings, is called both the father and the owner of his letter. He is called its father through the words born of his soul, which have been impressed on the papyrus, and he is called its owner through his being the owner of the papyrus on which the words have been written. Neither the papyrus, however, is, by nature, from the soul of the King, nor the words are by nature from the papyrus-reed, but the words are by nature born of the soul of the King, and the papyrus is by nature made of the papyrus-reed, i.e., from πάπυρος. 11 In this same way Christ is one, both in His being Word-God and in His humanity taken from us, but the very same God of Christ is both His Father and His God: His Father, from the fact that He was born before the times of the Father, and His God from the fact that He was born in time of Mary. By nature, however, He is not a man from the Father, nor is the Word by nature from Mary, but He is the very same Christ both from the Father and from Mary, in the first case as God, and in the second case as man."
Then our God-loving King said to me: "How can the spirit who has no genital organs beget?"—And I replied to him: "O God-loving King, how can the spirit then do things and create without possessing organs of creation. As He created the worlds without instruments of creation, so He was born without the medium of the genital organs. If He could not be bora without the intermediary of the genital organs, He could not by inference have created without the |22 intermediary of the instruments of creation. If He created without any instruments of creation, He was, therefore, born without the genital organs. Lo, the sun also begets the rays of light without any genital organs. God is therefore able to beget and create, although He is a simple and not a composite spirit; and without any genital organs and instruments of creation He begets the Son and makes the Spirit proceed from the essence of His person as the sun does for the light and the heat."
And our King said to me: "Do you believe in Father, Son and Holy Spirit?"—And I answered: "I worship them and believe in them."—Then our King said: "You, therefore, believe in three Gods?"—And I replied to our King: "The belief in the above three names, consists in the belief in three Persons, and the belief in these three Persons consists in the belief in one God. The belief in the above three names, consists therefore in the belief in one God. We believe in Father, Son and Holy Spirit as one God. So Jesus Christ taught us, and so we have learnt from the revelation of the books of the prophets. As our God-loving King is one King with his word and his spirit, and not three Kings, and as no one is able to distinguish him, his word and his spirit from himself and no one calls him King independently of his word and his spirit, so also God is one God with His Word and His Spirit, and not three Gods, because the Word and the Spirit of God are inseparable from Him. And as the sun with its light and its heat is not called three suns but one sun, so also God with His Word and His Spirit is not three Gods but is and is called one God."
Then the King said to me: "What is my word? It is something that vanishes and disappears."—And I replied to him: "As God does not resemble in His nature the Commander of the Faithful, so also the Word and the Spirit of God do not resemble those of the Commander of the Faithful. We men sometimes exist and sometimes do not exist because we have a beginning and an end, as we are created. This is the case also with our word and our spirit, which at one time exist, and at another cease to exist, and have a beginning and an end. God, however, who is higher and more exalted than all is not like us in this respect, but He exists divinely and eternally, and there was no time in which He was not, nor will there be a time in which He will not be. He has no beginning and no end, because He is not created. |23 In the same way are His Word and His Spirit, who exist divinely and eternally, that is to say without beginning and without end, as God with God, without any separation."
Then our King said to me: "Are the Word and the Spirit not separable from God?"—And I replied: "No: never. As light and heat are not separable from the sun, so also (the Word) and the Spirit of God are not separable from Him. If one separates from the sun its light and its heat, it will immediately become neither light-giver nor heat-producer, and consequently it will cease to be sun, so also if one separates from God His Word and His Spirit, He will cease to be a rational and living God, because the one who has no reason is called irrational,12 and the one who has no spirit 13 is dead. If one, therefore, ventures to say about God that there was a time in which He had no Word and no Spirit, such a one would blaspheme against God, because his saying would be equivalent to asserting that there was a time in which God had no reason and no life. If such adjectives are considered as blasphemy and abomination when said of God, it follows that God begat the Word in a divine and eternal way, as a source of wisdom, and had the Spirit proceeding from Him eternally and without any beginning, as a source of life. God is indeed the eternal source of life and wisdom; as a source of wisdom He imparts by His Word wisdom to all the rational beings, and as a source of life He causes life to flow to all the living beings, celestial and terrestrial alike, because God is the creator of everything by means of His Word and His Spirit"
And our powerful King said to me: "Tell me from which books you can show me that the Word and the Spirit are eternally with God."—And I replied: "We can demonstrate this first from the Books of the Prophets, and afterwards from the Gospel. As to the prophets, David said first thus: 'By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all His hosts by the Spirit of His mouth.' 14 In another passage he glorifies the Word of God as if it were God, in the following terms: 'I shall glorify the Word of God.' 15 Further, in speaking of the resurrection of the dead he said of God, 'Thou sendest |24 forth Thy Spirit and they are created, and Thou renewest the face of the earth.' 16 The prophet David would not have glorified a created being, nor would he have called creator and renewer some one who was created and fashioned. In another passage he speaks of the Word of God as itself God, without a beginning and without an end, because he writes:17 'Thou art for ever, O Lord, and Thy Word standeth in Heaven;' he teaches here that as God is for ever in heaven, so also the Word of God is in heaven for ever and without an end, because he who is without an end is also without a beginning, and he who has no beginning has no end.
"Afterwards comes the prophet Isaiah who speaks of the Word of God in a way similar to that of David, in saying thus: 'The grass withereth and the flower fadeth, but the Word of our God standeth for ever.' 18 Other prophets also speak of this point in several passages. So far as the Gospel is concerned we gather the same conclusion from the following passage: 'In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.' 19 We are taught here two things: that the Word is eternal, and that the same Word is God by nature. All these the Gospel teaches about the Word, and it teaches us also the same thing concerning the Spirit in the very same chapter, 'In Him was life,' 20 i.e., in the same Word—God was 'life' which means "(in Him) was Spirit" or "He was it." In saying of the Word in the first passage that He "was," does not refer to any beginning, and so is the case with regard to the second passage referring to the Spirit. Indeed the Gospel in using this "was" is not speaking of His creation but of His eternity. If Spirit is life and life is eternally in God, the Spirit is consequently eternally in God. And Jesus Christ (Holy Ghost?) is the Spirit of God, and the life and light of men.
"In one passage Christ said to His Father, 'And now, O Father, glorify Thou Me with Thine own Self with the glory which I had with Thee before the world was.' 21 He said here, 'with the glory which He had before the world was, and not which came to Him;' if He had said, 'With the glory which had come to me with Thee before the world was,' He would have taught us that He was a created and made being, but since He said 'with the glory which I had with Thee before the world was' He clearly taught us that while |25 all the world was created He alone was without a beginning, as the Word of God.
"In another passage while He was about to ascend to Heaven He said to His disciples, 'Go and teach all nations and baptise them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.' 22 Jesus Christ would not have allowed Himself to count created and made beings with the One who is uncreated and unmade, and temporal beings with the One who has no beginning and no end. As the wise men do not mix promiscuously with one another in one count sun, stone and horse, nor pearl, gold and brass, but say, for instance, in a separate way: three pearls, or three stars, as these are similar in nature and resemble one another in everything, so also would the case be with Jesus Christ, who would have never allowed himself to count with God His Word and His Spirit, if He did not know that they were equal to God in nature. How could He have made equal in honour and royal power the one who was not God in nature with the one who was, or the one who was temporal with the one who was eternal? It is not the servants who participate in royal honour but the children." 23
Then our King said to me: "What is the difference between the Son and the Spirit, and how is it that the Son is not the Spirit nor the Spirit the Son? Since you said that God is not composite there should not be any difference with God in the fact that He begets and makes proceed from Himself."—And I replied to our King as follows: "There is no difference, O King, between the persons in their relation to one another, except that the first is not begotten, and the second is begotten, and the third proceeds; and God consists in Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; and He begat the former and made the latter proceed from Him from eternity without any bodily cleavage and separation in the organs and places that are fit for generation and procession. God is not composite and has no body, and since the terms 'cleavage' and 'organs' imply a body—because all bodies are composite—it follows that 'cleavage' and 'organs' do not apply to God; indeed God being without body and not being composite, is thought of without any notion of 'cleavage' and 'separation.' |26 Reason comes out of the soul—because mind comes out of the soul— but it comes out of it without any suffering, without any cleavage, and without the instrumentality of organs. The very same sun begets light and makes heat come out of it, without any cleavage or bodily separation, and in a way that all the light is from all the sun and all the heat from all its spheric globe.
"All the reason and all the mind are from all the soul, the former by process of birth and the second by that of procession, as all the heat and all the mind are with the sun and with the soul respectively, and all the heat and all the reason are with the soul, with the sun, and with ourselves, while light does not become heat nor heat light. This very method applies to the Word and the Spirit: the former is begotten, and the latter proceeds from God and the Father, not through any material cleavage, and any suffering, nor from a special organ, but as from an uncircumscribed being: an uncircumscribed one in an uncircumscribed fashion, and one who is all in all without space and time, in a way that the Son is not the Spirit, nor the Spirit the Son, in qualifications and attributes.
"From the whole of an apple the whole of the scent and the whole of the taste are begotten and proceed in a way that the apple does not make the scent proceed from one part of it and beget the taste from another, but scent and taste come out of all the apple. While scent and taste are mixed with each other and with the apple, they are nevertheless separate in a way that taste is not scent and scent is not taste, and are not confused with each other, nor separated from each other, but are so to speak mixed together in a separate way, and separated from each other in a mixed way, by a process that is as amazing as it is incomprehensible. In this very way from the uncircumscribed Father the Son is begotten and the Spirit proceeds, in an uncircumscribed way: the eternal from the eternal, the uncreated from the uncreated, the spiritual from the spiritual. Since they are uncircumscribed they are not separated from one another, and since they are not bodies they are not mixed and confused with one another, but are separated in their persons in a united way, so to speak, and are united in their nature in a separate way. God is, therefore, one in nature with three personal attributes."
And our King said to me: "If they are not separated by remoteness and nearness as they are uncircumscribed, the Father therefore, |27 and the Spirit clothed also themselves with the human body, together with the Son; if the Father and the Spirit did not put on human body with the Son, how is it that they are not separated by distance and space?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "As the word of the King clothes itself with the papyrus on which it is written, while his soul and his mind cannot be said to do the same, and as his soul and his mind while not separated from his word, cannot nevertheless be said that they clothe themselves with the papyrus, so also is the case with the Word of God; because although He put on our human body without having been separated from the Father and the Spirit, yet the Father and the Spirit cannot be said to have put on our human body.
"Further, the word that is begotten of the soul clothes itself with the voice that is caused by the vibration of the air, and yet it is not separated from the soul and the mind, and the soul and the mind are not said that they clothe themselves with the voice, and no man ever says that he heard the mind and the soul of so-and-so, but he does say that he heard the word of so-and-so, and this in spite of the fact that the word is not remote from the mind, nor the mind from the soul, and are not separated from one another. In this very way the Word-God clothed Himself with a body from ourselves, without having been separated in the least from the Father and the Spirit, and in this way also the Father and the Spirit are not said to have put on human body with the Word.
"Finally, the body is believed to be and actually is the temple and the clothing of the soul, but it is not believed and actually is not the temple and the clothing of the word and of the mind, in spite of the fact that neither the word nor the mind are remote from the soul, nor is the soul itself remote from the word and the mind. In this way the Word alone is spoken of as having put on our human body, while the Father and the Spirit are not said to have put it on, in spite of the fact that they are not remote from the Word in distance and locality." The objections and the difficulties raised by our Sovereign have been rebutted and explained in the above way.
After these the King said to me: "Who is your head and your leader?"—And I replied: "Our Lord Jesus Christ."—And our King asked me: "Was Jesus Christ circumcised or not?"—And I answered: "He was."—And our King asked me: "Why do you |28 not then circumcise yourself? If your head and leader is Jesus Christ, and Jesus Christ was circumcised, you should also by necessity circumcise yourself."—And I spoke thus: "O King, Jesus Christ was both circumcised and baptised. He was circumcised eight days after His birth according to the injunction of the Law, and He was baptised while He was about thirty years of age, and by His baptism He annulled circumcision. I do not follow the Law as the Christ followed all the Law;24 I follow the Gospel, and that is why I do not circumcise myself in spite of the fact that Christ circumcised Himself, but I baptise myself with water and spirit like Him. I believe in Jesus Christ, and since Jesus Christ was baptised I consider baptism as an urgent necessity for me.25 I leave the image and cleave to the reality."
And our King asked me: "How did Jesus Christ abolish circumcision and what is the meaning of the 'image' you have spoken of?"—And I replied: "All the Torah, was, O King, the image of the Gospel. The sacrifices that are in the Law are the image of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ, and the priesthood and high-priesthood of the Law are the image of the high-priesthood of Christ, and the carnal circumcision is the image of His spiritual circumcision. As He abolished the Law by the Gospel, and the sacrifices by His sacrifice, and the priesthood of the Law by His priesthood, so also He abolished and annulled the carnal circumcision which is performed by the work of the hands of men by means of His circumcision which is not performed by the work of the hands of men but by the power of the Spirit, and it is the sacrament 26 of the Kingdom of Heaven and of the resurrection from death."
And our King said: "If Christ abolished the Law and all its requirements, He is, therefore, its enemy and its adversary. We call enemies those who destroy and contradict one another."—And I replied to him: "The light of the stars is abolished by the light of the sun, and the light of the latter is not for that the enemy of that of |29 the former; the functions of childhood are also abolished by those of manhood, and man is not for that the enemy of himself; an earthly kingdom is also abolished by the heavenly Kingdom, and the Kingdom of God is not for that the enemy of men. In this very way Jesus Christ abolished and destroyed the Law by the Gospel, while He is not for that the enemy and the adversary of the Law."
And our King said to me: "Where did Jesus Christ worship and pray in the years that elapsed between His birth and His ascension to Heaven? Was it not in the house of holiness 27 and in Jerusalem?"—And I replied: "Yes."—And our King asked: "Why then do you worship God and pray in the direction of the East?"—And I replied: "The true worship of the Omnipotent God, O King, will be performed by mankind in the Kingdom of Heaven, and the image of the Kingdom of Heaven in the earth is the paradise of Eden; now as the paradise of Eden is in the east, we therefore worship God and pray rightly in the direction of the east in which is the Paradise which is the image of the Kingdom of Heaven. There is also another reason for our conduct: Jesus Christ walked in the flesh thirty-three years on the earth, O King. In the thirtieth year he repaid to God all the debt that the human kind and angels owed to Him. It was a debt that no man and no angel was able to pay, because there has never been a created being that was free from sin, except the Man with whom God clothed Himself and became one with Him in a wonderful unity.28
"After having then paid to God the debt of all the creatures and abrogated, annulled, and torn the contract containing it, He went to the Jordan, to John the Baptist, and was baptised by him, and thus the One who was the image of the Kingdom of Heaven placed this baptism of His in the forefront of the Christian life. From the day of His baptism to that of His ascension to heaven there are three years, and it is in these three years that He has taught us all the economy of the Christian religion: baptism, laws, ordinances, prayers, worship in the direction of the east, and the sacrifice that we offer. All these things He practised in His person and taught us to practise ourselves. Because He wished to proclaim to the world through His disciples: the Gospel, the baptism, the sacrifice and the worship |30 and prayer to God, He performed and fulfilled them all in His own person, in order that His disciples might fulfil themselves what they had seen Him practising Himself, and that they might teach others to do the same.
"Further, the worship of God started at the beginning in the East; it is indeed in that direction that Adam and his children worshipped God, because the Paradise is in the direction of the east.29 Moreover, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses used to worship God and to pray while turning towards the east and Paradise, that is towards the direction and the place in which God had been worshipped from the beginning by Adam and his children, as we have just now said. It is for this reason that Jesus Christ taught His disciples to worship God and pray towards the east. Because Adam transgressed the commandment of God, he was driven out of Paradise, and when he went out of Paradise he was thrown on this accursed earth. Having been thrown on this accursed earth, he turned his face away from God, and his children worshipped demons, stars, sun, moon and graven and molten images. The Word of God came then to the children of men in a human body, and in His person paid to God the debt that they were owing Him. To remind them, however, of the place from which their father was driven because of his transgression of the commandment, He made them turn their faces towards Paradise in their worship and prayer, because it is in it that God was first worshipped.
"Because Jesus Christ saved men from the deportation of Satan, and the Word of God freed them from the worship of idols, He rightly turned also the direction of their sight and their mind towards God and towards Paradise where He was first worshipped. He simply brought back the one who was going astray to the house of his father. This is also the reason why the angel Gabriel, when announcing to Mary the conception of Jesus Christ, appeared to her from the direction of the east as it is written in your book.30 Finally, we worship God in the direction of the east, because being light He is more congruously worshipped in the direction of the light." |31
Our King then said to me: "Did Christ then worship and pray?"—And I answered his Majesty: "He did worship and pray."—And our King retorted saying: "By the fact that you say that He worshipped and prayed, you deny His divinity, because if He worshipped and prayed He is not God; if He was God, he would not have worshipped and prayed."—And I replied: "He did not worship and pray as God, because as such He is the receiver of the worship and prayer of both the celestial and the terrestrial beings, in conjunction with the Father and the Spirit, but He worshipped and prayed as a man, son of our human kind. It has been made manifest by our previous words that the very same Jesus Christ is Word-God and man, as God He is born of the Father, and as man of Mary. He further worshipped and prayed for our sake, because He Himself was in no need of worship and prayer."
And our King said to me: "There is no creature that has no need of worship and prayer."—And I replied: "Has Jesus Christ, the Word of God, sinned or not?"—And our King said: "May God preserve me from saying such a thing!" 31 —And I then asked: "Has God created the worlds with His Word or not?" And our King replied in the affirmative and said " Yes."—And I then asked: "Is the one who is neither a sinner nor in need of anything, in need of worship and prayer?"—And our King answered "No." —And I then said to him: "If the Christ is a Word from God, and a man from Mary, and if as a Word of God He is the Lord of everything, and as a man He did not commit any sin as the Book and our King testify, and if he who is the Lord of everything and a creator is not in need, and he who is not a sinner is pure, it follows that Jesus Christ worshipped and prayed to God neither as one in need nor as a sinner, but He worshipped and prayed in order to teach worship and prayer to His disciples, and through them to every human being.
"The disciples would not have yielded to His teaching, if He had not put it into practice in His own person. There is no creature that has not sinned except Jesus Christ, the Word of God, and He is the only created being who in His own humanity appeared above the dirt of sin. As He was baptised without having any need of baptism, and as He died on the Cross but not because of His own sin, so also |32 He gave Himself to worship and prayer not for His own sake but in order to impart their knowledge to His disciples."
Our God-loving King ended the above subject here, and embarked on another theme and said to me: "How is it that you accept Christ and the Gospel from the testimony of the Torah and of the prophets, and you do not accept Muhammad from the testimony of Christ and the Gospel?" 32 And I replied to his Majesty: "O our King, we have received concerning Christ numerous and distinct testimonies from the Torah and the prophets. All of the latter prophesied in one accord and harmony in one place about His mother: "Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son," 33 and taught us that He shall be conceived and born without marital intercourse like the Word of God. It is inded fit that the One who was born of the Father without a mother should have been born in the flesh from a virgin mother without a father, in order that His second birth may be a witness to His first birth. In another place they reveal to us His name: "And His name shall be called Emmanuel, Wonderful, Counsellor, and Mighty God of the worlds." 34
"In another place the prophets reveal to us the miracles that He will work at His coming in saying, 'Behold your God will come.... He will come and save you. Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall hear. Then shall the lame man leap as an hart, and the tongue of the dumb shall be loosened.' 35 Yet in another place they disclose to us His passion and His death, 'He shall be killed for our transgressions, and humbled for our iniquities.' 36 Sometimes they speak to us about His resurrection, 'For Thou hast not left my soul in Sheol, nor hast Thou suffered Thy Holy One to see corruption,' 37 and 'The Lord hath said unto me, Thou art my Son; this day have I begotten Thee.' 38 Some other times they teach us concerning His Ascension to Heaven, 'Thou hast ascended on high, Thou hast led captivity captive, and Thou hast made gifts to men,' 39 and 'God went up in glory, and the Lord with the sound of a trumpet.' 40 |33
"Some other times they reveal to us His coining down from heaven in saying, 'I am one like the son of men coming on the clouds of heaven, and they brought Him near before the Ancient of days, and there was given Him dominion, and glory and a kingdom that all peoples of the earth should serve Him and worship Him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion, and His kingdom shall not pass away nor be destroyed.' 41 These and scores of other passages of the prophets show us Jesus Christ in a clear mirror and point to Him. So far as Muhammad is concerned I have not received a single testimony either from Jesus Christ or from the Gospel which would refer to his name or to his works "
And our benevolent and gracious King made a sign to mean that he was not convinced, then he repeated twice to me the question: "Have you not received any?"—And I replied to him: "No,
O God-loving King, I have not received any."—And the King asked me: "Who is then the Paraclete?"—And I answered: The Spirit of God."—And the King asked: "What is the Spirit of God?"—And I replied: "God, by nature; and one who proceeds, by attribute; as Jesus Christ taught about Him."—And our glorious King said: "And what did Jesus Christ teach about Him?"—And
I answered: "He spoke to His disciples as follows: 'When I go away to Heaven, I will send unto you the Spirit-Paraclete who proceeded from the Father, whom the world cannot receive, who dwelleth with you and is among you, who searcheth all things, even the deep things of God, who will bring to your remembrance all the truth that I have said unto you, and who will take of mine and show unto you.'" 42
And our King said to me: "All these refer to Muhammad." 43 —And I replied to him: "If Muhammad were the Paraclete, since the Paraclete is the Spirit of God, Muhammad, would, therefore, be the Spirit of God; and the Spirit of God being uncircumscribed like God, Muhammad would also be uncircumscribed like God; and he |34 who is uncircumscribed being invisible, Muhammad would also be invisible and without a human body; and he who is without a body being uncomposed, Muhammad would also be uncomposed. Indeed he who is a spirit has no body, and he who has no body is also invisible, and he who is invisible is also uncircumscribed; but he who is circumscribed is not the Spirit of God, and he who is not the Spirit of God is not the Paraclete. It follows from all this that Muhammad is not the Paraclete. The Paraclete is from heaven and of the nature of the Father, and Muhammad is from the earth and of the nature of Adam. Since heaven is not the same thing as earth, nor is God the Father identical with Adam, the Paraclete is not, therefore, Muhammad.
"Further, the Paraclete searches the deep things of God, but Muhammad owns that he does not know what might befall him and those who accept him.44 He who searches all things even the deep things of God is not identical with the one who does not know what might happen to him and to those who acknowledge him. Muhammad is therefore not the Paraclete. Again, the Paraclete, as Jesus told His disciples, was with them and among them while He was speaking to them, and since Muhammad was not with them and among them, he cannot, therefore, have been the Paraclete. Finally, the Paraclete descended on the disciples ten days after the ascension of Jesus to heaven, while Muhammad was born more than six hundred years later, and this impedes Muhammad from being the Paraclete. And Jesus taught the disciples that the Paraclete is one God in three persons, and since Muhammad does not believe in the doctrine of three persons in one Godhead, he cannot be the Paraclete. And the Paraclete wrought all sorts of prodigies and miracles through the disciples, and since Muhammad did not work a single miracle through his followers and his disciples, he is not the Paraclete.
"That the Spirit-Paraclete is consubstantial with the Father and the Son is borne out by the fact that He is the maker of the heavenly powers and of everything, and since he who is the maker and creator of everything is God, the Spirit-Paraclete is therefore God; but the world is not able to receive God, as Jesus Christ said,45 because God is uncircumscribed. Now if Muhammad were the Paraclete, since |35 this same Paraclete is the Spirit of God, Muhammad would therefore be the Spirit of God. Further, since David said, 'By the Spirit of God all the powers have been created,' 46 celestial and terrestrial, Muhammad would be the creator of the celestial and terrestrial beings. Now since Muhammad is not the creator of heaven and earth, and since he who is not creator is not the Spirit of God, Muhammad is, therefore, not the Spirit of God; and since the one who is not the Spirit of God is by inference not the Paraclete, Muhammad is not the Paraclete.
"If he were mentioned in the Gospel, this mention would have been marked by a distinct portraiture characterising his coming, his name, his mother, and his people as the true portraiture of the coming of Jesus Christ is found in the Torah and in the prophets. Since nothing resembling this is found in the Gospel concerning Muhammad, it is evident that there is no mention of him in it at all, and that is the reason why I have not received a single testimony from the Gospel about him." 47
And the God-loving King said to me: "As the Jews behaved towards Jesus whom they did not accept, so the Christians behaved towards Muhammad whom they did not accept."—And I replied to his Majesty: "The Jews did not accept Jesus in spite of the fact that the Torah and the prophets were full of testimonies about Him, and this renders them worthy of condemnation. As to us we have not accepted Muhammad because we have not a single testimony about him in our Books."—And our King said: "There were many testimonies but the Books have been corrupted, and you have removed them."—And I replied to him thus: "Where is it known, O King, that the Books have been corrupted by us, and where is that uncorrupted Book from which you have learned that the Books which we use have been corrupted? If there is such a book let it be placed in the middle in order that we may learn from it which is the corrupted |36 Gospel and hold to that which is not corrupted. If there is no such a Gospel, how do you know that the Gospel of which we make use is corrupted?
"What possible gain could we have gathered from corrupting the Gospel? Even if there was mention of Muhammad made in the Gospel, we would not have deleted his name from it; we would have simply said that Muhammad has not come yet, and that he was not the one whom you follow, and that he was going to come in the future. Take the example of the Jews: they cannot delete the name of Jesus from the Torah and the Prophets, they only contend against Him in saying openly that He was going to come in the future, and that He has not come yet into the world. They resemble a blind man 48 without eyes who stands in plain daylight and contends that the sun has not yet risen. We also would have done likewise; we would not have dared to remove the name of Muhammad from our Book if it were found anywhere in it; we would have simply quibbled concerning his right name and person like the Jews do in the case of Jesus. To tell the truth, if I had found in the Gospel a prophecy concerning the coming of Muhammad, I would have left the Gospel for the Kur'an, as I have left the Torah and the Prophets for the Gospel."
And our King said to me: "Do you not believe that our Book was given by God?"—And I replied to him: "It is not my business to decide whether it is from God or not. But I will say something of which your Majesty is well aware, and that is all the words of God found in the Torah and in the Prophets, and those of them found in the Gospel and in the writings of the Apostles, have been confirmed by signs and miracles; as to the words of your Book they have not been corroborated by a single sign or miracle. It is imperative that signs and miracles should be annulled by other signs and miracles. When God wished to abrogate 49 the Mosaic law, He confirmed by the signs and miracles wrought by the Christ and the Apostles that the words of the Gospel were from God, and by this He abrogated the words of the Torah and the first miracles.50 Similarly, as He abrogated |37 the first signs and miracles by second ones, He ought to have abrogated the second signs and miracles by third ones. If God had wished to abrogate the Gospel and introduce another Book in its place He would have done this, because signs and miracles are witnesses of His will; but your Book has not been confirmed by a single sign and miracle. Since signs and miracles are proofs of the will of God, the conclusion drawn from their absence in your Book is well known to your Majesty."
And our King asked: "Who is then the rider on an ass, and the rider on a camel?"—And I replied: "The rider on an ass is Darius the Mede, son of Assuerus, and the rider on a camel is Cyrus the Persian, who was from Elam. The King of Elam destroyed the kingdom of the Medes, and passed it to the Persians,51 as Darius the Mede had destroyed the kingdom of the Babylonians and passed it to the Medes."
And our King said to me: "From where is this known?"— And I replied: "From the context. In the preceding passage the prophet said, 'Go up, O Elam, and mountains of Media.' 52 By the words 'Mountains of Media' Darius the Mede is meant, and by the word 'Elam' the kingdom of the Persians is designated. The Book says also in the words that follow, 'And one of the horsemen came and said, Babylon is fallen, is fallen,' and shows clearly that the passage refers to Darius and Cyrus, because it is they who destroyed the kingdom of the Babylonians."
And our King said: "Why did he say that the first was riding on an ass, and the second on a camel?"—And I replied: "The reason is that asses are generally more in use in the country of the Medes, while in the country of the Persians and Elamites camels are more in evidence. Through animals the prophet referred to countries, and through countries to the powers and kingdoms which were to rise in them. Further, because the kingdom of the Medes was to be weak and indolent while that of the Persians or Elamites was to be |38 strong and valiant, God alluded to the kingdom of the Medes through the weak ass, and to that of Elamite and Persians through the valiant camel. In the Book of Daniel also God alluded to the kingdom of the Medes through the indolent bear, and to that of the Elamites and Persians through the valiant leopard.53 Again, in the vision of the King Nebuchadnezzar God symbolised the kingdom of the Medes in the malleable silver, while that of the Persians and Elamites in the strong brass.54 In this same way the prophet alluded to the kingdom of Media through the ass, and to that of Elam through the camel."
And our King said to me: "The rider on the ass is Jesus and the rider on the camel is Muhammad."—And I answered his Majesty: "O our God-loving King, neither the order of times nor the succession of events will allow us to refer in this passage the riding on the ass to Christ and the riding on the camel to Muhammad. It is known with accuracy from, the order and succession of the revelations to the prophets that the ass refers to the Medes and the camel to the Elamites, and this order of the revelations and this succession of events impede us from ascribing the words of the scripture to other persons. Even if one, through similarity between adjectives and names, does violence to the context and refers the passage dealing with the ass to Jesus on account of a different passage: 'Lowly, and riding upon an ass, and upon a colt, the foal of an ass,' 55 yet it is not possible to refer the passage dealing with the camel to Muhammad." 56
And our King said: "For what reason?"—And I replied: "Because the prophet Jacob said, 'The sceptre of the kingdom shall not depart from Judah, nor an utterer of prophecy from his seed, until Jesus Christ come, because kingdom is His, and He is the expectation of the peoples.' 57 In this he shows that after the coming of the Christ |39 there will be neither prophet nor prophecy. And Daniel also concurs in saying that for putting an end to all vision and prophecy, and for the coming of Christ, the King, seven weeks and threescore and two weeks will elapse, and then the Christ will be killed, and there will not be any more kingdom and prophecy in Jerusalem.58 In this he showed that visions and prophecies will come to an end with the Christ. And the Christ Himself said: 'The prophets and the Torah prophesied until John.' 59 Every prophecy, therefore, ended with the time of Christ, and after Christ there was no prophecy nor did any prophet rise.60 All the prophets prophesied about Jesus Christ, and the Christ directed us to the Kingdom of Heaven, and it is superfluous that after the knowledge that we have of God and the Kingdom of Heaven we should be brought down to the knowledge of the human and earthly things.
"As to the prophets they prophesied sometimes concerning the earthly affairs and kingdoms, and some other times concerning the adorable Epiphany and Incarnation of the Word-God. As to Jesus Christ He did not reveal to us things dealing with the law and earthly affairs, but He solely taught us things dealing with the knowledge of God and the Kingdom of Heaven. We have already said that all prophecy extended as far as Christ only, as Christ Himself and the prophets asserted, and since from the time of Christ downwards only the Kingdom of God is being preached, as Jesus Christ taught, it is superfluous that after the adorable Incarnation of Christ we should accept and acknowledge another prophecy and another prophet A good and praiseworthy order of things is that which takes us up from the bottom to the top, from the human to the divine things, and from the earthly to the heavenly things; but an order which would lower us from top to bottom, from divine to worldly, and from heavenly to earthly, things, is bad and blameworthy."
And our victorious King said to me: "Why do you worship the Cross?"—And I replied: "First because it is the cause of life."— |40 And our glorious King said to me: "A cross is not the cause of life but rather of death."—And I replied to him: "The cross, is as you say, O King, the cause of death; but death is also the cause of resurrection, and resurrection is the cause of life and immortality. In this sense the cross is the cause of life and immortality, and this is the reason why through it, as a symbol of life and immortality, we worship one and indivisible God. It is through it that God opened to us the source of life and immortality, and God who at the beginning ordered light to come out of darkness, who sweetened bitter water in bitter wood, who through the sight of a deadly serpent granted life to the children of Israel—handed to us the fruit of life from the wood of the Cross, and caused rays of immortality to shine upon us from the branches of the Cross.
"As we honour the roots because of the fruits that come out of them, so also we honour the Cross as the root of which the fruit of life was born to us, and from which the ray of immortality shone 61 upon us. As a decisive proof of the love of God for all, luminous rays of His love shine from all His creatures visible and invisible, but the most luminous rays of the love of God are those that shine from the rational beings. This love of God can then be demonstrated from all creatures, and from the ordinary Divine Providence that is manifest in them, but the great wealth of His love for all humanity is more strikingly in evidence in the fact that He delivered to death in the flesh His beloved Son for the life, salvation, and resurrection of all. It is only just, therefore, O our victorious King, that the medium through which God showed His love to all, should also be the medium through which all should show their love to God." 62
And our King said to me: "Can God then Himself die?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "The Son of God died in our nature, but not in His Divinity. When the royal purple and the insignia of the kingdom are torn, the dishonour redounds to the King: so also is die case with the death of the body of the Son-God."—And our King said to me: "May God preserve me from saying such a thing.63 They did not kill Him and they did not crucify Him, but He made a |41 similitude for them in this way." 64—And I said to him: "It is written in the Surat `Isa, 'Peace be upon me the day I was born, and the day I die, and the day I shall be sent again alive.' "65 This passage shows that He died and rose up. Further, God said to `Isa (Jesus) "I will make Thee die and take Thee up again to me." 66
And our King said: "He did not die then, but He will die afterwards."—And I replied to him: "Therefore He did not go up to heaven either, nor was He sent again alive, but He will go up to heaven afterwards and will be sent again alive in the future. No, our King, Jesus did go up to heaven a long time ago, and has been sent again alive, as your Book also testifies. If He went up it is obvious that He had died previously, and if He had died, it is known that He had died by crucifixion, as the Prophets had stated before His coming."
And our King said to me: "Which prophet said that He died by crucifixion?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "First the prophet David, who said, 'They pierced my hands and my feet, and my bones cried; and they looked and stared upon me; they parted my garments among them and cast lots upon my vesture.' 67 The Gospel testifies that all these were fulfilled. And Isaiah said, 'He shall be killed for our sins and humbled for our iniquity.' 68 And the prophet Jeremiah said, 'Wood will eat into His flesh and will destroy Him from the land of the living. I gave my body to wounds and my cheeks to blows, and I did not turn my face from shame and spittle.' 69 And the prophet Daniel said, ' And the Messiah shall be killed but not for Himself.' 70 And the prophet Zechariah said, 'And smite the shepherd of Israel on his cheeks,' and 'O sword, awake against my shepherd.' 71 Indeed numerous are the passages in which the prophets spoke of His death, murder, and crucifixion."
And our King said: "He made a similitude only for them in this way."—And I replied to him: "And who made a similitude for them in this way, O our King? How did God deceive them and |42 show them something which was not true? It is incongruous to God that He should deceive and show something for another thing. If God deceived them and made a similitude for them, the Apostles who simply wrote what God had shown to them, would be innocent of the deception, and the real cause of it would be God. If on the other hand, we say that it is Satan who made such a similitude for the Apostles, what has Satan to do in the Economy of God? And who dares to say about the hawariyun 72 that Satan was able to deceive them? The Apostles drove and cast away the demons, who shouted and run away from them on account of the Divine power that was accompanying them. If crucifixion was only an unreal similitude, and if from it death took place, even death would be an unreal similitude; we further assert that from this death there has been resurrection, which in this case would also be an unreal similitude; then out of this resurrection there has been ascension to heaven, which would also be unreal and untrue. Now since the resurrection precedes the ascension, this resurrection is also a reality and not a similitude; and since death was a reality and not a similitude, and since death is preceded by crucifixion, this crucifixion is consequently a reality also, and not an illusion or a similitude."
And our King said: "It was not honourable to Jesus Christ that God should have allowed Him to be delivered to Jews in order that they might kill Him."—And I answered his Majesty: "The prophets have been killed by the Jews, but that not all those who have been killed by the Jews are despicable and devoid of honour 73 is borne out by the fact that none of the true prophets is despicable and devoid of honour in the sight of God. Since it is true that the prophets have generally been killed by the Jews, it follows that not all those who have been killed by the Jews are despicable and devoid of honour. This we assert for the prophets. So far as Jesus Christ is concerned we say that the Jews crucified only the Christ in the flesh, which He delivered to them voluntarily, and His murder was not imposed forcibly upon Him by them. Because He, Jesus Christ, said, 'I have power upon my soul to lay it down, and I have power to take |43 it again; and no man taketh it from me.' 74 In this He showed that He would suffer out of His own free will, and not out of His own weakness or from the omnipotence of the Jews. He who when hanging on the wood of the Cross moved the heavens, shook the earth, changed the dazzling sun into darkness and the shining moon into blood-redness, and He who rent the stones and the graves, raised and resuscitated the dead, could not be so weak as not to be able to save Himself from the hands of the Jews. It is, therefore, out of His own free will that He approached the suffering on the cross and death, and He did not bear the death of crucifixion at the hands of the Jews out of abjection and weakness on His part, but He bore both crucifixion and death at the hands of the Jews out of His own free will."
And our King said: "No blame attaches, therefore, to the Jews from His death, if they simply fulfilled and satisfied His wish."—And I answered his Majesty: "If the Jews had solely crucified Him in order that He might raise the dead and ascend to heaven, they would naturally have been not only free from blame, but worthy of thousands of crowns and of encomia of all kinds, but if these same Jews crucified Him in order not that He might rise up again from the dead and ascend to heaven, but in order that they might intensify His death and obliterate Him from the surface of the earth, they would with great justice be worthy of blame and death. Indeed they crucified Him not in order that He might go up to heaven but go down to Sheol; God, however, raised Him up from the dead and took Him up to heaven."
And our God-loving King said to me; "Which of the two things would you be willing to admit? Was the Christ willing to be crucified or not? If He was willing to be crucified, the Jews who simply accomplished His will should not be cursed and despised. If, however, He was not willing to be crucified and He was crucified, He was weak and the Jews were strong. In this case, how can He be God, He who found Himself unable to deliver Himself from the hands of His crucifiers whose will appeared to be stronger than His? "
And I answered these objections by other questions as follows: "What would our King, endowed with high acumen and great wisdom, say to this: When God created Satan as one of the angels, did He wish this Satan to be an angel or not? If God wished Him |44 to be Satan instead of an angel, the wicked Satan would, therefore, simply be accomplishing the will of God; but if God did not wish Satan 75 to be Satan but an angel, and in spite of that he became Satan, the will of Satan became stronger than the will of God. How can we then call God one whose will was overcome by the will of Satan, and one against whom Satan prevailed?
"Another question: Did God wish Adam to go out of Paradise or not? If He wished to drive him out of Paradise, why should Satan be blamed, who simply helped to do the will of God in his driving Adam from Paradise. On the other hand, if God did not wish Adam to go out of Paradise, how is it that the will of God became weak and was overcome, while the will of Satan became strong and prevailed? How can He be God, if His will has been completely overcome? The fact that Satan and Adam sinned against the will of God does not affect the divinity of God and does not show Him to be weak and deficient, and the fact that God had willed Satan to fall from heaven and Adam to go out of Paradise does not absolve Satan and Adam from blame and censure, and the fact that they did not sin to accomplish the will of God but to accomplish their own will are a good analogy to the case of Jesus Christ. He should not indeed be precluded from being God, nor should He be rendered weak and deficient in strength by the fact that the Jews sinned but not by His will, and that in their insolence they crucified Him; and the fact that the Christ wished to be crucified and die for the life, resurrection and salvation of all should not exempt the Jews from hell and curse.
"The Jews did not crucify the Christ because He willed it, but they crucified Him because of their hatred and malice both to Himself and to the One who sent Him. They crucified Him in order that they might destroy Him completely, and He willed to be crucified so that He might live again and rise from the dead, and be to all men the sign and proof of the resurrection of the dead.
"Another question: What would our victorious and powerful King say about those who fight for the sake of God.76 Do they wish to be killed or not? If they do not wish to be killed and are killed, their death has no merit, and they will not go to heaven; 77 and if they |45 wish to be killed, are their murderers blameworthy or not? If they are not blameworthy, how is it that unbelievers who killed Muslims and believers are not blameworthy, and if they are blameworthy, why should they be so when what they did was simply to fulfil the wish of the victims? The fact is that the murderers of the men who fight for the sake of God are not exempted from fire and hell; indeed, the murderers do not slay them so that they may go to heaven, but they do it out of their wickedness and in order to destroy them. In this way also the Jews will not be exempted from the eternal fire by the fact that Jesus Christ wished to be crucified and die for all. They did not crucify Him because He wished to be crucified, but because they wished to crucify Him. They did not crucify Him in order that He might live again and rise up from the dead, but they crucified Him in order that He might be destroyed once for all. Let this suffice for this subject.
"Jesus was also able to save Himself from the Jews, if He had wished to do so. This is known first from the fact that on several occasions they ventured to seize Him, but because He did not wish to be seized by them, no one laid hands on Him. It is also known by the fact that while He was hanging on the cross, He moved the heavens, shook the earth, darkened the sun, blood-reddened the moon, rent the stones, opened the graves, and gave life to the dead that were in them. He who was able to do all these things in such a divine way, was surely able to save Himself from the Jews. And He who rescued from the mouth of Sheol in such a wonderful way the temple of His humanity after it had lain therein for three days and three nights, was surely able to save and rescue the very same temple from the unjust Jews, but if He had saved it He would not have been crucified, and if He had not been crucified He would not have died, and if He had not died He would not have risen up to immortal life, and if He had not risen up to immortal life, the children of men would have remained without a sign and a decisive proof of the immortal life.
"To-day because of the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead the eyes of all the children of men look towards an immortal life, and consequently in order that this expectation of the immortal life and of the world to come might be indelibly impressed upon mankind, it was right that Jesus Christ should rise from the dead; but in order that He might rise from the dead, it was right that He should first die, and in |46 order that He might truly die it was imperative that His death should have been first witnessed by all, as His resurrection was witnessed by all. This is why He died by crucifixion. If He were to suffer, to be crucified and die before all, when He had to rise from the dead His resurrection would also be believed by all. Immortal life is thus the fruit of the crucifixion, and the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead—a resurrection which all believers expect—is the outcome of the death on the cross.
"If He had delivered Himself from the hands of His crucifiers, He would have brought profit to Himself alone, and would have been of no use to the rest of mankind, like Enoch and Elijah who are kept in Paradise beyond the reach of death for their exclusive benefit, but now that He delivered Himself into the hands of crucifiers, and they dared to kill Him on their own account, He conquered death after three days and three nights, rose up to immortal life and brought profit first to His own self and then to all creatures, and He became the sign and proof of resuscitation and resurrection to all rational beings. He put His wish into practice in an Economy full of wisdom, and His crucifiers cannot be absolved from blame any more than the brothers of Joseph can be absolved from blame.
"When Joseph was sold by his brothers as a slave to some men, and he afterwards rose up from slavery to the government of Egypt, it was not the aim of those who sold him that he should govern Egypt. If they had dreamed of this they would never have sold him into slavery. Indeed, those who were unable to bear the recital of Joseph's dreams on account of their intense jealousy and violent envy, how could they have borne seeing him at the head of a Government. They sold him into slavery but God, because of the injustice done to him by his brothers, raised him from slavery to power. This analogy applies to the Jews and to Satan their teacher: if they had known that Christ would rise again to life from the dead and ascend from earth to heaven after His crucifixion, they would never have induced themselves to crucify Him, but they crucified Him out of their own wicked will."
"What would you say to this, O King of Kings: If your Majesty had a house and wanted to pull it down in order to rebuild it again, if an enemy came and pulled it down and burned it with fire, would you give thanks to that enemy for his action in pulling down the house, or |47 would you not rather inflict punishment on him, as on one who had demolished and burned a house belonging to your Majesty?"—And our King replied: "The one who would do such a thing would deserve a painful death."—And I then answered: "So also the Jews deserve all kinds of woes, because they wished to demolish and destroy the temple of the Word of God, which was anointed and confirmed by the Holy Spirit, which was divinely fashioned without the intervention of man from a holy virgin, and which God raised afterwards to heaven. God showed in all this its thorough distinction from, and its high superiority over, all else. As the heaven is high above the earth, the temple of the Word of God is greater and more distinguished than all angels and children of men. If Jesus Christ is in heaven and heaven is the throne of God, it follows that Jesus Christ sat on the throne of God."
And our King said to me: "Who gave you the Gospel?"— And I replied to his Majesty: "Our Lord Jesus Christ"—And our victorious King asked: "Was it before or after His ascension to heaven?"—And I replied to him: "Before His ascension to heaven. As the Gospel is the narrative of the Economy of the works and words of Jesus Christ, and as the works of Jesus Christ were done and His concrete words were uttered before His ascension to heaven, it follows that the Gospel was delivered to us before His ascension to heaven. Further, if the Gospel is the proclamation of the Kingdom of Heaven, and this proclamation of the Kingdom of Heaven has been delivered to us by the mouth of our Lord, it follows that the Gospel was also delivered to us by the mouth of our Lord."
And our King, invested with power, said to me: "Was not a part of the Gospel written by Matthew, another part by Mark, a third part by Luke, and a fourth part by John?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "It is true, O our King, that these four men wrote the Gospel. They did not write it, however, out of their own head nor from the fancies of their mind. Indeed they had no literary attainments of any kind, and by profession they were generally fishermen, shoemakers or tentmakers. They wrote and transmitted to us what they had heard and learned from Jesus Christ, who had taught them in actions and words during all the time He was walking with them in the flesh on the earth, and what the Spirit-Paraclete had reminded them of." |48
And our King said to me: "Why are they different from one another and contradict one another?"—And I answered his Majesty: "It is true that there is difference between their words, as to contradiction there is not any between them, not even in a single case. Different people write differently even on the creation of God, the Lord of all: some of them speak of the great height of heaven, some others of the brilliant rays of the sun, some others of the wonderful phases of the moon, some others of the fine beauty of the stars, some others of the atmosphere, some others of the land and sea, and some others of some other topics. Further, among the people who write on heaven alone some speak of its immense height and some others of the swiftness of its movement, and among those who speak of the sun alone, some write on the high and dazzling resplendence of its light, some others on its heat, some others on the roundness of its sphere, some others on its purity and clearness, and some others on its multitudinous powers and effects.
"Let your Majesty order some men to write on the topic of the resplendent glory of your Majesty, and some others on the great quantity of your gold and silver, and some others on the lustre of your pearls and precious stones, and some others on the beauty and fine features of the face of your Majesty, and some others on the power, might and strength of your Kingdom, and some others on the wisdom and intelligence of your Majesty, and yet some others on your gentleness, virtue, and piety. In what they will write there might be differences of words in their statements of facts, but there will not be any contradiction between them, not even in a single item. They will all be right in all that they will write, although some of them might omit some items, because there is no one who is able to speak with accuracy of everything dealing with the works of God nor with the greatness of the glory of your Majesty. The above applies to what the evangelists wrote concerning the words, deeds, and natures of Jesus Christ. There are here and there differences in their statements, but as to contradictions there are none whatever. The four of them write in the same way and without discrepancies and differences on the main topics of His conception, birth, baptism, teaching, passion on the cross, death, burial, resurrection, and ascension to heaven."
And our powerful King said to me: "You should know, O Catholicos, that as God gave the law through the prophet Moses and |49 the Gospel through the Christ, so He gave the furkan 78 through Muhammad"—And I replied: "O my victorious King, the changes that were to take place in the law given through Moses, God had clearly predicted previously through the prophets whom we have mentioned. God said thus through the prophet Jeremiah and showed the dissolution of the law of Moses and the setting up of the Gospel, 'Behold the days come, saith the Lord, that I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel and with the house of Judah: not according to the covenant that I made with their fathers in the day that I took them by the hand to bring them out of the land of Egypt, which covenant they nullified, and I also despised them, saith the Lord: but this shall be the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel: After those days, saith the Lord, I will put my law in their minds and write it in their hearts, and will be their God, and they shall be my people. And they shall teach no more every man his neighbour nor his brother, saying. "Know the Lord," for they shall all know me from the least of them unto the greatest of them.' 79 In the above words God demonstrated both the dissolution of the law of Moses and the setting up of the Gospel.
"Through another prophet, called Joel, God disclosed the signs which would occur at the time of the dissolution of the Torah and the setting up of the Gospel, and the signs concerning the Spirit-Paraclete which the Apostles, the commanders of the army of the Gospel, were to receive, because He said through him, 'And afterwards I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your old men shall dream dreams, and your young men shall see visions. And on my servants and on my handmaidens I will pour my spirit in those days.' 80 This is said of the Spirit-Paraclete who descended on the Apostles after the ascension of Jesus to heaven, according to the promise that He had previously given. And the prophet adds, 'And I will show wonders in the |50 heavens and the earth, blood and fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood.' 81 All this took place at the Passion of Jesus Christ on the Cross. And he further adds, 'Before the great and the terrible day of the Lord;' he calls the 'great and terrible day of the Lord,82 the day on which the Word-God will appear in our flesh with great power and glory of angels, and the day on which the stars will fall from heaven, as Jesus Himself said in the Gospel.' 83 And the prophet further adds, 'Whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved,' that is to say whosoever shall receive the Gospel of God shall live an everlasting life.
"God, therefore, pointed clearly to the transition from the Law to the Gospel when He showed us a new covenant, and signs, witnessed by men, that appeared in heaven and earth, in sun, moon, and stars, and when He showed us the gifts of the Holy Spirit which He imparted to the Apostles: wonders, signs, and miracles. God nowhere showed such irrefragable signs for the transition from the Gospel to something else. The Law that was given by Moses was the symbol of the Gospel, and the Gospel is the symbol of the Kingdom of Heaven, and there is nothing higher than the Kingdom of Heaven."
And our powerful King said to me: "Did not God say clearly to the children of Israel, 'I will raise you up a prophet from among your brethren like unto me.' 84 Who are the brethren of the children of Israel besides the Arabs,85 and who is the prophet like unto Moses besides Muhammad?"—And I answered his Majesty: "The Israelites have many other brethren besides the Arabs, O our Sovereign. First of all the six sons of Abraham by Keturah are nearer to the Arabs than the Israelites, then the Edomites composed of three hundred clans are also nearer to the Israelites than the Arabs. Jacob from whom descended the Israelites, and Esau from whom sprang the Edomites are indeed brothers and sons of Isaac, and Isaac from whom the Jews descend and Ishmael from whom the Arabs spring, together with Zimran and Jokshan 86 and their brothers, the sons of Keturah, are children of Abraham. If the sentence of the |51 prophet Moses refers to the brethren of the children of Israel and not to their own twelve tribes, it would be more appropriate to apply it to the Edomites, because it has been shown that they are nearer to the Israelites than the Arabs. It is not only the Arabs who are the brethren of the Israelites but also the Ammonites and the Moabites.
"Further, Moses said to the children of Israel that God will raise up from among their brethren a prophet to themselves and not to the Arabs, because he says that the prophet whom the Lord your God will raise up will be from among yourselves and not from outside yourselves, from your brethren and not from strangers, and then that prophet will be similar and not dissimilar to him in doctrine. This Biblical passage resembles that other passage in which God said to them concerning a king, 'I will raise up for thee a king from thy brethren.' 87 As in the subject of a king God does not refer to the children of Ishmael by the word 'their brethren,' so also in the subject of a prophet He does not refer to them through the same word.
"Further, you assert that Muhammad has been sent as a prophet to his own people.88 We must examine in this respect the construction of the words. It is said: a prophet from yourselves, from among your brethren, and like unto me. If Muhammad be a prophet like Moses, Moses wrought miracles and prodigies; and Muhammad, who would in this case be a prophet like Moses, should have wrought many miracles and prodigies. And then, if Muhammad be a prophet like Moses, since Moses practised and taught the Law that was given to him on Mount Sinai, Muhammad should similarly have taught the Torah and practised the circumcision, and observed the Jewish Sabbath and festivals. Muhammad did not teach the Torah, and Moses taught the Torah, the prophet Muhammad is not, therefore, like unto Moses, because the one who was to be a prophet like unto Moses, would not have changed anything from Moses, and the one who is different in one thing from Moses is not a prophet like unto Moses. The prophet Moses spoke the above words concerning the prophets who from time to time rose after him from this or that Jewish tribe, such as Joshua son of Nun, David, Samuel, and others |52 after them, who from generation to generation were sent to the Israelites." 89
And our victorious King said to me: "What is the punishment of the man who kills his mother?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "And what is the punishment of the man who does not respect the honour of his mother?"—And our King said to me: "Strokes, fetters, and death."—And I said to his Majesty: "The decision of your Majesty is just. And the man who kills his mother is also liable to the same punishment."—And our King said to me: "Jesus Christ is, therefore, liable to the same punishment, because He let His mother die and so killed her."—And I asked the King: "Which is the highest, this world or the world to come?" And our King answered: "The world to come."—And I then replied to his Majesty: "If Jesus Christ let His mother die, and through death He transferred her to the next world, which as your Majesty asserts is better than this one, He therefore invested His mother with a higher dignity and more sublime honour; and since the one who honours his mother is worthy of all blessings, Jesus Christ who transferred His mother from the mortal life to the immortal one and from the land of troubles to the Kingdom of Heaven, is, therefore, Worthy of all blessings.
"What should Jesus Christ have done? While He takes up everybody from earth to heaven, and while, as God said, He causes them to be immortal after having been mortal, should He only have |53 left His own mother in this mortal life? This would have been a great disgrace; but her death which took place like that of every other human being, was only natural and did not bring the smallest disgrace to her. As it was not a dishonour to her to have been born from a womb, so also it was not a dishonour to her to have been born again to eternal life from death and earth.90 If Mary had not died, she would not have risen; and if she had not risen, she would have been far from the Kingdom of Heaven, and it is fair that Mary, the mother of Jesus Christ through whom the Kingdom of Heaven was revealed, should have been raised up first to heaven. It was, therefore, imperative that she should have died. He who demolishes a house in order to renew it and ornament it, is not blameworthy but praiseworthy."
And our King said to me: "Is Jesus Christ good or not?"— And I replied to his Majesty: "If Jesus Christ is the Word of God, and God is good, Jesus Christ is, therefore, good. He is one nature with God, like light is one with the sun."—And our King said: "How then did Jesus say, 'There is none good but one, that is one God?" 91—And I replied to him: "Was the Prophet David just or not?"—And our King said: "He was just and head of the just."— And I said then: "How then did the prophet David say, 'There is no one that is just, no, not one,'" 92 —And our King said: "This saying does not include David. It has been said of the wicked ones."— And I said: "So also the sentence, 'There is none good but one' cannot possibly include the Christ. As the sentence, 'There is no one that is just' embraces many others to the exclusion of David, so also the sentence, 'There is none good' embraces many others to the exclusion of Jesus Christ, and as David did not include himself when he said, 'There is no just man, no, not even one,' so also the Christ did not include Himself when he said, ' There is none good but one, and that is one God.'
"The very same Jesus Christ who said about Himself, 'I am the good shepherd,' 93 could not have said the above sentence, 'There is none good' about Himself. Indeed, He said this sentence about the one whom He was addressing. The latter was thinking this in his |54 heart: how difficult are the laws that Jesus Christ is establishing! There is none good but one God who gave us all the good things found in the land of promise. As to Jesus Christ, He disclosed to him his hidden thoughts and showed to him that his words were in flagrant contradiction with his thoughts, in calling Him in his words 'good master' while in his thoughts he was saying ' This one was no good,' and wishing to rebuke him He disclosed to him his thoughts and said to him, 'Why callest thou me good with thy tongue while in thy thoughts thou sayest about me, "This one is no good, because He orders me to squander my fortune; there is none good but one that is God " '? Jesus Christ makes mention both of a good man and a good tree.94 How is it possible that there is a good man and a good tree, and Jesus Christ alone is not good? How can this be possible?"
And our King said to me: "If you accepted Muhammad as a prophet your words would be beautiful and your meanings fine"— And I replied to his Majesty: "We find that there is only one prophet who would come to the world after the ascension of Jesus Christ to heaven and His descent from heaven.95 This we know from the prophet Malachi and from the angel Gabriel when he announced the birth of John to Zechariah."
And our King said: "And who is that prophet?"—And I replied: "The prophet Elijah. The prophet Malachi who is the last of the prophets of the Law, said, 'Remember ye the law of Moses, my servant, which I commanded unto him in Horeb for all Israel, with the statutes and judgments. Behold I will send you Elijah the prophet, before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord. And he shall turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers, lest I come and smite the earth with a curse.' 96 And the angel Gabriel when announcing to Zechariah the |55 birth of John reminded him of these very words, because he said to him, 'Fear not, Zechariah, for thy prayer is heard, and thy wife Elizabeth shall bear thee a son, and thou shalt call his name John. And thou shalt have joy and gladness, and many shall rejoice at his birth. For he shall be great in the sight of the Lord, and shall be filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother's womb. And many of the children of Israel shall he turn to the Lord their God. And he shall go before him in the spirit and power of the prophet Elijah, to turn 97 the hearts of the fathers to the children and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, and to make ready a people prepared for the Lord.98
"Think, O our victorious Sovereign, how the angel called Jesus 'the Lord their God.' It is this prophet Elijah who, as we have learned, will come into the world after the ascension of Jesus to heaven. He will come to rebuke the Antichrist, and to teach and preach to everybody concerning the second apparition of Jesus from heaven. As John, son of Zechariah, came before His apparition in the flesh, and announced Him to everybody in saying, 'Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world' 99 'He is that shall baptise with Holy Ghost and fire,' 100 'He is the one the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to unloosen' 101—so also the prophet Elijah is going to come before the divine apparition of Jesus Christ from heaven in order to announce beforehand to all His glorious apparition, and to make them ready for His presence.
"Both messsengers, John and Elijah, are from one power of the Spirit, with the difference that one already came before Christ and the other is going to come before Him, and their coming is similar and to the same effect. In the second coming He will appear from heaven in a great glory of angels, to effect the resurrection of all the children of Adam from the graves. As the Word of God, He created everything from the beginning and He is going to renew everything at the end. He is the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, and there is no end and no limit to His Kingdom."
And our highly intelligent Sovereign said: "If you had not corrupted the Torah and the Gospel, you would have found in them Muhammad also with the other prophets."—And to set his mind at |56 rest on this subject I replied to him: "To the mind of your Majesty, O my illustrious Sovereign—you to whom God has granted that intelligence and broad-mindedness which are so useful for the administration of public and private affairs of the people, and you who speak and act is a way that is congruous with the dignity of your Majesty—it is due to inquire why and for what purpose we might have corrupted the Books. Both the Torah and the prophets proclaim as with the voice of thunder and teach us collectively the divinity and humanity of Christ; His wonderful birth from His Father before the times, a birth which no man will ever be able to describe and to comprehend. It is written, 'Who shall declare his generation,' 102 and, 'His coming out is in the beginning, from the days of the worlds' 103 and, 'From the womb before the morning-star I have begotten Thee' and, 'His name is before the sun.' 104
"So far as His temporal birth is concerned it is written, 'Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son and shall call his name Emmanuel.' 105 David and Isaiah and all the other prophets reveal to us clearly and distinctly the signs and miracles that He was going to perform in His appearance in the flesh, and the accurate knowledge of God with which the earth was going to be filled through this appearance. They tell us about His passion, His crucifixion, and His death in the flesh, as we have demonstrated above. They tell us about His resurrection from the dwelling of the dead and His ascension to heaven. Finally they enlighten us concerning His second appearance from heaven and concerning the resurrection of the dead which He is going to effect, and the judgment which He is going to hold for all, as one who is God and the Word of God. O our Sovereign, while all the corpus of the Christian doctrine is embodied in the Torah and the Gospel like a clear symbol and mirror, for what reason could we have dared to corrupt these living witnesses of our faith? They are indeed the witnesses of our truth, O our Sovereign, and from them shines on us the resplendent light of the duality of the natures of the divinity and humanity of Christ, and that of His death, resurrection, and ascension to heaven. It could |57 never have been possible for us to stir ourselves against ourselves, and tamper with the testimony of the Torah and the gospel to our Saviour.
"Even if we were able to corrupt the Books of the Torah and the Gospel that we have with us, how could we have tampered with those that are with the Jews? If one says here that we have corrupted those that are in our hands while the Jews themselves corrupted those that are in theirs, how is it that the Jews have not corrupted those passages through which the Christian religion is established? The Christians never have had and will never have such deadly enemies as the Jews; if the Jews had, therefore, tampered with their Book, how could we Christians induce ourselves to accept a text which had been corrupted and changed, a text which would have shaken the very foundations of the truth of our religion? No; the truth is that neither we nor the Jews have ever tampered with the Books. Our mutual hostility is the best guarantee to our statement.106
"If the Christians and the Jews are enemies, and if there is no possibility that enemies should have a common agreement on the line that divides them, it was therefore impossible for the Christians and the Jews to agree on the corruption of the Books. Indeed the Jews disagree with us on the meaning of some verbs and nouns, tenses and persons, but concerning the words themselves they have never had any disagreement with us. The very same words are found with us and with them without any changes. Since the Torah and the Prophets teach the truth of Christianity, we would have never allowed ourselves to corrupt them, and that is the reason why, O our victorious Sovereign, we could have never tampered with the Torah and the Prophets.
"The very same reason holds good with regard to the Gospel, which we could not and would not have corrupted under any circumstances. What the ancient prophets prophesied about the Christ is written in the Gospel about the Christ. The ray of light that shines on the eyes of our souls is the same from the Torah, from the prophets, and from the Gospel. The only difference is that in the first two Books the light is in words uttered in advance of the facts, while in the last Book it is in the facts themselves. What the prophets had taught us about the divinity and humanity of Christ, and about all the Economy |58 of the Word-God in the flesh, the Gospel proclaimed to us without corruption in a glorious manner. Further, God, the giver of both the Torah and the Gospel is one, and if we had changed them in any way, we would have changed those things which according to some people are somewhat undignified in our faith."
And our victorious King asked me: "And what are those things which you call undignified in our faith?"—And I replied to his benevolence: "Things such as the growth of Christ in stature and wisdom; His food, drink, and fatigue; His ire and lack of omniscience; His prayer, passion, crucifixion, and burial, and all such things which are believed by some people to be mean and debasing. We might have changed these and similar things held by some people to be mean and undignified; we might have also changed things that are believed by some other people to be contradictory, such as the questions dealing with the times, days, verbs, pronouns, and facts, questions which appear to some people to furnish a handle for objections that tend to some extent to weaken our statement I submit that we might have been tempted to alter these, but since we did not induce ourselves to alter them, how could we have dared to tamper with whole passages revealed by God? Not only could we not dream of tampering with them, but we are proud of them and consider them as higher and more sublime than others. From such higher and more sublime passages we learn that Jesus is an eternal God, and believe that He is consubstantial with the Father, and from the passages that are believed by some to be mean and undignified we learn that this same Jesus is a true man and having the same human nature as ourselves.
"No, O our victorious Sovereign, we have not changed, not even one iota, in the Divine Book, and if the name of Muhammad were in the Book, how we would have expected his coming and longed for it, as we expected with an eager desire to meet those about whom the prophets wrote, when they actually came or they were about to come. Further, what closer relationship have we with the Jews than with the Arabs that we should have accepted the Christ who appeared from the Jews while rejecting the Prophet that appeared from the Arabs? Our natural relationship with the Jews and with the Arabs is on the same footing. Truth to tell, the Jews, before the appearance of Christ, were honoured more than all other nations by God and by men, but after the sublime appearance of the Word-God from them, |59 since they shut their eyes in order not to rejoice in the light that came to enlighten the world, they have been despised and dejected, and they thought of God as other people did.
"A shell is kept in the royal treasuries as long as it contains a pearl, but when the pearl has been extracted from it, it is thrown outside and trodden under the feet of everyone. In this same way are the Jews: as long as the Christ had not appeared from them, but was hidden in them as a pearl is hidden in a shell, they were respected by all men, and God showed them to others, as a glorious and enlightened people, by means of the numerous signs and wonders that He performed among them; but after the appearance from them of the Christ-God in the flesh, and their rejection of His revelation and their turning away from Him, they were delivered to slavery among all other peoples.
"The Jews are, therefore, despised to-day and rejected by all, but the contrary is the case with the Arabs, who are to-day held in great honour and esteem by God and men, because they forsook idolatry and polytheism, and worshipped and honoured one God; in this they deserve the love and the praise of all; if, therefore, there was an allusion to their Prophet in the Books, not only we would not have introduced any changes in it, but we would have accepted him with great joy and pleasure, in the same way as we are expecting the one of whom we spoke, and who is going to appear at the end of the world. We are not the correctors but the observers of the commandments of God."
And our Sovereign said with a jocular smile: "We shall hear you about these at some other time, when business affairs give us a better opportunity for such an intimate exchange of words."
And I praised God, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, who grants to earthly Kings such a wisdom and understanding in order that through them they may administer their Empire without hindrance. And I blessed also his Majesty and prayed that God may preserve him to the world for many years and establish his throne in piety and righteousness for ever and ever. And in this way I left him on the first day.
Here End the Questions and Answers of the First Day. |60
The Questions and Answers of the Second Day.
The next day 107 I had an audience of his Majesty. Such audiences had contantly taken place previously, sometimes for the affairs of the State, and some other times for the love of wisdom and learning which was burning in the soul of his Majesty. He is a lovable man, and loves also learning when he finds it in other people, and on this account he directed against me the weight of his objections, whenever necessary.
After I had paid to him my usual respects as King of Kings, he began to address me and converse with me not in a harsh and haughty tone, since harshness and haughtiness are remote from his soul, but in a sweet and benevolent way.
And our King of Kings said to me: "O Catholicos, did you bring a Gospel with you, as I had asked you?"—And I replied to his exalted Majesty: "I have brought one, O our victorious and God-loving King."—And our victorious Sovereign said to me: "Who gave you this Book?"—And I replied to him: "It is the Word of God that gave us the Gospel, O our God-loving King."— And our King said: "Was it not written by four Apostles?" 108And I replied to him: "It was written by four Apostles, as our King has said, but not out of their own heads, but out of what they heard and learned from the Word-God. If then the Gospel was written by the Apostles, and if the Apostles simply wrote what they heard and learned from the Word-God, the Gospel has, therefore, been given in reality by the Word-God. Similarly, the Torah was written by Moses, but since Moses heard and learned it from an angel, and the angel heard and learned it from God, we assert that the Torah was given by God and not by Moses.
"In the same way also the Muslims say that they have received the Kur'an from Muhammad, but since Muhammad received knowledge and writing from an angel, they, therefore, affirm that the Book that was divulged through him was not Muhammad's or the angel's but God's. So also we Christians believe that although the Gospel was given to us by the Apostles, it was not given as from them but as from God, His Word and His Spirit. Further, the letters |61 and official documents 109 of your Majesty are written by the hands of scribes and clerks, but they are not said to be those of scribes, but those of your Majesty, and of the Commander of the Faithful."
And our gracious and wise King said to me: "What do you say about Muhammad?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "Muhammad is worthy of all praise, by all reasonable people, O my Sovereign. He walked in the path of the prophets, and trod in the track of the lovers of God. All the prophets taught the doctrine of one God, and since Muhammad taught the doctrine of the unity of God, he walked, therefore, in the path of the prophets. Further, all the prophets drove men away from bad works, and brought them nearer to good works, and since Muhammad drove his people away from bad works and brought them nearer to the good ones, he walked, therefore, in the path of the prophets. Again, all the prophets separated men from idolatry and polytheism, and attached them to God and to His cult, and since Muhammad separated his people from idolatry and polytheism, and attached them to the cult and the knowledge of one God, beside whom there is no other God, it is obvious that he walked in the path of the prophets. Finally Muhammad taught about God, His Word and His Spirit, and since all the prophets had prophesied about God, His Word and His Spirit, Muhammad walked, therefore, in the path of all the prophets.
"Who will not praise, honour and exalt the one who not only fought for God in words, but showed also his zeal for Him in the sword? As Moses did with the Children of Israel when he saw that they had fashioned a golden calf which they worshipped, and killed all of those who were worshipping it, so also Muhammad evinced an ardent zeal towards God, and loved and honoured Him more than his own soul, his people and his relatives. He praised, honoured and exalted those who worshipped God with him, and promised them kingdom, praise and honour from God, both in this world and in the world to come in the Garden.110 But those who worshipped idols and not God he fought and opposed, and showed to them the torments of hell and of the fire which is never quenched and in which all evildoers burn eternally.
"And what Abraham, that friend and beloved of God, did in |62 turning his face from idols and from his kinsmen, and looking only towards one God and becoming the preacher of one God to other peoples, this also Muhammad did. He turned his face from idols and their worshippers, whether those idols were those of his own kinsmen or of strangers, and he honoured and worshipped only one God. Because of this God honoured him exceedingly and brought low 111 before his feet two powerful kingdoms which roared in the world like a lion and made the voice of their authority heard in all the earth that is below heaven like thunder, viz: the Kingdom of the Persians and that of the Romans. The former kingdom, that is to say the Kingdom of the Persians, worshipped the creatures instead of the Creator, and the latter, that is to say the Kingdom of the Romans, attributed suffering and death in the flesh to the one who cannot suffer and die in any way and through any process.112 He further extended the power of his authority through the Commander of the Faithful and his children from east to west, and from north to south. Who will not praise, O our victorious King, the one whom God has praised, and will not weave a crown of glory and majesty to the one whom God has glorified and exalted? These and similar things I and all God-lovers utter about Muhammad, O my sovereign."
And our King said to me: "You should, therefore, accept the words of the Prophet."—And I replied to his gracious Majesty: "Which words of his our victorious King believes that I must accept?" —And our King said to me: "That God is one and that there is no other one besides Him."—And I replied: "This belief in one God,
O my Sovereign, I have learned from the Torah, from the Prophets and from the Gospel. I stand by it and shall die in it."—And our victorious King said to me: "You believe in one God, as you said, but one in three."—And I answered his sentence: "I do not deny that
I believe in one God in three, and three in one, but not in three different Godheads, however, but in the persons of God's Word and His Spirit. I believe that these three constitute one God, not in their person but in their nature. I have shown how in my previous words."
And our Kong asked: "How is it that these three persons whom you mention do not constitute three Gods?" And I answered his |63 Majesty: "Because the three of them constitute one God, O our victorious King, and the fact that He is only one God precludes the hypothesis that there are three Gods."—And our King retorted: "The fact that there are three precludes the statement that there is only one God. If there are three, how can they be one?"—And I replied: "We believe that they are three, O our Sovereign, not in Godhead, but in persons, and that they are one not in persons but in Godhead." —And our King retorted: "The fact that they are three precludes the statement that they are one, and the fact that they are one precludes the statement that they are three. This everybody will admit"—And I said to him: "The three in Him are the cause of one, and the one that of three, O our King. Those three have always been the cause of one, and that one of three."—And our King said to me: "How can one be the cause of three and three of one? What is this?"—And I answered his question: "One is the cause of three, O our King, because this number one is the cause of the number two, and the number two that of the number three. This is, how, one is the cause of three, as I said, O King. On the other hand the number three is also the cause of the number one because since the number three is caused by the number two and this number two by the number one, the number three is therefore the cause of number one."
And our King said to me: "In this process the number four would also be the cause of number five and so on, and the question of one Godhead would resolve itself into many Godheads, which, as you say, is the doctrine not of the Christians but of the Magians."—And I replied to our King: "In every comparison there is a time at which one must stop, because it does not resemble reality in everything. We should remember that all numbers are included in number three. Indeed the number three is both complete and perfect 113 and all numbers are included in a complete and perfect number. In this number three all other numbers are included, O our victorious King. Above three all other numbers are simply numbers added to themselves, by means of that complete and perfect number, as it is said. It follows from all this that one is the cause of three and three of one, as we suggested." —And our King said to me: "Neither three nor two can possibly be said of God."—And I replied to his Majesty: " Neither, therefore, |64 one."—And our King asked: "How?"—And I answered: "If the cause of three is two, the cause of two would be one, and in this case the cause of three would also be one. If then God cannot he said to be three, and the cause of three is two and that of two one, God cannot, therefore be called one either. Indeed this number one being the cause and the beginning of all numbers, and there being no number in God, we should not have applied it to Him. As, however, we do apply this number to God without any reference to the beginning of an arithmetical number, we apply to Him also the number three without any implication of multiplication or division of Gods, but with a particular reference to the Word and the Spirit of God, through which heaven and earth have been created, as we have demonstrated in our previous colloquy.114 If the number three cannot be applied to God, since it is caused by the number one, the latter could not by inference be applied to God either, but if the number one can be applied to God, since this number one is the cause of the number three, the last number can therefore be applied also to God."
And our victorious King said: "The number three denotes plurality, and since there cannot be plurality in Godhead, this number three has no room at all in Godhead."—And I replied to his Majesty: "The number one is also the cause and the beginning of all number, O our King, and number is the cause of plurality. Since there cannot be any kind of plurality in God, even the number one would have no room in Him."—And our King said: "the number one as applied to God is attested in the Book."—And I said: "So also is the case, O our King, with a number implying plurality. We find often such a number in the Torah, in the Prophets and in the Gospel, and as I hear, in your Book also, not, however, in connection with Godhead but in relation to humanity."
"So far as the Torah is concerned it is written in it, 'Let us make man in our image, after our likeness;'115 and 'The man is become as |65 one of us;' 116 and, 'Let us go down, and there confound their language.' 117 As to the Prophets, it is witten in them, 'Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of Hosts;' 118 and 'The Lord God and his Spirit hath sent me;' 119 and 'By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all His hosts by the Spirit of His mouth.' 120 As to the Gospel, it is written in it, 'Go ye and teach all nations, baptising them in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost.' 121 As to your Book, it is written in it, 'And we sent to her our Spirit,' 122 and 'We breathed into her from our Spirit,' 123 and 'We fashioned,' 'We said,' 'We did,' and all such expressions which are said of God in a plural form. If the Holy Books refer these words to God in a plural form, what the Books say concerning God we have to say and admit Since we had to preserve without change the number one as applied to God, we had also by inference to preserve without modification the number three, that is to say plurality, as applied to Him. The number one refers to nature and Godhead, and the number three to God, His Word and His Spirit, because God has never been, is not, and will never be, without Word and Spirit." 124
And our wise Sovereign said: "The plural form in connection with God, in the expressions 'We sent,' 'We breathed,' 'We said,' etc, has been used in the Books not as a sign of persons or of Trinity, but as a mark of Divine majesty and power. It is even the habit of the kings and governors of the earth to use such a mode of speech." —And I replied to the wealth of his intelligence: "What your glorious Majesty has said is true. To you God gave knowledge and understanding along with power and greatness, more than to all other countries and kings. The community of all mankind, whether composed of freemen or of subjected races is personified in the kings, and the |66 community of mankind being composed of innumerable persons, the kings rightly make use of the plural form in expressions such as, 'We ordered,' 'We said,' 'We did,' etc. Indeed the kings represent collectively all the community of mankind individually. If all men are one with the king, and the king orders, says and does, all men order, say and do in the king, and he says and does in the name of all.
"Further, the kings are human beings, and human beings are composed of body and soul, and the body is in its turn composed of the power of the four elements. Because a human being is composed of many elements, the kings make use not unjustly of the plural form of speech, such as 'We did,' 'We ordered,' etc.125 As to God who is simple in His nature and one in His essence and remote from all division and bodily composition, what greatness and honour can possibly come to Him when He, who is one and undivided against Himself, says in the plural form, 'We ordered,' and, 'We did?' The greatest honour that can be offered to God is that He should be believed in by all as He is. In His essence He is one, but He is three because of His Word and His Spirit. This Word and this Spirit are living beings and are of His nature, as the word and the spirit of our victorious King are of his nature, and he is one King with his word and spirit, which are constantly with him without cessation, without division and without displacement.
"When, therefore, expressions such as, 'We spoke,' 'We said,' 'We did,' and 'Our image and likeness,' are said to refer to God, His Word and His Spirit, they are referred in the way just described, O King of Kings. Who is more closely united to God than His Word through which He created all, governs all land directs all? Or who is nearer to Him than His Spirit through which He vivifies, sanctifies and renews all? David spoke thus: 'By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all His hosts by the Spirit of His mouth;' 126 and, 'He sent His Word and healed them, and delivered them from destruction;' 127 and 'Thou sendest forth Thy Spirit and they are created, and Thou renewest the face of the earth.' 128
"If one asserts that the expressions, 'Our image' and 'Our |67 likeness' used by Moses and the expressions, 'We made,' and 'We breathed,' used by Muhammad,129 do not refer to God but to the angels, how disgraceful it would be to believe that the image and the likeness of God and those of the angels, that is of the creator and the created, are one! How dishonourable it would be to affirm that God says, orders and does with the angels and His creatures! God orders and does like the Lord and the creator, and orders and does in a way that transcends that of all others; but the angels being creatures and servants, do not order with God, but are under the order of God; they do not create with God, but are very much created by God. The angels are what David said about them, 'Who maketh His angels spirits and His ministers a flaming fire.' 130 In this he shows that they are made and created.
"As to the Word and Spirit of God the prophet David says that they are not created and made, but creators and makers:131 'By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made,' and not His Word alone; and 'the heavenly hosts were created by His Spirit' and not His Spirit alone; and, 'Because He said and they were made, and He commanded and they were created.' 132 It is obvious that one who 'says,' 'says' and 'commands' by word, and that the word precedes the action, and the thought precedes the deed. Since God is one without any other before Him, with Him and after Him, and since all the above expressions which denote plurality cannot be ascribed to angels, and since the nature of God is absolutely free from all compositions—to whom could we ascribe then all such expressions? I believe,
O our victorious King, that they refer to the Word and the Spirit of God. If it is right that the expression 'One God' is true, it is also right that the expression ' We ordered,' 'We said,' and 'We breathed from our Spirit' are without doubt true and not false. It is also possible that the three letters placed before some Surahs in the Kur'an, as
I have learned, such as A.LR. and T.S.M. and Y.S.M. and others, |68 which are three in number, refer also in your Book to God, His Word and His Spirit.133
And our victorious King said: "And what did impede the Prophet from saying that this was so, that is that these letters clearly referred to God, His Word and His Spirit?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "The obstacle might have come from the weakness of those people who would be listening to such a thing. People whose ears were accustomed to the multiplicity of idols and false gods could not have listened to the doctrine of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, or to that of one God, His Word, and His Spirit. They would have believed that this also was polytheism. This is the reason why your Prophet proclaimed openly the doctrine of one God, but that of the Trinity he only showed it in a somewhat veiled and mysterious way, that is to say through his mention of God, and of His Spirit and through the expressions 'We sent our Spirit' and 'We fashioned a complete man.' 134 He did not teach it openly in order that his hearers may not be scandalised by it and think of polytheism, and he did not hide it completely in order that he may not deviate from the path followed by Moses, Isaiah, and other prophets, but he showed it symbolically by means of the three letters that precede the Surahs.
"The ancient prophets had also spoken of the unity of the nature of God and used words referring to this unity in an open and clear way, but the words which referred to His three persons they used them in a somewhat veiled and symbolical way. They did so not for any other reason than that of the weakness of men whose mind was bound up in idolatry and polytheism. When, however, Christ appeared to us in the flesh, He proclaimed openly and clearly what the prophets had said in a veiled and symbolical way, 'Go ye,' said |69 He to His Disciples, 'and baptise all nations in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost.' 135 Moses also uttered the same thing in a way that means both one and three, 'Hear, O Israel,' said he, 'The Lord your God is one Lord.' 136 In saying He 'is one,' he refers to the one nature of Godhead, and in saying the three words, 'Lord, God, and Lord' he refers to the three persons of that Godhead, as if one was saying that God, His Word and His Spirit were one eternal God. Job also said, 'The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken; blessed be the name of the Lord.' 137 In blessing the single name of the Lord, Job used it three times, in reference to one in three."
And our King said to me: "If He is one, He is not three; and if He is three, He is not one; what is this contradiction?"—And I answered: "The sun is also one, O our victorious King, in its spheric globe, its light and its heat, and the very same sun is also three, one sun in three powers. In the same way the soul has the powers of reason and intelligence, and the very same soul is one in one thing and three in another thing. In the same way also a piece of three gold denarii, is called one and three, one in its gold that is to say in its nature, and three in its persons that is to say in the number of denarii The fact that the above objects are one does not contradict and annul the other fact—that they are also three, and the fact that they are three does not contradict and annul the fact that they are also one.
"In the very same way the fact that God is one does not annul the other fact that He is in three persons, and the fact that He is in three persons does not annul the other fact that He is one God. Man is a being which is living, rational and mortal, and he is one and three, one in being one man and three in being living, rational and mortal, and this idea gives rise to three notions not contradictory but rather confirmatory to one another. By the fact that man is one, he is by necessity living, rational and mortal, and by the fact that he is living, rational and mortal, he is by necessity one man. This applies also to God in whom the fact of His being three does not annul the other fact that He is one and vice versa, but these two facts confirm and corroborate each other. If He is one God, He is the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit; and if He is the Father, the Son, and the Holy |70 Spirit, He is one God, because the eternal nature of God consists in Fatherhood, Filiation, and Procession, and in the three of them He is one God, and in being one God He is the three of them."
And our King said to me: "Do you say that the nature of God is composed of the above three, as the human nature is composed of its being living, rational, and mortal, and as the sun is composed of light, heat, and sphericity, and as the soul is composed of reason and intelligence, and as gold is composed of height, depth, and width?"—And I denied this and said: "No, this is not so."—And our King said to me: "Why then do you wish to demonstrate with bodily demonstrations One who has no body and is not composed?"—And I answered his Majesty: "Because there is no other God like Him, from whom I might draw a demonstration as to what is a being that has no beginning and no end."—And our King said to me: "It is never allowed to draw a demonstration from the creatures concerning the Creator." —And I said to Him: "We will then be in complete ignorance of God, O King of Kings."
And our King said: "Why?"—And I answered: "Because all that we say about God is deducted from natural things that we have with us; as such are the adjectives: King of all Kings, Lord of all Lords, Mighty, Powerful, Omnipotent, Light, Wisdom, and Judge. We call God by these and similar adjectives from things that are with us, and it is from them that we take our demonstration concerning God. If we remove Him from such demonstrations and do not speak of Him through them, with what and through what could we figure in our mind Him who is higher than all image and likeness? "
And our victorious King said to me: "We call God by these names, not because we understand Him to resemble things that we have with us, but in order to show that He is far above them, without comparison. In this way, we do not attribute to God things that are with us, we rather ascribe to ourselves things that are His, with great mercy from Him and great imperfection from us. Words such as: kingdom, life, power, greatness, honour, wisdom, sight, knowledge, and justice, etc, belong truly, naturally and eternally to God, and they only belong to us in an unnatural, imperfect, and temporal way. With God they have not begun and they will not end, but with us children of men they began and they will end."
And I replied to his Majesty: "All that your Majesty said on |71 this subject, O our victorious King, has been said with perfect wisdom and great knowledge; this is especially true of what you have just now said. It was not indeed with the intention of lowering God to a comparison with His creatures, that from the latter I drew a comparison concerning Him who, in reality, has no comparison with the created beings at all. I made use of such similes solely for the purpose of uplifting my mind from the created things to God. All the things that we have with us compare very imperfectly with the things of God. Even in saying of God that He is one, we introduce in our mind division concerning Him, because when we say for instance one man, one angel, one denarius, one pearl, we immediately think of a division that singles out and separates one denarius from many denarii, one pearl from many pearls, one angel from many angels, and one man from many men.
"A man would not be counting rightly but promiscuously if He were to say: one man and two angels, one horse and two asses, one denarius and two pence, one pearl and two emeralds. Every entity is counted with the entities of its own species, and we say: one, two, or three men; one, two, or three angels; one, two, or three denarii; one, two, or three pearls, as the case may be. With all these calculations in saying one we introduce, as I said, the element of division, but in speaking of God we cannot do the same thing, because there are no other entities of the same species as Himself which would introduce division in Him in the same sense as in our saying: one angel or one man. He is one, single and unique in His nature. Likewise when we say three we do not think of bodies or numbers, and when we say: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, we do not say it in a way that implies division, separation, or promiscuity, but we think of it as something high above us in a divine, incomprehensible, and indescribable way.
"Our fathers and our children were bora from marital union and intercourse, and their fatherhood and filiation have a beginning and an end. Further, a father was a son before becoming a father, and all relationships are liable to natural dissolution and cessation. As to Fatherhood, Filiation, and Procession in God they are not in a way similar to those of our humanity, but in a divine way that mind cannot comprehend. They do not arise from any intercourse between them, nor are they from time or in the time but eternally without beginning and without end. Since the above three attributes are of the nature |72 of God, and the nature of God has no beginning and no end, they also are without a beginning and without an end. And since He who is without a beginning and without an end is also unchangeable, that Fatherhood, therefore, that Filiation and that Procession are immutable and will remain without any modification. The things that are with us give but an imperfect comparison with the things that are above, because things that are God's are above comparison and likeness, as we have already demonstrated."
And our victorious King said: "The mind of rational beings will not agree to speak of God who is eternally one in Himself in terms of Trinity."—And I answered: "Since the mind of the rational beings is created, and no created being can comprehend God, you have rightly affirmed, O King of Kings, that the mind of the rational beings will not agree to speak of one God in terms of Trinity. The mind, however, of the rational beings can only extend to the acts of God, and even then in an imperfect and partial manner; as to the nature of God we learn things that belong to it not so much from our rational mind as from the Books of Revelation, i.e. from what God Himself has revealed and taught about Himself through His Word and Spirit:
"The Word of God said, 'No one knoweth the Father but the Son, and no one knoweth the Son but the Father,' 138 and, 'The Spirit searcheth all things even the deep things of God.' 139 No one knows what there is in man except man's own spirit that is in him, so also no one knows what is in God except the Spirit of God. The Word and the Spirit of God, being eternally from His own nature—as heat and light from the sun, and as reason 140 and mind from the soul—alone see and know the Divine nature, and it is they who have revealed and taught us in the sacred Books that God is one and three, as I have already shown in my above words from the Torah, the Prophets, the Gospel, and the Kur'an according to what I have learned from those who are versed in the knowledge of your Book.
"Were it not for the fact that His Word and His Spirit were eternally from His own nature God would not have spoken of Himself in the Torah, as, 'Our image and Our likeness;' 141 and 'Behold |73 the man is become as one of us;' 142 and 'Let us go down and there confound their language;' 143 and the Kur'an would not have said, 'And we sent to her our Spirit;' 144 and 'We breathed into her from our Spirit;' 145 and 'We did,' 'We said,' and so on. By such expressions (The Kur'an) refers to God and His Word and His Spirit as we have said above. Has not the mind of the rational beings, O our victorious Sovereign, to follow the words of God rather than its own fanciful conceptions? The inspired Books are surely right, and since we find in them that one and the same prophet speaks of God as one and as three, we are compelled by the nature of the subject to believe it."
And our powerful Sovereign said to me: "How does the nature of the subject compel us to believe it?"—And I answered: "Because my Sovereign and my King granted full freedom to his obedient servant to speak before him, may I further implore your Majesty to be willing that I ask more questions?" And our King said: "Ask anything you want."—And I then said: "Is not God a simple and uncircumscribed Spirit?"—And our King said "Yes."—And I asked his Majesty: "Does He perceive in an uncircumscribed way with all His being, or does He perceive like us with one part only and not with another?"—And our King answered: "He perceives with all its nature without any circumscription.''—And I asked: "Was there any other thing with Him from eternity, or not?"— And our King answered: "Surely not."—And I asked: "Does not a perceiver perceive a perceived object?" And our King answered: "Yes."
And I then asked: "If God is a perceiver and knower from the beginning and from eternity, a perceiver and a knower perceives and knows a perceived and known object, and because there was no created thing that was eternally with God—since He created afterwards when He wished—in case there was no other being with Him, whom He might perceive and know eternally, how could He be called a perceiver and a knower in a Divine and eternal sense, and before the creation of the world?"
And our victorious King answered: "What you have said is true. |74 It is indeed necessary that a perceiver should perceive a perceived object, and the knower a known one, but it is possible to say that He perceived and knew His own self."—And I asked: "If He is all a perceiver without any circumscription, so that He does not perceive and know with one part and is perceived and known with another part, how can a perceiver of this kind perceive Himself? The eye of man is the perceiver and it perceives the other objects, but it can never perceive its own self except with another eye like itself, because the sight of the eye is unable to perceive itself. If the sight of the composed eye cannot be divided into parts so that a part of it perceives itself, and the other part is perceived by itself, how can we think of God who is a Spirit without body, without division, and without parts that He perceives Himself and is perceived by Himself? "
And our intelligent Sovereign asked: "Which of the two do you admit: does God perceive Himself or not?"—And I answered: "Yes; He perceives and knows Himself with a sight that has no limits and a knowledge that has no bounds."—And our King asked: "How is it that your argumentation and reasoning concerning divisions, separations, and partitions do not rebound against you?"— And I replied to him: "God perceives and knows Himself through His Word and the Spirit that proceeds from Him. The Word and the Spirit are a clear mirror of the Father, a mirror that is not foreign to Him but of the same essence and nature as Himself, without any limits and bounds. He was perceiving His Word, His Spirit, and His creatures, divinely, eternally, and before the worlds, with this difference, however, that He was perceiving and knowing His Word and His Spirit as His nature, His very nature, and He was eternally perceiving and knowing His creatures not as His nature but as His creatures. He was perceiving and knowing His Word and His Spirit as existing divinely and eternally, and His creatures not as existing then but as going to exist in the future. Through His Word and His Spirit He perceives and knows the beauty, the splendour, and the infiniteness of His own nature, and through His creatures the beauty of His wisdom, of His power, and of His goodness, now, before now, and before all times, movements, and beginnings."
And our King asked philosophically: "Are they parts of one another, and placed at a distance from one another, so that one part |75 perceives and the other is perceived?"—And I replied to his Majesty: "No, not so, O King of Kings. They are not parts of one another, because a simple being has no parts and no composition; nor are they placed at a distance one from the other, because the infiniteness of God, of His Word, and of His Spirit is one. The Father is in the Son, and the Son in the Spirit, without any break, distance, and confusion of any kind, as the soul is in the reason and the reason in the mind, without break and confusion; and as the spheric globe of the sun is in its light, and this light in its heat; and as the colour, scent, and taste are in the apple, without any break, confusion, and promiscuity. All figures, comparisons, and images, are far below that adorable and ineffable nature of God, so there is fear that we may be falsely held to believe in the plurality of Godhead."
And our powerful and wise King said: "There is such a fear indeed."—And I said: "O King of Kings, this would arise in case we diminished something from Godhead, just as well as if we added something to it. As it is a blasphemy to add something to Godhead, it is also a blasphemy to diminish something from it in our belief, and as it is not allowed to add anything to the sun or to the pearl, so it is not allowed to diminish anything from them. He who divests God of His Word and His Spirit, resembles the one who would divest the sun of its light and its heat, and the soul of its reason and its mind, and the pearl of its beauty and its lustre. As it is impossible to conceive a pearl without lustre, or a sun without light, or a soul without reason and mind, so it is never possible that God should be without Word and Spirit If, therefore, Word and Spirit are God's by nature, and God is eternal, it follows that the Word and the Spirit of God are also eternal. They are not added to Him from outside that one might think of the plurality of Godhead, but it is of the essence of God to possess both Word and Spirit."
And our victorious King said: "In your previous words you said that the perceiver perceives the one that is perceived, and the one that is perceived perceives also the one that perceives; and that if they be near a thing they are all there at the same time, because the Word and the Spirit of God are the object that is perceived by God and are eternal like the perceiver; and if there is no perceiver there is no perceived object either, and if there is no perceived object there is no perceiver. Did you say these things, or not?"—And I answered: |76 "I did say them, O our victorious King."—And the King of Kings said: "But it is possible that God was perceiving His creatures before He created them."—And I said: "O our victorious King, we cannot think or say otherwise. God perceived and knew eternally His creatures, before He brought them into being."
And our King said: "The nature of the subject will not compel us, therefore, to believe that if the perceiver is eternal, the perceived should also be eternal, because the fact that God is an eternal perceiver of the creature does not carry with it the necessity that the creature which is perceived by Him is also eternal, and the fact that die creature is perceived does not carry with it the necessity that He also is the perceived object like it. As such a necessity as that you were mentioning in the case of the creature has been vitiated, so also is the case with regard to the Word and the Spirit."
And I said: "O our King, it is not the same kind of perception that affects the creature on the one hand, and the Word and the Spirit on the other. This may be known and demonstrated as follows: it is true that God was perceiving the creature eternally, but the creature is not infinite, and God is infinite, the creature has a limited perceptibility, and the perception of God has no limits. Further, the nature of God having no limits, His knowledge also has no limits, as the divine David says, 'His understanding is infinite.' 146 If God, therefore, has any perception, and if He is infinite and unlimited, that perception must by necessity be infinite and unlimited, and if His perception is infinite, it perceives a perceived object that is likewise infinite; but the perceived object that is infinite being only the nature of God, it follows that His Word and His Spirit are from His nature, in the same way as the word and the spirit of a man are from human nature. It is, therefore, obvious that if God is an infinite perceiver, the Word and the Spirit that are from Him are also infinite.
"God knows His Word and His Spirit in an infinite way as His Knowledge and His perception are infinite, but He perceives and knows His creature not in the same infinite way as are His perception and His Knowledge, but in a finite way according to the limits of the creature and of the human nature. He perceived His creature only |77 through His prescience, and not as a substance that is of the same nature as Himself, and, on the contrary, He perceived the Word and the Spirit not through His prescience but as a substance that is of the same nature as Himself. This is the reason why the prophet David said, 'For ever, art thou O Lord, and Thy Word is settled in heaven;' 147 and likewise the prophet Isaiah, 'The grass withereth and the flower fadeth, but the Word of our Lord shall stand forever,' 148 In this passage Isaiah counts all the world as grass and flower, and the Word and the Spirit of God as something imperishable, immortal, and eternal.
"If, therefore, God is an infinite perceiver, the object that is perceived by Him has also to be infinite, in order that His perception of the perceived should not be incomplete in places. And who is this infinite-perceived except the Word and the Spirit of God? God indeed was not without perception and a perceived object of the same nature as Himself till He brought His creature into being, but He possessed along with His eternal perception and eternal knowledge a perceived object that was eternal and a known object that was also eternal. It is not permissible to say of God that He was not a perceiver and a knower, till the time in which He created. And if God is eternally a perceiver and a knower, and if a perceiver of the perceived and a knower of the known is truly a perceiver and a knower, and if His Word and His Spirit were perceived by Him divinely and eternally, it follows that these same Word and Spirit were eternally with Him. As to His creatures, He created them afterwards, when He wished, by means of His Word and His Spirit."
And our King said to me: "O Catholicos, if this is your religion and that of the Christians, I will say this, that the Word and the Spirit are also creatures of God, and there is no one who is uncreated except one God."—And I replied: "If the Word and the Spirit are also creatures of God like the rest, by means of whom did God create the heaven and the earth and all that they contain? The Books teach us that He created the world by means of His Word and His Spirit—by means of whom did He then create this Word and this Spirit? If He created them by means of another word and another spirit, the same conclusion would also be applied to them: will they |78 be created or uncreated? If uncreated, the religion of the Catholicos and of the Christians is vindicated; and if created, by means of whom did God create them? And this process of gibberish argumentation will go on indefinitely until we stop at that Word and that Spirit hidden eternally in God, by means of whom we assert that the worlds were created."
And the King said: "You appear to believe in three heads, O Catholicos."—And I said: "This is certainly not so, O our victorious King. I believe in one head, the eternal God the Father, from whom the Word shone and the Spirit radiated eternally, together, and before all times, the former by way of filiation and the latter by way of procession, not in a bodily but in a divine way that befits God. This is the reason why they are not three separate Gods. The Word and the Spirit are eternally from the single nature of God, who is not one person divested of word and spirit as the weakness of the Jewish belief has it. He shines and emits rays eternally with the light of His Word and the radiation of His Spirit, and He is one head with His Word and His Spirit. I do not believe in God as stripped of His Word and Spirit, in the case of the former without mind 149 and reason, and in the case of the latter without spirit and life. It is only the idolaters who believe in false gods or idols who have neither reason nor life."
And our victorious King said: "It seems to me that you believe in a vacuous God, since you believe that He has 150 a child."—And I answered: "O King, I do not believe that God is either vacuous or solid, because both these adjectives denote bodies. If vacuity and solidity belong to bodies, and God is a Spirit without a body, neither of the two qualifications can be ascribed to Him."—And the King said: "What then do you believe that God is if He is neither vacuous nor solid?"—And I replied to His Majesty: "God is a Spirit and an incorporeal light, from whom shine and radiate eternally and divinely His Word and His Spirit. The soul begets the mind and causes reason to proceed from it, and the fire begets the light and |79 causes heat to proceed from its nature, and we do not say that either the soul or fire are hollow or solid. So also is the case with regard to God, about Whom we never say that He is vacuous or solid when He makes His Word shine and His Spirit radiate from His essence eternally."
And our victorious King said: "What is the difference in God between shining and radiating?"—And I replied: "There is the same difference between shining and radiating in God as that found in the illustration furnished by the fire and the apple: the fire begets the light and causes heat to proceed from it, and the apple begets the scent and causes the taste and savour to proceed from it. Although both the fire and the apple give rise, the former to light and heat, and the latter to scent and savour, yet they do not do it in the same manner and with an identical effect on the one and the same sense of our body. We receive the heat of the fire with the sense of feeling, the light with the eyes, the scent of the apple with the sense of smell, and the sweetness of its savour with the palate. From this it becomes clear that the mode of filiation is different from that of procession. This is as far as one can go from bodily comparisons and similes to the realities and to God."
And the King said: "You will not go very far with God in your bodily comparisons and similes."—And I said: "O King, because I am a bodily man I made use of bodily metaphors, and not of those that are without any body and any composition. Because I am a bodily man, and not a spiritual being, I make use of bodily comparisons in speaking of God. How could I or any other human being speak of God as He is with a tongue of flesh, with lips fashioned of mud, and with a soul and mind closely united to a body? This is far beyond the power of men and angels to do. God Himself speaks with the prophets about Himself not as He is, because they cannot know and hear about Him as He is, but simply in the way that fits in with their own nature, a way they are able to understand. In His revelations to the ancient prophets sometimes He revealed Himself as man, sometimes as fire, sometimes as wind, and some other times in some other ways and similitudes.
"The divine David said, 'He then spoke in visions to His holy ones;' 151 and the Prophet Hosea said on behalf of God, ' I have |80 multiplied my visions and used similitudes by the ministry of the prophets;' 152 and one of the Apostles of Christ said, 'God at sundry times and in divers manners spake in time past unto our fathers by the prophets.' 153 If God appeared and spake to the ancient in bodily similitudes and symbols, we with stronger reason find ourselves completely unable to speak of God and to understand anything concerning Him except through bodily similitudes and metaphors. I shall here make bold and assert that I hope I shall not deserve any. blame from your Majesty if I say that you are in the earth the representative of God for the earthly people; now God maketh His sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth His rain on the just and the unjust 154 Your Majesty also in the similitude of God will make us worthy of forgiveness if in the fact of being earthly beings we speak of God in an earthly way and not in a spiritual way like spiritual beings."
And our victorious King said: "You are right in what you said before and say now on the subject that God is above all the thoughts and minds of created beings, and that all the thoughts and minds of created beings are lower not only than God Himself but also His work The fact, however, that you put the servant and the Lord on the same footing you make the creator equal with the created, and in this you fall into error and falsehood."
And I replied: "O my Sovereign, that the Word and the Spirit of God should be called servants and created I considered and consider not far from unbelief. If the Word and the Spirit are believed to be from God, and God is conceived to be a Lord and not a servant, His Word and Spirit are also, by inference, lords and not servants. It is one and the same freedom that belongs to God and to His Word and Spirit and they are called Word and Spirit of God not in an unreal, but in a true, sense. The kingdom which my victorious Sovereign possesses is the same as that held by his word and his spirit, so that no one separates his word and his spirit from his kingdom, and he shines in the diadem of kingdom together with his word and his spirit in a way that they are not three Kings, and in a way that he does not shine in the diadem of kingdom apart from his word and his spirit. |81
"If it please your Majesty, O my powerful Sovereign, I will also say this: the splendour and the glory of the kingdom shine in one and the same way in the Commander of the Faithful 155 and in his sons Musa and Harun,156 and in spite of the fact that kingdom and lordship in them are one, their personalities are different For this reason no one would venture to consider, without the splendour of kingdom, not only the Commander of the Faithful but also the beautiful flowers and majestic blossoms that budded and blossomed out of him; indeed the three of them blossom in an identical kingdom, and this one and the same kingdom shines and radiates in each one of them, so that no one dares to ascribe servitude to any of them. In a small and partial way the same light of kingdom, lordship, and divinity shines and radiates eternally in the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, or if one prefers to put it, in God, His Word, and His Spirit, and no one is allowed to give to any of them the name of servant If the Word and the Spirit are servants of God, while they are from God Himself, the logical conclusion to be drawn I leave to a tongue other than mine to utter."
And the King said: "It is very easy for your tongue, O Catholicos, to prove the existence of that Lord and God, and the existence also of that consubstantial servant, and to draw conclusions sometimes or to abstain from them some other times, but the minds and the will of rational beings are induced to follow not your mind which is visible in your conclusions, but the law of nature and the inspired Books."
And I replied: "O our victorious King, I have proved my words that I have uttered in the first day and to-day both from nature and from Book. So far as arguments from nature are concerned, I argued, confirmed, and corroborated my words sometimes from the soul with its mind and its reason; sometimes from the fire with its light and its heat; sometimes from the apple with its scent and its savour; and some other tunes from your Majesty and from the rational and royal flowers that grew from it: Musa and Harun, the sons of your Majesty. As to the inspired Books, I proved the object under |82 discussion sometimes from Moses, sometimes from David, and some other times I appealed to the Kur'an, as a witness to prove my statement.
"God said to the prophet David and caused him further to prophesy in the following manner concerning His Word and His Spirit, 'I have set up my King on my holy hill of Zion.' 157 Before this He had called Him His Christ, 'Against the Lord and against His Christ.' 158 If the Christ of God is a King, it follows that the Christ is not a servant but a King. Afterwards David called Him twice Son, 'Thou art my Son and this day I have begotten Thee,' 159 and, 'Kiss the Son lest the Lord be angry and ye perish from His way.' 160 If the Christ, therefore, is a Son, as God called Him through the prophet David, and if no son is a servant, it follows, O King, that the Christ is not a servant. In another passage the same prophet David called the Christ 'Lord,' 'Son,' and 'A priest for ever,' because he said, 'The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit Thou at my right hand.' 161 And in order to show that Christ is of the same nature and power as God, he said on behalf of the Father as follows, 'In the beauties of holiness from the womb I have begotten Thee from the beginning.' 162 God, therefore, called Christ 'a Lord' through the prophet David, and since no true Lord is a servant, it follows that Christ is not a servant.163
"Further, Christ has been called through David one 'begotten of God' both 'from eternity' and 'In the beauties of holiness from the womb.' Since no one begotten of God is a servant, the Christ, therefore, O King of Kings, is not a servant and created, but He is uncreated and a Lord. God said also through the prophet Isaiah to Ahaz, King of Israel, 'Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a Son, and His name shall be called—not a servant—but Emmanuel, which being interpreted is, God with us.' 164 The same Isaiah said, 'For unto |83 us a Child—and not a servant—is born, and unto us a Son—not a servant and a created being—is given, and His name has been called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty God of the Worlds.' 165 If the Christ, therefore, is the Son of God, this Son of God, as God Himself spoke through the prophet Isaiah, is the 'mighty God of the worlds,' and not a servant in subjection, but a Lord and a Prince. It follows, O our victorious King, that the Christ is surely a Lord and a Prince, and not a servant in subjection.
"As your Majesty would wax angry if your children were called servants, so also God will be wrathful if anybody called His Word and His Spirit servants. As the honour and dishonour of the children of your Majesty redound on you, so also and in a higher degree the honour and dishonour of God's Word and Spirit redound on Him. It is for this reason that Christ said in the Gospel, 'He that honoureth not the Son, honoureth not the Father who hath sent Him,' 166 and, 'He who honoureth not the Son shall not see life, but the wrath of God shall abide on him.' 167
"The above is written in the Gospel. I heard also that it is written in the Kur'an that Christ is the Word and the Spirit of God,168 and not a servant. If Christ is the Word and the Spirit of God, as the Kur'an testifies, He is not a servant but a Lord, because the Word and the Spirit of God are Lords. It is by this method, O our God-loving King, based on the law of nature and on divinely inspired words, and not on purely human argumentation, word, and thought, that I both in the present and in the first conversation have demonstrated the lordship and the sonship of Christ, and the Divine Trinity." 169
Our victorious King said: "Has not the Christ been called also several times a servant by the prophets?"—And I said: "I am aware, O my Sovereign, of the fact that the Christ has also been called a servant, but that this appellation does not imply a real servitude is borne out by the illustration that may be taken from the status of Harun, the blossom and the flower of your Majesty. He is now |84 called by everybody 'Heir Presumptive,' 170 but after your long reign, he will be proclaimed King and Sovereign by all He served his military service through the mission entrusted to him by your Majesty to repair to Constantinople against the rebellious and tyrannical Byzantines.171 Through this service and mission he will not lose 172 his royal sonship and his freedom, nor his princely honour and glory, and acquire the simple name of servitude and subjection, like any other individual. So also is the case with the Christ, the Son of the heavenly King. He fulfilled the will of His Father in His coming on His military mission to mankind, and in His victory over sin, death, and Satan. He did not by this act lose His royal Sonship, and did not become a stranger to Divinity, Lordship, and Kingdom, nor did He put on the dishonour of servitude and subjection like any other individual.
"Further, the prophets called Him not by what He was, but by what He was believed by the Jews to be. In one place the prophets called Him, according to the belief of the Jews, 'A Servant, a Rejected one, one without form or comeliness, a Stricken one, a Smitten one, a man of many sorrows.' 173 In another place, however, it has been said of Him that, 'He is the fairest of the children of men,' 174 the Mighty God of the worlds, the Father of the future world, the Messenger of the Great Counsel of God, Prince of Peace, a Son, and a Child,175 as we demonstrated in our former replies. The last adjectives refer to His nature, and He has been spoken of through the first adjectives on account of the mission that He performed to His father for the salvation of all, and in compliance with the belief of the Jews who only looked at Him in His humanity, and were totally incapable of considering Him in the nature of His divinity that clothed itself completely with humanity. |85
"Some ignorant Byzantines who know nothing of the kingship and sonship of your son Harun, may consider him and call him a simple soldier and not a Prince and a King, but those who know him with certainty will not call him a simple soldier, but will consider him and call him King and Prince. In this way the prophets considered the Christ our Lord as God, King, and Son, but the unbelieving Jews believed Him to be a servant and a mere man under subjection. He has indeed been called not only a servant, on account of His service, but also a stone, a door, the way, and a lamb.176 He was called a stone, not because He was a stone by nature, but because of the truth of His teaching; and a door, because it is through Him that we entered into the knowledge of God: and the way, because it is He who in His person opened to us the way of immortality; and a lamb, because He was immolated for the life of the world. In this same way He was called also a servant, not because He was a servant by nature, but on account of the service which He performed for our salvation, and on account of the belief of the Jews.
"I heard also that it is written in your Book that the Christ was sent not as a servant, but as a son, 'I swear by this mountain and by the begetter and His Child.' 177 A child is like his father, whether the latter be a servant or a freeman, and if it is written, 'The Christ doth surely not disdain to be a servant of God,' 178 it is also written that God doth not disdain to be a Father to Christ because He said through the prophet about the Christ,' He will be to Me a Son 179—and not a servant' —and, also 'I will make Him a first-born—not a servant—and will raise Him up above the Kings of the earth.' 180 If Christ has been raised by God above the Kings of the earth, He who is above the Kings cannot be a servant, Christ is, therefore, O King, not a servant and one under |86 subjection, but a King of Kings and a Lord. It is not possible that a servant should be above angels and kings.
"God said also about the Christ through the same prophet David, 'His name shall endure for ever, and His name is before the sun. All men shall be blessed by Him, and all shall glorify Him.' 181 How can the name of a servant endure for ever, and how can the name of a servant be before the sun and other creatures, and how can all nations be blessed by a servant, and how can all nations glorify a servant? God said to His Word and His Spirit, 'Ask of me, and I shall give Thee the nations for Thine inheritance and the uttermost parts of the earth for Thy possession. Thou shalt shepherd them with a rod of iron. Be wise now, O ye Kings, and be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and hold to Him with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest He be angry, and ye stray from His way, when His wrath is kindled but a little. Blessed are all they that put their trust in Him.' 182 If all the nations and the uttermost parts of the earth are the inheritance and the possession of the Christ, and if he who has under his authority all the nations and the uttermost parts of the earth is not a servant, the Christ, therefore, O our victorious Sovereign, is not a servant, but a Lord and Master; and if the Kings and the judges of the earth have been ordered by God to serve the Christ with fear and hold to Him with trembling, it is impossible that this same Christ who is served, held to, and kissed by the Kings and judges of the earth should be a servant.
"It follows, O our victorious Sovereign, that the Christ is a King of Kings, since Kings worshipped and worship Him; and a Lord and judge of judges, since judges served and serve Him with fear. If He were a servant, what kind of a wrath and destruction could He bring on the unbelievers, and what kind of a blessing could He bestow on those who put their trust in Him? That He is a Lord over all and a Master over all, He testifies about Himself, and His testimony is true. Indeed He said to His disciples when He was about to ascend to heaven, and mount on the Cherubim and fly on the spiritual wings of the Seraphim, 'All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth.' 183 If Christ has been given all the power of heaven and earth, He who |87 is constituted in this way in heaven and in earth is God over all, and Christ, therefore, is God over all. If He is not a true God, how can He have power in heaven and in earth; and if He has power in heaven and in earth, how can He not be true God? Indeed He has power in heaven and in earth because He is God, since any one who has power in heaven and in earth is God.
"The Archangel Gabriel testified to this when he announced His conception to the always virgin Mary, 'And He shall reign over the house of Jacob, and of His Kingdom there shall be no end.'184 If the Christ reigns for ever, and if the one who reigns for ever there is no end to his kingdom, it follows, O our Sovereign, that Christ is a Lord and God over all. The prophet Daniel testified also to this in saying, 'I saw one like the son of men coming on the clouds of heaven, and they brought Him near before the Ancient of days, who gave Him dominion and glory and a kingdom, that all nations should serve Him and worship Him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion, and His kingdom shall not pass away and be destroyed.'185 If the kingdom of Christ shall not pass away and be destroyed, He is God over all, and Christ is, therefore, God over all, O our King: over the prophets and the angels.186
"If Christ has been called by the prophets God and Lord, and if it has been said by some people that God suffered and died in the flesh, it is evident that it is the human nature which the Word-God took from us that suffered and died, because in no Book, neither in the prophets nor in the Gospel, do we find that God Himself died in the flesh, but we do find in all of them that the Son and Jesus Christ died in the flesh. The expression that God suffered and died in the flesh is not right."
And our victorious King asked: "And who are those who say that God suffered and died in the flesh."—And I answered: "The Jacobites and Melchites say that God suffered and died in the flesh, as to us we not only do not assert that God suffered and died in our nature, but that He even removed the passibility of our human nature that He put on from Mary by His impassibility, and its mortality by His immortality, and He made it to resemble divinity, to the extent that a created being is capable of resembling his Creator. A created |88 being cannot make himself resemble his Creator, but the Creator is able to bring His creature to His own resemblance. It is not the picture that makes the painter paint a picture in its own resemblance, but it is the painter that paints the picture to his own resemblance; it is not the wood that works and fashions a carpenter in its resemblance, but it is the carpenter that fashions the wood in his resemblance. In this same way it is not the mortal and passible nature that renders God passible and mortal like itself, but it is by necessity God that renders the passible and mortal human nature impassible and immortal like Himself. On the one hand, this is what the Jacobites and Melchites say, and, on the other, this is what we say. It behoves your Majesty to decide who are those who believe rightly and those who believe wrongly."
And our victorious King said: "In this matter you believe more rightly than the others. Who dares to assert that God dies? I think that even demons do not say such a thing. In what, however, you say concerning one Word and Son of God, all of you are wrong."— And I replied to his Majesty: "O our victorious King, in this world we are all of us as in a dark house in the middle of the night. If at night and in a dark house a precious pearl happens to fall in the midst of people, and all become aware of its existence, every one would strive to pick up the pearl, which will not fall to the lot of all but to the lot of one only, while one will get hold of the pearl itself, another one of a piece of glass, a third one of a stone or of a bit of earth, but every one will be happy and proud that he is the real possessor of the pearl. When, however, night and darkness disappear, and light and day arise, then every one of those men who had believed that they had the pearl, would extend and stretch his hand towards the light, which alone can show what every one has in hand. He who possesses the pearl will rejoice and be happy and pleased with it, while those who had in hand pieces of glass and bits of stone only will weep and be sad, and will sigh and shed tears.
"In this same way we children of men are in this perishable world as in darkness. The pearl of the true faith fell in the midst of all of us, and it is undoubtedly in the hand of one of us, while all of us believe that we possess the precious object. In the world to come, however, the darkness of mortality passes, and the fog of ignorance dissolves, since it is the true and the real light to which the fog of ignorance is |89 absolutely foreign. In it the possessors of the pearl will rejoice, be happy and pleased, and the possessors of mere pieces of stone will weep, sigh, and shed tears, as we said above."
And our victorious King said: "The possessors of the pearl are not known in this world, O Catholicos."—And I answered: "They are partially known, O our victorious King."—And our victorious and very wise King said: "What do you mean by partially known, and by what are they known as such?"—And I answered: "By good works, O our victorious King, and pious deeds, and by the wonders and miracles that God performs through those who possess the true faith. As the lustre of a pearl is somewhat visible even in the darkness of the night, so also the rays of the true faith shine to some extent even in the darkness and the fog of the present world. God indeed has not left the pure pearl of the faith completely without testimony and evidence, first in the prophets and then in the Gospel. He first confirmed the true faith in Him through Moses, once by means of the prodigies and miracles that He wrought in Egypt, and another time when He divided the waters of the Red Sea into two and allowed the Israelites to cross it safely, but drowned the Egyptians in its depths. He also split and divided the Jordan into two through Joshua, son of Nun, and allowed the Israelites to cross it without any harm to themselves, and tied the sun and the moon to their own places until the Jewish people were well avenged upon their enemies. He acted in the same way through the prophets who rose in different generations, viz.: through David, Elijah, and Elisha.
"Afterwards He confirmed the faith through Christ our Lord by the miracles and prodigies which He wrought for the help of the children of men. In this way the Disciples performed miracles greater even than those wrought by Christ. These signs, miracles, and prodigies wrought in the name of Jesus Christ are the bright rays and the shining lustre of the precious pearl of the faith, and it is by the brightness of such rays that the possessors of this pearl which is so full of lustre and so precious that it outweighs all the world in the balance, are known."
And our victorious King said: "We have hope in God that we are the possessors of this pearl, and that we hold it in our hands."— And I replied: "Amen, O King. But may God grant us that we too may share it with you, and rejoice in the shining and beaming |90 lustre of the pearl! God has placed the pearl of His faith before all of us like the shining rays of the sun, and every one who wishes can enjoy the light of the sun.
"We pray God, who is King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, to preserve the crown of the kingdom and the throne of the Commander of the Faithful for multitudinous days and numerous years! May He also raise after him Musa and Harun and `Ali 187 to the throne of his kingdom for ever and ever! May He subjugate before them and before their descendants after them all the barbarous nations, and may all the kings and governors of the world serve our Sovereign and his sons after him till the day in which the Kingdom of Heaven is revealed from heaven to earth!"
And our victorious King said: "Miracles have been and are sometimes performed even by unbelievers."—And I replied to his Majesty: "These, O our victorious King, are not miracles but deceptive similitudes of the demons, and are performed not by the prophets of God and by holy men, but by idolaters and wicked men. This is the reason why I said that good works and miracles are the lustre of the pearl of the faith. Indeed, Moses performed miracles in Egypt, and the sorcerers Jannes and Jambres performed them also there, but Moses performed them by the power of God, and the sorcerers through the deceptions of the demons. The power of God, however, prevailed, and that of the demons was defeated.
"In Rome also Simon Cephas and Simon Magus performed miracles, but the former performed them by the power of God, and the latter by the power of the demons, and for this reason Simon Cephas was honoured and Simon Magus was laughed at and despised by every one, and his deception was exposed before the eyes of all celestial and terrestrial beings."
At this our victorious King rose up and entered his audience chamber, and I left him and returned in peace to my patriarchal residence.
Here ends the controversy of the Patriarch Mar Timothy I. with Mahdi, the Caliph of the Muslims. May eternal praise be to God!
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 5 The correspondent of the Patriarch. He was possibly either Sergius priest, monk and teacher of the monastery of Mar Abraham, or Sergius, Metropolitan of Elam.
2. 1 These sentences amplify a little the original.
3. 1 The Christian apologist Kindi refutes an objection of his adversary, `Abdallah b. Isma`il al-Hashimi, which was in almost identical terms: "We never say about the Most High God that He married a woman from whom He begat a son," Risalah, p. 37.
4. 2 Cf. Is. ix. 6.
5. 1 Kur'an, iii. 41; xxi. 91.
6. 2 Luke i. 37. Kur'an iii. 41, etc.
7. 1 Note the semi-Nestorian expression of "putting on, clothing oneself with" as applied to the union of God with man in the Incarnation. In the following pages we shall not attempt to render this expression into English at every time.
8. 2 Parsopa = πρόσωπον.
9. 1 John xx. 17.
10. 2 The Arabic muhal.
11. 1 There is no doubt therefore that the official letters and documents of the early Abbasids were written on papyrus and not on parchment. The Arabic word Kirtas seems by inference to indicate papyrus in the majority of cases, if not always.
12. 1 In Syr. the same root milltha is used to express both "reason" and "word." The author plays on this identical root in a constant manner.
13. 2 In Syr. "Spirit" which means also "soul."
14. 3 Ps. xxxiii. 6 (Peshitta).
15. 4Ps. lvi. 10 (Peshitta).
16. 1 Ps. civ. 30.
17. 2 Ps. cxix. 89 (Peshitta).
18. 3 Is. xl. 8.
19. 4 John i. 1.
20. 5John i. 4.
21. 6John xvii. 5.
22. 1 Matt. xxviii. 19.
23. 2 Most of the above Biblical passages are quoted also by the Christian apologist Kindi in his Risalah, pp. 43, 147-148.
24. 1Cf. Matt v. 17.
25. 2 This objection about the circumcision of Christ and the uncircumcision of Christians is also mentioned and refuted by the Christian apologist Kindi, Risalah, p. 109. It is likewise alluded to by the Muslim apologist `Ali Tabari, Kitab ud-Din, pp. 159-160 of my translation.
26. 3 The same Syriac word means both "mystery" and "sacrament"
27. 1 I.e. Temple. Syr. baita d-makdsha from which the Arab, bait al-makdis.
28. 2 This teaching is that of Theodore of Mopsuestia.
29. 1 That the Paradise of Eden was situated in the direction of the East is the opinion of the majority of Eastern Fathers, many of whom believe also that it is found in the firmament. To it, according to them, the souls of the just go till the day of the Resurrection.
30. 2 Kur'an, xix. 16.
31. 1 The Arab, a`udhu billahi.
32. 1 That the name of Muhammad is found in Jewish and Christian Books is the claim made by the Prophet himself in Kur'an, vii. 156: "The ummi prophet whom they find written down with them in the Torah and the Gospel." See also lxi. 6.
33. 2 Is. vii. 14.
34. 3 Is. vii. 14 and ix. 6.
35. 4 Is. xxxv. 4-6.
36. 5 Is. liii. 5.
37. 6 Ps. xvi. 10.
38. 7 Ps. ii. 7.
39. 8 Ps. lxviii. 18.
40. 9 Ps. xlvii. 5.
41. 1 Dan.vii. 13-14.
42. 2 John xiv. 16, 26; xv. 26; xvi. 7; 1 Cor. ii. 10.
43. 3 The Muslims have always believed that the Paraclete spoken of in the Gospel referred to Muhammad. See Kitab ad-Din of Ibn Rabban (pp. 140-141 of my translation), who even corroborates his statement by an appeal to the numerical value of the letters of the word. Many other writers (such as Yahsubi in his shifa) counts the name Paraclete among the various names of the Prophet.
44. 1 Kur'an, vi. 50; vii. 188; xi. 33, etc.
45. 2 John xiv. 17.
46. 1Ps. xxxiii. 6; cir. 30.
47. 2 The bulk of Muslim testimony, based on Kur'an, vii. 156, is to the effect that the name of Muhammad is found in the Gospel. Almost all the work of Ibn Rabban entitled Kitab ad-Din wad-Daulah has been written for the purpose of showing that this name is found in Jewish and Christian scriptures. (See especially pp. 77-146 of my translation.) Cf. Ibn Sa'd's Tabakat, i., ii., 89 and i. i., 123, and see the commentator Tabari on Kur'an, vii. 156, and the historians Ibn Hisham and Tabari.
48. 1 Read samya in sing.
49. 2 Read d-nishre.
50. 3 Muslim tradition, somewhat against Kur'an, xxix. 49, etc., is full of miracles of all sorts attributed to the Prophet. All these miracles have apparently been invented in order to answer the objection of the Christians to the effect that since Muhammad performed no miracle he was not a prophet. Pp. 30-60 of my edition of Ibn Rabban's Apology, the Kitab ad-Din wad-Daulah, have been written for this purpose. The extent to which later tradition amplified this fabulous theme may be gauged by the references given in Wensinck's Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition, pp. 165-168. The theme of the lack of miracles on the part of the Prophet is emphasised by the Christian apologist Kindi, Risalah, pp. 62 sqq. and 67.
51. 1 Read l-Parsaye.
52. 2 Is. xxi. 2.
53. 1 Dan. vii. 5-6.
54. 2 Dan. ii. 31 sqq.
55. 3 Ezech. ix. 9.
56. 4 A great deal is made of this prophecy of Isaiah concerning the rider on an ass and the rider on a camel in Ibn Rabban's Apology the Kitab ad-Din (pp. 95-97 of my edition). The author concludes his references to it in the following words of my own translation: "Are not men of intelligence and science amongst the People of the Book ashamed to attribute such a clear and sublime prophecy to some rude and barbarous people?... Did not the adversaries feel abashed in saying that the rightly guided prophets of the family of Isaac prophesied about the Kings of Babylon, Media, Persia, and Khuzistan, and neglected to mention such an eminent Prophet and such a great and Abrahamic nation?"
57. 5 Gen. xlix. 10 (Peshitta with slight changes).
58. 1 Dan. ix. 24 sqq.
59. 2 Matt. xi. 13.
60. 3 The last of the prophets, according to Muslim apologists, is Muhammad: "If the prophet had not appeared the prophecies of the prophets about Ishmael and about the Prophet who is the last of the prophets would have necessarily become without object." Ibn Rabban's Apology, the Kitab ad-Din, p. 77 of my edition et passim.
61. 1 Read we-azlegh with a waw.
62. 2 This subject of the worship of the Cross is also alluded to at some length by the Christian apologist Kindi in his Risalah, p. 139.
63. 3 Here as above on p. 31 the Arab, a`udhu billahi.
64. 1 Kur'an, iv. 156. The Kurra apparently read the verb as shabbaha and not shubbiha in the time of the Patriarch Timothy.
65. 2 Kur'an, xix. 34.
66. 3 Kur'an, iii. 48. The Syriac marfa` from Arab, wa-rafi`uka.
67. 4Ps. xxii. 16-18 (Peshitta).
68. 5 Is., liii. 5 (Peshitta).
69. 6 Cf, Jer. Lam., iii. 4 and 30 etc.
70. 7 Dan. ix. 26. Read laih.
71. 8Zech. xiii. 7.
72. 1 The Arabic word often used in the Kur'an to express "Apostles." It is of Ethiopic origin.
73. 2 The word "Jew " has been, and is often in our days, a term of derision in the East, where also it indicates weakness and powerlessness.
74. 1 John x. 18.
75. 1 The Arabic Kur'anic word iblis.
76. 2 The Arabic: mutawwa`in bi-sabil il lahi.
77. 3 Syr. ganntha from which the Kur'anic Arabic jannah.
78. 1 I.e. the Kur'an. This Kur'anic word is the Syriac furkana, "salvation."
79. 2 Jer. xxxi. 32-34. This prophecy is with much ingenuity ascribed to Muhammad and to Islam by the Muslim apologist, `Ali b. Rabban Tabari, who concludes his statement as follows: "These meanings cannot be ascribed to any other besides the Muslims." Kitab ad Din, p. 125 of my translation.
80. 3Joel ii. 28-29.
81. 1 Joel ii. 30.
82. 2 The Cod. repeats inadvertently.
83. 3 Cf. Matt. xxv. etc.
84. 4 Deut. xviii. 18.
85. 5 Lit. Ishmaelites.
86. 6 Cod. Joktan ex errore see Gen. xxv. 2.
87. 1 Cf. 1 Kings xiv. 14; Jer. xxx. 10.
88. 2 Arab. Kaum.
89. 1 Great ingenuity is shown by the Muslim apologist, `Ali b. Rabban Tabari, to ascribe this prophecy to Muhammad. We will quote him here in full: "And God has not raised up a prophet from among the brethren of the children of Israel except Muhammad. The phrase, 'from the midst of them' acts as a corroboration and limitation, viz. that he will be from the children of their father, and not from an avuncular relationship of his. As to Christ and the rest of the prophets, they were from the Israelites themselves; and he who believes that the Most High God has not put a distinction between the man who is from the Jews themselves and the man who is from their brethren, believes wrongly. The one who might claim that this prophecy is about the Christ, would overlook two peculiarities and show ignorance in two aspects; the first is that the Christ is from the children of David, and David is from themselves and not from their brethren; the second is that he who says once that the Christ is Creator and not created, and then pretends that the Christ is like Moses, his speech is contradictory and his saying is inconsistent." Kitab ad-Din, pp. 85-86 of my translation.
90. 1 The following pronoun and verb are probably to be used in feminine: lah for lan, tithiledh for nithiledh.
91. 2 Matt. xix. 17.
92. 3 Peshitta Version.
93. 4 John x. 11.
94. 1 Luke vi. 43, etc.
95. 2 That the line of defence of the Christians against the Muslims of the eighth and ninth centuries was to the effect that no prophet will rise after Christ is borne out by the Muslim apologist, `Ali b. Rabban Tabari, who in his Apology (Kitab ad-Din, pp. 15, 17-18 of my edition) quotes against the Christians, Acts xi. 24; xiii. 1; xxi. 9, in which St. Luke speaks of prophets. On the Christian side it is well emphasised by the apologist Kindi in his Risalah, p. 78.
96. 3 Mal. iv. 4-6.
97. 1 Read d-naphne with a Dalath.
98. 2 Luke i. 13-17
99. 3 John i. 29.
100. 4 Matt iii. 11.
101. 5 Luke iii. 16.
102. 1 Is. liii. 8.
103. 2 Cf. Is. li. 9; Prov. viii. 23-24.
104. 3 Cf. Ps. ii. 7; Ixxii. 17; Is. xliv. 2, 24. This prophecy of David, "His name is before the sun" is referred by the Muslim apologist, `Ali b. Rabban Tabari, to Muhammud himself. Kitab-ad-Din, pp. 90 and 115 of my translation.
105. 4 Is. vii. 14.
106. 1 That the Jews and Christians are enemies and that this enmity is a guarantee of the genuineness of the Biblical text is also emphasised by Kindi in his Risalah, p. 150.
107. 1 Or possibly: On another occasion.
108. 2 Here also the Kur'anic Arabic word hawariyun.
109. 1 Arab, tumar.
110. 2 The Paradise of the Kur'an.
111. 1 Put a waw before the verb.
112. 2 Allusion to the Jacobites and Melchites.
113. 1 Cf. the medieval Latin adage: Omne tritium perfectum.
114. 1 The Christian apologist Kindi (Risalah, p. 35) develops this same idea of number one and number three to his adversary `Abdallah b. Ismail al-Hashimi and concludes as follows: "In number (also God is one because) He embraces all sorts of numbers, and number in itself is not numbered. Number, however, is divided into an even number and an odd number, and both even and odd numbers are finally included in the number three." Risalah, p. 36.
115. 2 Gen. i. 26.
116. 1 Gen. iii. 22
117. 2 Gen. xi. 7. The very same argument taken from the plural of majesty to prove the Trinity is used by Kindi in his Apology for Christianity (Risalah, pp. 40-44), where the same Biblical verses are quoted to the same effect.
118. 3 Is. vi. 3.
119. 4 Is. xlviii. 16.
120. 5Ps. xxx. 6 (Peshitta).
121. 6 Matt, xxviii. 19.
122. 7 Kur'an, xix. 17 (read luathah in fem.).
123. 8 Kur'an, xxi. 91 (read bah in fem.).
124. 9 The idea that there was no time in which God could have been devoid of mind and life or otherwise of word and spirit is developed also by Kindi in his Apology for Christianity, Risalah, p. 39.
125. 1 Put a waw before d-akh. This idea is developed by Kindi in his Apology (Risalah p. 42) on the same lines.
126. 2 Ps. xxxiii. 6 (Peshitta).
127. 3 Ps. cm 20.
128. 4Ps. civ. 30.
129. 1 This Kur'anic use of the plural we in connection with God is also taken as an argument in favour of the Trinity by the Christian apologist Kindi. Risalah, p. 42.
130. 2Ps.civ. 4.
131. 3 It would perhaps be better to put the verbs and pronouns of this sentence in plural.
132. 4 Ps. cxlviii. 5.
133. 1 The Patriarch refers here to the mysterious letters placed at the beginning of some Surahs of the Kur'an. It is highly interesting to learn that the Christians at the very beginning of the `Abbasid dynasty understood them to refer to the Holy Trinity. In the Kur'an of our day the letters A.L.R are found before Surahs 10, 11, 12, 14 and 15, and the letters T.S.M. before Surahs xxvi. and xxviii., but the three letters Y.S.M. are not found before any Surah at all, but Surah xxxvi has only the two letters Y.S. Why this last change in our modern Kur'an? There is no question of a copyist's error in the Syriac text, because the letters are named in words and not written in figures only.
134. 2 Kur'anic expressions.
135. 1 Matt. xxviii. 19.
136. 2 Deut. vi. 4.
137. 3 Job. i. 21.
138. 1John passim.
139. 21 Cor. ii. 10.
140. 3 Here also the same Syriac word milltha means "word" and "reason."
141. 4 Gen. i. 26.
142. 1 Gen. iii. 22.
143. 2 Gen. xi. 7.
144. 3 Kur'an xix. 17. (Here also read lwathah in fem.)
145. 4 Kur'an xxi. 91 (Here also read bah in fem.)
146. 1 Ps. cxlvii. 5.
147. 1 Ps. cxix. 89 (Peshitta).
148. 2 Is. xl. 8.
149. 1 The author is constantly playing on the Syriac word milltha which means both "word" and "reason."
150. 2 Cod. is; the reading ith laih seems, however, to be better than ithauh. The Caliph's objection bears on the fact that since God begets, something goes out of Him and He is consequently vacuous.
151. 1 Ps. lxxxix. 19 (Peshitta).
152. 1 Hos. xii. 10.
153. 2 Heb.i. 1.
154. 3 Matt. v. 45.
155. 1 The Caliph Mahdi himself.
156. 2 Harun is of course the future and famous Harun ar-Rashid. About Musa, the other son of the Caliph Mahdi, see Tabari, Annales, iii. 1, pp. 452-458.
157. 1 Ps. ii. 6.
158. 2Ps. ii. 2.
159. 3Ps. it 7.
160. 4 Ps. ii. 12.
161. 5 Ps. cx. 1 and 4.
162. 6 Ps. cx. 3 (Peshitta).
163. 7 The Muslim apologist, `Ali b. Rabban Tabari, argues that the term "lord" in Syriac mara is applied sometimes in the Bible to men, and therefore in Deut. xxxiii. 23; Is. xl. 10-11 and lxiii. 14-16 the word designates Muhammad. See Kitab ad-Din, pp. 87, 100, and 116 of my edition. The idea that the word mara, "Lord," refers sometimes in the Bible to men is of course taken by Tabari from Syrian commentators whom he knew perfectly.
164. 8 Is. vii. 14; Matt. i. 23.
165. 1 Is. ix. 6.
166. 2 John v. 23.
167. 3 John iii. 36, where "believeth" for "honoureth."
168. 4 Kur'an, iv. 169. Cf. iii. 40.
169. 5 Some of the above Biblical verses are quoted also by the Christian apologist Kindi in his Risalah, pp. 146-148.
170. 1 Arab, wali al-'ahd.
171. 2 This expedition of Harun, son of the Caliph Mahdi, against the Byzantines led by Nicetas and governed by the Empress Irene and Leo is told at some length on the Muslim side by Tabari under the year A.H. 165 (A.D. 781), Annales, iii. i. pp. 503-505. Cf. also the historians, Ibn Khaldun, iii. p. 213, and Mukaddasi, p. 150, etc.
172. 3 It appears that this second conversation between Timothy and the Caliph took place in A.D. 781, while Harun, the Caliph's son, had not returned yet from his expedition against the Byzantines. The sentences used in the text do not seem to yield to another interpretation.
173. 4 Is. liii. 2-4.
174. 5Ps. xlv. 2.
175. 6 Is. ix. 6.
176. 1 All these adjectives are known to the Muslim apologist Ibn Rabban. Kitab-ad-Din, p. 83 of my edition.
177. 2 Kur'an xc. 1-3, is interpreted by late Muslim commentators to mean: 'I do not swear by the Lord of the land... nor by the begetter and what He begets.' In the early Islam the first word was evidently read as la-uksimu, 'I shall swear' (with an affirmation), instead of la-uksimu, 'I shall not swear' (with a negation). I believe that the ancient reading and interpretation preserved in the present apology are more in harmony with the Kur'anic text.
178. 3 Kur'an iv. 170. The author is using the Arabic word istankafa as in the Kur'an.
179. 4 2 Sam. vii. 14: Heb. i. 5.
180. 5 Ps. lxxxix. 27.
181. 1 Ps. lxxii. 17 (Peshitta). See above p. 56 how Ibn Rabban, the Muslim apologist, refers this verse to Muhammad.
182. 2 Ps. ii. 8-12 (Peshitta).
183. 3 Matt xxviii. 18.
184. 1 Luke i. 33.
185. 2 Dan. vii. 13-14.
186. 3 About two words are here missing in the MS.
187. 1A third son of Mahdi, nicknamed ibn Ritah. See Tabari, Annales, iii. 3, pp. 137, 501, 522, 1035. The Cod. has erroneously `Alah.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: a_syriac_fragment.htm
E. W. Brooks, A Syriac fragment: Chronicle 754-813 AD, Zeitschrift fär deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 54 (date) pp.195.f.
E. W. Brooks, A Syriac fragment: Chronicle 754-813 AD, Zeitschrift fär deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 54 (date) pp.195.f.
|195
A Syriac Fragment.
By
E. W. Brooks.
The following fragment of a Syriac chronicle occupies parts of four leaves in Brit. Mus. Add. MS 14, 642, beginning at fol. 36v after the close of the Chronicle of 846, the concluding part of which was published by me in ZDMG. 51, p. 569ff., and ending on fol. 39r. The MS is torn at the top and bottom and on one side of every leaf, and there are also gaps and obliterations in other places. The handwriting is of the 10th or 11th century 1 and is so bad that the deciphering of it is sometimes mere guess-work, many letters being to all appearance absolutely identical in shape. The MS is also a palimpsest 2, the Syriac text being written over a Greek Catena Patrum, which considerably adds to the difficulty of deciphering it. On fol. 39v are some Syriac and Arabic scrawls in different hands of different dates.
The fragment contained in these leaves begins with the death of the patriarch Ioannes in Oct. 754 and reaches to the murder of the Caliph Al Amin in Sept. 813 3. As it begins on the verso of a leaf of which the recto contains the end of the Chronicle of 846, we should at first sight be inclined to presume that this was the original beginning of the chronicle; but it seems scarcely credible that it really began at this point, and the slovenly scribe, who was probably short of writing material, may well have continued on this leaf a chronicle which he had begun elsewhere. The question of the end of the chronicle is more difficult. If the scrawls on fol. 39v are all of later date than our MS, it clearly follows that the chronicle ended on fol. 39r, since the scribe would certainly not have left the verso of this leaf blank, if he had had anything to write on it; if however any of the scrawls are of older date, he may have passed it over because it was already |196 scribbled upon. Unfortunately it does not seem possible to decide the question of priority 4; but, as it seems probable that, even if the scrawls already existed, the scribe would have rubbed them out and written over the page, the balance of probability is, as far as the condition of the MS goes, in favour of supposing that the work ended in 813.
The chronicle runs closely parallel to that of Michael, who evidently drew from the same source; on the other hand it shows no resemblance to the Chronicle of 846, the correspondence of which with Michael seems to end in 728. Now the chief source of Michael in this period is probably Dionysios; and the question therefore naturally arises whether our chronicle is a fragment of the lost work of the celebrated patriarch. If the chronicle really ended on fol. 39r, this is clearly impossible, for the chronicle of Dionysios came down to 842 and contained a long account of his own elevation to the patriarchate 5, which could not have been contained in the two lost lines at the bottom of the last page of the MS, Even however if the chronicle did not end on this page, the identification still seems to be impossible, for (1) Michael has some citations from Dionysios which are not in our MS and cannot have been included in the lacunae; (2) There is one distinct discrepancy with Dionysios, our chronicle placing the death of the anti-patriarch John of Kallinikos in AS 1073, while Dionysios, as quoted by Elijah of Nisibis, placed it in AS 1074; (3) In homogeneous narratives, clearly derived from one source, Michael has details not found in our chronicle. This last objection is equally valid if the chronicle is a source of Dionysios, while, as the parallelism with Michael continues to the end, it cannot, if written in 813, be derived from an earlier source. Either therefore the inference as to the end of the chronicle is wrong, or it is a mere series of extracts from some earlier work and is not brought down to the compiler's own time.
As to the subject-matter of the chronicle, it contains few facts. that are not also in Michael, but some of the narratives are given in greater detail. The interests of the chronicler are much more purely ecclesiastical than those of Michael, secular matters other than famines, earthquakes, prodigies, and such matters being scarcely noticed at all. To this however the account of the anarchy in Syria after the death of Al Rashid is a notable exception.
Conjectural supplements, both in the text and in the translation, are enclosed in square brackets. In the text I have tried to represent the number of missing letters in the lacunae by the number of dots. In the translation the marks <> denote that the words thus enclosed appear to have fallen out of the text.
|217
Translation.
And in the year a thousand and sixty-six my lord Ioannes 6 the patriarch fell. asleep in G'zir[tho, and his body was laid to rest at] Bedyo, a village on the river Euphrates. And then Abu Ga`far, also called 'Abd Allaha, [the king,] gave orders to the bishops and compelled them to institute as patriarch Isaac, bishop of Karrhai, who was — — — from the monastery of Karthamin. Now this Isaac had been instituted to Karrhai by Athanasius Send'lono, metropolitan of G'zirtho, in a nefarious and not a godly manner; for he |218 had become a friend of Athanasius and also of the king owing to the following cause. It is said that, when he was living on the hills of Edessa in the monastery called Beth Furkhose, a certain strange monk came to him and lodged with him and was honorably entertained by the same Isaac. And, when he wished to go, the stranger told Isaac to bring him a piece of lead; and, having melted it, he took from his mantle a little wallet, which contained an elixir, [and] he poured some of it on to the lead, and it changed its colour and, as is said, became gold. And, when Isaac saw it, he was smitten with longing to know the art, and he earnestly begged him to teach it him. And he kept saying that he did not know anything about this, but the elixir had been given him by someone else. And, when he. started to go on his way, Isaac went, with him to escort him: and, as they were going along, he smote him and threw him into one of the old wells, which there are on the hills, [and] cast a great stone after him and killed him. And this he did because he thought that he had a large quantity of the elixir with him. And upon searching his mantle he found nothing in it except the wallet; and he repented greatly and blamed himself for killing the monk. And owing [to] this elixir he afterwards became a friend of Send'lono, and he instituted him [bishop] of Karrhai in the hope that he would teach him the art. So also through the same cause he gained the favour of Abu Ga`far the king; and for this reason after the death of Ioannes he assembled the bishops and forced them to make him pat[ria]rch under compulsion; and they instituted him in Rhesaina 7. And, because the wretched man knew that he would not readily be received, he asked the king for a diploma — — —, that he might be received by everyone: and he gave a biruno 8 and a staff out of the treasures of his kingdom. And he promised him that he would go out and collect roots useful for the art and teach him it. And, having after a short time sent after him and discussed it with him and discovered that he was a liar and did not know it aud was deliberately deceiving him, he gave orders, and they strangled him and threw his body into the Euphrates; and he was requited with the destruction that he deserved for killing the poor monk. And thus he was put to death by an evil death 9.
Similarly also after the death of this Isaac the king again put compulsion on the bishops, and they made Athanasius, also |219 called Send'lono. metropolitan of Marty ropolis, patriarch: and be crave him a diploma and imperial soldiers and an imperial order compelling his reception by everyone. And upon arriving at Karrhai be compelled the men to come out to meet him and to receive him with a procession. And upon entering the city he wished to institute `Abdoni, a disciple of the above-mentioned Isaac, as their bishop: and they would not consent, but even shrank with abhorrence from him himself. And at last, being compelled — — — — — a deed that was reprehensible, audacious in character, and easy to detect. For he — — — — — — — certain men, inflamed by zeal, came in upon him by night and threw — — — — — upon him [and suffocated him 10. But] some say that it was at the instigation of the amir of the city that they did this: and they threw — — — — — — and killed him. However it caused many to think that his death was a requital. [And the men] of the monastery 11 took his body and carried it up and laid it in his monastery and laid it [in a coffin] with honour.
After him the bishops assembled and ordained as patriarch over them [George] from B'[eltho]n, a village near Gusith in the territory of Emesa, a man who in his early youth [had been brought up in] the convent called the monastery of Kenneshre: and he was ordained at Hierapolis in the year a thousand [and seventy] of the Greeks in the month of Khonun 12. But among the bishops were John of Kallinikos [and David], bishop of Dara, who were not contented with G[eor]ge and found fault with him; and they were angry, saying, 'Let us [not] pass over learned and — — — men [and] ordain laymen'; because [Geo]rge still wore the white dress. being reckoned [in the order] of deacons. And this they did because each one of them [coveted] the patriarchate for himself. And, when the b[ishops] had separated [— — — — — — — and the bishops] of G'zirtho [had returned] and crossed the Euphrates, [Satan worked upon them, and they appointed as their chief John, bishop of Kallinikos, and instituted him patriarch — — — — — — — ] was his disciple [in the monastery] of K[arka]ftho and [ — — — — — —, a village] adjoining Edessa. And from this time division and schism befell the church. [And John] visited the western districts and part of the country of G'zirtho: [but the] believing inhabitants of Kallinikos drove John from their city 13 and would not consent even [to proclaim his name]. |220
And in the following year, which is the year a thousand and seventy-three, king `Abd Allah Abu Ga`far built [a city on] the Tigris above Ktesiphon and named it Bagdad. And the same year John died 14. [And this] year [there was] a violent hail-storm and such destruction that it is said that each hailstone weighed [8 mathkole].
Now after the death of John, David of Dara was appointed, who in conjunction with John had tried to hinder the election: and the bishops assembled at S'rug and made peace between him and George in the year a thousand, and [seventy]-eight 15. And. as the peace did not last or continue, the impious David went to the king and brought many foul accusations against George before the king: and he kept saying, "He treats us badly and wishes to be come [patriarch] by force": and, when we said to him, "Why do you not carry with you the king's diploma like us?" 16, >, "I do not think it right that the name of their prophet should be admitted to my robe". And the king, having sent and summoned him, asked him about this and investigated it, saying; "Is it true what they say, that you spoke in this way, that the name of our prophet should not be admitted to [your] robe?" He said to him, "I did not say it. His name is manifested in my case in many actions in the drachmai and denarii used in [my] expenditure." And the king knew that for envy they had delivered him" 17. However at first he stretched him on the wheels, and he was beaten to the extent of three lashes only. And, when he required him to teach him the art of alchemy, then he spoke [to him] somewhat as follows;. And, when he asked him, "Why do you not carry with [you a diploma] from us?", he said, "Because it is not my purpose to compel anyone by force to submit to me." And, when the king saw — — — — — — —, nevertheless he gave orders, and they shut him up in prison.
And the king sent and summoned the bishops, and they made David of Dara chief over them: and against their will and desire they named him [their] chief 18; and he gave him a diploma and imperial troops to go about with him. And one might see — — — — how instead of clergymen the altar was thronged by Persians and guards, who compelled [the people] to communicate — — — — by |221 force at the oblation." And so the bishops and believers withdrew from before him, and everyone who, having fled from before him, was found and caught, they cruelly seized and brought and shut up in the prison-house of Karrhai. And so the church remained [in confusion] and with its affairs impeded until David's death and the relaxation of bondage (?) which God granted to — — — — George.
And in the year 1080 there was a severe earthquake, and at Faddono Rabtho the idol was revealed which the Manichees in it used to worship 19.
And this year Abu Ga`far built Raf[ika] by the side of Kall[ini]kos 20.
At this time a woman is said to have been found in the territory of Bokh[ara] who had never received food nor yet sucked milk nor yet drink 21 since the time of [her birth], a truly wonderful and marvellous fact and outside the course of nature. And, when Mahdi, the king's son, heard about [her], he sent after her and fetched her, and he examined the matter [and found] it to be true.
And in the year, a thousand and eighty-three he 22 deposed `Abbas [from G'zirtho] and in his place appointed Musa the son of Mus`ab, a Jew 23. Similarly [in Chalkis also] he appointed [a man] whom they call Musa the son of Sulaiman, both of them fierce and [unjust] men. [And he gathered all the money] of the world into the treasury, until no drachma or [denarius] was to be found [except with the merchants.] And they were distressed — — — — — greatly until they asked for death — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — was the price of it, and an ass the same 24; wheat — — — — — — — — for a drachma 25, and boys and girls who fell [ — — — — for five drachmai a piece — — — — — — — — — — ] suddenly made them drunk. Therefore — — — — — — — — — killed them and took everything [that — — — — — — — — — — — — ].
And at this same time [Abu Ga`far the king died after a reign of twenty]-one [years] and three months and [was succeeded |222 by Mahdi his son. And the same year Con]stantine, king of the Ro[mans, died; and his successor was Leo his son. And both of them set free all] the prisoners and captives. [And the patriarch also came out with them — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ].
And [ — — — — — — — — — — — — —. And in the year eleven hundred] and one of the Greeks — — — — — — — — — —. But an illness [attacked] 26 him in the territory of Klaudias; and [he went up to the monastery of my lord Bar Saumo,] and the commandment of God came upon him, and in it he ended his life, and in it he was [buried.
And in June] of the same year the bishops assembled at Bedyo Z'`urtho in the plain [of Karrhai and made choice] of my lord Joseph from Gubo Baroyo and ordained him patriarch over them. And, after [he had set out] to go to receive a diploma from the king, and had finished his journey and returned, [the commandment of God] came upon him in [the monastery of] my lord Athanasius above Thel Beshmai, and in it he ended his life in the month] of December 27 in the year eleven hundred and three of the Greeks and he ordained one bishop only — — — — — for Helioupolis 28.
And in the year eleven hundred and four of the Greeks the bishops assembled at K[arrhai and on the eighth 29 of] the month of August ordained as chief of the church Cyriac of Thagrith from the monastery of Bizu[no], an eloquent and intelligent man, pure in his character, and holy in his soul and in his body. And after — — — — —, and he was loved by everyone, and everything that he did and ordered turned out according to his will — — — — — — — and as a lord and chief he founded everything that he wished, and he also renewed and reformed what was old — — — — — —, and he was received by everyone with affection and due submission, and there was no adversary [or evil fortune]. And he thought already that affairs would accordingly turn out easily for him — — — — — — — — even to abolish and remove the expression "heavenly bread" from the eucharistic services [of] the church, [since] he said, "It is a new introduction, and one which introduces an addition into the mystery of the Trinity". And he also gave strict orders to the priests, everyone whom he ordained, not to utter it at their commemorations. And he never reflected that George also, his predecessor, had been more zealous against |223 the expression than he was, but; because [he considered] 30 the evil times, and like a wise man who buys his opportunity 31, he did not care [to make] any [pronouncement] about it, making a compromise, because he foresaw the division which was [to happen] because of it. But when certain men who held, to this expression saw [with regard to C]yriac that he was using excommunications and anathemas to deter the priests from uttering it, they were greatly disturbed. And for this reason he assembled a Synod at Beth Bothin, a village in the plain of Karrhai, in the year 1106 of the Greeks. And, after the bishops had held a discussion and an investigation with regard to it, they resolved with regard to it that everyone should use it at his pleasure, and those who uttered it should not blame those who did not, nor yet vice versa: for they could not put forth a pronouncement about it in any other way. And afterwards they established forty other ecclesiastical canons, which the patriarch introduced at this Synod: and there was no one who stood in opposition to his commands. But among the bishops were some who were not very well disposed in their minds towards him, and one of these [was] Severus, bishop of Samosata. And, when his disposition became known to Cyriac, he [went] straight from the council, after it had separated, to his city of Samosata. And, since Se[ve]rus thought — — — — against him and find a pretext because of it, he went and sent to the citizens not to [go out to meet] him nor to open the gates of the church to him. And, when Cyriac came and they did not go out to meet [him nor open] the gate to him, he then went to the governor of the city [and showed him the diploma]; and he gave orders, and the churches were opened to him. And then the patriarch went in[to the church and went up on to the dais] and separated Severus by anathema from all association with Christians. — — — — — — — ] the council, he then went away and prevailed upon the bishops — — — — — — — — and beg him to be reconciled to him [ — — — — — — — and] peace [was made].
And in the year eleven hundred and ten C[onstantine, king of the Romans,] broke out into all kinds of profligacy and lasciviousness; [and he used also to take the daughters] of the Romans and debauch [them. And the leading men told all this] about him [to] his mother: and she [promised that she would depose him. And she put out] his [eyes], and he was blinded: and she [reigned alone.
And in] June of the year eleven hundred [and — — — — teen — — — — — — ] Harun [invaded(?)] 32 the country of the Romans — — — — — — — — — — — — —, who built many [ — — — — — —. |224
And in the year eleven hundred and nine of the Greeks Cyriac the patriarch assembled a council in order to effect a union with the Julianists: And] Gabr[iel] also, who was called; [patriarch] of the Jul[ianists, came] to the council — — — — — —, a simple man and well-instructed in the affairs of the world. And, when they made peace, — — — — — — Gabriel, until they converted him from the opinion which he held and those who were with him, so that they were ready on all points to make the same confession as we do: only however they objected to the proclamation of [the holy] Severus and to anathematizing Julian specially by name. 33; > [departing] from strict accuracy on this point, since he made a compromise as the time required and hoped [that after a time] they would reform what was defective. And it was decided that Cyriac should be proclaimed in their church and Gabriel also [in ours], and each one of them should retain his authority as it stood, until one of them died, and he who [remained — — — — ] last, he should be head of the church. And, when they had ratified the undertakings, my lord Cyriac rose and [went into the church] of Karrhai 34 and gave the communion to Gabriel and those who were with him; and on the following day Gabriel made the oblation, and [communicated] and the council that was with him. However there were some among the bishops with Cyriac who did not accept [the union], because they were ill-affected towards Cyriac, and now they were able to make their disposition clear owing to this [affair] which happened. And they were Bakchos of Beth Kh'rustoyo and Daniel of Edessa 35 and Severus of Samosa[ta and] those [also] who were ordained by Cyriac, Theodosius of Kallinikos and Philoxenos of N[isibis] 36. These men constantly found fault with this union and reviled it and called him — — — — — a heretic and a Julianist; and, if their colleagues had not induced them to give up the idea, they would have murdered [him.] But he, when he saw that they. were murmuring at him and finding fault with his compromise, |225 assembled a Synod [about] the matter; and Gabriel, the chief of the Julianists, came, to it. And he permitted them — — — — — —, whom we have mentioned, to speak with Gabriel as to what they wanted. [And he said to them,] ''You ought to understand and know that, if [I had not been] a complete believer, knowing that truth is on your side, I should not have induced this [people — — — — — — — — ] of the world and have brought and bound them under subjection to you. But, if you want to gain [me only] without taking account of the whole party of the followers of Jul[ian, I will anathematize] Julian in writing or not in writing. But you should know that many of [my] adherents, from simplicity or from ignorance, or, as it would be more true to say — — —, from the custom which has become inveterate in them, object to this same thing, to anathematizing Julian] specially". And, when he saw that the bishops would not consent to this but insisted that he together with the bishops should anathematize Julian, he understood the passions hidden in them, [and] he rose and shook his clothes and said, "Now I know that the determination — — — — is not in God or for the sake of God but from jealousy against your chief, lest [any good thing] should come by [his means. And now] God will require from you the blood of all this people, [whose salvation] you are hindering." [And so] the council was broken up and the union destroyed.
And in the year eleven hundred and fifteen, [in the time] of Harun, it happened that there was a certain man of the tribe of the Kuraish who [ — — — — lived] in Damascus 37, and the rooms which he occupied adjoined the church [of the Christians]. And every day he used to look out of a window which was in his house [at the time of prayer and used to annoy] the priest who was in it, while he was constantly executing his priestly office and performing [the mysterious oblation, by] throwing down upon him straw(?) cakes which he made [out of dust — — — — — — — ] and to vex him out of hatred against our faith. [And God,] who lays down occasions for profit for men beforehand, [had mercy upon him — — — — — — — — ] the end which was to be, [caused] the oblation laid upon the altar, [to appear to him] in the likeness [of a living lamb cut in pieces] in the paten which was upon the altar. And, trembling [at the sight, he went down to the priest:] and so, looking carefully, he saw the [lamb cut in pieces — — — and laid] in the paten, sprinkled with blood 38. [And the presbyter, when he had learned from him] what he had seen, then explained |226 to him [the holy mysteries — — — — — — — — — — — — ] until — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — this — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — a severe [ — — — in] the northern [region], and it lasted about ten — — — — — — — were broken through, nor upon the seed that year, not in Assyria — — — — — — — — — — — — the passover.
And that year and the following was the schism of the Guboye [on account of Ba]kch[os the Ku]rrustoyo, bishop of the territory of Kyrrhos, a man who did not rule [the church] rightly. — — — — or lawfully and had been many times reproved by the pious my lord Cyriac [and had been separated] from his ministry. And, when at last on the intercession of certain bishops he had been reconciled to him, he — — — — — —, seeking an occasion how and by what means he might annoy him. And with this purpose, he induced [the presbyters] to pronounce the expression "heavenly bread", and that in order to irritate him — — — — — — — —. And, when his time came to die, he gathered together the priests and the deacons and the principal persons in his territory [and ordered] them not to abandon this expression and not to receive a bishop in his place except from the [convent]. And. after, his death his disciple who was called Akhs'noyo set out with [others from] Gubo Baroyo, and they went to the patriarch in the district of Antioch and presented to him the ass and the robe [and the staff] of Bakchos; and they asked him to ordain Akhs'noyo over [the church of Kyrrho]s in place of Bakchos. But the patriarch would not consent to this but said, "We will appoint from your convent [to another territory], and from another convent we will appoint your bishop for you, because it is not in accordance with right [that a church should be held like an inheritance] by a convent. And so the monks returned [with Akhs'noyo, and for] this reason they made a schism. And after a time he ordained for them as bishop a man [named Solomon 39 and] sent him to the country, though they did not agree or consent to him. And this he did at the instigation [of — — — — — — 40. And in] truth I say that now an injustice and an error was committed. But nevertheless [the evil increased, not only] because they did not receive the bishop, but because it incensed them yet more. And they set up [ — — — — — — — — and] abandoned the proclamation of the name of Cyriac. And the bishops assembled — — — — — — — — — — — — — — anathematized and rejected Cyriac 41; and they [also] ordained Akhs'n[oyo |227 for themselves illegally 42] because they had not been elected to the bishopric 43. And they wrote [a letter in] an unjust manner, consisting of wicked words, of a kind to cause death, and they went and gave it to Harun the king 44, in which [they made accusations] against Cyriac. But nevertheless God, who at all times cares for the deliverance of those [who serve] him in truth, who promised through his holy apostles — — — — — — — — — — "Behold! I am with you unto the end of the world" 45. — — — — — C[yriac], but, when he was sent for, he was received gently and graciously 46 — — — — — — — — against him in the petition, "He has killed [a certain bishop] called Sim[eon], who was ordained over the country of the Arabians" 47; a man who— — — — — — — — it happened that, while he and two of his disciples were travelling in the country, that [robbers] fell [upon them], because they coveted their mules which they were riding and their wallets, which were full; [and they killed the three of them and] threw their bodies on the road, and this same body was found by [— — — — — — —; and these men said that] the patriarch had hired some Saracens and sent them against them to kill [them. — — — — — — — there was] a great famine for the reason that nothing came in from [ — — — — — — — —. And at] last God sent ravenous beasts against men, who attacked [men in] the daytime and tore them in pieces 48.
But the patriarch, when — — — — — — — — — — — — 49 the king graciously, assembled thirty bishops at [Gubr]in [on account of the Guboye 50. And he sent] after them to invite them to peace; and, when they did not come, [all the bishops anathematized them and excommunicated] them. And they in their boldness and audacity — — — — — — — — — — — —, and they also open[ly] treated the laws of the church with contempt, [and ordained two bishops, Gabrie]l the Gu[be]yo and another called Theo[phanes from the |228 monastery of Eusebuna. And, when] the patri[arch] and the bishops at Gubrin [heard of it, — — — — — — — ] the bishops [— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 51 transgressed against] his orders and [joined the rebels. And the men] whose deprivations [had been] twice [pronounced assembled] and appointed him a false chief, that is a patriarch, over themselves in despite of God and the laws of [the church]. And from this time their heresy was established and founded, [insomuch] that they became a goad and a thorn to the church and corrupters of its laws. And then the wretched A[braham] began to make bishops who were unattached and without provinces, and to send various men who came(?) to go 52 and traverse [the country] and pervert the minds of men.
And in the month of March in the year eleven hundred and twenty [of the Greeks] Harun the king died at Tus, a city in Khurasan, after a reign of 23 years. And [he divided the kingdom] between his three sons, for Mahomet the son of Zubaida he made king in Bagdad, and `Abd Allaha [Mamun] he set over Khurasan, and ordered that after Mahomet's death he should be king, [and Kasim] his son he set over all the countries of G'zirtho. and the West in Hierapolis; and [he] failed to see [that by this] measure he had cast a cause of strife between them. And after their father's death Mamun sent a messenger to Mahomet his brother, who was reigning in succession to his father, asking him to send him his chattels and the money [which] his father [had given] him, a million drachmai, as a compensation for his eldest brother being king, and to send him also his men. And he would not do so but wished to entice him to him, having treachery in his heart; because he had broken the covenants which their father made for |229 them and wished to make his own sons kings after him. And this was the cause of the war which happened through their cupidity; and for this cause they prepared for war against one another. And at last Mahomet was killed by the contrivance of Tahir the son of Husain through the agency of a man called Dandanid 53. And, when it became known to men that strife had arisen between these brothers in the matter of the kingdom, confusion and turmoil befell the world, and everyone plundered and kidnapped and robbed as he could. And the cause and beginning of this was a man called `Amr the Sulaimi, who on account of seditions and murders which he had perpetrated at Samosata was imprisoned in Kallinikos. And when he heard what had happened between these brothers, Mahomet and `Abd Allah, he sent to a kinsman of his, asking him to bring him his horse and his sword and to place it in one of the ruins which there are in Kallinikos. And he asked the governor of the prison for leave to go out and buy bread for himself. And he sent a man with him to guard him and fastened a chain to him. And, having gone out, he continued leading the guard on until they reached the place where his horse was: and, taking his sword from his cousin 54, he killed the man who was conducting him, and he mounted his horse, and his cousin another, and they fled. And he went straight to Samosata and entered it and killed `Abd-All[aha], the amir in it, through whom he had been shut up in the prison. And he left the city with [those] who joined him, and he set out rapidly and went to the country of Palestine: and they began to rob and slay and plunder everyone whom they could overpower. And this first audacious act of `Amr was the beginning of of the evil which befell the world. And these things happened in the month of April in the year 1121. And, when this reached the ears of Nasr the son of Shabath, the `Ukaili, who was [in rebellion] in the country of Armenia and was intercepting traffic on the roads, he set out hastily and came and joined `Amr; and the two of them [united] to plunder and destroy the world. And they went about the countries of Palest[ine] and Syria and Phoenice, plundering and burning and slaying 55 — — — — — — —. And [Na]sr [collected] a force and a colleague (he was the chief of the sons of Si`th Natn (?)); and he separated and went to the country [of S'rug]; and `Amr went to Samosata and built a wall for the upper fortress in it.
And in the year [eleven hundred and] twenty-two Nikopkoros, king of the Romans, died, and [S]tauricius his son reigned over |230 the Ro[mans] after him (now it is said that he was a descendant of the people of the Saracens). And, after Stauricius had reigned five months over the Romans, the Bulgarians assembled and came to the royal city to fight with him. And, when Stauricius went out and fought with [them, they wounded him] in the thigh, [and,] his wound being inflamed from a chill after it had been cut, he died, and [Mi]cha[el, the son-in-law] of Nikophoros, reigned [after him] for one year and seven months. [Some] say [of] Pro[copia the daughter of Nikopho]ros that she poisoned Stauricius her brother in order that [Michael her husband] might reign [instead of him].
And in the month of May 56 — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
[The Syriac text and notes relating to it have been omitted]
1. 1) According to Wright (CBM p. 1041) of the 10th century, but Mr. G. Margoliouth of the British Museum believes that it may be of the 11th.
2. 2) According to Wright it is palimpsest throughout; but I see no trace of Greek writing on fol. 39.
3. 3) It does not end in 811, as Wright states, since it gives the length of Michael's reign besides recording the death of Al Amin.
4. 1) Mr. G. Margoliouth thinks that most of the scrawls are of about the same date as the MS of the chronicle, while none can be shown to be earlier.
5. 2) Quoted by Mich. (see Greg. H. E. 1 p. 347 ff.).
6. 7) The name of this patriarch is always written in the Greek form; cf. ZDMG. 51 p. 57G, and so in Mich. and Greg. His death was in October (Mich. Greg.).
7. 1) The Pseudo-Dionysios also states that Isaac was made patriarch on account of his alchemy (p. 66).
8. 2) Gk. Βιῤῥίον: See Smith Thesaurus col. 521.
9. 3) In AS 1067 (ZDMG. i p. 586). Mich. however in his list of patriarchs (fol. 405 v) gives him 2 years. The Chronicle of 816 says that he died at Al Khufa, which is not on the Euphrates, but on a canal. 'Dion.' agrees with our author that he was strangled, but states that the fate of his body was not known.
10. 1) On June 11 AS 1069 = AD 758 (ZDMG l. c.) According to 'Dion.' (p. 67) different accounts were given of the manner of his death.
11. 2) i. e. the monastery of Karthamin, from which Athanasius came (Greg.)
12. 3) It is not stated whether it was the first or the second Khonun, and there is the same omission in Mich. and Greg.
13. 4) The Pseudo-Dionysios states that in AS 1071 the monasteries and cities of Mesopotamia refused to receive John.
14. 1) Dionysios (ap El. Nis.), Mich., and Greg. all place John's death in AS 1074. The Chronicler of 846 (ZDMG. 51 p. 586) agrees with our text.
15. 2) Ps. Dion. places this Synod in AS 1076.
16. 3) It is very improbable that the other bishops had diplomas, and I suspect the word to be corrupt. See p. 201 note 3.
17. 4) Matt. 27. 18.
18. 5) Mich. says that the Caliph threatened to banish them to China. The arrest of George and election of David are placed by 'Dion.' in AS 1078. The imprisonment of George lasted according to the Chronicle of 846 (ZDMG. 51 p. 587) 10 years, and according to Mich. and Greg, 9 years.
19. 3) Mich. places this in AS 1076.
20. 4) Mich. places this in AS 1083; and so the Arab writers.
21. 5) The verb has perhaps fallen out. Mich. and Greg. "did not require drink".
22. 6) i. e. Al Mansur, not Al Mahdi.
23. 7) The Pseudo-Dionysios (who wrote in 775) places this in AS 1084. He has however previously stated that Al `Abbas was deposed in AS 1078 (p. 120). He has mentioned Ibn Mus`ab as governor of Al Mausil under AS 1081 and AS 1078 (pp. 108, 119).
24. 8) "The price of an ox and an ass was a drachma" Mich. Greg.
25. 9) "Five modduthe of wheat for a drachma" Mich. Greg.
26. 1) This is clearly the supplement needed.
27. 2) Mich. and Greg. "January".
28. 3) Mich. and Greg. "Anthimos for Helioupolis"; but it is hard to supply this name in our text.
29. 4) See p. 204 note 6. Greg. "on the th of August, or according to some manuscripts on the st". Chron. of 846 (ZDMG. 51 p. 588) "on the 15th."
30. 1) This is the sense needed.
31. 2) Eph. 5. 16.
32. 3) There was no invasion by Al Rashid between 783 and 804, but it is hard to see how the sentence can be filled up otherwise.
33. 1) It seems clear that something to this effect is to be here inserted. I supply this from Michael.
34. 2) From this it would seem that the Synod was held at or near Karrhai, which has not been stated, unless it was in the lacuna at the beginning of the narrative. This clause is not in Mich.
35. 3) This Daniel does not appear in the list of bishops of Edessa in Mich. fol. 415r, where the order is "Zachariah, Zachariah, Basil, Theodosius". The ordination of Basil is recorded on fol. 281 v as having taken place at the beginning of Cyriac's patriarchate, and in the list of Cyriac's ordinations on fols. 405v, 406r Basil appears 13th and Theodosius 59th, while Daniel does not appear at all. The 27th ordination however has been accidentally omitted, and the name perhaps stood there. See also Wright CBM pp. 550, 551.
36. 4) This might be rendered "who ordained Cyriac"; but, as Theodosius and Philoxenos occur 20th and 32nd among Cyriac's ordinations in Mich. fol. 405v, I render as above. For Philoxenos see also Greg. HE 1 p. 363.
37. 1) Mich. and Greg. do not give either the place or the date but say only "at this time".
38. 2) So Mich. Greg, says that, when he came down, he saw bread, and when he went up again, he saw a lamb.
39. 2) Mentioned 49th among Cyriac's ordinations in Mich. fol. 406 r.
40. 3) Mich. gives the names of the instigators as John of Berrhoia and Theodosius of Seleukeia, but there is not room to insert these names here.
41. 4) Mich. does not mention this proceeding or the ordination of Akhs'noyo.
42. 1) "illegally" seems to be the sense required.
43. 2) This is perhaps explained by Michael's statement that they were bishops who had been deposed; but this would be a strange way of stating this and we should perhaps read... "he had not been elected".
44. 3) "At Marg Dabik, when he was preparing to enter the country of the Romans" Mich. The date was therefore spring 806.
45. 4) Matt. 28. 20.
46. 5) Mich. says that the Caliph was on his way from Adata to Gubrin. This would be on his return from his campaign in autumn 806.
47. 6) Simeon of Arabia is mentioned 53rd among Cyriac's ordinations in Mich. fol. 406 r.
48. 7) In AS 1110 (Mich. Greg.).
49. 8) The acquittal of Cyriac was probably here recorded.
50. 9) Mich. places this in AS 1118.
51. 1) In this lacuna was probably recorded the formal anathema given at length by Mich. and dated AS 1119. Though the anathema is twice recorded by Mich. it may be doubted whether tho first mention of it both here and in Mich. is more than an anticipation. The statement below that they had been twice deprived is against postulating two deprivations on this occasion; cf. p. 227 note 2.
52. 3) "To make bishops - - - - - - who went about" Mich. The text can hardly be correct; see p. 214 note 7.
53. 1) i. e. Al Dandani.
54. 3) "Uncle's son."
55. 4) Of the three words which follow I can make nothing.
56. 2) This probably refers to the total eclipse of the sun recorded by Michael on May 14, 812; so Greg. Chron. Syr. p. 136.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek and Syriac text is rendered using unicode. The Syriac is best rendered with the Meltho fonts.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: photius_01toc.htm
Photius: Bibliotheca. Table of contents
Photius: Bibliotheca -- Contents
Here is a list of the codex number, and the work reviewed. Titles are derived from FREESE for codd. 1-165; beyond that, translated from Rene Henry. CPG numbers are from RH.
Note that the translations of codices 166 ff. are not public domain.
Letter-Introduction
1 Theodore the Presbyter, On the Genuineness of the works of Dionysius the Areopagite
2 Hadrian the monk, Introduction to the scriptures [CPG 6527]
3 Nonnosus, History
4 Theodore of Mopsuestia, For Basil Against Eunomius [CPG 3859]
5 Sophronius, For Basil Against Eunomius
6 Gregory of Nyssa, For Basil Against Eunomius [CPG 3135?]
7 Gregory of Nyssa, For Basil Against Eunomius [CPG 3136?]
8 Origen, De Principiis [CPG 1482]
9 Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica [CPG 3486]
10 Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica [CPG 3487]
11 Eusebius, Praeparatio Ecclesiastica
12 Eusebius, Demonstratio Ecclesiastica
13 Eusebius, Refutation and defence
14 Apollinarius, Against the Heathen, On Piety, and On Truth
15 Gelasius of Cyzicus, Acts of the First Council - Nicaea
16 Acts of the Third Council - Ephesus
17 Acts of the Fourth Council - Chalcedon
18 Acts of the Fifth Council - Constantinople
19 Acts of the Sixth Council - Constantinople II
20 Acts of the Seventh Council - Nicaea II
21 John Philoponus, On the Resurrection [CPG 7272]
22 Theodosius the Monk, Refutation of John Philoponus
23 Conon, etc, Invectives against John Philoponus [CPG 7283]
24 Acts of a disputation between Tritheites and Hesitators
25 John Chrysostom, Notes on Death & Homilies [CPG 4343]
26 Synesius of Cyrene, On Providence, On the Kingdom [CPG 5630-1, 5640]
27 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History [CPG 3495]
28 Socrates, Ecclesiastical History [CPG 6028]
29 Evagrius Scholasticus,
Ecclesiastical History [CPG 7500]
30 Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History [CPG 6030]
31 Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History [CPG 6222]
32 Athanasius, Letters
33 Justus of Tiberias, Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews
34 Julius Africanus, Chronography [CPG 1690]
35 Philip of Side, Christian History [CPG 6026]
36 Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography [CPG 7468]
37 Anon., On Government
38 Theodore of Mopsuestia, Commentary on Genesis [CPG 3827]
39 Eusebius, Against Hierocles [CPG 3485]
40 Philostorgius, Ecclesiastical History [CPG 6032]
41 John of Aegae, Ecclesiastical History
42 Basil the Cicilian, Ecclesiastical History
43 John Philoponus, On the Hexaemeron [CPG 7265]
44 Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana
45 Andronicianus, Against the Eunomians
46 'Theodoret', Against Heresies [CPG 6215]
47 Flavius Josephus, Jewish War
48 'Flavius Josephus' (Probably Hippolytus), On the Universe [CPG 1898]
49 Cyril of Alexandria, Against Nestorius [CPG 5217]
50 Nicias the monk, Against the Seven Chapters of Philoponus
51 Hesychius, On the Brazen Serpent
52 Acts of the synod of Side, 383, against the Messalians
53 Acts of the synod of Carthage, 412 or 411, against the Pelagians
54 A Copy of the Proceedings taken against the Doctrines of Nestorius by the Bishops of the West
55 John Philoponus, Against the Fourth Council [CPG 7271]
56 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Against Heresies [CPG 6223]
57 Appian, Roman History
58 Arrian, Parthica
59 Acts of the Synod of the Oak, 403
60 Herodotus, History
61 Aeschines, Against Timarchus; On the False Embassy; and Against Ctesiphon
62 Praxagoras of Athens, History of Constantine the Great
63 Procopius, History
64 Theophanes of Byzantium, History
65 Theophylact Simocatta, Histories
66 Nicephorus, Historical Epitome
67 Sergius the Confessor, History
68 Cephalion, Historical Epitome
69 Hesychius Illustrius, History
70 Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library
71 Cassius Dio, History
72 Ctesias, Persica; History of India
73 Heliodorus, Aethiopica
74 Themistius, Political Orations & Lesbonax, Speeches
75 John Philoponus, On the Trinity against John Scholasticus [CPG 7268]
76 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews
77 Eunapius, Chronicle
78 Malchus, Byzantine History
79 Candidus, History
80 Olympiodorus, Histories
81 Theodore of Mopsuestia, On Persian Magic and wherein it differs from Christianity [CPG 6213]
82 Dexippus, History; Historical Epitome
83 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Histories
84 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Synopsis of the Histories
85 Heraclian, Against the Manichaeans [CPG 6801]
86 John Chrysostom, Letters [CPG 4402-3, 4405]
87 Achilles Tatius, Adventures of Clitophon and Leucippe
88 Gelasius of Cyzicus, Proceedings of the Synod of Nicaea [CPG 6034]
89 Gelasius of Caesarea, Continuation of the History of Eusebius Pamphili [CPG 3521]
90 Libanius, Various
91 Arrian, History of the Reign of Alexander
92 Arrian, Continuation
93 Arrian, Bithynica
94 Iamblichus, Dramaticon
95 John Scythopolita, Against Schismatics
96 George of Alexandria, Life of St. Chrysostom [CPG 7979]
97 Phlegon of Tralles, Collection of Chronicles and List of Olympian Victors
98 Zosimus, New History
99 Herodian, History
100 The Emperor Hadrian, Declamations
101 Victorinus, Panegyrics on the Emperor Zeno
102 Gelasius of Caesarea, Against the Anomoeans [CPG 3520]
103 Philo Judaeus, Allegories of the Sacred Laws, and On the Civil Life
104 Philo Judaeus, On the Essenes and Therapeutae
105 Philo Judaeus, Censure of Gaius and Censure of Flaccus
106 Theognostus of Alexandria, Outlines [CPG 1626]
107 Basil of Cicilia, Against John Scythopolita
108 Theodore of Alexandria, Against Themistius [CPG 7295]
109 Clement of Alexandria, Outlines [CPG 1380]
110 Clement of Alexandria, The Tutor [CPG 1376]
111 Clement of Alexandria, The Miscellanies [CPG 1377]
112-3 Clement of Rome, Apostolic Constitutions and Recognitions [CPG 1730]
114 Lucius of Charinus, Circuits of the Apostles: Acts of Peter, Acts of John, Acts of Andrew, Acts of Thomas, Acts of Paul
115 Anonymous, Against the Quartodecimans - Metrodorus, On the date of Easter
116 Anonymous, A Third Volume on the Holy Easter Feast, in eight books
117 Anonymous, In Defense of Origen
118 Pamphilus & Eusebius, Defense of Origen [CPG 1715]
119 Pierius, Homilies
120 Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses [CPG 1306]
121 Hippolytus, Against Heresies [CPG 1897]
122 Epiphanius, Panarion [CPG 3745]
123 Epiphanius, Ancyrotus [CPG 3744]
124 Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures
125 Justin Martyr, Apology [CPG 1073, 1076, 1084]
126 Clement of Rome, Letters to the Corinthians - Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians
127 Eusebius, Life of Constantine [CPG 3496]
128 Lucian, Dialogues
129 Lucius of Patrae, Metamorphoses
130 Damascius
131 Amyntianus, On Alexander
132-5 Palladius etc, Declamations
136 Cyril of Alexandria, Thesauri [CPG 5215]
137 Eunomius of Cyzicus, Apology [CPG 3455]
138 Eunomius, Against Basil and Letters [CPG 3456]
139 Athanasius, Commentary on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs [CPG 2141]
140 Athanasius, Against Arius and his doctrines [CPG 2093]
141 Basil, The Six Days' Work [CPG 2835]
142 Basil, Moral Discourses [CPG 2877]
143 Basil, Letters [CPG 2900]
144 Basil, Ascetica [CPG 2876 or 2875]
145 Helladius, Lexicon
146 Anon., Lexicon of the 'pure style'
147 Anon., Lexicon of the 'serious style'
148 Anon., Lexicon of the 'political style'
149 Valerius Pollio, Lexicon
150 Julian, Lexicon -- Philostratus, Lexicon -- Valerius Diodorus, Lexicon
151 Timaeus, Lexicon to Plato
152 Aelius Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lexicon of Attic Words
153 Pausanias, Lexicon
154 Boethus, List of Platonic Words
155 Boethus, On the Words of Doubtful Meaning in Plato
156 Dorotheus, Of New and Foreign Words in Plato
157 Moeris, Attic Words
158 Phrynichus the Arabian, Rhetorical Equipment
159 Isocrates, Orations, Letters
160 Choricius, Declamations
161 Sopater, Various Extracts
162 Eusebius of Thessalonica, Against the Aphthartodocetae
163 Vindanius Anatolius of Berytus, A Collection of Agricultural Precepts
164 Galen, On Medical Schools
165 Himerius, Declamations
>166 Antonius Diogenes, The unbelievable marvels to be found beyond Thule
167 Stobaeus, Extracts, Sentences and precepts
168 Basil of Seleucia, Discourse [CPG 6656]
169 Cyril of Alexandria, Against Nestorius
170 Anon, Summary of texts predicting Christianity
171 Eustratius of Constantinople, On the status of souls after death
172-4 John Chrysostom, Homilies on Genesis, etc [CPG 4409, etc]
175 Pamphila, Miscellaneous Historical Notes
176 Theopompus, Philippica.
177 Theodore of Mopsuestia, Against the defenders of original sin [CPG 3860]
178 Dioscorides, Medical handbook
179 Agapius, Manichaean pamphlets
180 John the Lydian, On prodigies, etc
181 Damascius of Damascus, On the life of the philosopher Isidore
182 Eulogios of Alexandria, Against Navatus
183 Eudocius, Paraphrase of the Octateuch [CPG 6022]
184 Eudocius, Paraphrase of Zechariah, etc [CPG 6023-4]
185 Dionysius of Aegae, 'Dictyaques' (?)
>186 Conon etc, Narrations
187 Nicomachus of Gerasa, Arithmetical Theology
188 Alexander of Mindos, Collection of marvels. -- Protagoras, Universal Geography
189 Sotion, etc, Strange stories
190 Ptolemy Hephaestion (=Ptolemy Chennus), New History
191 Basil of Caesarea, Ascetics [CPG 2875]
192A Maximus the Confessor, Questions to Thalassios [CPG 7688]
192B Maximus the Confessor, Letters (27) [CPG 7699]
193 Maximus the Confessor, Various [CPG 7692-3]
194 Maximus the Confessor, Various letters and theological centuries [CPG 7699, 7694, 7700, 7705]
195 Maximus the Confessor, Letter and dialogue between Pyrrhos and Maximus [CPG 7698]
196 Ephrem of Nisibis, Various 'parénèses' [CPG 3905, 3906, 3933, 3936, 3942]
197 Cassian, Three works
198 Anon., Summary of a spiritual prayer
199 John Moschos, Spiritual prayer
200 Mark the Monk, Various works [CPG 6090-4, 6097-6100]
201 Diadochus of Photicia, Various works
202 Hippolytus of Rome, Commentary on Daniel and On Christ [CPG 1872-3]
203 Theodoret of Cyr, Commentary on Daniel [CPG 6027]
204 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Questions on the Octateuch [CPG 6200]
205 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Commentaries on the 12 prophets [CPG 6208]
206 Procopius of Gaza, Various scholia
207 Procopius of Gaza, Commentary on Isaiah [CPG 7434]
208 Eulogios of Alexandria, Against the Navatians [CPG 6976]
209 Dion of Prusa, Discourses (80)
210 Caesarius of Nazianzen (Ps.-), Questions and responses [CPG 7482]
211 Dionysius of Aegae, 'Dictyaques' (?)
212 Aenesidemus, Pyrrhonian writings
213 Agatharchidus of Cnidos, On the Red Sea
214 Hierocles, On providence and destiny
215 John Philoponos, Against the treatise on the statues of Jamblichus
216 Oribasius, Epitome of the works of Galen
217 Oribasius, Medical collection
218 Oribasius, Epitome of the Medical collection
219 Oribasius, Euphoristes
220 Theon of Alexandria, The man
221 Aetius of Amida, Work on medicine
222 Job the monk, On the incarnation [CPG 6984]
>223 Diodorus of Tarsus, Against destiny [CPG 3821]
224 Memnon of Heraclea, History of Heraclea
225 Eulogios of Alexandria, Against Severus and Theodosius [CPG 6976]
226 Eulogios of Alexandria, Against Theodosius and Severus [CPG 6976]
227 Eulogois of Alexandria, Against the Theodosians and Gaianites [CPG 6976]
228 Ephrem of Antioch, Letters and sermons [CPG 6908]
229 Ephrem of Antioch, Four works [CPG 6908]
>230 Eulogios of Alexandria, Various treatises [CPG 6976]
231 Sophronius of Jerusalem, Synodical letter to Sergius of Constantinople [CPG 7635]
232 Stephen Gobar, Miscellany [CPG 7300]
233 Germain of Constantinople, On the true and legitimate retribution [CPG 8022]
234 Methodius of Olympus, On the resurrection [CPG 1812]
235 Methodius of Olympus, On creatures [CPG 1817]
236 Methodius of Olympus, On arbitary freedom [CPG 1811]
237 Methodius of Olympus, Banquet of 10 virgins [CPG 1810]
238 Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews
239 Proclus, Manual of Litterature
240 John Philoponus, On the Hexameron [CPG 7265]
241 Philostratus of Tyre, Life of Apollonius of Tyana
>242 Damascius of Damascus, Life of the Philosopher Isidore
243 Himerius, Declamations
244 Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library
245 Plutarch of Chaeronea, Parallel Lives
>246 Aelius Aristides, Panathenaicus
247 Aelius Aristides, For rhetoric against Plato
248 Aelius Aristides, General apology
249 Anon, Life of Pythagoras
250 Agatharchidus of Cnidos, On the Red Sea
251 Hierocles, On providence
252 Anon., Life of St. Gregory the Great
253 Anon., Martyrology of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus
254 Anon., Martyrology of the apostle Timothy
255 Anon., Martyrology of St. Demetrius
256 Anon., Life of the holy fathers Metrophanus and Alexander
>257 Anon., Life of Paul of Constantinople
258 Anon., Life of Athanasius of Constantinople
259 Antiphon, Orations
260 Isocrates, Orations
261 Andocidus, Orations
262 Lysias, Orations
263 Isaeus, Orations
264 Aeschines, Orations
265 Demosthenes, Orations
266 Hyperidus, Orations
267 Dinarchus, Orations
268 Lycurgus, Life
269 Hesychius of Jerusalem, Eulogy of St. Andrew [CPG 6571]
270 John Chrysostom, Sermon on St. Paul
271 Asterius of Amaseus, Homilies [CPG 3260-1]
272 Leontius of Arabissos, On the creation and on Lazarus
273 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, On St. John Chrysostom [CPG 6225]
274 John Chrysostom, Various sermons
275 Hesychius of Jerusalem, etc, Homily on James the brother of the Lord [CPG 6574]
276 Nilus of Ancyra, Fragments of homilies [CPG 6078]
277 John Chrysostom, Extracts of various homilies
278 Theophrastus of Eresos, Extracts of various treatises
279 Helladius, Chrestomathy
280 Eulogios of Alexandria, Against the Navatians [CPG 6976]
Postscript
CPG=M. GEERARD, Clavis Patrum Graecorum, I-IV, Turnhout: Brepols (1974-83).
>=The start of a new volume in R.Henry
I am aware this is a wretched translation of Henry's table of contents. Improvements are welcome.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 15th July 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: photius_02epreface.htm
Photius: Bibliotheca. Preface to the online edition
PREFACE TO THE ONLINE EDITION
I have placed online the text of J.H. Freese' English translation of codices 1-165. This was published in 1920, but no further volumes ever appeared. This text is now in the public domain.
The remainder has not been translated into English, with the exception of selected codices by N.G. Wilson in 1994. The whole has been translated into French by René Henry -- not very well, according to Wilson.
I am purely an amateur interested in antiquity. I had the good fortune to do some Latin at school; sadly Greek even in the 1970's was no longer part of the curriculum. So I am unable to translate the Greek text myself. In the last 5 centuries there must have been millions of English-speakers with a command of Greek, but none of them have ever chosen to perform the task.
From time to time, I am asked what the French text of Henry says by persons who are interested. These people like myself lack Greek, and have even less command of French than myself.
It seemed to me that there would be value in placing my translations of Henry online. Les Belles Lettres have kindly agreed to my request for permission to do this. Material derived from Henry is therefore their copyright, and marked as such, and may not be placed elsewhere. I have also modified the text in some places from Wilson, from the Greek, and from the Latin translation in the Patrologia Graeca.
I hope no-one will be so ungracious as to point out the wretched nature of this performance. None know it better than myself. But when those who could do the task will not, then those of us whose only qualification is a willingness to try must fill up the gap. Needless to say, corrections are very welcome! Should anyone feel inclined to do some translating from the Greek (or even from Henry), such contributions would be very welcome. The intention is to make the work better known, less cited, and more often read.
Roger Pearse
July 2002
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 15th July 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: photius_02preface.htm
Photius: Bibliotheca. Preface to SPCK edition by J.H.Freese
PREFACE TO SPCK EDITION
IT is proposed to issue the present translation of the Bibliotheca of Photius in five volumes; a sixth will contain an account of his life and works, a Bibliography, and a General Index to the whole.
A translator of the Bibliotheca has apparently an open field. So far as can be ascertained, no complete version exists in English or any other modern language, although there are English translations or editions of some of the longer extracts (e.g. Ctesias' Indica), of some of the literary criticisms,1 of selected codices (chiefly on profane authors) in Italian by G. Compagnoni,2 a well-known Milanese literary man and statesman (1754-1834), and of the whole in Latin by the learned Jesuit Andreas Schott3 in Migne's Patrologia Graeca (vol. ciii.).
The text 4 is unfortunately in many places unsatisfactory, and no critical edition has been attempted for nearly a hundred years—since 1824, the date of Immanuel Bekker's edition. The nature of the work, a sort of enlarged table of contents, often leaves the meaning and connexion obscure, when there exist no complete texts5 or other means of supplementing it. The present translator, in the endeavour to obtain as satisfactory a rendering as possible, has constantly consulted the most important literary, theological, and historical works and encyclopaedias bearing on the wide field covered by the extensive reading of Photius. Naturally, there is little scope for elegance of translation, and in the literary criticisms it is by no means easy to find a correct and adequate English equivalent for the terms used.
In the matter of notes, the number of personal and geographical names, of historical allusions, is so large that any attempt to deal with them at length would have swamped the text and reduced it to a kind of peg on which to hang a miniature encyclopaedia. In the case of persons familiar to all only a brief note has been given, sufficient for the purposes of identification (often necessary where there are several persons of the same name), so that those desirous of further information should know for whom to look in the usual biographical and other dictionaries. In the case of names less familiar and points arising directly from the text, the details given are somewhat fuller. In the Bibliography a list of the most useful general works of reference and of special editions or accounts of the authors criticised in the Bibliotheca will be given. The present work makes no claim to contain a complete exegetical or critical commentary, but is a somewhat free translation intended to give the ordinary reader an idea of the literary activity of the chief representative of the so-called Byzantine Renaissance.
J.H.FREESE.
1920
1 G. Saintsbury, History of Criticism, i.176; La Rue van Hook in Transactions of the American Philological Association (xxxviii. 1907) and Classical Philology (iv. Chicago, 1909), and here and there in books such as Hodgkin's Italy and her Invaders, Bury's Later Roman Empire.
2 Vols. xlv. xlvi. of Biblioteca Scelta di opere greche e latine.
3 Born and died at Antwerp (1552-1629). After a wandering life he finally settled down as professor of Greek at the Jesuit college in his native city. He was an indefatigable translator and editor. The translation of Photius is of unequal merit, and it is supposed that in parts it is the work of a young and less competent colleague.
4 See E. Martini, Textgeschichte der Bibliothek des Patriarchen Photios (1911).
5 It would be difficult, for instance, to get a clear idea of the story of Heliodorus's Theagenes and Chariclea from Photius's abstract alone.
[NOTE: A complete version with facing Greek text and French translation does now exist, edited by René Henry. Only vol. 1 of Freese's translation was ever issued.]
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AUTHORS CRITICISED IN VOL. I
Achilles, Tatius. Clitophon and Leucippe (LXXXVII)
Acts of the disputation of heretics, held before John, patriarch of Constantinople (XXIV)
Adrian (Hadrian). Introduction to the Scriptures (II)
Adrian (Hadrian), emperor. Declamations (C)
Aeschines. Orations and Letters (LXI)
Against the Jews and Quartodecimans. Anonymous (CXV)
Amyntianus. On Alexander the Great (CXXXI)
Andronicianus. A gainst the Eunomians (XLV)
Aphthonius. Declamations (CXXXIII)
Apolinarius of Hierapolis. Against the Heathen, On Piety and Truth (XIV)
Apology for Origen and his Doctrines. Anonymous (CXVII)
Appian. Roman History (LVII)
Arrian. Parthica, Bithynica, Discourses of Epictetus (LVIII); Indica, Campaigns of Alexander the Great (XCI): Events after the Death of Alexander (XCII); Bithynica, The Acts of Dion and Timoleon (XCIII)
Athanasius. Letters (XXXII); Commentary on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs (CXXXIX); Against Arius (CXL)
Basil of Cilicia. Ecclesiastical History (XLII); Against John Scythopolita (CVII)
Basil the Great. Refutation of Eunomius (CXXXVIII); Ascetica (CXLIV); Hexaemeron (CXLI); Moral Discourses (CXLII); Letters (CXLIII)
Boethus. List of Platonic Words (CLIV); Doubtful Words in Plato (CLV)
Caius (Gaius) Presbyter. On the Universe (XLVIII)
Candidus. Histories (LXXIX)
Cephalion. Historical Epitome (LXVIII)
Charinus, Lucius. Travels of the Apostles.(CXIV)
Choricius. Declamations (CLX)
Clement (Titus Flavius Clemens), presbyter, of Alexandria. Outlines (CIX); The Tutor (CX); Stromateis (CXI)
Clement (Clemens Romanus), bishop of Rome. Apostolic Constitutions, Recognitions (CX I, CXIII); Epistles to the Corinthians (CXXVI)
Conon. Against Philoponus (XXIII)
Cosmas Indicopleustes. Christian Topography, Exposition of the Octateuch (XXXVI)
Ctesias. Persica (LXXII)
Cyril of Alexandria. Against Nestorius (XLIX); Thesauri (CXXXVI)
Damascius. Incredible Things (CXXX)
Dexippus. Events after the Death of Alexander, Historical Epitome (LXXXII)
Diodorus. Lexicon to the Ten Orators (CL)
Diodorus Siculus. History (LXX) Diodorus of Tarsus. On the Holy Spirit (CII)
Dio(n) Cassius. History (LXXI)
Dionysius of Halicarnassus. History (LXXXIII, LXXXIV)
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Aelius. Attic Words (CLII)
Dorotheus. New and Foreign Words in Plato (CLVI)
Epiphanius. Panaria (CXXII), Ancoratus (CXXIII); Weights and Measures (CXXIV)
Eugenius. Against Philoponus (XXIII)
Eunapius. Chronicle (continuing Dexippus) (LXXVII)
Eunomius. Heretical treatise (CXXXVII); its refutation by Basil (CXXXVIII)
Eusebius (sophist). Declamations (CXXXIV)
Eusebius of Caesarea. Various Writings (IX-XIII); Ecclesiastical History (XXVII); Against Hierocles (XXXIX); Defence of Origen (CXVIII); Life of Constantine (CXXVII)
Eusebius of Thessalonica. Against Andrew the Monk (CLXII)
Evagrius. Ecclesiastical History (XXIX)
Gaius, see Caius
Galen. On Medical Schools (CLXIV)
Gelasius of Cyzicus. Proceedings of the First Synod (XV); Ecclesiastical History (LXXXVIII);
Preface to Additions to the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius (LXXXIX); Against the Anomoeans (CII)
George, bishop of Alexandria. Life of John Chrysostom (XCVI)
Gregory of Nyssa. In Support of St. Basil against Eunomius (VI, VII)
Heliodorus. Aethiopica (LXXIII) Helladius. Lexicon (CXLV)
Heraclian, bishop of Chalcedon. Against the Manichaeans (LXXXV)
Herodian. History (XCIX)
Herodotus. History (LX)
Hesychius Illustrius (of Miletus). History, Acts of Justin the Elder (LXIX)
Hesychius (presbyter, of Constantinople). Discourses on the Brazen Serpent (LI)
Himerius. Declamations (CLXV)
Hippolytus Romanus. Against Heresies (CXXI)
Iamblichus. Rhodanes and Sinonis (XCIV)
Irenaeus. Against Heresies (CXX)
Isocrates. Orations (CLIX)
John Chrysostom. Letters to Olympias and Others (LXXXVI)
John Philoponus. On the Resurrection (XXI); On the Creation (XLIII); Against the Fourth Synod (LV); Against John Scholasticus, patriarch of Constantinople (LXXV)
John (presbyter, of Aegae). Ecclesiastical History(XLI); Against the Fourth Synod (LV)
John Scythopolita. Against the Eutychians (XCV)
Josephus. On the Universe (XLVIII); On the Jewish War (XLVII); On the Antiquities of the Jews (LXXVI)
Julian. Lexicon to the Ten Orators (CL)
Julius Africanus. History (XXXIV)
Justin Martyr. Apology (CXXV)
Justus of Tiberias. Chronicle of the Jewish Kings (XXXIII)
Lesbonax. Political Orations (LXXIV)
Lexica. Of the Pure Style (CXLVI); Of the Serious Style (CXLVII); Of Political Style (CXLVIII); Of the Ten Orators (CXLV-CLIX)
Libanius. Orations and Letters (XC)
Lucian. Various Works. Dialogues of the Dead and Of Courtesans (CXXVIII)
Lucius of Patrae. Metamorphoses (CXXIX)
Malchus. History (LXXVIII)
Maximus. Declamations (CXXXV)
Metrodorus. On Easter (CXV)
Moeris. The Atticist (CLVII)
Nicephorus, patriarch of Constantinople. Historical Epitome (LXVI)
Nicias (the monk). Against Philoponus, Severus, and the Heathen (L)
Nonnosus. History (III)
Olympiodorus. History (LXXX)
On the Easter Festival (Anonymous) (CXVI)
Orators, the ten, Lexica to (CXLV-CLIX)
Origen. On First Principles (VIII)
Palladius. Declamations (CXXXII)
Pamphilus. Apology for Origen (CXVIII)
Pausanias. Lexicon (CLIII)
Philip of Side. Christian History (XXXV)
Philo Judaeus. Allegories of the Sacred Laws and On Political Life (CIII); On the Essenes and Therapeutae (CIV); His Censure of the Emperor Caius and Flaccus (CV)
Philostorgius. Ecclesiastical History (XL)
Philostratusof Tyre. Life of Apollonius of Tyana (XLIV)
Phlegon of Tralles. List of Olympic Victors and Chronicle (XCVII)
Phrynichus the Arabian. Oratorical Equipment (CLVIII)
Pierius Presbyter. Various Writings (CXIX)
Pollio. Lexicon (CXL X)
Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians (CXXVI)
Praxagoras. Life of Constantine the Great (LXII)
Proceedings of the bishops of the West against the Nestorians and Pelagians (LIV)
Procopius of Caesarea. Histories (LXIII)
Procopius of Gaza. Orations; Translations of Homer (CLX)
Sergius Confessor. History (LXVII)
Socrates. Ecclesiastical History (XXVIII)
Sopater. Excerpts (CLXI)
Sophronius. In Defence of Basil against Eunomius (V)
Sozomen. Ecclesiastical History (XXX)
Synesius. Writings (XXVI) Synod of "The Oak" (LIX) Synod of Side (LII) Synods, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh (XVI-XX)
Themistius. Commentaries on Aristotle and Plato; Political Orations (LXXIV); Apology for Theophobius (CVIII)
Theodore of Alexandria, monk. Against Themistius (CVIII)
Theodore of Antioch. In Defence of Basil against Eunomius (IV); Commentary on Genesis (XXXVIII); On Persian Magic (LXXXI)
Theodoret. Ecclesiastical History (XXXI, LVI), Eranistes (XLVI)
Theodorus Presbyter. On the Writings of Dionysius the Areopagite (I)
Theodosius, monk. Against John Philoponus (XXII)
Theognostus of Alexandria. Outlines (CVI)
Theophanes of Byzantium (LXIV)
Theophylact Simocatta (LXV)
Timaeus. Platonic Lexicon (CLI)
Victorinus, son of Lampadius. Consular Orations (CI)
Vindanius Anatolius. Works on Husbandry (CLXIII)
Zosimus, Count. History (XCVIII)
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, rd July 2002. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: photius_03bibliotheca.htm
Photius, Bibliotheca or Myriobiblion (Cod. 1-165, Tr. Freese)
PHOTIUS
BIBLIOTHECA OR MYRIOBIBLON1
Register and enumeration of the books read by us, 279 in number, of which our beloved brother Tarasius desired to have a summary.2
Photius, to his beloved brother Tarasius, in the name of the Lord, greeting.
MY DEAREST BROTHER TARASIUS,
After our appointment as ambassador to Assyria3 had been confirmed by the assent of the embassy 4 and approved by the emperor, you asked to be furnished with summaries of those works which had been read and discussed during your absence. Your idea was to have something to console you for our painful separation, and at the same time to acquire some knowledge, even if vague and imperfect, of the works which you had not yet read in our company. We believe that their number is exactly 279. Accordingly, regarding the fulfilment of your request as a sacred obligation, we engaged a secretary, and set down all the summaries we could recollect. No doubt we have not been expeditious enough to satisfy your feverish eagerness and vehement desire, but still we have been quicker than might have been expected. The summaries will be arranged in the order in which our memory recalls them. Certainly, it would not be difficult, if one preferred it, to describe historical events and those dealing with different subjects under separate headings. But, considering that nothing would be gained by this, we have set them down indiscriminately as they occurred to us.5 If, during your study of these volumes, any of the summaries should appear to be defective or inaccurate, you must not be surprised. It is no easy matter to undertake to read each individual work, to grasp the argument, to remember and record it; but when the number of works is large, and a considerable time has elapsed since their perusal, it is extremely difficult to remember them with accuracy. As to the commonplaces met with in the course of our reading, so simple that they can hardly have escaped your notice, we have devoted less attention to them, and have purposely refrained from examining them carefully. You will be better able than ourselves to decide whether these summaries will do more than fulfil your original expectations as to their usefulness. Certainly, such records will assist you to refresh the memory of what you have read by yourself, to find more readily what you want, and further, to acquire more easily the knowledge of what has not as yet been the subject of intelligent reading on your part.
1 For the life and works of Photius see Introduction to vol. vi.
2 The genuineness of this title is disputed.
3 To the caliph of Bagdad; according to others, to Persia, or one of the Eastern emirs (Bury).
4 πρεσβεία cannot mean "senate," as Schott renders it (senatus), but is probably "the body constituting the embassy," a number of others nominated for the mission, to whom Photius was persona grata, and who expressed a wish that, he should accompany them. This explanation is due to the kindness of Professor J. B. Bury.
5 The text is corrupt.
11[Theodore the Presbyter, On the Genuineness of the works of Dionysius the Areopagite]a
Read the treatise of Theodore the Presbyter,2 in which he undertakes to prove the genuineness of the works of St. Dionysius. The following arguments against it are refuted: (1) I. they are genuine, how is it that none of the later Fathers cites them or quotes any passages from them? (2) How is it that Eusebius Pamphili,3 in his list of the writings of the Holy Fathers, does not mention them? (3) How is it that these treatises describe in detail rites and customs which only became established in the Church gradually and after a long time? The great Dionysius, as is clear from the Acts,4 was contemporary with the Apostles [whereas most of the institutions described only became established gradually and in later times]; it is therefore improbable (says the objector), or rather a clumsy fiction, to assert that Dionysius could have undertaken to describe institutions which were not fully developed till long after his death. (4) How is it that a letter of the divinely-inspired Ignatius5 is referred to? for Dionysius flourished in the time of the Apostles, whereas Ignatius suffered martyrdom during the reign of Trajan, and wrote the letter referred to shortly before his death. Theodore endeavours to solve these difficulties and does his best to prove the genuineness of the treatises.6
1 These sections are usually alluded to as Codices (manuscripts). Codices were originally wooden tablets (caudex, codex, a block or slab of wood) coated with wax and divided into "leaves," which, when wood was superseded by parchment or other writing materials, developed into the book, as contrasted with the roll-form (volumen) of MSS.
2 Nothing further is known of his life or writings.
3 The famous ecclesiastical historian, Eusebius bishop of Caesarea (c. 260-340), who assumed as his surname the name of his intimate friend, literary adviser and assistant, Pamphilus, presbyter of Caesarea, and martyr (309).
4 xvii.
5 Bishop of Antioch (c. 70-107).
6 These mystical treatises, ascribed to "Dionysius the Areopagite," were at one time supposed to be the work of the Dionysius mentioned in the Acts, who was subsequently identified by some with St. Denis, the first bishop of Paris and the patron saint of France But it is now generally agreed that they were written about the end of the fifth century, when the writings of the neo-Platonist Proclus exercised great influence, and that the name is an assumed one.
[a. These notes in blue are new to the electronic edition. The original notes are those by J.H.Freese.]
2. [Hadrian the monk]
Read Adrian's (Hadrian's) Introduction to the Scriptures,1 a useful book for catechumens.
1 This treatise, probably written by a Greek-speaking Syrian monk, who flourished about 425, is hardly an introduction to the study of the Scriptures in the modern sense. It is rather an aid to the correct understanding of the language of the Bible, dealing with questions of meaning, style, composition and metaphors, and concluding with some rules of interpretation (see edition, with translation and commentary, by F. Goessling, Berlin, 1887).
3.[Nonnosus, History]
Read the History of Nonnosus,1 containing a description of his embassy to the Aethiopians, Amerites,2 and Saracens, then a most powerful nation, as well as to other Eastern peoples. At this time Justinian was emperor of the Romans, and Caisus chief of the Saracens. This Caisus was the grandson of Arethas, himself a chief, to whom Nonnosus's grandfather was sent as ambassador, during the reign of Anastasius, to conclude a treaty of peace. Nonnosus's father Abrames3 had in like manner been sent on an embassy to Alamundarus,4 chief of the Saracens, during the reign of Justin, and was successful in procuring the release of Timostratus and John, two Roman generals who were prisoners of war. Caisus, to whom Nonnosus was sent, was chief of two of the most illustrious Saracen tribes, the Chindeni and Maadeni. Before Nonnosus was appointed ambassador, his father had been sent to this same Caisus by Justinian, and had concluded a treaty of peace, on condition that Caisus's son Mavias should be taken as a hostage to Byzantium. After this, Nonnosus was entrusted with a threefold mission: to Caisus, to induce him, if possible, to visit the emperor, to Elesbaas, king of the Axumites, and to the Amerites. Axumis 5 is a very large city, and may be considered the capital of Aethiopia; it lies more S. and E. than the Roman empire. Nonnosus, in spite of the treacherous attacks of tribesmen, perils from wild beasts, and many difficulties and dangers on the journey, successfully accomplished his mission, and returned in safety to his native land.6
He relates that Caisus, after Abrames had been sent to him a second time, set out for Byzantium, having previously divided his chieftaincy between his brothers Ambrus and Yezid. He brought a large number of his subjects with him, and was appointed administrator of Palestine by the emperor.
He tells us that the ancient name for what are now called σανδάλια (sandals) was ἀρβύλαι, and that φακιόλιον (turban) was called φασῶλις.7
He tells us that most of the Saracens, those who live in Phoenicon as well as beyond it and the Taurenian mountains,8have a sacred meeting-place consecrated to one of the gods, where they assemble twice a year. One of these meetings lasts a whole month, almost to the middle of spring, when the sun enters Taurus; the other lasts two months, and is held after the summer solstice. During these meetings complete peace prevails, not only amongst themselves, but also with all the natives; even the animals are at peace both with themselves and with human beings. Other strange, more or less fabulous information is also given.
He tells us that Adulis9 is fifteen days' journey from Axumis. On his way there, he and his companions saw a remarkable sight in the neighbourhood of Aue (Ave), midway between Axumis and Adulis; this was a large number of elephants, nearly 5000. They were feeding in a large plain, and the inhabitants found it difficult to approach them or drive them from their pasture. This was what they saw on their journey.
We must also say something about the climatic contrarieties of summer and winter between Ave and Axumis. When the sun enters Cancer, Leo, and Virgo, it is summer as far as Ave, as with us, and the atmosphere is extremely dry; but from Ave to Axumis and the rest of Aethiopia, it is severe winter, not throughout the day, but beginning from midday, the sky being covered with clouds and the country flooded with violent rains. At that time also the Nile, spreading over Egypt, overflows and irrigates the land. But when the sun enters Capricornus, Aquarius, and Pisces, the atmosphere, conversely, floods the country of the Adulites as far as Ave, while it is summer from Ave to Axumis and the rest of Aethiopia, and the fruits of the earth are ripe.
During his voyage from Pharsan,10 Nonnosus, on reaching the last of the islands, had a remarkable experience. He there saw certain creatures 11 of human shape and form, very short, black-skinned, their bodies entirely covered with hair. The men were accompanied by women of the same appearance, and by boys still shorter. All were naked, women as well as men, except for a short apron of skin round their loins. There was nothing wild or savage about them. Their speech was human, but their language was unintelligible even to their neighbours, and still more so to Nonnosus and his companions. They live on shell-fish and fish cast up on the shore. According to Nonnosus, they were very timid, and when they saw him and his companions, they shrank from them as we do from monstrous wild beasts.
1 Nothing further is known of him.
2 The Homerites (Himyarites) of the Yemen.
3 The name points to the family being of Semitic origin, although he was probably a convert to Christianity.
4 Al-Mundir, chief of the Saracens of Hira.
5 Modern Axum, now the capital of the Abyssinian province of Tigre. It contains numerous antiquities and inscriptions, and is still regarded as a holy city. Christianity was introduced into Aethiopia as early as the fourth century (see J. T. Bent, The Sacred City of the Ethiopians, 1893).
6 Further particulars of the mission are given in the Chronicle of John Malalas, and in Gibbon, ch. xli.
7 The form of the word is doubtful.
8 Mountainous districts in Anterior Asia and the land of the Saracens.
9 A seaport town, generally identified with modern Thulla or Zula in Annesley Bay on the W. shore of the Red Sea.
10 Town in Aethiopia.
11 The Pygmies.
4. [Theodore of Mopsuestia, Against Eunomius]
Read the twenty-five books of Theodore of Antioch 1 against Eunomius 2 in defence of St. Basil.3 His style is somewhat obscure, but the work is full of ideas and sound reasoning, and contains a wealth of evidence taken from the Scriptures. He refutes the arguments of Eunomius almost word for word, and amply proves that he is very ignorant of outside knowledge and still more so of our religion. I believe he is the Theodore who was bishop of Mopsuestia.
1 Theodore (c.350-428), bishop of Mopsuestia (394) in Cilicia, born at Antioch, the greatest exegete of the Antiochean school. He also wrote polemical, dogmatic, and liturgical treatises.
2 Eunomius (d. 393) of Cappadocia, bishop of Cyzicus, deprived of his episcopate for Arianism.
3 St. Basil the Great (330-379), bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia (370). He is most important as the strenuous upholder of orthodoxy and as the introducer of definite rules and forms of ecclesiastical life, which have maintained themselves to the present day.
5. [Sophronius]
Read also the attack of Sophronius1 on Eunomius in defence of St. Basil. His style is clearer and more concise than that of Theodore. He does not traverse all the arguments of Eunomius, but chiefly attacks and refutes those which appear to contain the most essential points of his heresy. The style is aphoristic, the language in general free and simple 2 and not disagreeable, although embellished with over-laboured arguments.
1 Probably the friend of St. Jerome and translator of his works.
2 Ασύνδετος, lit., "without conjunctions."
6. [Gregory of Nyssa]
Read also the attack of Gregory of Nyssa1 on Eunomius in defence of St. Basil. His style is as brilliant as that of any rhetorician, and agreeable to listen to. He does not refute Eunomius in detail, and is consequently briefer than Theodore, but fuller than Sophronius. He is fond of using enthymemes 2 and arguments from example. But I can say without partiality that the copiousness and fertility of his arguments are as convincing a proof of his superiority to Theodore as the charm, brilliancy, and pleasantness of his style.
1 (332-396). Bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia (372), younger brother of Basil the Great, called Father of the Fathers.
2 The special meaning of an "enthymeme" is a rhetorical or imperfect syllogism, drawn from probable premises. But here and elsewhere in Photius it seems to mean simply "arguments."
7. [Gregory of Nyssa]
Read another treatise by the same Gregory of Nyssa on the same subject. In this he joins issue with Eunomius by more reasoned arguments and storms the tottering ramparts of his impiety. The beauty of his style, its mingled brilliancy and charm, are equally conspicuous in this work.
8. [Origen, De Principiis]
Read Origen's 1 four books On First Principles. The first deals with the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost. In this his statements are often blasphemous; thus, he asserts that the Son was created by the Father, the Holy Ghost by the Son; that the Father pervades all existing things, the Son only those that are endowed with reason, the Holy Ghost only those that are saved. He also makes other strange and impious statements, indulging in frivolous talk about the migration of souls, the stars being alive, and the like. This first book is full of fables about the Father, Christ (as he calls the Son), the Holy Ghost, and creatures endowed with reason. In the second book he treats of the world and created things. He asserts that the God of the Law and the prophets, of the Old and the New Testament, is one and the same; that there was the same Holy Spirit in Moses, the rest of the prophets, and the Holy Apostles. He further discusses the Incarnation of the Saviour, the soul, resurrection, punishment, and promises. The third book deals with free will; how the devil and hostile powers, according to the Scriptures, wage war against mankind; that the world was created and is perishable, having had a beginning in time. The fourth book treats of the final end, the divine inspiration of the Scriptures, and the proper manner of reading and understanding them.
1 Surnamed Adamantius (184-253), born at Alexandria, died at Tyre. This treatise supplied the chief arguments for the charge of heresy that was brought against him. He was also called Chalcenterus ("brazen-bowelled") from his passion for work. His numerous works comprise Homilies, and the famous treatise Against Celsus. Fragments of his Hexapla (a recension of the Old Testament) have been preserved.
9. [Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica]
Read fifteen books of the Praeparatio Evangelica of Eusebius, in which he refutes the foolish doctrines of the gentiles, and shows that they were always contradictory. At the beginning and end of the fifteenth book he mentions another treatise, the Demonstratio Evangelica, which follows the Praeparatio. His object in these works is to refute the errors of the gentiles, and to confirm the preaching of the Gospel.
10. [Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica]
Read the twenty1 books of Eusebius's Demonstratio Evangelica.
1Only ten are extant.
11. [Eusebius, Praeparatio Ecclesiastica]
Read Eusebius's Praeparatio Ecclesiastica,1 in... books in which there are extracts....
1 This work is lost.
12. [Eusebius, Demonstratio Ecclesiastica]
Read Eusebius's Demonstratio Ecclesiastica,1 in... books.
1 This work is lost.
13. [Eusebius, Refutation and defence]
Read two books of Eusebius's Refutation and Defence, and a second edition of the same, which, while differing in certain passages, agrees in other respects in both style and sentiments with the first. He mentions certain difficulties brought forward by the heathen against our blameless religion, and solves them satisfactorily, though not entirely. His style is neither agreeable nor brilliant; however, he is a man of great learning, although wanting in the shrewdness and firmness of character so necessary for the accurate discussion of questions of dogma. In many passages he utters blasphemies against the Son, calling him second cause, commander-in-chief, and other excrescences of Arian madness. It is evident that he flourished during the reign of Constantine the Great. He was an ardent admirer of the virtuous saint and martyr Pamphilus, from whom he took his surname.
14. [Apollinarius, Against the Heathen, On Piety, and On Truth]
Read Apollinarius's1 Against the Heathen, On Piety, and On Truth. The writer was bishop of Hierapolis in Asia2 and flourished during the reign of Marcus Antoninus Verus.3 He deserves mention and his style is excellent. Other writings of his are said to be equally worthy of record, but they have not come into my hands.
1 Also spelt Apolinaris, Apollinaris, or Apollinarius, flourished about 175. His gentile name was Claudius.
2 In Lesser Phrygia.
3 The well-known author of the Meditations, commonly known as Marcus Aurelius.
15. [Gelasius of Cyzicus, Acts of the First Council - Nicaea]
Read the Acts of the first council1 in three volumes. It bears the name of Gelasius,2 but is rather a history than an Acts. The author's style is poor and mean, but he gives a detailed account of the proceedings of the council.
1 Of Nicaea (325).
2 Of Cyzicus, flourished about 475. Nothing more is known of him than what he states in the work itself, which is still extant.
16. [Acts of the Third Council - Ephesus]
Read the Acts of the third council,1 consisting almost entirely of the letters of St. Cyril2 to Nestorius3 and that impious man's replies.
1 Of Ephesus (431).
2 Archbishop of Alexandria (412-444).
3 Patriarch of Constantinople (428-431), deprived of his office by the council of Ephesus on account of his heresy.
17. [Acts of the Fourth Council - Chalcedon]
XVII Read the Acts of the fourth council1 in several books. There were fifteen sessions, at which Dioscorus 2 and Eutyches 3were condemned, and Nestorius excommunicated. St. Flavian4was declared innocent after his death, together with Eusebius of Dorylaeum,5 Theodoret 6 and Ibas.7 Other special matters were discussed, and the spirit of piety was strengthened.
1 Of Chalcedon(451).
2 Bishop of Alexandria (444-451).
3 Founder of the sect of the Monophysites (380-456).
4 Bishop of Constantinople (447-449).
5 Bishop of Dorylaeum (mod. Eski Shehr) in Phrygia (400-451).
6 Bishop of Cyrrhus (Cyrus) near the Euphrates, two days' journey from Antioch, theologian and ecclesiastical historian (c. 393-458).
7 Bishop of Edessa (c. 435-457).
18. [Acts of the Fifth Council - Constantinople]
Read the Acts of the fifth council,7 at which the three so-called "chapters"8 were dealt with, and Origen and his writings excommunicated, together with Diodorus of Tarsus,9and Theodore of Mopsuestia. Theodoret's answer to the twelve anathematisms of Cyril was also excommunicated. Previous to this, the cases of Zooras 10 and Anthimus,11 who wormed his way into the patriarchate of Constantinople, and certain other matters were discussed.
7 Of Constantinople (553).
8 The writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia; of Theodoret in defence of Nestorius; the letter of Ibas to the Persian Maris.
9 Founder of the exegetical school of Antioch, bishop of Tarsus (378-394).
10 A Monophysite Syrian monk.
11 Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople (535, deposed 536), translated from the episcopate of Trapezus through the influence of the empress Theodora.
19. [Acts of the Sixth Council - Constantinople II]
Read the Acts of the sixth Council,12 at the sessions of which Sergius,13 Cyrus,14 and Pyrrhus 15 of Constantinople were excommunicated, together with Honorius16 of Rome, Polychronius,17 and others, who had ventured to assert that there was only one will and one energy in Christ. The dogma of truth was confirmed.
12 Of Constantinople (680).
13 Patriarch of Constantinople (610-638).
14 Bishop of Phasis, afterwards patriarch of Alexandria (630-641).
15 Friend and successor of Sergius as patriarch of Constantinople (638-641).
16 Pope (625-638).
17 Monothelite presbyter and monk.
20. [Acts of the Seventh Council - Nicaea II]
Read the Acts of the seventh council,1 at the sessions of which the iconoclasts were defeated and the orthodox faith shone with increased brightness.
1 The second council of Nicaea (787).
21. [John Philoponus, On the Resurrection]
Read the treatise of John Philoponus 2 On the Resurrection in... volumes. In this work, rejecting the doctrine of the Resurrection of the body, he says much that is ill-considered. He also ridicules our blessed and holy Fathers.
2 Of Alexandria, theologian, grammarian, and philosopher, flourished in the first half of the sixth century. His chief work (of which considerable fragments remain), called The Arbitrator, was an attempt to reconcile Monophysitism and Tritheism. Photius (Cod. 55, 75) mentions two other theological treatises. On the Resurrection is lost. Some fragments of notes on Aristotle are preserved. He was called Philoponus from his great industry; his opponents changed this into Mataioponus (vainly industrious).
22. [Theodosius the Monk, Refutation of John Philoponus]
Read the elaborate Refutation by Theodosius the Monk3of the passages cited by John Philoponus as arguments against the Resurrection, including quotations from Holy Scripture and the Fathers, in refutation of John's vain efforts.
3 A fifth-century monk, of whom nothing is known.
23. [Invectives against John Philoponus]
Read the invectives of Conon,4 Eugenius,5 and Themistius,6against the treatise of John Philoponus, in which they pillory his vain efforts. They also violently attack him personally, as a man entirely estranged from the Christian faith. However, they agree with him in refusing to accept the decisions of the council of Chalcedon.
4 Bishop of Tarsus (c. 600).
5 A Cilician bishop in the second half of the sixth century.
6 Deacon of Alexandria (sixth century), leader of the Agnoetae (a Monophysitic sect), who held that the human soul of Christ resembled that of man in all things, even in his "ignorance" or limited knowledge.
24. [Acts of a disputation between Tritheites and Hesitators]
Read a volume containing the Acts of a disputation held before John,1 bishop of the queen city, during the reign of Justin,2 in which Conon and Eugenius the Tritheites took part on the one side, and Paul3 and Stephen,4 the Hesitators,5on the other. Conon and Eugenius appear to have sided with Philoponus; for when Paul and Stephen demanded that they should anathematize Philoponus, they were unwilling to do so. On the other hand, they brought forth arguments to prove that his views were in harmony with those of Severus 6 and Theodosius, their own teachers. They indeed in many respects uphold the orthodox views----that the Trinity is consubstantial and of the same nature, that God is one, that the Godhead is one; but they are guilty of blasphemy in asserting that the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost are partial substances, and have special divinities and natures, thus being at variance with themselves and the truth. Many other opinions of theirs are equally foolish and nonsensical.
1 John III Scholasticus (the lawyer), bishop of Constantinople (565-577). He was the author of a Nomocanon, a digest of canonical law.
2 Justin II (emperor 565-578).
3 Paul the Black, "Jacobite" patriarch of Antioch (c. 550-578).
4 "Jacobite " bishop of Cyprus.
5 They partly accepted, and partly rejected, the decisions of the council of Chalcedon.
6 Monophysite patriarch of Antioch (512-519).
25. [Chrysostom, Notes on Death & Homilies]
Read the work by John Chrysostom 7 entitled Notes on Death, twenty-two short homilies. In the same volume there are also twenty-two homilies on the Ascension of the Lord and seventeen on Pentecost.
7 John the Golden-mouthed (347-407), bishop of Constantinople.
26. [Synesius of Cyrene, On Providence, On the Kingdom]
Read the orations of Synesius,8 bishop of Cyrene, On Providence,9 On the Kingdom, and some other subjects. His style is lofty and dignified,1 but somewhat inclined to be over-poetical.
Also read various letters of his, distilling grace and charm, at the same time vigorous and full of closely-packed 2 ideas.
He originally belonged to a heathen school of philosophy, but was favourably disposed to the inspired truths of Christianity and ready to accept all its doctrines except that of the Resurrection. Although this was his attitude, he was admitted into our Church and even raised to the episcopate, by reason of his goodness and purity and in the conviction that a man of such holiness of life could not fail to be illuminated by the light of the Resurrection. Nor were these hopes disappointed. For as soon as he became bishop he readily assented to that doctrine. Synesius was an ornament to Cyrene at the time when Theophilus was patriarch of Alexandria.3
8 Neo-Platonist and bishop of Ptolemais in Cyrenaica (378-431). The speech On the Kingdom was delivered at Constantinople before the emperor Arcadius.
9 Also called Egyptian Discourses, a sort of historical romance, in which there are allusions to the history of the time, disguised as the mythical stories of Osiris and Typhon.
1 Perhaps "massive" might express the idea of ὂγκος.
2 Or "shrewd."
3 385-412.
27. [Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the ten books of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History. Beginning from the birth of Christ, our true God, it carefully describes the period of the tyrants, and ends with the reign of Constantine the Great. A more detailed account is given of the Church institutions established by him during his reign.
28. [Socrates, Ecclesiastical History]
Read Socrates's4 Ecclesiastical History, a continuation of that of Eusebius. Beginning with the reign of Constantine, it goes down to the time of Theodosius the Younger.5
The writer, who had attended the lectures of Ammonius and Helladius the Alexandrine grammarians,6 even when a boy had been instructed in "grammar" by heathen tutors, who had been banished from their native country for sedition and carried on their profession at Constantinople. The work contains the events of 140 years, and the entire history is included in seven books. There is nothing remarkable in the author's style, and he is not very accurate in matters of doctrine.
4 Socrates of Constantinople (c. 380----439), originally a lawyer.
5 Emperor 408-450.
6 The Greek γραμματικός is equivalent to "a literary man" generally, with special reference to the study of poetry. The same idea appears in γραμματική(grammar). Ammonius and Helladius had fled for refuge to Constantinople, where they taught Socrates.
29. [Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius 1 Scholasticus, an ex-praefect, born at Epiphania in Coele-Syria, in six books. The work begins where those of Socrates and Theodoret end, and goes down to the twelfth year of the reign of the emperor Maurice.2 The style is not without charm, although somewhat diffuse; in matters of doctrine he is certainly more trustworthy than other historians. The work also contains some passages about images.
1 About 536-600. He was an advocate (Scholasticus).
2 That is, it covers the period from 431 to 593.
30. [Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the Ecclesiastical History of Salamanus Hermeias Sozomen,3 in nine books. Dedicated to the emperor Theodosius the Younger, it begins with the consulship of Crispus and his father Constantine, and goes down to the reign of Theodosius the Younger.4 Sozomen was at one time an advocate in Constantinople. His style is better than that of Socrates, from whom he differs in certain particulars.
3 He was born near Gaza in Palestine, and afterwards settled in Constantinople (c. 400-450).
4 It originally covered the period from 324 to 439, but the history of 425-439 is wanting.
31. [Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret.5 Of all the writers mentioned his style is best suited for history. It is generally clear, dignified, and free from redundancies, although he sometimes employs metaphors that are too bold, almost insipid. He gives a fuller account of the proceedings of the second council 6 than other historians, who merely bestow a cursory notice upon them, as if they were unwilling to say much about it. However, even he does not give all the details. He begins his History with the heresy of Arius and goes down to the reign of Theodosius the Younger, and the death of Theodore,1 at the time when Sisinnius was bishop of Constantinople.
5 See Cod. 27.
6 The first council of Constantinople (381).
1 Of Mopsuestia (see Cod. 4.).
32. [Athanasius, Letters]
Read various letters of Athanasius,2 some containing a kind of Apology for his flight.3 The style is elegant, brilliant, and clear, full of grace and persuasiveness. It is a pleasure to listen to the Apology.
2 (296-373). Patriarch of Alexandria, the father of orthodoxy and the chief opponent of Arianism.
3 He was accused of cowardice by the Arians for taking refuge in the desert.
33. [Justus of Tiberias, Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews]
Read the Chronicle of Justus of Tiberias,4 entitled A Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews in the form of a genealogy, by Justus of Tiberias.5 He came from Tiberias in Galilee, from which he took his name. He begins his history with Moses and carries it down to the death of the seventh Agrippa of the family of Herod 6 and the last of the kings of the Jews. His kingdom, which was bestowed upon him by Claudius, was extended by Nero, and still more by Vespasian. He died in the third year of the reign of Trajan, when the history ends. Justus's style is very concise, and he omits a great deal that is of the utmost importance. Suffering from the common fault of the Jews, to which race he belonged, he does not even mention the coming of Christ, the events of His life, or the miracles performed by Him. His father was a Jew named Pistus; Justus himself, according to Josephus, was one of the most abandoned of men, a slave to vice and greed. He was a political opponent of Josephus, against whom he is said to have concocted several plots; but Josephus, although on several occasions he had his enemy in his power, only chastised him with words and let him go free. It is said that the history which he wrote is in great part fictitious, especially where he describes the Judaeo-Roman war and the capture of Jerusalem.
4 Contemporary of Josephus, by whom his character and works are violently attacked. He was condemned to death by Vespasian, but his life was spared by Agrippa. He also wrote a history of the Jewish war.
5 The Greek phrase is βασιλέων τῶν ἐν τοῖς στέμμασι, usually translated "crowned kings," but στέμμα more probably here means a genealogical tree.
6 Agrippa II, before whom St. Paul made his defence. The statement that he died in the third year of Trajan's reign (100) is objected to on the ground that Josephus' Autobiography, which gives an account of Justus, was published immediately after the Antiquities (in the reign of Domitian).
34. [Julius Africanus, History]
Read the History of Africanus,1 who was also the author of the Cesti in fourteen books.2 Although his style is concise, he omits nothing worthy of record. He begins with the Mosaic cosmogony and goes down to the coming of Christ. He also gives a cursory account of events from that time to the reign of Macrinus,3 at which date, as he tells us, the Chronicle was finished, that is, in the 5723rd year of the world. The work is in five volumes.
Africanus also wrote a letter to Origen against the authenticity of the history of Susannah, on the grounds (amongst others) that it is not included in the Jewish books, and that the play on words (ἀπὸ τοῦ πρίνον πρῖσαι... ἀπὸ τοῦ σχίνου σχίσαι)4 is at variance with the genuine Hebrew style. Origen answered and refuted these objections.
Africanus also wrote a letter to Aristides,5 in which he showed that in reality there was no such difference as was generally supposed between the genealogies of our Saviour in Matthew and Luke.
1 Julius Africanus (c. 170-240), Christian historical writer, was born at Jerusalem (not in Africa) and subsequently lived at Emmaus-Nicopolis in Palestine. He was the author of a Chronicle, a history of the world from the Creation to 221; Cesti (embroidered girdles), a collection of notes on all kinds of subjects; a letter to Aristides on the genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke; and a letter to Origen to show that the History of Susannah in the Apocrypha is a later addition from a Greek original. The last has been preserved in full, of the three first only fragments. According to his system of chronology, called the Alexandrian era, there were 5499 years between the Creation and the birth of Christ, which he antedated by three years.
2 The correct number is twenty-four.
3 Emperor 217-218. An extract in Georgius Syncellus, however, shows that the Chronicle really went down a little later.
4 "Where didst thou see them?" "Under a mastic tree (σχῖνος)." "The angel of God shall cleave (σχίσει) thy soul to-day." "Under a holm-tree (πρῖνος)." " The angel of God shall saw thee in two (πρίσει)."
5 Nothing is known of him.
35. [Philip of Side, Christian History]
Read the work of Philip1 of Side, entitled a Christian History, beginning with the words "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." He gives an account of the Mosaic history, sometimes brief, sometimes full, although wordy throughout. The first book contains twenty-four volumes, like the twenty-three other books, which we have seen up to the present.2 His language is diffuse, without urbanity or elegance, and soon palls, or positively disgusts; his aim is rather to display his knowledge than to benefit the reader. Most of the matter has nothing to do with history, and the work might be called a treatise on all kinds of subjects rather than a history, a tasteless effusion. Philip was a contemporary of Sisinnius and Proclus, patriarchs of Constantinople. He frequently attacks the former in his history, because, while both filled the same office3 and Philip was considered the more eloquent, Sisinnius was elected to the patriarchate.
1 Philip of Side in Pamphylia (fifth century). He was a presbyter in Constantinople, and a friend of John Chrysostom.
2 It originally contained thirty-six books and nearly one thousand volumes.
3 They were both presbyters.
36. [Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian Topography]
Read the book entitled the Book of Christians, an interpretation of the Octateuch. The author,4 who flourished in the reign of Justin, dedicates the work to a certain Pamphilus, It begins with the defence of certain ecclesiastical dogmas by evidence drawn from the Scriptures. The style is poor, and the arrangement hardly up to the ordinary standard. He relates much that is incredible from an historical point of view, so that he may fairly be regarded as a fabulist rather than a trustworthy authority. The views on which he lays special stress are: that neither the sky nor the earth is spherical, but that the former is a kind of vault, and the lattera rectangular plane, [twice as long as broad], to the ends of which the ends of the sky are united; that all the stars, with the help of the angels, are kept in motion; and other things of the same kind. He also mentions the books of Genesis and Exodus, as it were by way of digression; and enters into a lengthy discussion and speculations about the Tabernacle. The prophets and apostles are cursorily treated. He says that the sun is only twice as large as two "climates";1 that the angels do not dwell in heaven, but above the firmament and mingle with us; that Christ at His Ascension entered the space between the sky and the firmament, and that only this is the kingdom of heaven; and similar absurdities. He dedicates the first six books to a certain Pamphilus, of the remaining six (there are twelve in all) the seventh to Anastasius, in which he contends that the heavens are indissoluble; the eighth, on the song of Hezekiah 2 and the retrogression of the sun, to a certain Peter. In this book he also states that he has written a commentary on the Song of Songs. The four remaining books have no dedication.
4 Cosmas Indicopleustes ("the Indian navigator"), an Alexandrian merchant, who flourished in the sixth century. He visited Arabia and East Africa, but it is doubtful whether he deserves the title of "Indian navigator." The title by which the work is usually known is Christian Topography; as its object was to introduce a new system of physical geography in harmony with the teaching of Christianity, a physico-astro-nomical interprelation of the Scriptures, Photius gives it the subtitle of Interpretation oj the Octateuch. Fabricius (Bib. Gr., iv. 230) takes it to mean simply "a treatise in eight books," regarding the four other books as a later addition, or it may refer to the "eight books" of Ptolemy's geographical work. Photius says he flourished under "Justin," but as he does not state which Justin, perhaps "Justinian" (527-565) should be read. He certainly may have been born under Justin I (518-527) and died under Justin II (565-578).
1 Before the earth was regarded as spherical, its surface was supposed to "slope" (κλίνω) from S. to N., and this slope was called κλίμα. Later, the word was used for belts or zones of its surface, and then for the temperature of those zones. According to Cosmas, the two "climates" were between the latitudes of Alexandria and Rhodes, and Rhodes and Constantinople (about 635 miles).
2 Isaiah xxxviii.
37. [--, On Government]
Read an essay On Government,3 in the form of a dialogue between Menas a patrician and Thomas a referendary.4 The treatise is in six books, in which is discussed a form of government, called δικαιαρχικόν (just rule), differing from those propounded by ancient writers. The Republic of Plato is deservedly criticised. The interlocutors hold that the constitution which they propose should be a combination of the three forms of government----monarchy, aristocracy, democracy. Each of these is to contribute what is genuine and sincere to the formation of the ideal constitution.
3 There seems no reason to identify this with the treatise of Περὶ πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως of Peter Patricius (sixth century), Byzantine historian. There is no clue to the author.
4 Master of requests, a sort of lord-in-waiting; also a Church dignitary, an intermediary between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities.
38. [Theodore of Mopsuestia, Commentary on Genesis]
Read the work of Theodore of Antioch1 entitled A Commentary on Genesis (the history of the Creation), the first book of which contains seven volumes. The style is neither brilliant nor very clear. The author avoids the use of allegory as much as possible, being only concerned with the interpretation of history. He frequently repeats himself, and produces a disagreeable impression upon the reader. Although he lived before Nestorius, he vomits up his doctrines by anticipation. This is that Theodore of Mopsuestia, from whom on several occasions John Philoponus (as the latter himself says) demanded a serious explanation of his method of interpretation in his own work on the Creation.
1 See Cod. 4.
39. [Eusebius, Against Hierocles]
Read the brief refutation of the discourse of Hierocles 2 in support of Apollonius of Tyana3 by Eusebius Pamphili.
2 Hierocles of Caria, Roman proconsul, a violent anti-Christian, lived in the time of Diocletian (emperor 284-305). The work referred to is Truth-loving Words to the Christians, in which Apollonius of Tyana is placed above Christ.
3 Of Tyana in Cappadocia (c. 4 B.C.----A.D. 97), magician and wonderworker.
40. [Philostorgius, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the so-called Ecclesiastical History by Philostorgius 1the Arian, the spirit of which is different from that of nearly all other ecclesiastical historians. He extols all Arians, but abuses and insults all the orthodox, so that his work is not so much a history as a panegyric of the heretics, and nothing but a barefaced attack upon the orthodox. His style is elegant, his diction often poetical, though not to such an extent as to be tedious or disagreeable. His figurative use of words is very expressive and makes the work both pleasant and agreeable to read; sometimes, however, these figures are overbold and far-fetched, and create an impression of being frigid and ill-timed. The language is variously embellished even to excess, so that the reader imperceptibly finds himself involved in a disagreeable obscurity. In many instances the author introduces appropriate moral reflections of his own. He starts from the devotion of Arius to the heresy and its first beginnings, and ends with the recall of the impious Aetius.2This Aetius was removed from his office by his brother heretics, since he outdid them in wickedness, as Philostorgius himself unwillingly confesses. He was recalled and welcomed by the impious Julian. The history, in one book and six volumes, goes down to this period. The author is a liar and the narrative often fictitious. He chiefly extols Aetius and Eunomius for their learning, as having alone cleansed the doctrines of faith overlaid by time, therein showing himself a monstrous liar. He also praises Eusebius of Nicomedia3(whom he calls the Great), Theophilus the Indian,4 and several others, for their lives and wonderful works. He severely attacks Acacius, bishop of Caesarea5 in Palestine, for his extreme severity and invincible craftiness, in which, he declares, Acacius surpassed all his fellow-heretics, however filled they were with hatred of one another, as well as those who held different religious opinions.
This was the extent of our reading. Soon afterwards six other books were found in another volume, so that the whole appears to have filled twelve books. The initial letters of each book are so arranged that they form the name of the author. The work goes down to the time of Theodosius the Younger, when, after the death of Honorius, Theodosius handed over the throne of the West to his cousin Valentinian the Younger, the son of Constantius and Placidia.
Notwithstanding his rage against the orthodox, Philostorgius does not venture to attack Gregory the Theologian,6 but unwillingly accepts his doctrines. His attempt to slander Basil the Great only had the effect of increasing his reputation. He was forced to admit the vigour and beauty of his sermons from actual knowledge, although he timidly calls Basil overbold and inexperienced in controversy, because he ventured to attack the writings of Eunomius.
1 Of Borissus in Cappadocia, born c. 368, died after 425. The history covered the period from 300 to 425. He supported the extreme Arianism of Eunomius. A considerable number of extracts (also from Photius) have been published as a separate work.
2 Aetius of Antioch, founder of an extreme Arian sect, died at Constantinople (367). He was exiled by Constantius, but recalled by Julian the Apostate.
3 Patriarch of Constantinople (d. 342), supporter of Arianism and a bitter opponent of Athanasius.
4 Bishop of the Church of Aethiopia (358). He was born in the island of Diu (India), but in early youth was taken as a hostage to Constantinople, where he became a Christian (Arian).
5 Surnamed the One-Eyed, succeeded Eusebius (whose pupil and biographer he was) as bishop of Caesarea in 340 and died in 365.
6 Gregory of Nazianzus (329-389), bishop of Constantinople.
41. [John of Aegae, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the Ecclesiastical History by a certain John.2 It begins with the reign of Theodosius the Younger, the heresy of Nestorius and his deposition, and goes down to the time of Zeno and the deposition of Peter the heretic,3 who had usurped the see of Antioch. The style is clear but florid. The author describes in detail the third council held at Ephesus,4 and also another council held in the same place, the "Robber" council,5 which he deifies together with its president Dioscorus and his companions. He also gives a slanderous account of the council of Chalcedon. This justifies the conclusion that the author is John, presbyter of Aegae, a heretic who wrote a special attack on the council of Chalcedon. The history, according to his statement, is in ten books. I have only read five, containing (as already stated) a record of events from the heresy of Nestorius to the deposition of Peter the heretic.
2 Presbyter of Aegae in Cilicia, flourished in the latter half of the fifth century. In Cod. LV. Photius calls him a Nestorian, but it is suggested that this is a mistake for Eutychian.
3 Surnamed the Fuller, patriarch of Antioch (471-488).
4 431.
5 449.
42. [Basil the Cicilian, Ecclesiastical History]
Read the Ecclesiastical History of Basil the Cilician.6 It begins with the death of Simplicius, bishop of Rome,1 who wrote to Acacius of Constantinople 2 to have no dealings with Peter surnamed Mongus,3 who was then corrupting Alexandria by anathematizing, publicly and in church, the holy council of Chalcedon. It was through him that Acacius was deprived of his see; for although Acacius at first was justly incensed against him, he subsequently showed no aversion to his doctrines and thereby incurred the suspicion of being a heretic. This matter came up again during the reign of Zeno. The history begins at this time and goes down to the death of Anastasius, after he had reigned twenty-seven years and three months, Justin the Thracian being proclaimed his successor.4The present book finishes about this time, and embraces the period from Zeno to the death of Anastasius and the proclamation of Justin as emperor. The author also states that two other books were written by him, the first and the third; the first beginning with the reign of Marcian and ending with that of Zeno, where the second begins, while the third continues the narrative of the second, beginning with the reign of Justin.
The author's style is rather slovenly and uneven. He also introduces a large amount of episcopal correspondence, the object of which, he says, is to prove what he writes; these vastly increase the bulk of the book and contain but little history, and that buried under a mass of verbiage. The clearness of the narrative is destroyed by the number of parentheses.
6 (c. 500). Presbyter of Antioch, afterwards bishop of Irenopolis in Cilicia (see Cod. CV I.).
1 468-483.
2 Patriarch of Constantinople (471-489).
3 The "Stammerer," Monophysite patriarch of Alexandria (482).
4 The work therefore covers the period from 450-527.
43. [John Philoponus, On the Hexaemeron]
Read the treatise of John Philoponus on the Hexaemeron.5In this his style is pure and clear and better than usual. He agrees in the main with Basil the Great, but everywhere opposes Theodore of Mopsuestia, who, taking up the same subject, wrote his Interpretation of Genesis, which Philoponus in turn endeavours to refute.
5 The Six Days' Work of the Creation.
44. [Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana]
Read the eight books of the Life of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratus 1 of Tyre.2 His style is clear, agreeable, concise, and full of charm, due to his fondness both for archaisms and for novel constructions.
He tells us that Apollonius visited the Indians, whom he calls Brahmins, from whom he learnt much of their divine wisdom. He also visited the wise men of Aethiopia, whom he calls Gymni,3 because they pass all their life naked and never wear clothes even in the most trying weather. But he declares that the wise men of India are far superior to those of Aethiopia, since they are older in point of time and their intellect is purer and keener, owing to their living nearer to the rays of the sun.
He does not, however, assert that Apollonius worked any wonders such as legend ascribes to him; he merely extols him as leading a philosophic and temperate life, in which he exhibits the teaching of Pythagoras, both in manners and doctrine. Various accounts are given of his death, the circumstances of which are obscure, as he himself desired; for during his lifetime he was in the habit of saying that the wise man should keep his life a secret from others, or, if he could not, should at least keep his death a secret.4 The place of his burial is unknown.
Philostratus states that Apollonius had a great contempt for riches; he gave up all he possessed to his brother and others, and could never be persuaded to accept money from those in authority,5 although they pressed it upon him as deserving it. He asserts that he long foresaw the famine at Ephesus and stopped it after it broke out. He once saw a certain lion, which he declared to be the soul of Amasis, king of the Egyptians,6 which had entered the body of the animal as a punishment for the crimes Amasis had committed during his lifetime. He also exposed an Empusa,7 which, under the guise of a courtesan, pretended to be enamoured of Menippus.8He recalled to life a Roman girl who had apparently just died, and loosed his limbs from his fetters, while bound in prison. Before Domitian he defended himself and extolled Nerva (Domitian's successor); after which he vanished from the court, and joined Demetrius9 and Damis10 as had been arranged, not after a long time, but in a few moments, though they were several days' journey apart. Such are the fictions of Philostratus concerning Apollonius. He denies, however, that he was a wonder-worker, if he performed some of the wonders that are commonly attributed to him, but asserts that they were the result of his philosophy and the purity of his life. On the contrary, he was the enemy of magicians and sorcerers and certainly no devotee of magic.
All that he says about the Indians is a tissue of absurd and incredible statements. He asserts that they have certain jars full of rains and winds, with which in time of drought they are able to water the country, and again to deprive it of moisture, after the rain has fallen, since in these casks they have the means of controlling the alternate supply of wind and rain. He tells similar stories, equally foolish and preposterous, and these eight books are so much study and labour lost.
1 There were three sophists of this name belonging to a Lemnian family: (1) who lived in the second century; (2) son of (1), who lived first at Athens, then at Rome and in the time of Philip the Arab (244-249); (3) nephew of (1), who lived in the time of Caracalla and Elagabalus. The Life of Apollonius is by (2), Flavius Philostratus, who wrote it at the desire of the empress Julia Domna, wife of Septlmius Severus (died 217).
2 The surname Tyrius is probably due to a confusion of Τύριος with Στειριεύς (of the Athenian deme Stiria), or Photius has wrongly identified him with the lexicographer Philostratus of Tyre (Cod. CL.).
3 The naked ones, the Gymnosophists.
4 The Epicurean maxim, Λάθε βιώσασ, εἰ δὲ μή, Λάθε ἀποθανών.
5 Or, "those possessed of large means."
6570-526 B.C.
7 A sort of hobgoblin or ghoul, supposed to devour human beings.
8 Of Lycia. Perhaps the Cynic who lived in Lucian's time.
9 Cynic philosopher of Sunium, who taught at Rome under the emperors Gaius, Nero, and Vespasian. He is said to have met Apollonius in Athens, but considering that his philosophical views were opposed to those of Apollonius, the account of the intimacy is probably untrue. Demetrius had to leave Rome because of the freedom with which he attacked the emperor and the authorities.
10 Of Nineveh, pupil and companion of Apollonius, the reputed author of the life which formed the basis of Philostratus's romance. He is said to have handed over the MS. to the empress Julia Domna, who ordered Philostratus to edit it.
45. [Andronicianus, Against the Eunomians]
Read two pamphlets by Andronicianus5 Against the Eunomians. In the preface he promises much that he does not perform, at any rate in the second book. He shows himself a devoted student of philosophy in character, sentiment, and style. By religion he is a Christian.
5 Nothing is known of him.
46. ['Theodoret', Against Heresies]
Read twenty-seven books by Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, against various heretical propositions.1 The first book is directed against those who assert that the God-Word was one nature and that it took its beginning from the seed of David, and also against those who attribute passions to the Godhead. In the second, he supports his contentions more by arguments from Scripture.2 The third deals with the same subject. The fourth contains the teachings of the holy Fathers concerning the glorious Dispensation (Incarnation)3 of our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God. The fifth contains a collection of the opinions of the heretics, which are compared with the opinion of those who do not admit two natures in Christ and shown to be nearly akin. The sixth distinctly states that there is one Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. The seventh is in the form of a letter completing the first book. The eighth is written against those who judge the truth only by the opinion of the multitude. The ninth is against those who assert that we should neither seek arguments nor quote from the Scriptures, but that we must be satisfied with our faith. The tenth is against those who malevolently bring forward the argument that "the Word was made flesh." The eleventh is against those who forbid us to assume two natures in the Incarnation. The twelfth is against those who assert that he who says the Word is one thing and the flesh another, assumes there are two Sons. The thirteenth is against those who say that to regard Christ as a man is to put one's hopes in man. The fourteenth is against those who say, "He suffered without suffering." The fifteenth is against those who say, "He suffered as he willed." The sixteenth is against those who say that we ought to accept the words, without regard to what is signified by them, which is beyond all men's understanding. The seventeenth is against those who say, "The Word suffered in the flesh." The eighteenth is against those who ask what punishment the Jews would have suffered, if they had not crucified God. The nineteenth is against those who declare that he who does not believe that God was crucified is a Jew. The twentieth is against those who assert that the angels who ate with Abraham did not entirely put on the nature of flesh. The twenty-first is against those who depreciate each of the miracles, by denying the flesh. The twenty-second is against those who injure our race, by denying that the Saviour began with our nature. The twenty-third is against those who bid us simply believe what is said, without considering what is seemly or what is unseemly. The twenty-fourth is against those who do away with the difference of the two natures, after the Passion and the Ascension. The twenty-fifth is a summary of all that has already been stated in detail. The twenty-sixth deals with the subsequently manifested composition or consubstantiation; the twenty-seventh with the example from the ordinary man (applied to Christ). The subject alone in each case is sufficient to indicate which of the above confirm the orthodox faith, and which are at variance with it.
Read in the same volume three larger works than those mentioned, entitled Eranistes (the Beggar) or Polymorphos (multiform).4 The first teaches that the Word is unchangeable; the second, that the union is unmixed; the third, that the God-Word is impassible. In a fourth book, these statements are supported by argument. The three books were composed by him in the form of a dialogue, but the rest are in continuous prose. The style is clear, distinct, and pure; not wanting in charm, and the works abound in suitable reflections.
1 Variously ascribed to Theodoret, Athanasius, and Eutherius, bishop of Tyana.
2 Unless γραφικώτερον means simply "more picturesquely," "more vigorously."
3 Οἰκονομία in the Greek.
4 It is in the form of a dialogue between a representative of orthodoxy (Theodoret) and a representative of Monophysitism, compared to a beggar who gathers scraps of all kinds from earlier heretical writings.
47. [Josephus, Jewish War]
Read the work of Josephus the Jew 1 on The Calamities of the Jews. The capture of Iotapata3 (at which Josephus himself was taken prisoner) and Gischala,2 and the desolation of other Jewish fortresses is described, and in the last book the destruction of Jerusalem and the fortress of Masada.3 The work is in seven books. The author has a pure style, and is apt at expressing his meaning with dignity, with distinctness and charm. In the speeches introduced he is persuasive and agreeable, even when the opportunity invites him to take opposite views; he is clever and prolific in the use of arguments on either side, and is extremely fond of aphorisms. He is also very skilful in introducing the emotional, in rousing the passions and calming them.
He relates that many signs and portents preceded the taking of Jerusalem. A heifer that was being led to the sacrifice brought forth a lamb; a light shone in the temple and a voice was heard saying, "Let us remove hence"; the gates of the temple, which twenty men could hardly open, opened of their own accord; in the evening troops appeared clad in armour. A man named Jesus, son of Ananias, for six years and three months incessantly repeated, like one inspired, the words "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" When he was whipped for it, he made no reply, but repeated the same words. He was present at the capture of the city, and while crying out "Woe, woe, to the city!" he was hit by a stone from one of the enemy's engines, and gave up the ghost.
Such were the signs that foretold the taking of the city; but it was internal sedition, together with the enemy, that overthrew it. Split up into the factions of Zelotae and Sicarii,4they destroyed one another, and thus the body of the state was cruelly and mercilessly torn asunder by the common people. The city suffered so grievously from famine that the inhabitants were driven to all kinds of excesses; a woman even ate the flesh of her own son. Famine was succeeded by pestilence, a clear proof that it was the work of the divine wrath, in fulfilment of the Lord's proclamation and threat that the city should be taken and utterly destroyed.
1 The well-known historian (37-98), "the Greek Livy." The Wars was originally written in Hebrew, and then translated into Greek. His other extant works are: Jewish Antiquities, Autobiography, a polemical treatise Against Apion.
2 In Galilee.
3 A Judaean stronghold (mod. Sebbeh).
4 The Zealots and Sicarii (assassins) constituted the fanatical anti-Roman Jewish war party, whose desire was to drive out the Romans and all who favoured them. They did not shrink from murder, and carried small daggers (sicae) to stab those whom they considered the enemies of their country.
48. ['Josephus' (Probably Hippolytus), On the Universe]
Read the treatise of Josephus1 On the Universe, elsewhere called On the Cause of the Universe and On the Nature of the Universe. It consists of two little treatises, in which the author shows that Plato contradicts himself. He also refutes Alcinous,2whose views on the soul, matter, and the Resurrection are false and absurd, and introduces his own opinions on the subject. He proves that the Jewish nation is far older than the Greek. He thinks that man is a compound of fire, earth, and water, and also of spirit, which he calls soul. Of the spirit he speaks as follows: Taking the chief part of this, he moulded it together with the body, and opened a passage for it through every joint and limb. The spirit, thus moulded together with the body and pervading it throughout, is formed in the likeness of the visible body, but its nature is colder, compared with the three other substances of which the body is compounded. These views are not in harmony with the Jewish ideas of human physiology, and are below the customary standard of his other writings. He also gives a summary account of the creation of the world. Of Christ the true God he speaks like ourselves, openly giving Him the name of God, and describing, in language to which no objection can be taken, His indescribable generation from the Father. This might, perhaps, cause people to doubt whether the treatise is really by Josephus, although in respect of style it does not differ from the rest of his writings.
I find a marginal note to the effect that the work is not by Josephus, but by one Gaius,3 a presbyter of Rome, also the author of The Labyrinth,4 and of a dialogue against Proclus, the champion of the Montanists.5 The latter, which had no ascription, is attributed by some to Josephus, by others to Justin Martyr, and The Labyrinth to Origen. But there is no doubt that the work is by Gaius, the author of The Labyrinth, who at the end of this treatise has left it on record that he was the author of The Nature of the Universe. But it is not quite clear to me, whether this is the same or a different work. This Gaius is said to have been a presbyter of the Church at Rome, during the episcopate of Victor6 and Zephyrinus,7 and to have been ordained bishop of the gentiles. He wrote another special work against the heresy of Artemon,8 and also composed a weighty treatise against Proclus, the supporter of Montanus. In this he reckons only thirteen epistles of St. Paul, and does not include the Epistle to the Hebrews.
1 The author is most probably Hippolytus of Rome, born in the middle of the second century, died soon after 235.
2 Platonic philosopher, flourished in the first or second century A.D.
3 Lived at the beginning of the third century A.D.
4 Others ascribe this also to Hippolytus. It is a question whether it is identical with The Little Labyrinth mentioned by Theodoret.
5 The founder of the sect was Montanus of Phrygia (latter half of the second century). He was a priest of Cybele, subsequently converted to Christianity and a teacher at Rome. According to his followers, he was the Paraclete or Holy Spirit promised by Christ. Amongst other things they distinguished two classes of sins, those unto death and those not unto death; denied the validity of second marriages; did not baptize in the name of the Trinity, but in memory of Christ's death for mankind; despised the old prophets as possessed by evil spirits; and favoured a highly ascetic life. "All the ascetic, rigorous, and chiliastic elements of the Church combined in Montanism."
6 189-202.
7 202-217.
8 Second and third century, Adoptianist, Monarchian or anti-Trinitarian. His views were subsequently developed by Paul of Samosata (flourished 260-272). This work is probably identical with The Labyrinth.
49. [Cyril of Alexandria, Against Nestorius]
Read the treatise of Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, Against the Blasphemies of Nestorius, in five books. In these he preserves his characteristic style and curious phraseology. But he is clearer than in his letters to Hermeias4 and his work On Adoration in the Spirit. The language is ornate and elaborate, forced into agreement with its peculiar form, which resembles prose poetry that despises metre.
4 Possibly the author of a treatise Ridicule of the Heathen Philosophers, but the time at which he lived is disputed,
50. [Nicias the monk, Against the Seven Chapters of Philoponus]
Read the treatise of Nicias the monk5 Against the Seven Chapters of Philoponus, which he mentioned in his work called the Arbitrator. The style is simple and concise, suitable for controversial writings, and free from redundancies. Also read his attack On the impious Severus and two books Against the Heathen.
5 Flourished c. 600.
51. [Hesychius, On the Brazen Serpent]
Read the four books by Hesychius,1 presbyter of Constantinople, On the Brazen Serpent. The work is meant for show, and is a studied attempt to work upon the feelings. It contains speeches to the people put into the mouth of Moses, and fictitious addresses of the people in reply. There are also elaborate speeches of the Deity to Moses and the people, together with their replies, in the form of entreaty and excuse. A great part of the work, which comprises a bulky volume, is devoted to these speeches. The author himself, so far as one can judge from this treatise, is orthodox.
1 Nothing is known of him. It is suggested that he may have been the Hesychius who accused Eunomius of heresy.
52. [Acts of the synod of Side against the Messalians]
Read the account of the synod held at Side1 against the sect of the Messalians,2 Euchites,2 or Adelphians.3Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, presided, supported by twenty-five other bishops. Read in the same a letter of the synod to Flavian, bishop of Antioch, giving him an account of the proceedings.
In consequence of this letter, Flavian summoned another synod against these same heretics, assisted by three other bishops, Bizus of Seleucia, Maruthas, bishop of the Sufareni,4and Samus. There were also present priests and deacons to the number of thirty. The synod refused to accept Adelphius's profession of repentance or to admit him when he offered to renounce his heresy; for it was shown that neither his renunciation nor repentance was sincere. The founders of this sect were Adelphius, who was neither a monk nor a priest, but one of the laity, Sabas, surnamed Apokopos (castrated), who assumed the garb of a monk, another Sabas, Eustathius of Edessa, Dadoes, and Simeon, the tares of the evil one, and others who grew up together with them. Adelphius and his followers were condemned, although they sought opportunity for repentance, which was refused them, since they were detected communicating in writing, as if they shared their views, with persons whom they had anathematized as Messalians.
Flavian wrote a letter to the Osroenians, informing them of what had been done and giving an account of the punishment and excommunication of the heretics. The bishops who received it wrote back to Flavian, thanking him and expressing their approval. Litoius,5 bishop of Armenia, also wrote inquiring about the Messalians, and a copy of the decree and sentence of the council was sent to him. The great Flavian also wrote to another Armenian bishop on the same subject; in this second letter he accuses the bishop of sympathy with the Messalians. Atticus, bishop of Constantinople, also wrote to the bishops of Pamphylia, bidding them everywhere expel the Messalians as accursed and an abomination. He wrote in similar terms to Amphilochius, bishop of Side.
Sisinnius of Constantinople and Theodotus of Antioch sent a joint letter to Verinianus,6 Amphilochius, and the rest of the bishops in Pamphylia, addressed "To our colleagues, beloved of God, Verinianus, Amphilochius, and the rest of the bishops in Pamphylia: Sisinnius, Theodotus, and all the holy synod which by the grace of God was assembled in the mighty city of Constantinople to consecrate the most holy Sisinnius, beloved of God, and our emperor Theodosius, beloved of Christ, greet you in the Lord." In this letter from the council Neon the bishop declared that if any one, after the excommunication of the Messalians, should at any time be detected saying or doing anything which rendered him suspect of favouring this heresy, he should not be allowed to retain his position, not if he offered to pay ten thousand times the penalty imposed upon those who repent; and that any one who supported him, a bishop or any one else, should be liable to the same penalty. John of Antioch also wrote a letter to Nestorius about the Messalians. The holy oecumenical council, the third, at Ephesus,7 also issued a decree, exposing the blasphemies and heresies of the Messalian book Asceticus and anathematizing it. Archelaus, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, also wrote twenty-four anathematisms against these articles. Heraclidas, bishop of Nyssa, also wrote two letters against them, in the second of which evidence is given of the antiquity of the worship of the holy images.
Some time afterwards, Gerontius, presbyter and superior of the monks at Glitis, wrote to Alypius, archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, bringing various charges against Lampetius,8 a profane impostor, who was the first of the Messalian sect who succeeded in worming his way into the dignity of the priesthood. Alypius, on receipt of the letter, commanded Hormisdas, bishop of Comana, to investigate the charges against Lampetius. The heads of the indictment were: that he had been guilty of unlawful intercourse with women; that he had used obscene language in reference to such matters; that he sneered and scoffed at those who chanted the hours as being still under the law. He and the Messalians were accused of many other impious words and deeds; and we ourselves, while endeavouring, as far as was in our power, to lead them from the error which was lately beginning to spring up again, have seen much festering passion and vice consuming their souls. But this Lampetius, Gerontius the presbyter being his accuser and bishop Hormisdas his judge, convicted partly on the evidence of witnesses and partly out of his own mouth, was unanimously degraded from the priesthood. Alypius of Caesarea who had been misled and had promoted the miscreant to the dignity of presbyter joined in the vote. This thrice sinful Lampetius composed a book called the Testament, in which some of his impious doctrines are inserted; Severus, who usurped the see of Antioch, while still only a presbyter, refuted it. A certain Alpheus, bishop of Rhinocorura,9 defended Lampetius as innocent in word and deed of the charges brought against him, and although, so far as one knows, he introduces no blasphemies in his published work, he was deprived of his office as a supporter of Lampetius. Another Alpheus, who had been ordained presbyter by Timotheus of Alexandria, was removed from office for the same heresy, as we learn from a report made by Ptolemy, also bishop of Rhinocorura, to the same Timotheus.
1 In Pamphylia (383).
2 Both names mean "those who pray," the first being Syriac, the second Greek. They believed that perpetual prayer and asceticism would procure inspiration from the Holy Spirit.
3 From Adelphius, one of the first leaders of the sect.
4 In Mesopotamia.
5 Of Melitene in Lesser Armenia.
6 Bishop of Perga.
7431.
8 A Messalian leader, almost as important as Adelphius. His followers were called Lampetians.
9 On the borders of Egypt and Palestine.
53. [Acts of the synod of Carthage, 412 or 411, against the Pelagians]
Read an account of the proceedings of the synod held at Carthage 1 in the great church, while Faustus 2 Honorius was emperor of the West, against Pelagius3 and Coelestius.4The president was Aurelius, bishop of Carthage and Dotianus of Telepte, chief prelate of the province of Byzacena, supported by distinguished Church dignitaries from different provinces, to the number of 224. This synod excommunicated those who asserted that Adam was created mortal, and that he did not suffer death as a punishment for his sin; also those who declared that infants newly born had no need of baptism, because they were not liable to original sin from Adam; also those who affirmed that there was a place midway between hell and paradise, to which infants dying unbaptized were removed, there to live in a state of blessedness. Six other similar articles, which hold the first place in the heresies of Pelagius and Coelestius, were also anathematized.
The emperors Theodosius and Honorius also wrote to bishop Aurelius condemning these same heretics. After this Constantius, the husband of Placidia and the father of Valen-tinian the Younger, sent a decree to Volusianus, praefect of the city, ordering that Coelestius should be banished. [This Volusianus, uncle of Saint Helena (Melania),5 at the time was a heathen, but when threatened with death he became converted to the true faith and was baptized by Proclus 6 of Constantinople, where he had been sent on an embassy. Perhaps at the same time he met that holy woman, who had come from Jerusalem to the queen-city.]7 Leo of Rome8 also wrote in regard to the converted Pelagians that, if they desired to be received into the Church again, they should anathematize their heresy in writing. In the letter of Coelestine, bishop of Rome,9 to Nestorius the same heretics are condemned. Coelestine also wrote to the bishops of Gaul in defence of the teaching of St. Augustine and against those who were emboldened to speak rashly by the licence allowed to the heresy. Jerome the priest10 also wrote to Ctesiphon 11 in refutation of those who held the idea of impassibility (in other words, against Pelagius). This Pelagius was a monk and Coelestius was his pupil.
1 412 or 411.
2 If Faustus be taken with Honorius, it will be an epithet corresponding to Felix; others render "in the great church of Faustus."
3 c. 370-440. According to some, he was; a Hibernian; according to others, a Welsh monk named Morgan ("sea-born" = Pelagius). He resided in Rome, Africa, and Palestine, where he is said to have died. The Pelagians rejected the doctrine of original sin, but believed in the Trinity and the personality of Christ.
4 Coelestius, a native of Ireland, pupil of Pelagius, younger and more vigorous than his master. It is to him that the influence of Pelagianism was chiefly due. Some authorities make him an Italian.
5 There were two holy women of this name: the elder (350-410), and the younger (383-439). The latter is here referred to. She was born at Rome, but early in life retired to Hippo in Africa, where she became acquainted with St. Augustine, and afterwards to Jerusalem, where she embraced the monastic life and died.
6 Patriarch of Constantinople (434-447).
7 Bekker states that this paragraph is an addition by a later hand.
8 Leo the "Great," pope 440-461.
9 422-432.
10 St. Jerome.
11 Supposed to have been a Roman, to whom Jerome wrote from Palestine, in reply to his request for advice concerning Pelagianism.
54. [A Copy of the Proceedings taken against the Doctrines of Nestorius by the Bishops of the West]
Read a work attacking the heresy of Pelagius and Coelestius, entitled A Copy of the Proceedings taken against the Doctrines of Nestorius by the Bishops of the West. It states that the Nestorian and Coelestian heresies were identical without doubt, quoting as its authority a letter of Cyril of Alexandria a to the emperor Theodosius. The Coelestians, speaking of the body or the members of Christ, that is, the Church, audaciously deny that it is God (that is, the Holy Spirit) who distributes to each man severally, as He wills, faith and all that is necessary to life, piety, and salvation; according to them, the nature of man as constituted----which by sin and transgression fell from blessedness and was separated from God and handed over to death----both invites and repels the Holy Spirit in accordance with free will. The Nestorians hold and venture to assert the same opinion concerning the head of the body, Christ. Since Christ shares our nature and God wishes all men alike to be saved, they say that every one of his own free will can amend his error and make himself worthy of God; wherefore He who was born of Mary was not Himself the Word, but, by reason of the nobility of His natural will, He had the Word accompanying, sharing the condition of sonship by nobleness alone and similarity of name.
This Pelagian or Coelestian heresy flourished not only in the East, but also spread over the West. At Carthage in Africa it was detected and refuted by Aurelius and Augustine, and publicly condemned at various synods. Those who held these opinions were expelled from the Church as heretics, when Theophilus was bishop of Alexandria b and Innocent bishop of Rome,2 by Roman, African, and other Western bishops. At the synod held in Palestine,3 however, at which fourteen bishops attended, Pelagius was acquitted. Some of the charges brought against him he utterly denied as foolish and anathematized, while he admitted having made certain other statements, not however in the sense attributed to them by his accusers, but rather in conformity with the doctrines of the Catholic Church. His accusers were Neporus 4 and Lazarus,5two bishops of Gaul, who were not present at the inquiry, having obtained permission to absent themselves in consequence of the illness of one of them. So Augustine states in his letters to Aurelius, bishop of Carthage.
After the death of the holy Augustine certain of the clergy began to reassert these impious doctrines. They began to speak evil of Augustine and falsely accused him of denying free will; but bishop Coelestine checked the renewal of this slander, writing to the bishops of the country in defence of that godlike man and against those who had set this heresy on foot again. As time went on, and these heretics, after having abjured their own doctrines, were received again into the Church, the scandal was again revived by them, and had to be put down before it went further by bishop Septimus,6 who wrote to Leo, pope at that time and a fervent opponent of these impious doctrines. Not long afterwards, when the shameless heresy again sprang up from an evil root, certain persons at Rome openly expressed themselves in favour of it. But Prosper,7 truly a man of God, in his pamphlets against them, soon crushed them, while Leo still occupied the papal throne. The heresy was also condemned at the holy synod of Ephesus.8 John, patriarch of Alexandria,9 in his Apologia to Gelasius, bishop of Rome,10 anathematized not only the Pelagian heresy, but Pelagius and Coelestius themselves, together with Julian,11 who was known to have succeeded them in the leadership of this sect.
a Archbishop of Alexandria (412-444).
b 385-412.
2402-417.
3At Diospolis, the ancient Lydda (415).
4 Or rather Heros, bishop of Aries.
5 Bishop of Aix.
6 Bishop of Altinum (mod. Altino) near Venice.
7 Prosper of Aquitaine (403-463). He was the author of two or three valuable Chronicles and a number of theological works.
8 431.
9 Afterwards bishop of Nola.
10 492-496.
11 Bishop of Eclana, near Beneventum, a Pelagian leader (fifth century).
55. [John Philoponus, Against the Fourth Council]
Read the treatise of John Philoponus (or rather Mataeoponus) Against the Holy Fourth Oecumenical Council.3 The style is characteristic of him. He shamelessly attempts to prove that the council favoured the heresy of Nestorius, and declares that it acquiesced in his excommunication, because it imagined it was doing no harm to the man4 by ratifying his doctrine, which Nestorius himself, on whom the condemnation fell, fondly cherished and regarded as the most important thing of all; wherein he indulges in fabrications and outrageous statements, on a par with his mental capacity and the unsteadiness of his opinions. The audacious and idle assertions which he makes against the council, a comedy in four parts, are in no way deserving of credit or even sensible.
In the same volume read a treatise by another John, a Nestorian, Against the same Holy Fourth Council. The author is John of Aegae,5 an impious person, but his diction has beauty and charm, and is brilliant and perspicuous.
3 451.
4 If this is not somewhat ungrammatically for τὸν ἂνθρωπον, the sense may be general, "to a man," i.e. a person would not feel injured if the point on which he laid most stress were conceded.
5 Cod. 41. But he is obviously a Eutychian, not a Nestorian, unless the mistake is in Cod. 41., some other John being really the author.
56. [Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Against Heresies]
Read the treatise of Theodoret of Cyrrhus Against Heresies, from the time of Simon 1 down to those which sprang up in his own age. It is dedicated to a certain Sporacius,2 who was fond of hearing about such matters. It goes down to Nestorius and his heresy, on which he pours forth unmitigated censure, and even farther, to the heresy of Eutyches. In the last of the five books which the treatise contains, he gives a summary of divine and orthodox doctrine compared with idle heretical talk, showing that it is not to be confounded with the latter, but is pure and irreprehensible. The style is clear and free from redundancies.
1 Magus (see Acts viii.).
2 Count of the domestics (captain of the palace guards), consul 453.
57. [Appian, Roman History]
Read Appian's 1 Roman History, in three parts and twenty-four books. The first treats of the seven kings, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Ancus Hostilius,2 Ancus Marcius (grandson of Numa), Tarquinius (Priscus), Servius Tullius, Lucius Tarquinius, son of Tarquinius,3 of whose acts and deeds it contains an account. The first of these, the founder and oekist of the city, although his rule was rather patriarchal than tyrannical, was nevertheless assassinated, or, according to others, disappeared from view. The second, in no way inferior as a ruler to his predecessor, or perhaps even his superior, died at the age of... The third was struck by lightning. The fourth succumbed to disease. The fifth was murdered by shepherds. The sixth was also murdered. The seventh was deposed and driven out of the city for his tyranny. After this, the monarchy was abolished, and its powers transferred to consuls. Such is the contents of the first book, which is entitled The Book of the Kings. The second book, entitled Italica, gives an account of the history of Italy with the exception of that part which is situated on the Ionian Sea. The following book, Samnitica, relates the wars of the Romans with the Samnites,4 a powerful nation and an enemy difficult to conquer whom it took the Romans eighty years to subdue, and the other nations who fought on their side. The fourth, Celtica, relates the wars of the Romans with the Celts (Gauls). The remaining books are similarly named. The fifth contains the History of Sicily and the other Islands, the sixth gives an account of Iberian affairs, the seventh of the Hannibalic wars, the eighth of Libyan affairs (dealing with Carthage and Numidia), the ninth of Macedonian affairs, the tenth of Greek and Ionian affairs, the eleventh of Syrian and Parthian affairs, the twelfth of the Mithradatic war. Up tp this point the relations and wars of the Romans with foreign nations are set forth in this order. The books that follow describe the civil wars and disturbances amongst the Romans themselves. They are entitled the first and second books of the Civil Wars and so on down to the ninth, which is the twenty-first book of the whole. The twenty-second book is called Hekatontaetia (the history of one hundred years), the twenty-third, Dacica, on Dacian affairs, the twenty-fourth, Arabica, on Arabian affairs.
Such are the divisions of the entire work. The account of the civil wars contains first the war between Marius and Sulla, then that between Pompey and Julius Caesar, after their rivalry took the form of violent hostilities, until fortune favoured Caesar and Pompey was defeated and put to flight. Next, it describes the proceedings of Antony and Octavius Caesar (also known as Augustus) against the murderers of Julius Caesar, at the time when many distinguished Romans were put to death without a trial. Lastly, the desperate conflict between Antony and Augustus, accompanied by terrible slaughter, in which victory declared for Augustus. Antony, deserted by his allies, was driven a fugitive to Egypt, where he died by his own hand. The last book of the Civil Wars describes how Egypt came into the power of the Romans, and how Augustus became the sole ruler of Rome.
The history begins with Aeneas, the son of Anchises, the son of Capys, who lived in the time of the Trojan war. After the capture of Troy Aeneas fled, and after much wandering landed on the coast of Italy at a place called Laurentum, where his camp is shown, and the coast is called after him Troja. Faunus, son of Mars, who was at the time ruler of the original Italian inhabitants, gave his daughter Lavinia in marriage to Aeneas and a piece of land 400 stades in circumference, on which Aeneas built a city and called it Lavinium after his wife Lavinia. Three years later, Faunus died, and Aeneas, who succeeded to the throne by right of kinship, gave the aborigines 5 the name of Latins from his father-in-law Latinus Faunus. After another three years, Aeneas was killed in battle against the Rutulians of Tyrrhenia, to whose king Lavinia had formerly been betrothed. He was succeeded by Euryleon, surnamed Ascanius, the son of Aeneas by Creusa the daughter of Priam, who was his wife at Troy. According to others, however, the Ascanius who succeeded him was his son by Lavinia. Ascanius died four years after he had founded the city of Alba with a body of settlers from Lavinium, and Silvius became king. The son of this Silvius is said to have been Aeneas Silvius, and the son of Aeneas Latinus Silvius. His descendants were Capys, Capetus, Tiberinus, and Agrippa, said to be the father of Romulus, who was killed by lightning, leaving a son Aventinus, who had a son named Procas. All these are said to have been surnamed Silvius. Procas had two children, the elder named Numitor, the younger. Amulius. When the elder succeeded to the throne on the death of his father, the younger got possession of it by force and crime, killed his brother's son Egestus, and made his daughter Rhea a priestess, so that she might not have children. But Numitor's mildness and gentleness saved him from the plot against his life. Silvia broke her vows and became pregnant,6 and was seized by Amulius for punishment, her two sons being given to some shepherds to be thrown into the river Tiber near at hand. The infants, Romulus and Romus,7 were descended from Aeneas on the mother's side; the name of their father was unknown.8
As already stated, the history begins with a rapid account of Aeneas and his descendants; but from the time of Romulus, the oekist9 of the city, it gives full details of events to the reign of Augustus, and, here and there, as late as the time of Trajan.
Appian was an Alexandrian by birth, and at first an advocate at Rome, being subsequently raised to the dignity of a procurator 10 under the emperors. His style is dry and free from redundancies; as an historian, he is trustworthy to the best of his ability, and an excellent authority on military matters; the speeches which he introduces are admirably calculated to encourage soldiers when dispirited, to restrain them when too ardent, to express and faithfully represent the emotions and feelings. He flourished in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian.
1 Of Alexandria, lived at Rome during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius (between 98-161). Of the twenty-four books of the Roman History, which Photius had before him, only eleven (besides the Preface) are completely preserved; the others are entirely lost, or only fragments.
2 Usually known as Tullus Hostilius.
3 Usually known as Tarquinius Superbus.
4 The most important were the three following:. 343-341; 326-304, in which the disaster of the Caudine Forks befell the Romans; 298-290, in which the Samnites suffered a decisive defeat at Sentinum (295).
5 Attempts to identify these people have proved unsatisfactory. The name is variously derived from ab origine, the primeval inhabitants, children of the soil = Gk. αὐτόχθονες; from aberrare, the nomads; or from βορείγενοι, mountain-dwellers.
6 By the god Mars.
7 Remus.
8 One MS. has an enlarged paragraph: "for, detesting their unknown father, they rather prided themselves on descent from Aeneas."
9 The Greek word οἰκιστής (oekist) denotes the founder of a colony and head of a band of colonists.
10 Probably of Egypt. Others render: "He was thought worthy of the management of the affairs of the emperors."
58. [Arrian, Parthica]
Read Arrian's 1 Parthica (History of Parthia) in seventeen books. He has also written the best account of the campaigns of Alexander of Macedon. Another work of his is Bithynica (History of Bithynia), relating the affairs of his native country. He also wrote an Alanica (History of the Alani).2 In the Parthica he gives an account of the wars between Parthia and Rome during the reign of Trajan. He considers the Parthians to have been a Scythian race, which had long been under the yoke of Macedonia, and revolted, at the time of the Persian rebellion,3 for the following reason. Arsaces and Tiridates were two brothers, descendants of Arsaces, the son of Phriapetes. These two brothers, with five accomplices, slew Pherecles, who had been appointed satrap of Parthia by Antiochus Theos,4 to avenge an insult offered to one of them; they drove out the Macedonians, set up a government of their own, and became so powerful that they were a match for the Romans in war, and sometimes even were victorious over them. Arrian further relates that during the reign of Sesostris, king of Egypt, and landysus, king of Scythia, the Parthians removed from their own country, Scythia, to the land which they now inhabit. The emperor Trajan reduced them to submission but left them free under a treaty, and appointed a king over them.
This Arrian, called the "young Xenophon," a philosopher and one of the pupils of Epictetus,5 flourished during the reigns of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Antoninus. Owing to his remarkable learning he was entrusted with various offices of state, and was finally promoted to the consulship. He was also the author of other works: the Lectures of Epictetus his master, with eight books of which we are acquainted, and the Conversations of Epictetus in twelve books. His style is dry, and he is a genuine imitator of Xenophon.
It is said that he was also the author of other works, but they have not come into my hands. Certainly he does not lack rhetorical skill and power.
1 Flavius Arrianus, flourished during the latter half of the second century A.D., and died before 180. He was born at Nicomedia in Bithynia, studied philosophy under Epictetus and distinguished himself as a soldier. He was appointed governor of Cappadocia in 136, and consul in 146. He spent the rest of his life in his native city, where he held the lifelong office of priest of Demeter and Kore. In addition to the works here mentioned, he was the author of: A Voyage round the Euxine, a treatise on Tactics, the Order of Battle against the Alani (defeated by him while governor of Cappadocia), on the Chase, and an account of India, perhaps a continuation of the Anabasis (the account of Alexander's campaigns), so named after the Anabasis of his model Xenophon.
2 Of which the Order of Battle against the Alani, referred to above, is a section.
3 Rebellantibus in the Latin versions of Schott and Muller (Frag. Hist. Gr. iii. 586). But can καταστραφέντων mean this? The more natural rendering; would seem to be: "which had long been under the yoke of Macedonia, the Persians having been subdued at the same time," i.e. by the Seleucids.
4 Antiochus II (king 261-246 B.C.).
5 Of Hierapolis in Phrygia (c. A.D. 60-140), Stoic philosopher.
59. [Acts of the Synod of the Oak]
Read the proceedings of the synod1 that was unlawfully summoned against St. John Chrysostom. The presidents were Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, Acacius of Beroea, Antiochus of Ptolemais, Severian of Gabala, and Cyrinus of Chalcedon, who were bitterly hostile to Chrysostom, and constituted themselves judges, accusers, and witnesses. There were thirteen sessions: twelve against Chrysostom, the thirteenth against Heraclides, whom Chrysostom had ordained bishop of Ephesus.
Owing to the pressure of other business, however, the deposition of Heraclides could not be ratified. His accuser was Macarius, bishop of Magnesia. The open enemy and chief accuser of Chrysostom was his deacon John. He first charged Chrysostom with having wronged him by ejecting him for having beaten his own servant Eulalius; the second charge was that a certain monk named John had been flogged by order of Chrysostom, dragged along, and put in chains like those possessed; the third, that he had sold much valuable Church property; the fourth, that he had sold the marble which Nectarius had set aside for decorating the church of St. Anastasia; the fifth, that he had reviled the clergy as dishonourable, corrupt, useless in themselves,2 and worthless; the sixth, that he had called St. Epiphanius 3 a fool and a demon; the seventh, that he had intrigued against Severian, and set the decani4 against him; the eighth, that he had written a book slandering the clergy; the ninth, that, having called all the clergy together, he had summoned three deacons, Acacius, Edaphius, and John, on a charge of having stolen his hood,5and had asked whether they had taken it for any other purpose; the tenth, that he had consecrated Antonius as bishop, although he had been convicted of robbing graves; the eleventh, that he had denounced count John at a seditious meeting of the troops; the twelfth, that he did not pray either when walking to the church or entering it; the thirteenth, that he ordained deacons and priests without standing by the altar; the fourteenth, that he consecrated four bishops at once; the fifteenth, that he received visits from women by themselves, after he had sent every one else out of the room; the sixteenth, that he had sold by the agency of Theodulus the inheritance left by Thecla; the seventeenth, that no one knew how the revenues of the Church were spent; the eighteenth, that he had ordained Serapion priest at a time when he was under accusation; the nineteenth, that he paid no heed to those who belonged to the communion of the world, who had been imprisoned by his orders, and when they died in prison did not even condescend to make arrangements for the interment of their bodies; the twentieth, that he had insulted the most holy Acacius, and refused to grant him an interview; the twenty-first, that he had handed over the presbyter Porphyry to Eutropius to be banished; the twenty-second, that he had also handed over the presbyter Venerius and grievously insulted him; the twenty-third, that a bath was heated for him alone, and that after he had bathed, Serapion emptied the bath, so that no one else might use it; the twenty-fourth, that he had ordained many without witnesses; the twenty-fifth, that he ate gluttonously alone, living like a Cyclops; the twenty-sixth, that he himself was accuser, witness, and judge, as was evident from the case of Martyrius the proto-deacon, and Proaeresius, bishop of Lycia; the twenty-seventh, that he struck Memnon with his fist in the church of the Apostles, and while he bled at the mouth celebrated the communion, the twenty-eighth, that he dressed and undressed on his throne, and ate a lozenge;6 the twenty-ninth, that he bribed the bishops who were consecrated by him to oppress the clergy.
Such were the charges against this holy man. He was four times summoned, but refused to appear. He declared that, if the synod would remove his open enemies from the list of judges, he was ready to appear and defend himself against any charges brought against him; if they refused to do so, no matter how many times they summoned him, it would be of no avail.
The first and second counts were then investigated, after which the synod proceeded to deal with the case of the bishops Heraclides and Palladius of Helenopolis. The monk John, mentioned by the deacon John in the second charge against Chrysostom, presented a memorial accusing Heraclides of being a follower of Origen, and of having been arrested at Caesarea in Palestine for the theft of the clothes of Aquilinus the deacon. Notwithstanding this, he declared, Chrysostom had consecrated him bishop of Epliesus. He further accused Chrysostom himself, whom he blamed for all that he had suffered at the hands of Serapion and Chrysostom owing to the Origenists. After this the ninth and twenty-seventh charges were investigated.
Then bishop Isaac again charged Heraclides with being a follower of Origen, with whom the most holy Epiphanius would hold no communion either at prayers or meals. He also presented a memorial containing the following charges against Chrysostom: (1) That the monk John, already mentioned, had been flogged and put in chains through the Origenists; (2) that Epiphanius refused to hold communion with him on account of his connexion with the Origenists Ammonius, Euthymius, Eusebius, Heraclides, and Palladius; (3) that he neglected the duties of hospitality and always ate alone; (4) that in church he used such language as "the table is full of furies"; (5) that he loudly exclaimed, "I am in love, I am mad"; (6) that he ought to explain what "furies" he referred to, and what he meant by "I am in love, I am mad," expressions unknown to the Church; (7) that he licensed people to sin, since he taught, "If thou sin again, repent again," and, "As often as thou sinnest, come to me and I will heal thee"; (8) that he uttered blasphemy while in the Church, asserting that the prayer of Christ was not heard, since He did not pray in a proper manner; (9) that he stirred up the people to reject the authority of the synod; (10) that he had welcomed a number of heathens who had oppressed the Christians, kept them in the church, and afforded them protection; (11) that he had encroached upon the provinces of others, and consecrated bishops there; (12) that he had insulted the bishops, and ordered the bishops and...7 to be ejected from his house; (13) that he had subjected the clergy to unheard-of insults; (14) that he had violently appropriated sums of money left to others; (15) that he performed ordinations without a meeting of the clergy and contrary to their wish; (16) that he had received the Origenists, but allowed those who were in communion with the Church and had come to him with letters of recommendation to be cast into prison without obtaining their release, and even if they died there, took no further notice of them; (17) that he had consecrated as bishops foreign slaves not yet emancipated and, in some cases, under accusation; (18) that he himself (Isaac) had often been ill-treated by him.
Of these charges the first, having been already discussed, did not seem to require further examination, but the second and seventh, and then the third of the charges brought by deacon John, were investigated. In this last the archpresbyter Arsacius, the successor of Chrysostom, and the presbyters Atticus and Elpidius somehow or other came forward as witnesses against that holy man. They and the presbyter Acacius also gave witness against him on the fourth charge. After these had been investigated, the above-mentioned presbyters, with Eudaemon and Onesimus, demanded that the synod should hasten its decision. Accordingly, Paul, bishop of Heraclea, called upon all to give their vote. The members present, forty-five in all, then recorded their opinion, beginning with bishop Gymnasius and ending with Theophilus of Alexandria. It was unanimously decided that Chrysostom should be deprived of his episcopate. A letter on his deposition was sent on the part of the synod to the clergy of Constantinople, and a report was made to the emperors. Gerontius, Faustinus, and Eugnomonius also presented three petitions, complaining that they had been unjustly deprived of their episcopates by Chrysostom. The emperors in reply sent an imperial rescript to the synod. These were the proceedings of the twelfth session; the thirteenth, as has been stated, was occupied with the case of Heraclides, bishop of Ephesus.
1 The synod (403) "at the Oak," an estate near Chalcedon, on the opposite side of the Bosporus to Constantinople, belonging to the imperial prefect Rufinus. See Hefele, Conziliengeschichte (Eng. tr.).
2 Αὐτοπαραχρήτους. Another reading is αὐτοπαρακλήτους, "self-invited."
3 See CXXII.
4 Monastic officials, who had each ten monks under their control. The name was also given to the Copiatae or Fossarii (grave-diggers, undertakers), who had to bury the poor for nothing.
5 Μαφόριον, a covering for the head, cowl, hood, especially for females. As used by monks, it may possibly be identical with the scapular. Another reading is ὠμοφόριον shoulder-cape (the Latin pallium).
6 Chrysostom advised the communicants to eat a lozenge (or little cake) to avoid spitting out any of the sacrament.
7 The word omitted is ἐκπιγγάτους, the meaning of which the translator has been unable to discover. Ducange explains it by Conciliabulum as specially used of the synod of the Oak.
60. [Herodotus, History]
Read the nine books of the History of Herodotus,1 in name and number identical with the nine Muses. He may be considered the best representative of the Ionic, as Thucydides of the Attic dialect. He is fond of old wives' tales and digressions, pervaded by charming sentiments, which, however, sometimes obscure the due appreciation of history and its correct and proper character. Truth does not allow her accuracy to be impaired by fables or excessive digressions from the subject.
He begins his history with Cyrus, the first king of Persia, describing his birth, education, manhood, arid reign, and goes down to the reign of Xerxes----his expedition against the Athenians, and subsequent retreat. Xerxes was the third who succeeded Cyrus, the first being Cambyses, the second Darius. Smerdis the Magian is not reckoned among these, as a tyrant who craftily usurped the throne that did not belong to him. Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes, with whom the history concludes, although it does not go as far as the end of his reign. Herodotus himself, according to the evidence of Diodorus Siculus,2 flourished during these times. It is said that, when he read his work,3 Thucydides, then very young, who was present with his father at the reading, burst into tears. Whereupon Herodotus exclaimed, "Oh, Olorus! how eager your son is to learn! "
1 Of Halicarnassus (c. 484-424 B.c ), the so-called "father of history." His history, in nine books, each named after one of the Muses, gives an account of the Persian wars from the reign of Cyrus down to the battle of Mycale in the reign of Xerxes, a period of 126 years. It also contains digressions on the early history and manners and customs of different peoples. It is curious that Photius has not devoted more attention to him.
2 See LXX.
3 To an assembly of the Greeks at Olympia.
61. [Aeschines, Against Timarchus; On the False Embassy; and Against Ctesiphon]
Read the three orations of Aeschines,1 Against Timarchus (the first of his speeches), On the False Embassy, and Against Ctesiphon (the third and last). These three speeches and nine letters are said to be his only genuine works; for which reason the orations were sometimes called the three Graces, from their number and the charm of their style, and the letters the nine Muses. Another oration, the Delian law, was known under his name; but Caecilius 2 denies its genuineness and ascribes it to another Aeschines, an Athenian and contemporary.
Aeschines was one of the "ten" Attic orators. He was accused by Demosthenes of having misconducted an embassy,3but was not convicted, since the demagogue Eubulus, in whose service Aeschines had formerly been,4 sided with him against Demosthenes, and caused the jury to rise before Demosthenes had finished his speech. Subsequently, when he attacked the proposal of Ctesiphon on behalf of Demosthenes as illegal,5having himself settled the amount of the fine he was prepared to pay if he did not make good the charge, he failed to do so, and left his country. He first set out for Asia, intending to seek refuge with Alexander, the son of Philip, who was then on his Asiatic expedition, but when he heard of his death and that his successors were quarrelling amongst themselves, he sailed to Rhodes, where he remained for some time, giving young men lessons in rhetoric. When his admirers were at a loss to understand how so great an orator could have been defeated by Demosthenes, he replied, "If you had heard that beast (meaning Demosthenes), you would not be surprised." He is said to have been the first to compose imaginary speeches and what are called "declamations" in his leisure hours. In his old age he removed to Samos, where he died. He was of humble origin;6 his father was Atrometus; his mother Glaucothea, a priestess. He had two brothers, Aphobetus and Philochares. At first, being possessed of a loud voice, he became a third-rate actor; then he was copying-clerk to the Council; and soon afterwards came forward as a public speaker. He belonged to the philippizing party at Athens, and was consequently a political opponent of Demosthenes. He is said to have attended Plato's lectures, and to have been the pupil of Antalcidas,7 statements which are supported by the grandeur of his language and the dignity of his inventions.8The sophist Dionysius,9 when he came across the oration Against Timarchus, after he had read the opening----"I have never yet publicly indicted a citizen nor harassed him when he was rendering an account of his office"----is reported to have said, "Would that you had indicted or harassed many, that so you might have left us more speeches of the kind," so delighted was he with this orator's style.
His language appears natural and extemporaneous, and does not create so much admiration for the writer's art as for his natural gifts. Abundant proofs of his cleverness and ability are to be found in his orations. In his choice of words he aims at simplicity and distinctness, and in the structure of his periods he is neither so feeble as Isocrates, nor so compressed and concise as Lysias, while in verve and energy he is not inferior to Demosthenes. He employs figures of thought and speech, not to create the impression of using artistic language, but in conformity with the necessities of the subject. Hence his style appears direct and straightforward, well adapted for speaking in public and for private conversation; for he does not make constant use of proofs and arguments, and is not over elaborate.
Aeschines,10 the son of Lysanias, called Socraticus, is reckoned by Phrynichus and others one of the greatest orators, and his speeches as models of Attic style, only second to those of its best representatives.
1 Attic orator (c. 390-314 B.C.), rival of Demosthenes. He had a varied career as secretary, third-rate actor, orator, and statesman. At first an opponent of Philip of Macedon, he was induced by bribery to favour his cause. After his unsuccessful attack on Ctesiphon for proposing to bestow a crown on Demosthenes for his public services, he retired, first to Ephesus, then to Rhodes, and lastly to Samos, where he died. The three speeches have come down to us; the letters are lost.
2 Caecilius Calactinus (from Kale Akte in Sicily), Greek rhetorician, flourished at Rome in the time of Augustus. He wrote a number of rhetorical, grammatical, and historical works, the chief being On the Character of the Ten (Attic) Orators, but none of them has come down to us.
3 To Philip of Macedon.
4 As secretary. Eubulus was a distinguished financier, and a bitter opponent of Demosthenes.
5 The text is corrupt here. The sense required is given in the translation.
6 According to his own account, he was of good family.
7 The only Antalcidas appears to be the author of the humiliating peace with Persia (387 B.C.), who is not famous as a rhetorician or teacher. Suidas says that Aeschines was a pupil of Alcidamas of Elaea (in Aeolis in Asia Minor), a pupil of Gorgias.
8 The word πλάσματα perhaps refers here to the "moulded form" of style, not, as above, to imaginary, fictitious speeches.
9 Of Miletus. He lived in the time of the emperor Hadrian.
10 Pupil of Socrates. He spent some time at the court of Dionysius the Younger of Syracuse, and then settled in Athens and wrote speeches for the law-courts. He also composed a number of Socratic dialogues, of which seven were supposed to be genuine. The three that pass under his name and some letters are certainly not by him.
62. [Praxagoras of Athens, History of Constantine the Great]
Read the History of Constantine the Great by Praxagoras of Athens,1 in two books. In this he tells us that Constantine's father, Constantius, was governor of Britain and Spain; Maximin2 of Rome, the rest of Italy, and Sicily; the other Maximin 3 of Greece, Asia Minor, and Thrace; Diocletian, as the eldest, governed Bithynia, Arabia, Lybia, and that part of Egypt that is watered by the Nile. Constantine was sent by his father to Diocletian in Nicomedia to be educated. At that time Maximin,4 governor of Asia Minor, who happened to be there, determined to lay a plot against the youth and set him to fight with a savage lion. But Constantine overcame and slew the beast, and having discovered the plot, took refuge with his father, after whose death he succeeded to the throne.
Soon after his accession, he subdued the Celts and Germans, neighbouring and barbarous nations. Having learnt that Maxentius, who had made himself master of Rome after Maximin,5 treated his subjects with cruelty and brutality, he marched against him, to punish him for his conduct. He was speedily victorious and put his enemy to flight, who fell into the pit which he had prepared for others and met the death which he had designed for his enemies. The Romans cut off his head, hung it on a spear, and carried it through the city. This part of the empire with joyful eagerness submitted to Constantine.
In the meantime, Maximin (who had plotted against Constantine) had died and was succeeded in his government by Licinius. Constantine, hearing that he also treated his subjects with cruelty and inhumanity, unable to tolerate such brutality towards those of the same race, marched against him, to put an end to his tyranny and replace it by constitutional government. Licinius, being informed of the expedition, became alarmed, attempted to disguise his cruelty under the cloak of humanity, and took an oath that he would treat his subjects kindly and would strictly keep his promise. Constantine accordingly for the time abandoned his expedition. Soon afterwards, however, since the wicked cannot remain quiet, Licinius broke his oath and abandoned himself to every kind of villainy. Whereupon Constantine attacked and defeated him in several great battles and shut him up and besieged him in Nicomedia, whence he approached Constantine in the garb of a suppliant. His kingdom was, taken away from him and bestowed upon Constantine, who thus secured and became sole ruler of the different parts of the great empire, which had long desired an emperor worthy of it. He inherited his father's kingdom and that of Rome after the overthrow of Maximin,6 and obtained possession of Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor by the deposition of Licinius. He further assumed control of that part which had belonged to Diocletian, and had been held by Licinius, who had seized it by right of war from Maximin,7 Diocletian's successor.
Being thus sole master of a united empire, he founded Byzantium and called it after his own name. Praxagoras says that although Constantine was a heathen, in virtue, goodness, and prosperity he far excelled all his predecessors on the throne. With these words the history concludes.
Praxagoras, according to his own statement, was twenty-two years old when he wrote this history. He was also the author of two books on The Kings of Athens, written when he was nineteen, and six books on Alexander King of Macedon, written when he was thirty-one. His style is clear and agreeable, but somewhat wanting in vigour. He writes in the Ionic dialect.
1 Flourished in the fourth century B.C. Both works mentioned by Photius are entirely lost.
2 Should be Maximian (Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maximianus).
3 Should also be Maximian (Galerius Valerius Maximianus).
4 Galerius.
5 Valerius.
6 Should be Maxentius.
7 Valerius Maximinus called Daza or Daia, emperor 311-314.
63. [Procopius, History]
Read the History of Procopius1 the rhetorician in eight books. He relates the wars of the Romans in the reign of Justinian against the Vandals, Persians, and Goths, chiefly conducted by Belisarius, whose intimate friend the writer was and whom he accompanied on his campaigns, setting down in writing events of which he was an eye-witness.
The following is the contents of the first book. Arcadius, emperor of the Romans, in his will appointed Yezdegerd, king of Persia, guardian of his son Theodosius. Yezdegerd accepted the trust, fulfilled his duties as guardian conscientiously and kept his ward's throne intact. On the death of Yezdegerd, Vararanes his successor made war against the Romans, but after Anatolius, master-general of the East, had been sent by Theodosius on an embassy to Persia, he concluded a treaty and returned home. After this Perozes, king of Persia, who succeeded another Yezdegerd, son of Vararanes, waged war on the Huns called Ephthalites or "White" Huns from their complexions. They are not ill-looking and do not resemble the other Huns. They do not lead a wild or nomadic life, but enjoy the protection of the laws under their kings. They were the neighbours of Persia on the north, which induced Perozes to invade their territory in order to settle the question of boundaries. The Ephthalites cunningly led him into difficult country, from which he barely escaped after concluding a disgraceful peace. He was forced to do homage to the king of the Ephthalites, and was only allowed to depart on taking an oath that he would never attack them again. Subsequently, however, he broke his word and, having again made war upon them, was ignominiously destroyed together with his whole army, which fell into pits and ditches cunningly prepared by the enemy. He died in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, on which occasion the famous pearl which he wore in his right ear was lost.
Perozes was succeeded by his youngest son Cabades,2 who was accused of violating the laws and imprisoned by the Persians in the fortress of Lethe. Having escaped with the assistance of his wife he took refuge with the Ephthalites, whose ruler betrothed him to one of his daughters and lent him a large army, with which he marched against the Persians and recovered his throne without a fight. His brother Biases,3who was ruling in his stead, was abandoned by his soldiers, seized, and blinded by boiling oil poured into his open eyes, in accordance with a long-established Persian custom. An account of the dispute between Pacurius, king of Persia, and Arsaces, king of Armenia, and the advice hostile to Arsaces, given by the magi to Pacurius, follows next. It seems probable, however, that this story is fictitious.
The above-mentioned Cabades, who was heavily in debt to the Ephthalites, endeavoured to obtain a loan from Anastasius, but met with a refusal. Thereupon Cabades, without any further excuse, suddenly overran Armenia and besieged Amida. When he was on the point of abandoning the siege in despair, a gross insult on the part of some women among the besieged induced him to turn back and continue operations. He attacked with furious impetuosity, took the city by storm, and carried off the inhabitants as slaves. A large number of them were subsequently released without ransom, and treated with great kindness by Anastasius.
Anastasius, hearing that Amida was besieged, sent a very large force against the Persians, under four commanders---- Areobindus, master-general of the East (son-in-law of Olybrius, the former emperor of the West), Celer, captain of the imperial household, Patricius the Phrygian, and his own nephew Hypatius. With them were associated Justin, who succeeded Anastasius, and many other experienced soldiers. It is said that so large an army had never been brought into the field against the Persians, but owing to its delay in arriving, the city was taken; further, there was no unity of operation and the different detachments acted independently, with the result that they were ignominiously defeated with heavy loss. At last they reached Amida and besieged the city, but while they wasted time, the Persians within, who were in great straits, concluded a seven years' treaty, which was arranged by Celer and Asperedes as representatives of Persia and Rome.
Mount Taurus in Cilicia first passes through Cappadocia, Armenia, Persarmenia, Albania, Iberia, and all the other independent countries which had become subject to Persia. Just over the frontiers of Iberia there is a narrow path about fifty stades in length, ending in a steep and inaccessible height; there is apparently no way through, except by means of a natural exit which looks as if it had been made by the hand of man, called in ancient times the Caspian gate. Beyond this gate there are plains suitable for riding, and full of natural springs, and there is an extensive tract of gently-sloping country which provides an excellent pasturage for horses; it is nearly all inhabited by Huns as far as the Palus Maeotis.4 Whenever they invade Persian or Roman territory through the Caspian gate, they ride at full speed on vigorous horses, since all who desire to enter Iberia have only to contend with difficult country for the fifty stades mentioned; if, on the other hand, they choose another passage, it is only with great trouble that they reach their destination. Alexander, the son of Philip, perceiving this, built gates there and erected a fortress. During the reign of Anastasius, this fortress was occupied by a Hun named Ambazuces, a friend of the Romans and Anastasius, to whom he offered to hand over control of the gates.5Anastasius thanked him for his goodwill, but refused to accept the responsibility. After the death of Ambazuces, Cabades forcibly ejected his sons and took possession of the gates. Thereupon Anastasius, after the treaty had been concluded with Cabades, built a stronghold in the neighbourhood of Daras, in spite of the objections of the Persians, and also another city in Armenia, on the frontiers of Persarmenia, which was formerly called Theodosiupolis, since Theodosius had bestowed upon it the rank of a city instead of a village.
On the death of Anastasius, although many of his kinsmen were worthy to succeed him, they were rejected and Justin elected emperor. Soon after his accession, Cabades, in order to secure the throne for his youngest son Chosroes, wrote a letter to Justin proposing that he should adopt Chosroes. Justin and his sister's son Justinian, the heir-presumptive, welcomed the proposal, but in consequence of the advice of Proclus the quaestor, who argued that sons were the lawful heirs and successors of their fathers,6 they changed their minds and the adoption was not ratified. Subsequently, Seoses (who had once saved the life of Cabades) and Beodes7 were sent by the Persians, and Rufinus and Hypatius by the Romans, to discuss the terms of peace and the adoption of Chosroes. Seoses was accused of various offences by Beodes, tried by his countrymen and condemned to death. Rufinus also accused Hypatius to the emperor, who deprived him of his office.
The country between Bosporus and Cherson, which are a twenty days' journey apart, is inhabited by Hunnish tribes, who were formerly independent but had recently submitted to Justin, Cherson being the last city in Roman territory. The Iberians also, being ill-treated by the Persians, declared themselves vassals of Justin together with their king, Gurgenes. This was the cause of war between the Romans and the Persians.
During his lifetime, Justin had made Justinian his partner in the empire, who, after his uncle's death, became sole ruler. Belisarius and Sittas were the two army commanders under Justinian. Belisarius had been appointed to the command of the troops in Daras, when Procopius, the writer of this history, became his secretary. When Justinian was sole emperor, Belisarius was made general of the East and ordered to undertake an expedition against the Persians. Perozes, the mirran,8 had been appointed to the command of the Persian army by Cabades. While both armies were encamped near Daras, Perozes sent a message to Belisarius, bidding him prepare a bath in the city, since he intended to bathe there on the following day. The Romans accordingly prepared vigorously for battle. During the engagement, one Andrew, a Byzantine, a gymnastic instructor, master of a wrestling school in Constantinople, and one of the bath-attendants of Buzes (who was associated with Belisarius in the command), when challenged to a duel, made his way through the ranks unnoticed, and defeated and slew his challenger. Then the battle was discontinued. In a subsequent engagement, the Persians, having been completely defeated with heavy losses, decided not to risk any more pitched battles with the Romans, and both sides confined themselves to skirmishes.
Cabades then sent another army into Roman Armenia, consisting of Persarmenians, Sunites and Sabirites, under the command of Mermeroes. Dorotheus, general of Armenia, and Sittas, who was in command of the whole army, joined battle, and although greatly inferior in numbers, defeated the Persians, who thereupon returned home. The Romans then took possession of some Persian territory, including the district of Pharangium, the gold mines of which furnish a revenue for the king. The Tzani (formerly called Sani), an independent people who lived by plundering their neighbours, were defeated by Sittas and submitted to Rome. They embraced Christianity, and were drafted into the ranks of the Roman army.
After the defeat of both his armies, Cabades was at a loss what to do. Then Alamundarus, chief of the Persian Saracens, an experienced and vigorous soldier, who for fifty years had harassed the Romans, suggested to him that he should attack Antioch, which was unprotected, and ravage the neighbouring country. But Belisarius, hearing of his intention, set out with all speed against him with a force of Isaurians and Saracens, the latter under Arethas, a Saracen chief who was on the side of Rome. Alamundarus and Azarethes retired in alarm, closely followed by Belisarius, who did not intend to force an engagement, but only pretended to be pursuing them. But the soldiers reproached him, at first secretly and then openly, so that against his will he consented to give battle. At first, after both sides had suffered heavily, the issue remained in doubt; but after the forces of Arethas and the Isaurians had given way, the Persians gained a decided victory. Had not Belisarius dismounted and gone to the assistance of those who remained, they would all have been destroyed. Azarethes, the Persian commander, on his return received no thanks from Cabades for his victory. For he himself had lost a large number of men, although the enemy's losses had been greater, and was accordingly regarded as disgraced.
Belisarius was recalled to Byzantium by Justinian to command the expedition against the Vandals, the protection of the East being entrusted to Sittas. At this time, while the Persians were attacking the Romans, Cabades died and was succeeded by Chosroes. Hearing of this, the Romans sent Rufinus, Alexander, Thomas, and Hermogenes on an embassy to him, with offers to conclude an "endless peace" and also to pay a sum of 110 centenars.9 At first the negotiations were unsuccessful, and it was not till later that the "endless peace" was concluded in the sixth year of the reign of Justinian. According to its terms, the Persians received the money agreed upon, and the district of Pharangium and the fortress of Bolon were restored to them; on the other hand, they abandoned the fortresses captured in Lazica, and exchanged Dagaris, an excellent soldier, for a Persian of rank.
Soon afterwards, their subjects conspired against both Chosroes. and Justinian. The Persians hated Chosroes as turbulent and restless, and were minded to bestow the crown on Cabades, the son of Chosroes' brother Zames. But the plot was discovered, and Chosroes put to death Zames and his other brothers, and all who had taken part in it. Thus the conspiracy was put down. Cabades the son of Zames, who was very young, escaped death through the prudence and compassion of Khanaranges Adergadunbades,10 who was afterwards put to death on this account by Chosroes.
The people of Rome also rose against Justinian and declared Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, emperor against his will. The rising had its origin in the circus factions.11 Belisarius and Mundus, by order of Justinian, put Hypatius to death together with a number of conspirators and 30,000 of the people. Justinian also had the support of his nephews Boraides and Justus. In the same book Procopius gives an account of the avaricious and wily Tribonian, a Pamphylian by birth, who held the office of quaestor, and also of John, prefect of Cappadocia, notorious for villainy, greed, drunkenness, and vice of every kind. He relates how Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, making use of John's daughter Euphemia, deceived him and convicted him of conspiring against the emperor; also how, when Eusebius, bishop of Cyzicus, was treacherously murdered, John, being suspected of the crime, was scourged and ignominiously banished.
The contents of the second book is as follows. Chosroes, being anxious to break the treaty with the Romans, whose conquest of Libya had roused his jealousy, was further incited by Witigis, king of the Goths, who sent an embassy to him, composed of certain Ligurians and Bassacus, an Armenian chief. The Armenians had revolted from Rome and joined the Persians, and the Roman commander Sittas had been killed while fighting against them. Chosroes thereupon decided to break the "endless" truce and make war on the Romans. When he heard of this, Justinian sent Anastasius to Chosroes to advise him not to do so. In the meantime Witigis had been taken prisoner by Belisarius, and sent to Constantinople. Chosroes, however, crossed the Roman frontiers, took the town of Sura, and made the inhabitants slaves. Soon afterwards, Candidus, bishop of Sergiopolis, having offered to ransom the captives, 1200 in number, he let them go free on receipt of a bond for two centenars. But Candidus, failing to keep his promise, was justly punished. Chosroes next marched against Hierapolis, and was preparing to lay siege to it, when the bishop of Beroea offered him 2000 pounds of silver if he would abandon the blockade. Chosroes consented, and even promised to evacuate the whole of the Roman territory in the East for 1000 pounds of gold. Meanwhile Buzes, general of the East, not thinking himself strong enough to oppose Chosroes, kept moving from place to place. Chosroes then advanced to Beroea, from whose inhabitants he demanded a ransom of 2000 pounds of silver, afterwards increased to twice that amount; when they failed to pay, he laid vigorous siege to the city. But Megas, bishop of Beroea, appealed to Chosroes and induced him to let the inhabitants go free, wherever they wished. Most of the soldiers voluntarily went over to Chosroes, because their pay was greatly in arrears. In like manner Chosroes demanded ransom from the inhabitants of Antioch, and when they refused, besieged it. While he was vigorously attacking, Theoctistus and Malatzes,12 with the soldiers from the Lebanon, secretly made their way out of the city and fled. Thus Chosroes easily compelled Antioch to surrender and reduced the inhabitants to slavery. Ambassadors from Rome were then sent to him, John the son of Rufinus and Julian his private secretary. After a long discussion as to terms, it was agreed that the Romans should pay Chosroes 5000 pounds of gold down, and 500 pounds every year in the future by way of tribute, on his promise to cease ravaging their territory; and that ambassadors should be sent from Justinian to confirm the agreement. But in spite of this arrangement, Chosroes proceeded to Apamea, and demanded a large sum of money from its bishop, Thomas; finally, he carried off all the sacred vessels and offerings and left the town. It was here that the miracle of the precious and life-giving cross took place.13 Chosroes is also said to have attended the circus games in the same place. He then went on to Chalcis, and after exacting from the inhabitants 200 pounds of gold, retired without besieging it. He next visited Edessa, from which he exacted the same amount, but, being alarmed by certain divine warnings, left this city also unbesieged. Edessa is the city which is connected with the story of Augarus14 and the miracle performed by Christ.
Augarus was a great friend of Augustus, at whose court he remained some time, and only succeeded by stratagem in obtaining permission to return to his own country. Chosroes then left Edessa. At the same time Justinian wrote to his ambassadors, expressing himself ready to confirm the treaty. Nevertheless, Chosroes exacted ransom from Constantina, and, going on to Daras, proceeded to besiege it. Its commander, Martin, prepared to defend it, and Chosroes, seeing no hope of taking it by siege, retired to his own country on payment of 1000 pounds of silver. The inhabitants of Antioch were all transferred to a city called Antioch of Chosroes, which he had built in Assyria, a day's journey from Ctesiphon. He treated them with great kindness and favour, ordered that they should be exempt from all jurisdiction but his own, constructed a hippodrome, and provided them with other amusements.
Belisarius, who had been recalled from Italy to take command, set out against Chosroes at the beginning of spring. On his arrival in Mesopotamia, he armed and encouraged the soldiers, who were almost without equipment and dreaded the name of the Persians. Chosroes, on the invitation of the Lazians, who with their ruler Gubazes 15 had joined the Persians, owing to the extortions and jobbery of John, Roman commandant,16 rapidly advanced against Petra, a city of Colchis on the shore of the Euxine. As long as John was in command of the fortress, the siege was unsuccessful, but after he had been killed by a shot in the neck, it surrendered. The inhabitants were allowed to depart unharmed, subject to an agreement. Only the large amount of money accumulated by John through the monopoly was seized by Chosroes. In the meantime Belisarius, after an abortive attack on Nisibis, laid siege to the fortress of Sisauranum and compelled it to surrender. Its commander Blischames17 and the most distinguished Persians were made prisoners and sent to Byzantium. Arethas also, who had been sent with an army against the Assyrians, ravaged their country; but his companions, who had secured large sums of money, refused to return to Belisarius. The latter, whose army had been attacked by sickness, was in ignorance of what Arethas had done; Recithangus and Theoctistus were eager to return home to defend Phoenicia, which was being ravaged by Alamundarus. Belisarius accordingly withdrew his forces from Persian territory, and was soon afterwards summoned by Justinian to Constantinople.
1 Of Caesarea in Palestine, died some time after 562. In addition to the eight books of The Wars he was the author of a description of The Buildings erected by Justinian, and of an Anecdota or Chronique Scandaleuse attacking the private life of Justinian and his notorious wife Theodora. The genuineness of the last has been disputed. In style Procopius is an imitator of Herodotus and Thucydides. The title "rhetorician" given him by Photius better suits Procopius of Gaza, a Christian teacher of rhetoric (465-528). For the history of the period, see Gibbon, ch. 40; J. B. Bury, Later Roman Empire; T. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders; G. Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental Monarchy.
2 Also Kobad or Kavadh.
3 Also Balash. According to some, he was the brother, according to others the uncle of Cabades. Authorities differ as to whether he died a natural death; if so, Procopius and others have confused him with Cabades's brother Zamasp.
4 The Sea of Azov.
5 On condition of a sum of money being paid to him.
6 He was afraid that, as Justin had no natural son, an adopted son might claim to be his heir and successor.
7 Or Mebodes.
8 Some take this to be a proper name, others the title of the commander-in-chief of the Persian army.
9 11,000 pounds of gold, about £500,000.
10 A Persian title.
11 The Nika sedition (532).
12 Or Molatzes.
13 Apamea was supposed to be the possessor of a fragment of the true cross.
14 Usually known as Abgar(us), probably a title. The Abgar here referred to ruled from 4 B.C. to A.D. 50, with an interval during which he was deposed. It is said that he wrote a letter to Christ begging Him to cure him of a disease. Christ promised to send one of His disciples after His ascension, and Thaddeus was sent by Thomas, by whom Abgar was cured,
15 Or Gunazes.
16 He had established a monopoly of corn and salt.
17 There are several variants of this name.
64. [Theophanes of Byzantium, History]
Read the History of Theophanes of Byzantium1 in ten books. The first book begins with the war against the Persians, which broke out after the treaty concluded between Justinian and Chosroes was renounced by Chosroes himself and Justin the successor of Justinian, at the end of the second year of his reign. The history begins at this point, and goes down to the tenth year of the war. In the first book the author also mentions that he has written another work on the history of Justinian; indeed, it is evident that he added other books to these ten. In this book he narrates how the treaty was annulled. Justin sent Comentiolus to demand the return of Suania from Chosroes, who promised to give it back, but did not keep his promise. At this time there was also a severe earthquake throughout Mesopotamia, a prelude to the calamities that were to come.
The Turks, formerly called Massagetae, and by the Persians Kirmikhiones, who live to the east of the Tanais (Don), at this time sent an embassy with gifts to the emperor Justin, beseeching him not to receive the Avars. Justin accepted the gifts, received the ambassadors kindly, and dismissed them. When the Avars subsequently approached Justin, requesting permission to inhabit Pannonia and desiring to conclude peace, he refused, owing to the agreement he had made with the Turks.
During the reign of Justinian, a certain Persian, a visitor to Byzantium, explained to the emperor the art of rearing silkworms, hitherto unknown to the Romans. This Persian, who had come from the land of the Seres,1 concealed the eggs of the silkworms in a hollow cane and conveyed them to Byzantium. At the beginning of spring, the eggs were placed upon mulberry leaves, on which the worms fed when hatched, afterwards turning into moths, which spun the silk. When king Justin afterwards showed the Turks how the worms were bred and how silk was made, he greatly surprised them, since at that time they had possession of the markets and harbours of the Seres, formerly held by the Persians. Ephthalanus, king of the Ephthalites, from whom the tribe derived its name, having defeated Perozes and the Persians, drove them out of their territory and took possession of it, being themselves shortly afterwards in turn defeated and dispossessed by the Turks. Zemarchus, an ambassador sent by Justin to the Turks, entertained them at a magnificent banquet and having been received with every kindness returned home. Chosroes thereupon marched against the Aethiopians (formerly called Macrobii,2 and at that time Homerites), who were on friendly terms with the Romans; with the aid of Miranes,3 the Persian general, he captured Sanaturces, king of the Homerites, sacked their city and enslaved the inhabitants. The author also relates how the Armenians, being ill-treated by Surenas, especially in the matter of religion, entered into a conspiracy with Vardanes (whose brother Manuel had been put to death by Surenas) and a certain Vardus, slew Surenas, revolted from the Persians and went over to the Romans, abandoning the town of Dubios where they lived and crossing into Roman territory. This was the chief reason why the Persians broke the treaty with the Romans. Immediately afterwards the Iberians also revolted and with their king, Gurgenes, deserted to the Romans. At that time Tiphilis was the capital of Iberia.
Marcian, cousin of the emperor Justin, who had been appointed commander in the East, was sent against Chosroes in the eighth year of Justin's reign. John, the general of Armenia, and Miranes, the Persian leader (who was also called Baramaanes), collected an army to oppose them. The Armenians were joined by the Colchians, the Abasgi, and Saroes, king of the Alani; Miranes by the Sabiri, Daganes, and the tribe of the Dilmaini.5 Marcian defeated Miranes at Nisibis and put him to flight; 1200 Persians were killed and seventy taken prisoners, while the Roman loss was only seven. Marcian also laid siege to Nisibis. Chosroes, when he heard of this got together 40,000 cavalry and more than 100,000 infantry, and hastened to its assistance to attack the Romans. In the meantime Marcian was accused to the emperor of aiming at the throne. Justin, persuaded of the truth of the charge, dismissed him from the command and appointed Theodore, the son of Justinian surnamed Tzirus, in his stead. This led to disturbances, the Romans raised the siege, and Chosroes besieged and reduced Daras.
1 Nothing is known of the author. His history treated of the events of 566-581, containing the reigns of Justin II and Tiberius II. It would seem, from what Photius says, that he gave an account of certain happenings in the reign of Justinian, and also continued the history somewhat later in a supplement to the ten books into the reign of Maurice. The fragment here given is important for the account of the introduction of silkworm breeding into Constantinople during the reign of Justinian, and for the first mention of the Turks (see Gibbon, ch. 45; J. B. Bury, Later Roman Empire; G. Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental Monarchy). This Theophanes is not to be confused with Theophanes the Isaurian (758-818), whose extant chronicle begins with the accession of Diocletian (277) and goes down to 811 (end of the reign of Michael I Rhangabe).
2China.
3 The "long-lived."
4 Apparently here a proper name, not a title.
5 Probably the same as the Dilimnitae.
65. [Theophylact Simocatta, Histories]
Read the Histories of Theophylact,1 prefect and imperial secretary, in eight books. He was an Egyptian by birth. His style is not without grace, but owing to his excessive use of figurative expressions and allegorical ideas is frigid and shows a puerile lack of taste; further, his frequently ill-timed insertion of moral sentiments betrays a fondness for excessive and superfluous display. In other respects he is less deserving of censure. The history begins with the reign of Maurice, and goes down to the accession of Phocas.
In the first book he gives an account of the proclamation of Maurice by the emperor Tiberius as his successor at the time when John was patriarch of Constantinople. Tiberius bestowed good advice upon Maurice through the mouth of John the quaestor, who was deputed to address Maurice and the people in place of the emperor. Tiberius betrothed his daughter to Maurice and died the day after the proclamation. Just before his death, he saw a vision and heard a voice saying, "Thus saith the Trinity to thee, O Tiberius; the tyrannous times of impiety shall not come during thy reign.'' These words were a prediction of the tragedy of the impious and tyrannical reign of the accursed Phocas. Maurice made peace with the Avars, who a little time before had laid siege to Sirmium, and agreed to pay the barbarians 80,000 pieces of gold yearly in consignments of garments and money. The treaty was kept for two years, but was broken owing to the greed of the barbarians, who demanded 20,000 more pieces of gold. This led to the rupture of the truce: Singidum, Augusta, and Viminacium were taken by the barbarians and Anchialus besieged. Elpidius and Comentiolus, who were sent as ambassadors from Rome to the chagan 2 of the Avars, were treated with insult on the ground that Comentiolus had spoken too freely to the barbarian. In the following year Elpidius was again sent to the chagan with an offer to pay the additional 20,000 pieces of gold, and returned to Byzantium with Targitius, the representative of the Avars, to ratify the agreement. After the barbarians had plundered much Roman territory, Targitius was banished to the island of Chalcis for six months. Comentiolus was afterwards appointed to command against the Slavs, and greatly distinguished himself. The chagan again violated the truce on account of the affair of Boukolobras3 the magian, and many Roman towns were devastated.
The battle between the Romans and Persians at the river Nymphius and the marriage of Maurice and Constantina, the daughter of Tiberius, are next described. Then the fire that broke out in the forum at the beginning of Maurice's reign; the execution of Paulinus and the miracle of the basin of Glyceria the martyr;4 how the patriarch John, when the emperor seemed inclined to leniency, himself insisted that the magician should be given over to the flames, appealing to the words of the apostle; how Paulinus and his son, who had taken part in the crime, were put to death.5 The affair of the fortresses of Aphumon and Acbas. The battle between the Romans and Persians, and how John was defeated by the cunning of the barbarians. The great earthquake which took place at the beginning of Maurice's reign, and an account of his consulship. The appointment of Philippicus, the husband of the emperor's sister, to be commander in the East, and his valiant deeds. The withdrawal of the Romans from Media, during which the army suffered greatly from want of water. How Philippicus handed over the district of Arzanene to his army to plunder; the bravery of the Romans. The devastation of the country round Martyropolis by the Persians, and their first and second embassy to the Romans. Such is the contents of the first book.
The second book describes mount Izala; the haughtiness of Cardarigan 6 the Persian commander; the battle between the Romans under Philippicus and the Persians under Cardarigan at Arzamon; how Philippicus, carrying the image "not made with hands" marched through the camp and consecrated the army; how the Romans won a glorious victory; how the image was sent with all due reverence to Simeon, bishop of Amida. The territory of the barbarians plundered by the Romans; Cardarigan flees for refuge to Daras, but the inhabitants refuse to admit him for having been defeated. How a Roman soldier belonging to the Quarto-Parthian legion (as those were called who were quartered at Beroea in Syria) was brought into camp dying of wounds. The expedition of the Romans against Azarnene, and the desertion of its commanders Maruthas and Iobius (Jovius) to Philippicus. The private forces raised by Cardarigan to deceive the Romans. The marvellous escape of Heraclius (father of Heraclius who was afterwards emperor), who was sent by Philippicus on a reconnoitring expedition. Zabertas the Persian and the abandonment of the siege of Chlomaron by the Romans. The headlong and unintelligible flight of Philippicus, and the subsequent confusion in the Roman army. Philippicus attacked by disease and the command taken over by Heraclius. The Roman vice-commander attacks the Southern Persians and at the beginning of spring the Romans invade Persian territory. Comentiolus sets out against the Avars, having under him Martin and Castus, who distinguished themselves against the enemy. Castus taken prisoner. Ansimuth, commander of the infantry in Thrace, captured by the Avars, who overrun Thrace. Comentiolus hesitates to attack the enemy; speeches for and against at a council of war. A false alarm, which also spread to the ranks of the enemy, frustrates Comentiolus's plan of attacking the chagan. How a soldier named Busas, who had been captured by the enemy while hunting and left to his fate by his countrymen, taught the barbarians to make siege-engines. The unsuccessful siege of Beroea and Diocletianopolis by the chagan. The emperor Maurice insulted by the Byzantine mob because of the calamities brought upon Europe by the ravages of the barbarians. John, surnamed Mystacon, appointed by Maurice to the command in Thrace, with Drocton as second in command, who when Adrianople was besieged by the Avars, attacked them and saved the city. Heraclius attacks a Persian stronghold. The fortress of Beiudaes taken by the distinguished valour of Sapir. The return of Philippicus to the imperial city. The third book begins with the appointment of Priscus to the command of the East in place of Philippicus. The latter, jealous of Priscus, persuades the emperor to announce a reduction of the rations of the army. Priscus, when he approached the camp, did not get off his horse, as was the usual custom, in order to salute the army. This slight and the reduction of their rations caused a mutiny amongst the soldiers. Priscus then gave the image "made without hands " to Elifredas 7 and endeavoured to calm the soldiers by exhibiting it, but they pelted it with stones. Priscus takes refuge in Constantina, and Germanus against his will is chosen commander by the army. While these disturbances were taking place, the Persians greatly harassed the Romans. The emperor accordingly deprived Priscus of his command and reappointed Philippicus. But the army mutinied against him also. Constantina is besieged by the Persians but relieved by Germanus. At the battle of Martyropolis the Romans gain a brilliant victory over the Persians, their general Maruzas and 3000 being killed, and 1000 taken prisoners. The army is reconciled to the emperor by the efforts of Aristobulus. Gallantry of the Roman prisoners in the fortress of Giligerdon. Gregory, patriarch of Antioch, re-establishes friendly relations between Philippicus and the army. Martyropolis captured by the Persians owing to the treachery of Sittas. Philippicus superseded in the command against Persia by Comentiolus. The Getae or Slavs ravage the borders of Thrace. Rome takes up arms against the Lombards. Libya 8 defeats the Maurusii.9 Under the command of Comentiolus, the Romans engage the Persians at Sisarbanum near Nisibis; the Romans, fighting with great bravery, are victorious. Heraclius greatly distinguishes himself in the engagement. The Persian commander Phraates is slain and much booty taken from the enemy. The defeat of the Turks by Baram,10 who secured great and valuable spoil for king Hormisdas. Baram then takes up the sword against Suania. The Romans under the command of Romanus attack Baram and his army, and inflict a severe defeat upon him. Thereupon, Hormisdas insults Baram by sending him a woman's garment; Baram returns the insult by addressing a letter to Hormisdas as daughter, not son, of Chosroes. The Armenians, prompted by Symbatius, kill their commander John and prepare to go over to the Persians. Comentiolus, being sent by the emperor, puts down the mutiny and carries off Symbatius to Byzantium. He is condemned to be thrown to the wild beasts, but his life is spared by the clemency of the emperor. Hormisdas sends Sarames against Baram. Baram defeats Sarames, causes him to be trampled upon by an elephant, and openly revolts against the king. Baram, before he meditated revolt, had become so powerful that he was considered next in rank to the king and held what the Romans call the office of curopalates.11 The narrative returns to the events of earlier times, and a brief account is given of what took place in the reigns of Justin and Tiberius, of the cruelty of Hormisdas the Persian king, and the origin of the family. Such is the contents of the third book.
The fourth book relates the spread of civil war amongst the Persians, their victories and successes during the rule of Baram. The murder of Pherochanes. Zadespras 12 goes over to the enemy. Hormisdas; deprived of the throne by Bindoes, is allowed to plead his cause in chains. After, Bindoes has replied, the son of Hormisdas and the queen are put to death and cut to pieces before his eyes; he himself is blinded and subsequently beaten to death by order of his son Chosroes, who was chosen to succeed him. The vigorous rule of Baram. The flight of Chosroes, king of Persia, to Circensium, whence he sends a letter and an embassy to the emperor Maurice. How Baram schemes to get himself made king by the Persians, but, unable to persuade them to elect him, proclaims himself. The emperor removes Chosroes to Hierapolis, accompanied by a suite worthy of his rank. What took place between Baram and Chosroes, before the latter made an alliance with the Romans. The ambassadors sent by Baram to Maurice are dismissed, while those of Chosroes are welcomed. The emperor sends the bishop of Melitene and Gregory, bishop of Antioch, to Chosroes. The treacherous murder of Baram by Zamerdes, Zoanambes, and others. Bindoes, who had taken part in the plot against Baram, flees to Persia. Martyropolis restored by Chosroes to the Romans. The traitor Sittas burnt to death The festal oration delivered by Dometian, bishop of Melitene, on the occasion of the recovery of the city. Such is the contents of the fourth book.
The fifth book relates how Chosroes, king of the Persians, being dejected and sick at heart, sends a message to the shrine of Sergius the martyr,13 the object of devotion also of the rest of the barbarians, entreating him to show him a way out of misfortune, and promising him the gift of a golden cross set with gems. Zadespras treacherously killed by Rosas at the instigation of Blischames, and other events favourable to Chosroes. Chosroes gives a bond for money lent by the emperor Maurice, and sends an embassy requesting that Comentiolus be dismissed from the command; the appointment of Narses in his stead, and the alliance with the Romans against the usurper Baram. The royal gifts sent by Maurice to Chosroes. The keys of Daras handed over to the emperor by the Persian ambassador Dol(a)bzas. The speech of Dometian, bishop of Melitene, exhorting the Romans to make an alliance with Chosroes against Baram. The successes of Chosroes before the collision between the Romans and Persians. How Chosroes recovers his throne and the royal treasures with the aid of Bindoes. Junction of the Roman forces in Armenia and the East, battle with Baram, and brilliant victory of the Romans. In this battle, in which Narses was in command, some Turks were taken prisoners who bore on their foreheads the sign of the cross, which they declared they had formerly placed there to deliver them from the ravages of a pestilence. Golinduch the Persian and his severely ascetic life. The return of Chosroes to his own dominions. The gifts sent by Chosroes to Sergius the martyr. His petition to the saint to bestow pregnancy upon his wife Sirem, who was a Christian. His petition proving successful, he sends valuable gifts to the shrine of the martyr. Chosroes punishes all those who took part in the revolt and puts Bindoes to death, as having lifted his hands against the king. Chosroes predicts that the Romans will revolt against their tyrannical masters. The embassy of Probus, bishop of Chalcedon, the portrait of the Mother of God, and what took place at the embassy. The emperor's visit to Anchialus in Europe, where he is met by a portent in the form of a sow. His return to the palace and the arrival of the embassy of Zalabzas. Such is the contents of the fifth book.
The sixth book relates how Maurice, setting out from the city, is overtaken by a violent storm at sea. During his stay at Heraclea, a monstrous prodigy is born, an infant without hands, eyes, eyebrows, or eyelids, and a fish's tail attached to his thigh. The destruction of the monster. Three Slavs carrying citharae, said to have been sent from the borders of ocean to the chagan, brought before Maurice. Bossus and Bettus sent as ambassadors to Maurice by Theodorich, king of the Franks, proposing an alliance in return for a sum of money. The proposal rejected. How a large stag, one of a herd, being wounded flees to a wood and is pursued by one of the bodyguard and one of the Gepidae. How the former is treacherously slain for the sake of his golden ornaments by the latter, who is convicted of the crime a long time afterwards and burnt to death. The expedition of the Avars against the Romans, the siege of Singidum,14 the appointment of Priscus as commander and general of the forces in Europe. The church of Alexander the martyr at Drizipera set on fire by the chagan. The Romans shut up in Tzurulum by the chagan. Maurice cleverly deceives the chagan and forces him to raise the siege. The embassy of the Avars to the Romans, the defeat of Ardagast,15 the affair of Tatimer.16 The bravery of the tribune Alexander and the Romans, the massacre of the Slovenes, and their counter-attack on the Romans. Concerning the monsters born in the queen-city, a child with four feet, another with two heads. Priscus deprived of his command for sharing with the Persians the booty taken from the Slovenes, and succeeded in the European command by Peter. An account of the learning and shrewdness of Theodore,17 who was sent as an ambassador to the chagan by Priscus. Such is the contents of the sixth book.
The seventh book relates the disturbances amongst the soldiers and their bravery against the Slavs (or Getae, as they were formerly called). What happened to Peter and the citizens at the Thracian city of Asemus. How Pirigastus, the Slovene commander, was slain. The bravery of the Romans, although suffering greatly from lack of water. How Peter, being defeated by the Slovenes, is superseded by Priscus. The death of John the Faster, patriarch of Constantinople.18 Concerning the money lent him by Maurice, for which he gave a bond. The great respect shown by the truly pious emperor to the ragged vestments left by the patriarch. The expedition of the Maurusii against Carthage, and how it was stopped by the bravery of Gennadius. Of the comet that was seen for several days. The Turkish civil war. An account of their constitution, manners, and customs. How the chagan of the Turks slew the ethnarch19 of the Ephthalites, enslaved the people, and also slew 300,000 Ogors and Colchians. How he also slew Turum, who rebelled against him, and sent a letter to the emperor Maurice announcing his victory. He also enslaved the Avars. The inhabitants of Taugast and the tribe of Mucri, with whom the defeated Avars took refuge. Concerning the Ouars and Hunni, a great number of whom have inhabited Europe since the reign of Justinian, and call themselves Avars. The Turkish empire free from earthquakes and pestilence. The mountain of gold and the city of Taugast. Silkworms, the mode of rearing them, and the extensive manufacture of silk at Chubda. The white Indians. The chagan's conversation with Priscus concerning the enslavement of the inhabitants of Singidum; Priscus's answer, and how he saved the city. The ravages of the barbarians in Dalmatia, and the great success of Gunduis,20 who had been sent against them by Priscus. In the nineteenth year of Maurice's reign a certain monk prophesies his death and that of his children. Running with a drawn sword from the forum to the vestibule of the palace, he proclaims that Maurice and his children will be slain with the sword. A certain Herodian also foretells what was about to happen. The famine in the Roman camp. How the chagan, with remarkable humanity, granted a suspension of hostilities for five days, during which the Romans were to be supplied by the barbarians with provisions without fear of molestation. How Priscus sent him gifts of spices in return. The chagan's advance into Moesia. Battle with Comentiolus in Moesia, in which, by the treachery of Comentiolus, the Roman army is cut to pieces by the barbarians. Flight of Comentiolus to Drizipera, but the inhabitants refuse to admit him as being a runaway, and he goes on to the long walls.21 The barbarians in close pursuit first capture Drizipera, burn the church of Alexander the martyr, drag his body from the tomb and insult it. But divine justice overtakes his insulters; the seven sons of the chagan die of bubo in one day. During these disturbances Comentiolus resides in Constantinople; the barbarians in the meantime approach the long walls. The inhabitants of Byzantium are so alarmed that they contemplate abandoning Europe and crossing over into Asia. However, the king sends Harmaton as ambassador to the chagan, who by splendid gifts, to which are added 20,000 pieces of gold, is with difficulty persuaded to make peace, declaring, "God judge between the chagan and Maurice, between the Avars and the Romans." The monsters in human form seen in the waters of the Nile, and the various opinions as to the rising of the river. Theophylact agrees with Agatharchides of Cnidus.22 He says that in the countries of Aethiopia there is a heavy and continuous downpour of rain every year from the summer solstice to the autumnal equinox; hence it is natural that the river should contract in winter, since its waters are only fed from its own sources, whereas in summer it is greatly increased by the rains from Aethiopia. Such is the contents of the seventh book.
The eighth book relates how Chosroes, in consequence of the raids of the Saracens who were subject to the Romans, desires to break the treaty, but is persuaded by George, who was sent as ambassador, not to do so. George, however, incurs the displeasure of the emperor, since Chosroes declares that he had kept the treaty unbroken not for the sake of the emperor, but for the sake of George. The charge of treachery against Comentiolus, his reconciliation with the soldiers and reappointment as commander by the emperor. Battle between the Avars and the Romans commanded by Priscus and Comentiolus. The latter excuses himself from taking part in the battle,23 but the army, under the leadership of Priscus, behaves with the greatest gallantry and slays 4000 of the enemy. In a second engagement, the Avars lose 9000, in a third 15,000 men. In a fourth battle the Romans gain a brilliant victory, in which 30,000 Avars and Gepidae are slain. In a fifth and last battle, the Avars are utterly defeated, 3000 of them being taken prisoners, together with 4000 other barbarians, 2200 of other nations, and 8000 Slavs. The chagan cunningly persuades the emperor to restore the captive Avars. The dejection of Comentiolus, by whose carelessness a number of the soldiers, on the way to Philippopolis, are frozen to death. Peter again appointed to the command in Europe by the emperor. The marriage of Theodosius the son of Maurice to the daughter of Germanus. The famine in the queen-city, the disorderly conduct of the demes24 while the emperor was attending divine service, his clemency, the banishment and return of the soldiers on the same day. Peter enjoined by Maurice at all costs to keep the Thracian forces on the other side of the Ister (Danube); the divine voice heard by Peter. Mutiny in the Roman army and a rising against Maurice, Phocas being proclaimed exarch (captain) by the soldiery. Flight of Peter; the emperor informed of the mutiny. The demes, urged on by the demarchs Sergius and Cosmas, for the first time meddle in state affairs, 1500 Greens and 900 Blues. Maurice bestows largess on the demesmen, and sends an embassy to the mutinous soldiers, who refuse to receive it. Byzantium put in a state of defence. The army sends a message to Theodosius, demanding that either he or his father-in-law should be proclaimed emperor. When Maurice hears of this, suspecting that Germanus is the cause of the revolt, he threatens his life. Germanus, being warned by his son-in-law Theodosius, takes refuge in the church of the Mother of God that had been built by Cyrus.25 Stephen the eunuch, the tutor of the king's sons, sent to Germanus to induce him to leave the church, but his mission is unsuccessful. Theodosius flogged by his father for informing his father-in-law. Germanus removes from the church of the Mother of God to St. Sophia, and being again summoned to come out, is prevented from leaving the church by Andrew, a constant attendant at the services. Disturbances in the city and burning of the house of Constantine Lardys the patrician. Perplexity and flight of Maurice, which is hindered by a storm. Mission of Theodosius to Chosroes; his departure from Nicaea on being shown the ring, which his father had arranged should be the sign and signal for his return. The inhabitants of the city, amongst them a certain Hebdomites, go over to the usurper. Vain attempt of Germanus to get himself declared emperor, the Greens refusing to support him on the ground that he favoured the Blues. Phocas proclaimed emperor in the church of St. John in Hebdomon,26 while Cyriacus was patriarch of the royal city. Entry of Phocas into the palace and proclamation of his wife Leontia as Augusta. Dispute amongst the demarchs about their places during the procession. Cosmas, demarch of the Blues, assaulted by Alexander, who is in his turn insulted. A reminder that Maurice was not yet dead decides the usurper to murder the emperor. Maurice's children killed before his eyes in the harbour of Eutropius. Philosophical resignation of Maurice, and his murder by Lilius. Will of Maurice found during the reign of Heraclius. The bodies of the king and his son thrown into the sea. Funeral oration on Maurice. The soldiers punished by the judgment of divine providence for their crime against Maurice, not one of all those who had taken part in the rising being left alive soon afterwards; they perished to a man, some by disease, others by fire from heaven, others by the sword. When Heraclius resolved to declare war against Razates, king of the Persians, and mustered his army, he found only two left of those who had supported the usurper. After that the Romans began to show themselves superior to the Persians, whereas as long as any of the mutineers survived, victory always remained with the enemy. Theodosius, Maurice's son, slain by Alexander at the command of Phocas, together with Peter, Comentiolus, and Constantine Lardys. A false report that Theodosius was not put to death. How the statues at Alexandria, in the district called Tychaeum, moving from their places of their own accord, announced what had happened in Byzantium to a copyist, as he was returning home after supper. Maurice said to have remitted the third part of the tribute to his subjects and to have given thirty talents to the Byzantines for the repair of the aqueducts. His generous treatment of scholars and students. The strange things that happened in regard to the bloody flux of Euphemia the martyr; how Maurice, who tested the miracle since he was at first incredulous, found it confirmed. How Phocas shut up the wife of Maurice with her daughter in a private house. His unsuccessful embassy to Chosroes, king of Persia; the treaty with Persia broken by Chosroes, who pretended that it was his solemn duty to avenge Maurice. So Lilius, who was sent as ambassador, returned without having succeeded in his mission. Murder of Alexander, who had conspired with Phocas against Maurice, on suspicion of having saved the life of Theodosius, whereas he had really murdered him. This ends the history.
1 Theophylactus Simocatta. The Histories or Oecumenical History contains the reign of the emperor Maurice (582-604), and is the oldest and best authority for the period. The complete work is extant. Simocatta was also the author of a treatise on certain problems of natural history and their solution, and of a collection of rhetorical exercises in the form of letters on various subjects. As Photius says, his style is extremely far-fetched. He has been described as a representative of Byzantine euphuism. For the history see Gibbon, ch 45, 46; J. B. Bury, Later Roman Empire; G. Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental Monarchy.
2 The name given to the princes of the Avars and other Turkish tribes.
3 Or Bucolabra.
4 The holy ointment or oil which trickled from the bones of the martyr, ceased to flow when the basin into which it dripped was exchanged for another one by the bishop of Heraclea.
5 Paulinus was crucified and his son's head cut off.
6 More probably a Persian title, not a proper name.
7 Others take the word to mean the image. Elifredas (or Ilifredas) = Wilfrid.
8The province of Africa.
9 The Moors.
10 Bahram or Varahran.
11Major-domo of the imperial palace.
12 Also Zadesprates.
13 A celebrated martyr of the Eastern Church who suffered at Sergiopolis or Rasaphe in Syria at the beginning of the fourth century. He and another martyr named Bacchus were considered the patron saints of Syria.
14 Singidon or Singidunum, modern Belgrade.
15 Leader of the Slovenes, who were under the sway of the Avars.
16 One of Priscus's generals.
17 He was a physician.
18 582-595. Of humble origin, he was distinguished for his piety and asceticism, but was a man of cruel disposition. His assumption of the title of "ecumenical patriarch" led to trouble with Pelagius II and Gregory I, bishops of Rome. Four extant works are attributed to him.
19 Name given to the princes or chiefs of the Slovenes and other tribes.
20 Also Guduis or Gudwin.
21 Of Byzantium.
22 Geographer and historian, grammarian. and philosopher, flourished during the reign of Ptolemy Philometor (181-146), but was still living after 131. He wrote on the history of Europe and Asia, and the geography of the Red Sea. Fragments of the history are preserved, and Photius gives excerpts from the geography in Cod. 250.
23 He purposely mutilated his hand.
24 Deme (δε̃μος, people) was the name by which the circus factions were known, their leaders being called demarchs.
25 Prefect of the city, who built the church by order of Theodosius II, emperor 408-450.
26 The Field of Mars near Constantinople. Some authorities place it at Blachernae, others on the Propontis (Sea of Marmora).
66. [Nicephorus, Historical Epitome]
Read the Historical Epitome of Nicephorus patriarch of Constantinople.1 It begins with the death of Maurice and goes down to the marriage of Leo and Irene. His style is clear and free from redundancies, his choice of words excellent; and the composition neither too loose nor too compressed, but such as the real and perfect orator would employ. He avoids innovations, but at the same time is too fond of employing what is old-fashioned and affectedly elaborate. His language is pleasant and not without charm. Speaking generally, he throws into the shade all historians who have preceded him; his only fault is excessive brevity, which may appear to some, to prevent his work being completely agreeable.
1 806-815. He began his career as a civilian, and although a layman, was chosen patriarch. His conciliatory disposition brought upon him the hatred of the extremists. During the campaign of Leo against image-worship, he energetically defended the orthodox view, He was finally
deposed and banished. In addition to the historical epitome of events from 602-769 here referred to, he was the author of tables of Universal History from Adam to the death of Nicephorus (829), much used by the Byzantines, and of three Antirrhetici, written against the iconoclasts.
67. [Sergius the Confessor, History]
Read the History of Sergius the Confessor.1 It begins with the reign of the emperor Michael,2 and then goes back to the lawless and abominable acts of Copronymus.3 Political and ecclesiastical events down to the eighth year of Michael's reign are narrated in order; his military achievements and his views on religious matters are set forth in detail.
The style is particularly clear and simple, both as regards the meaning of words, composition, and the general arrangement, which gives the impression of spontaneity. The language, full of natural charm, is not characterised by studied changes of form due to excessive care. In accordance with his design, he has preserved the style best adapted for ecclesiastical history.
1 The work is lost. The name Confessor and the epithets applied to the acts of Copronymus show that Sergius was an opponent of the iconoclasts and a champion of orthodoxy. He is perhaps the Sergius exiled by Leo III.
2 Michael II Balbus, the Stammerer (820-829).
3 "Man of Dung," Constantine V (741-775). An inflexible opponent of image-worship, he was violently assailed by the orthodox, but was in reality a most capable ruler.
68. [Cephalion, Historical Epitome]
Read the Historical Epitome of Cephalion.1 It begins with the reign of Ninus and Semiramis 2 and goes down to the times of Alexander the Great. The entire history comprises nine books, called after the nine Muses ---- Clio, Thalia, Polyhymnia, Melpomene, Terpsichore, Euterpe, Calliope, Erato, and Urania, in which the acts of Alexander, king of Macedon, are also related.
He writes in the Ionic dialect. The excessive brevity with which he describes the bare facts of history leaves no room for admiration or imitation. He says nothing about his race or family, but passes them over in silence, like Homer, as he himself says. However, it appears that he wrote the work during his exile in Sicily. While saying nothing about his race or family, as he ought to have done, he mentions his exile, an indication of meanness of spirit. His boast of the number of authors consulted by him in compiling his history shows a mind incapable of shaking off a petty and childish love of display. He says that the first book of his history was compiled from 570 books, of 31 of which he gives the authors' names; the second book from 208, with 25 authors' names; the third from 600, with 26 authors' names; the fourth from 850, with 36 authors' names; the fifth from 200, with 26 authors' names, and so on. Such is the History of Cephalion.
1 Flourished in the reign of Hadrian (117-138). Some fragments have been preserved in Eusebius and some of the Byzantine chroniclers (e.g. John Malalas, Syncellus).
2 The mythical founder and foundress of Nineveh.
69. [Hesychius Illustrius, History]
Read the History of Hesychius1 Illustri(u)s, son of Hesychius and Sophia, a Milesian by birth. It is a sort of synopsis of the history of the world, as is shown by the title ---- History of Roman and General History. It begins with the reign of Belus, king of Assyria, and goes down to the death of Anastasius, emperor of Rome.
His style is concise and elegant, the language perspicuous if florid, and the composition elaborate in proportion. He is especially careful in the choice of words. His mode of expression is distinct and emphatic, and he charms2 the reader by his figures of speech, which, however, do not prevent events from being described as clearly as if he had made no use of figures, or even more clearly. He also declares his intention of adhering strictly to truth.
The work is divided into six parts. The first part contains the narrative of events preceding the Trojan war; the second, events from the capture of Troy to the foundation of Rome; the third, events from the foundation of Rome to the time when the appointment of consuls put an end to the monarchy, in the 68th Olympiad;3 the fourth, events from the government of the consuls to the 182nd Olympiad, when Julius Caesar became sole emperor and the consuls were abolished;4 the fifth, events that took place under the rule of Julius Caesar down to the time when the glory of Byzantium reached its height, at the beginning of the 277th Olympiad.5 The sixth begins with the time when Byzantium to its good fortune had Constantine for its emperor, and goes down to the death of Anastasius, whom the author (I do not know why) praises as superior to many of his predecessors in clemency and mildness. His death took place in the eleventh indiction,6 when Magnus was sole consul. The period of time embraced by the history is 190 years.
Also read another book by the same author, containing the events of the reign of the emperor Justin. It relates how, on the death of Anastasius, Justin was chosen to succeed him, how Justin was succeeded by Justinian. Various events that occurred during the early years of the reign of the latter. The author was prevented from writing more by the death of his son John, which so deeply affected him that he was unable to devote himself to study or literary work.
1 Lived during the reign of Justinian. He was the author of a History of the World down to the death of Anastasius (518), of which part relating to the early history of Constantinople is preserved; of works on Justin and the beginning of the reign of Justinian; of an Onomatologos (list) of famous literary persons, a general history of ancient literature. Illustrius is a designation of rank.
2 The reading is uncertain here,
3 508-505-B.C.
4 52-49 B.C.
5 Byzantium was made the capital of the empire by Constantine, and its name changed to Constantinopolis in A.D. 330.
6 A period of 15 years, instituted by Constantine the Great in 313 for fiscal purposes, afterwards adopted as a convenient method of chronology generally. To find the year of the indiction, add 3 to any date of our era, divide by 15, and the remainder is the indiction, or if there is no remainder, the indiction is 15.
70. [Diodorus Siculus]
Read the forty books of Diodorus Siculus,1 containing a kind of history of the world. He is fuller than Cephalion and Hesychius Illustrius in his description of the same periods. His style is clear, unadorned, and admirably adapted for history. He neither excessively affects atticisms or antiquated modes of expression, nor on the other hand does he altogether descend to the level of everyday language. He rather takes pleasure in a style midway between the two, avoiding figures of speech and the like affectations, and only using the language of fable, after the manner of poets, where he relates the legends of gods and heroes.
He begins his history with the mythical ages of the Greeks and barbarians, and goes down to the beginning of the war between the Romans and Celts, at the time when Gaius Julius Caesar (called "divine" by the Romans on account of his mighty deeds) subdued most, and those the most warlike, of the Celtic nations. He spent thirty years over the history, as he tells us himself, visiting several different countries for the sake of obtaining information, and exposing himself to many dangers. He was a Sicilian from Agyrium; from his long intercourse with the Romans he had become familiar with that people and their language, and diligently collected accounts of all their chief successes and failures.
The entire history is comprised in forty books. In the first six the events preceding the Trojan war and other legends are described; in the next eleven, the events of the world from the taking of Troy to the death of Alexander the Great; in the remaining twenty-three, the events up to the time when war broke out between the Celts and Romans under the leadership of Julius Caesar. He subdued most of, and the most warlike, of their nations and extended the Roman empire to the British islands, at which point the history ends.
1 Of Agyrium in Sicily, flourished in the time of Augustus, and certainly lived till after 21 B.C. His Historical Library in forty books was a history of the world down to Caesar's Gallic wars. Only books 1-5 and 11-20 are extant. The chief value of the work consists in the employment of authorities whose works are now lost, the preservation of old tradition, and especially of chronological material.
71. [Cassius Dio, History]
Read the History of Cassianus Coccianus (or Coccius) Dio,1 in eighty books. He begins with the arrival of Aeneas in Italy from Troy, the foundation of Alba and Rome, and goes down without a break to the murder of Antoninus named Elagabalus, who was also called Tiberinus, Sardanapalus, Pseudantoninus, and Assyrius on account of his vices. He also says something about the reign of Alexander who, after the death of Antoninus, who had adopted him as his colleague in the empire, escaped the danger that threatened him and succeeded to the throne. The writer tells us that this Alexander was consul for the second time together with himself, and that the emperor, desirous of honouring his colleague, himself defrayed the necessary expenses in connexion with his office. The author was appointed governor of Pergamum and Smyrna by Macrinus, and was afterwards commander of the forces in Africa. Soon afterwards he was governor of Pannonia. Elected consul for the second time, he was allowed to return home owing to bad feet, to spend the rest of his life in Bithynia, as his "genius" had predicted, "beyond the reach of slaughter, bloodshed, and tumult."2
He was born at Nicaea in Bithynia, which in one part is surrounded by the lake called Ascania. His style is grandiose and bombastic, reflecting the consciousness of mighty events. His language is full of antiquated constructions, and of words in keeping with the importance of the events described. His periods are full of protracted parentheses and ill-timed 3inversions. The rhythm and the abrupt interruptions, being carefully employed, owing to the general clearness, escape the notice of the casual reader. The speeches, after the style of those in Thucydides, but clearer, are excellent. In almost everything else also Thucydides is his model.
1 Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c. 155-230), born at Nicaea in Bithynia, senator and holder of various offices under Commodus and succeeding emperors, being twice consul. In 229 he retired into private life. His history of Rome in eighty books, starting from the mythical period, goes down to the reign of Alexander Severus (229). Of these eighty books 37-60 have come down almost complete, 36-80 exist in an- eleventh-century abridgment by the monk John Xiphilinus. In the tenth century excerpts were made from it by order of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, and Zonaras (twelfth century) made an abridgment of books 1-20. His point of view is that of a loyal imperial official, who does not understand, and has little sympathy with, earlier political struggles. His superstition is pronounced.
2 Iliad, xi. 164.
3 Reading ἂκαιρος for εὒκαιρος.
72. [Ctesias, Persica]
Read the Persica of Ctesias1 of Cnidus in twenty-three books. In the first six he treats of Assyrian affairs and of events before the foundation of the Persian empire, and only begins to treat of Persian affairs in the seventh book. In books 7-13 he gives an account of Cyrus, Cambyses, the Magian, Darius, and Xerxes, in which he differs almost entirely from Herodotus, whom he accuses of falsehood in many passages and calls an inventor of fables. Ctesias is later than Herodotus, and says that he was an eyewitness of most of what he describes, and that, where this was not the case, he obtained his information directly from Persians, and in this manner he composed his history. He not only disagrees with Herodotus, but also in some respects with Xenophon the son of Gryllus. Ctesias flourished in the time of Cyrus, son of Darius and Parysatis, brother of Artoxerxes2 who succeeded to the throne.
He begins3 by stating that Astyages (whom he also calls Astyigas) was not related to Cyrus; that he fled from him to Agbatana,4 and hid himself in the. vaults5 of the royal palace with the aid of his daughter Amytis and her husband Spitamas; that Cyrus, when he came to the throne, gave orders that not only Spitamas and Amytis, but also their sons Spitaces and Megabernes should be put to the torture for assisting Astyigas; that the latter, to save his grandchildren from being tortured on his account, gave himself up and was taken and loaded with chains by Oebaras; that shortly afterwards he was set free by Cyrus and honoured as his father; that his daughter Amytis was treated by him as a mother and afterwards became his wife. Her husband Spitamas, however, was put to death, because, when asked, he had falsely declared that he did not know where Astyigas was. In his account of these events Ctesias differs from Herodotus. He adds that Cyrus made war upon the Bactrians, without obtaining a decisive victory; but that when they learnt that Astyigas had been adopted by Cyrus as his father, and Amytis as his mother and wife, they voluntarily submitted to Amytis and Cyrus.
He also relates how Cyrus made war on the Sacae, and took prisoner their king Amorges, the husband of Sparethra, who after her husband was captured collected an army of 300,000 men and 200,000 women, made war upon Cyrus and defeated him. Amongst the large number of prisoners taken by the Sacae were Parmises, the brother of Amytis, and his three sons, who were subsequently released in exchange for Amorges.
Cyrus, assisted by Amorges, marched against Croesus and the city of Sardes. By the advice of Oebaras he set up wooden figures representing Persians round the walls, the sight of which so terrified the inhabitants that the city was easily taken. Before this, the son of Croesus was handed over as a hostage, the king himself having been deceived by a divine vision. Since Croesus was evidently meditating treachery, his son was put to death before his eyes; his mother, who was a witness of his execution, committed suicide by throwing herself from the walls. After the city was taken Croesus fled for refuge to the temple of Apollo; he was three times put in chains, and three times loosed invisibly from his bonds, although the temple was shut and sealed, and Oebaras was on guard. Those who had been prisoners with Croesus had their heads cut off, on suspicion of having conspired to release him. He was subsequently taken to the palace and bound more securely, but was again loosed by thunder and lightning sent from heaven. Finally Cyrus, against his will, set him free, treated him kindly from that time, and bestowed upon him a large city near Agbatana, named Barene, in which there were 5000 horsemen and 10,000 peltasts,6 javelin-throwers, and archers.
Cyrus then sent Petisacas the eunuch, who had great influence with him, to Persia to fetch Astyigas from the Barcanians, he and his daughter Amytis being anxious to see him. Oebaras then advised Petisacas to leave Astyigas in some lonely spot, to perish of hunger and thirst; which he did. But the crime was revealed in a dream, and Petisacas, at the urgent request of Amytis, was handed over to her by Cyrus for punishment. She ordered his eyes to be dug out, had him flayed alive, and then crucified. Oebaras, afraid of suffering the same punishment, although Cyrus assured him that he would not allow it, starved himself to death by fasting for ten days. Astyigas was accorded a splendid funeral; his body had remained untouched by wild beasts in the wilder-ness, some lions having guarded it until it was removed by Petisacas.
Cyrus marched against the Derbices (Derbikes), whose king was Amoraeus. The Derbices suddenly brought up some elephants which had been kept in ambush, and put Cyrus's cavalry to flight. Cyrus himself fell from his horse, and an Indian wounded him mortally with a javelin under the thigh. The Indians fought on the side of the Derbices and supplied them with elephants. Cyrus's friends took him up while he was still alive and returned to camp. Many Persians and Derbices were slain, to the number of 10,000 on each side.
Amorges, when he heard of what had happened to Cyrus, in great haste went to the assistance of the Persians with 20,000 Sacan cavalry. In a subsequent engagement, the Persians and Sacae gained a brilliant victory, Amoraeus, the king of the Derbices, and his two sons being slain. Thirty thousand Derbicans and 9000 Persians fell in the battle. The country then submitted to Cyrus.
Cyrus, when near his death, declared his elder son Cambyses king, his younger son Tanyoxarces (Tanyoxarkes) governor of Bactria, Choramnia, Parthia, and Carmania, free from tribute. Of the children of Spitamas, he appointed Spitaces satrap of the Derbices, Megabernes of the Barcanians, bidding them obey their mother in everything. He also endeavoured to make them friends with Amorges, bestowing his blessing on those who should remain on friendly terms with one another, and a curse upon those who first did wrong. With these words he died, three days after he had been wounded, after a reign of thirty years. This is the end of the eleventh book.
The twelfth book begins with the reign of Cambyses. Immediately after his accession he sent his father's body by the eunuch Bagapates to Persia for burial, and in all other respects carried out his father's wishes. The men who had the greatest influence with him were Artasyras the Hyrcanian, and the eunuchs Izabates, Aspadates, and Bagapates, who had been his father's favourite after the death of Petisacas. Bagapates was in command of the expedition against Egypt and its king Amyrtaeus, whom he defeated, through the treachery of his chief counsellor Combaphis the eunuch, who betrayed the bridges and other important secrets, on condition that Cambyses made him governor of Egypt. Cambyses first made this arrangement with him through Izabates, the cousin of Combaphis, and afterwards confirmed it by his personal promise. Having taken Amyrtaeus alive he did him no harm, but merely removed him to Susa with 6000 Egyptians chosen by himself. The whole of Egypt then became subject to Cambyses. The Egyptians lost 50,000 men in the battle, the Persians 7000.
In the meantime a certain Magian called Sphendadates,7who had been flogged by Tanyoxarces for some offence, went to Cambyses and informed him that his brother was plotting against him. In proof of this he declared that Tanyoxarces would refuse to come if summoned. Cambyses thereupon summoned his brother, who, being engaged on another matter, put off coming. The Magian thereupon accused him more freely. His mother Amytis, who suspected the Magian, advised Cambyses not to listen to him. Cambyses pretended not to believe him, while in reality he did. Being summoned by Cambyses a third time, Tanyoxarces obeyed the summons. His brother embraced him, but nevertheless determined to put him to death, and, unknown to his mother Amytis, took measures to carry out his plan. The Magian made the following suggestion. Being himself very like Tanyoxarces, he advised the king publicly to order that his head should be cut off as having falsely accused the king's brother; that in the meantime Tanyoxarces should secretly be put to death, and he (the Magian) should be dressed in his clothes, so that Tanyoxarces should be thought alive. Cambyses agreed to this. Tanyoxarces was put to death by being forced to drink bull's blood; the Magian put on his clothes and was mistaken for him by the people. The fraud was not known for a long time except to Artasyras, Bagapates, and Izabates, to whom alone Cambyses had entrusted the secret.
Then Cambyses, having summoned Labyzus, the chief of Tanyoxarces's eunuchs, and the other eunuchs, showed them. the Magian seated and dressed in the guise of his brother, and asked them whether they thought he was Tanyoxarces. Labyzus, in astonishment, replied, "Whom else should we think him to be?" the likeness being so great that he was deceived. The Magian was accordingly sent to Bactria, where he played the part of Tanyoxarces. Five years later Amytis, having learnt the truth from the eunuch Tibethis, whom the Magian had flogged, demanded that Cambyses should hand over Sphendadates to her, but he refused. Whereupon Amytis, after heaping curses upon him, drank poison and died.
On a certain occasion, while Cambyses was offering sacrifice, no blood flowed from the slaughtered victims. This greatly alarmed him, and the birth of a son without a head by Roxana increased this alarm. This portent was interpreted by the wise men to mean that he would leave no successor. His mother also appeared to him in a dream, threatening retribution for the murder he had committed, which alarmed him still more. At Babylon, while carving a piece of wood with a knife for his amusement, he accidentally wounded himself in the thigh, and died eleven days afterwards, in the eighteenth year of his reign.
Bagapates and Artasyras, before the death of Cambyses, conspired to raise the Magian to the throne, as they afterwards did. Izabates, who had gone to convey the body of Cambyses to Persia, finding on his return that the Magian was reigning under the name of Tanyoxarces, disclosed the truth to the army and exposed the Magian.8 After this he took refuge in a temple, where he was seized and put to death.
Then seven distinguished Persians conspired against the Magian. Their names were Onophas, Idernes, Norondabates, Mardonius, Barisses, Ataphernes, and Darius Hystaspis.9After they had given and taken the most solemn pledges, they admitted to their counsels Artasyras and Bagapates, who kept all the keys of the palace. The seven, having been admitted into the palace by Bagapates, found the Magian asleep. At the sight of them he jumped up, but finding no weapon ready to hand (for Bagapates had secretly removed them all) he smashed a chair made of gold and defended himself with one of the legs, but was finally stabbed to death by the seven. He had reigned seven months.
Darius was chosen king from the seven conspirators in accordance with a test agreed upon, his horse being the first to neigh after the sun had risen, the result of a cunning stratagem.10The Persians celebrate the day on which the Magian was put to death by a festival called Magophonia. Darius ordered a tomb11 to be built for himself in a two-peaked mountain, but when he desired to go and see it he was dissuaded by the soothsayers and his parents. The latter, however, were anxious to make the ascent to it, but the priests who were dragging them up, being frightened at the sight of some snakes, let go the ropes and they fell and were dashed to pieces. Darius was greatly grieved and ordered the heads of the forty men who were responsible to be cut off.
Darius ordered Ariaramnes, satrap of Cappadocia, to cross over into Scythia, and carry off a number of prisoners, male and female. He went over in thirty penteconters,12 and among others took captive Marsagetes, the Scythian king's brother, who had been imprisoned by his own brother for certain offences. The ruler of the Scythians (Scytharkes), being enraged, wrote an abusive letter to Darius, who replied in the same tone. Darius then collected an army of 800,000 men and crossed the Bosporus and the Ister 13 by a bridge of boats into Scythian territory in fifteen days. The two kings sent each other a bow in turn. Darius, seeing that the bow of the Scythians was stronger, turned back and fled across the bridges, destroying some of them in his haste before the entire army had crossed. Eighty thousand of his men, who had been left behind in Europe, were put to death by the ruler of the Scythians. Darius, after he had crossed the bridge, set fire to the houses and temples of the Chalcedonians, because they had attempted to break down the bridges which he had made near their city and had also destroyed the altar erected by him, when crossing, in honour of Zeus Diabaterios.14
Datis, the commander of the Persian fleet, on his return from Pontus, ravaged Greece and the islands. At Marathon he was met by Miltiades; the barbarians were defeated and Datis himself slain, the Athenians afterwards refusing to give up his body at the request of the Persians.
Darius then returned to Persia, where, after having offered sacrifice, he died after an illness of thirty days, in the seventy-second year of his age and the thirty-first of his reign. Artasyras and Bagapates also died, the latter having been for seven years the keeper of the tomb of Darius.
Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes, over whom. Artapanus the son of Artasyras had as great influence as his father had had over Darius. His other confidential advisers were the aged Mardonius and Matacas the eunuch. Xerxes married Amestris, the daughter of Onophas, who bore him a son, Dariaeus, two years afterwards Hystaspes and Artoxerxes, and two daughters, one named Rhodogune and another called Amytis after her grandmother.
Xerxes decided to make war upon Greece, because the Chalcedonians had attempted to break down the bridge as already stated and had destroyed the altar which Darius had set up, and because the Athenians had slain Datis and refused to give up his body. But first he visited Babylon, being desirous of seeing the tomb of Belitanes,15 which Mardonius showed him. But he was unable to fill the vessel of oil, as' had been written.
Thence he proceeded to Agbatana, where he heard of the revolt of the Babylonians and the murder of Zopyrus their satrap. Ctesias's account is different from that of Herodotus. What the latter relates of Zopyrus is attributed by Ctesias, with the exception of his mule giving birth to a foal, to Megabyzus, the son-in-law of Xerxes and the husband of his daughter Amytis. Babylon was taken by Megabyzus, upon whom Xerxes bestowed, amongst other rewards, a golden hand-mill, weighing six talents, the most honourable of the royal gifts. Then Xerxes, having collected a Persian army, 800,000 men and 1000 triremes without reckoning the chariots, set out against Greece, having first thrown a bridge across at Abydos. Demaratus the Spartan, who arrived there first and accompanied Xerxes across, dissuaded him from invading Sparta. His general Artapanus, with 10,000 men, fought an engagement with Leonidas, the Spartan general, at Thermopylae; the Persian host was cut to pieces, while only two or three of the Spartans were slain. The king then ordered an attack with 20,000, but these were defeated, and although flogged to the battle, were routed again. The next day he ordered an attack with 50,000, but without success, and accordingly ceased operations. Thorax the Thessalian and Calliades and Timaphernes, the leaders of the Trachinians, who were present with their forces, were summoned by Xerxes together with Demaratus and Hegias the Ephesian, who told him that the Spartans could never be defeated unless they were surrounded. A Persian army of 40,000 men was conducted by the two leaders of the Trachinians over an almost inaccessible mountain-path to the rear of the Lacedaemonians, who were surrounded and died bravely to a man.
Xerxes sent another army of 120,000 men against Plataea under the command of Mardonius, at the instigation of the Thebans. He was opposed by Pausanias the Spartan, with only 300 Spartiates,16 1000 perioeki,17 and 6000 from the other cities. The Persians suffered a severe defeat, Mardonius being wounded and obliged to take to flight. He was afterwards sent by Xerxes to plunder the temple of Apollo, where he is said to have died from injuries received during a terrible hailstorm, to the great grief of Xerxes.
Xerxes then advanced against Athens itself, the inhabitants of which manned 110 triremes and took refuge in Salamis; Xerxes took possession of the empty city and set fire to it, with the exception of the Acropolis, which was defended by a small band of men who had remained; at last, they also made their escape by night, and the Acropolis was fired. After this, Xerxes proceeded to a narrow strip of land in Attica called Heracleum, and began to construct an embankment in the direction of Salamis, intending to cross over on foot. By the advice of the Athenians Themistocles and Aristides archers were summoned from Crete.18 Then a naval engagement took place between the Greeks with 700 ships and the Persians with more than 1000 under Onophas. The Athenians were victorious, thanks to the advice and clever strategy of Aristides and Themistocles; the Persians lost 500 ships, and Xerxes took to flight. In the remaining battles 12,000 Persians were killed.
Xerxes, having crossed over into Asia and advanced towards Sardes, despatched Megabyzus to plunder the temple at Delphi. On his refusing to go, the eunuch Matacas was sent in his place, to insult Apollo and plunder the temple. Having carried out his orders he returned to Xerxes, who in the meantime had arrived in Persia from Babylon. Here Megabyzus accused his wife Amytis (the daughter of Xerxes) of having committed adultery. Xerxes severely reprimanded her, but she declared that she was not guilty. Artapanus and Aspamitres the eunuch, the confidential advisers of Xerxes, resolved to kill their master. Having done so, they persuaded Artoxerxes that his brother Dariaeus had murdered him. Dariaeus was taken to the palace of Artoxerxes, and, although he vehemently denied the accusation, he was put to death.
Thus Artoxerxes became king, thanks to Artapanus, who entered into a conspiracy against him with Megabyzus (who was bitterly aggrieved at the suspicion of adultery against his wife), each taking an oath to remain loyal to the other. Nevertheless, Megabyzus revealed the plot, the guilty conduct of Artapanus came to light, and he met the death which he had intended for Artoxerxes. Aspamitres, who had taken part in the murders of Xerxes and Dariaeus was cruelly put to death, being exposed in the trough.19 After the death of Artapanus there was a battle between his fellow-conspirators and the other Persians, in which the three sons of Artapanus were killed and Megabyzus severely wounded. Artoxerxes, Amytis, and Rhodogune, and their mother Amestris were deeply grieved, and his life was only saved by the skill and attention of Apollonides, a physician of Cos.
Bactra and its satrap, another Artapanus, revolted from Artoxerxes. The first battle was indecisive, but in a second, the Bactrians were defeated because the wind blew in their faces, and the whole of Bactria submitted.
Egypt, under the leadership of Inarus a Libyan, assisted by a native of the country, also revolted, and preparations were made for war. At the request of Inarus the Athenians sent forty ships to his aid. Artoxerxes himself was desirous of taking part in the expedition, but his friends dissuaded him. He therefore sent Achaemenides his brother with 400,000 infantry and eighty ships. Inarus joined battle with Achaemenides, the Egyptians were victorious, Achaemenides being slain by Inarus and his body sent to Artoxerxes. Inarus was also successful at sea. Charitimides, the commander of the forty Athenian ships, covered himself with glory in a naval engagement, in which twenty out of fifty Persian ships were captured with their crews, and the remaining thirty sunk.
The king then sent Megabyzus against Inarus, with an additional army of 200,000 men and 300 ships commanded by Oriscus; so that, not counting the ships' crews, his army consisted of 500,000. For, when Achaemenides fell, 100,000 of his 400,000 men perished. A desperate battle ensued, in which the losses were heavy on both sides, although those of the Egyptians were heavier. Megabyzus wounded Inarus in the thigh, and put him to flight, and the Persians obtained a complete victory. Inarus fled to Byblus, an Egyptian stronghold, accompanied by those of the Greeks who had not been killed in battle. Then all Egypt, except Byblus, submitted to Megabyzus. But since this stronghold appeared impregnable, he came to terms with Inarus and the Greeks (6000 and more in number), on condition that they should suffer no harm from the king, and that the Greeks should be allowed to return home whenever they pleased.
Having appointed Sarsamas satrap of Egypt, Megabyzus took Inarus and the Greeks to Artoxerxes, who was greatly enraged with Inarus because he had slain his brother Achaemenides. Megabyzus told him what had happened, how he had given his word to Inarus and the Greeks when he occupied Byblus, and earnestly entreated the king to spare their lives. The king consented, and the news that no harm would come to Inarus and the Greeks was immediately reported to the army.
But Amestris, aggrieved at the idea that Inarus and the Greeks should escape punishment for the death of her son Achaemenides, asked the king [to give them up to her], but he refused; she then appealed to Megabyzus, who also dismissed her. At last, however, through her constant importunity she obtained her wish from her son, and after five years the king gave up Inarus and the Greeks to her. Inarus was impaled on three stakes; fifty of the Greeks, all that she could lay hands on, were decapitated. Megabyzus was deeply grieved at this, and asked permission to retire to his satrapy, Syria. Having secretly sent the rest of the Greeks thither in advance, on his arrival he collected a large army (150,000 not including cavalry) and raised the standard of revolt. Usiris with 200,000 men was sent against him; a battle took place, in which Megabyzus and Usiris wounded each other. Usiris inflicted a wound with a spear in Megabyzus's thigh two fingers deep; Megabyzus in turn first wounded Usiris in the thigh and then in the shoulder, so that he fell from his horse. Megabyzus, as he fell, protected him, and ordered that he should be spared. Many Persians were slain in the battle, in which Zopyrus and Artyphius, the sons of Megabyzus, distinguished themselves, and Megabyzus gained a decisive victory. Usiris received the greatest attention and was sent to Artoxerxes at his request.
Another army was sent against him under Menostanes the son of Artarius, satrap of Babylon and brother of Artoxerxes. Another battle took place, in which the Persians were routed; Menostanes was shot by Megabyzus, first in the shoulder and then in the head, but the wound was not mortal. However, he fled with his army and Megabyzus gained a brilliant victory. Artarius then sent to Megabyzus, advising him to come to terms with the king. Megabyzus replied that he was ready to do so, but on condition that he should not be obliged to appear at court again, and should be allowed to remain in his satrapy. When his answer was reported to the king, the Paphlagonian eunuch Artoxares and Amestris urged him to make peace without delay. Accordingly, Artarius, his wife Amytis, Artoxares (then twenty years of age), and Petisas, the son of Usiris and father of Spitamas, were sent for that purpose to Megabyzus. After many entreaties and solemn promises, with great difficulty they succeeded in persuading Megabyzus to visit the king, who finally pardoned him for all his offences.
Some time afterwards, while the king was out hunting he was attacked by a lion, which Megabyzus slew as it reared and was preparing to rush upon him. The king, enraged because Megabyzus had slain the animal first, ordered his head to be cut off, but owing to the entreaties of Amestris, Amytis, and others his life was spared and he was banished to Curtae, a town on the Red Sea. Artoxares the eunuch was also banished to Armenia for having often spoken freely to the king in favour of Megabyzus. After having passed five years in exile, Megabyzus escaped by pretending to be a leper, whom no one might approach, and returned home to Amytis, who hardly recognized him. On the intercession of Amestris and Amytis, the king became reconciled to him and admitted him to his table as before. Megabyzus died at the age of seventy-six, deeply mourned by the king.
After his death, his wife Amytis, like her mother Amestris before her, showed great fondness for the society of men. The physician Apollonides of Cos, when Amytis was suffering from a slight illness, being called in to attend her, fell in love with her. For some time they carried on an intrigue, but finally she told her mother. She in turn informed the king, who left her to do as she would with the offender. Apollonides was kept in chains for two months as a punishment, and then buried alive on the same day that Amytis died.
Zopyrus, the son of Megabyzus and Amytis, after the death of his father and mother revolted against the king. He visited Athens, where he was well received owing to the services his mother had rendered to the Athenians.20 From Athens he sailed with some Athenian troops to Caunus and summoned it to surrender. The inhabitants expressed themselves ready to do so, provided the Athenians who accompanied him were not admitted. While Zopyrus was mounting the wall, a Caunian named Alcides hit him on the head with a stone and killed him. The Caunian was crucified by order of his grandmother Amestris. Some time afterwards, Amestris died at a great age, and Artoxerxes also died after having reigned forty-two years. Here the seventeenth book ends.
Artoxerxes was succeeded by his son Xerxes, his only legitimate son by Damaspia, who died on the same day as her husband.21 The bodies of the king and queen were conveyed by Bagorazus to Persia. Artoxerxes had seventeen illegitimate sons, amongst them Secydianus by Alogune the Babylonian, Ochus (afterwards king) and Arsites by Cosmartidene, also a Babylonian. Besides these three, he also had a son Bagapaeus and a daughter Parysatis by Andria, also a Babylonian, who became the mother of Artoxerxes and Cyrus. During his father's lifetime, Ochus was made satrap of Hyrcania, and given in marriage to Parysatis, the daughter of Artoxerxes and his own sister.
Secydianus, having won over the eunuch Pharnacyas, who had the greatest influence over Xerxes next to Bagorazus, Menostanes, and some others, entered the palace after a festival, while Xerxes was lying in a drunken sleep and put him to death, forty-five days after the death of his father. The bodies of both father and son were conveyed together to Persia, for the mules which drew the chariot in which was the father's body, refused to move, as if waiting for that of the son; and when it arrived,22 they at once went on rapidly.
Secydianus thus became king and appointed Menostanes his azabarites.23 After Bagorazus returned to court, Secydianus, who cherished a long-standing enmity against him, on the pretext that he had left his father's body in Persia without his permission, ordered him to be stoned to death. The army was greatly grieved, and, although Secydianus distributed large sums amongst the soldiers, they hated him for the murder of his brother Xerxes and now for that of Bagorazus.
Secydianus, then summoned Ochus to court, who promised to present himself but failed to do so. After he had been summoned several times, he collected a large force with the obvious intention of seizing the throne. He. was joined by Arbarius, commander of the cavalry, and Arxanes, satrap of Egypt. The eunuch Artoxares also came from Armenia and placed the crown24 on the head of Ochus against his will.
Thus Ochus became king and changed his name to Dariaeus. At the suggestion of Parysatis, he endeavoured by trickery and solemn promises to win over Secydianus. Menostanes did all he could to prevent Secydianus from putting faith in these promises or coming to terms with those who were trying to deceive him. In spite of this Secydianus allowed himself to be persuaded, was arrested, thrown into the ashes,25 and died, after a reign of six months and fifteen days.
Ochus (also called Dariaeus) thus became sole ruler. Three eunuchs, Artoxares, Artibarzanes, and Athous had the greatest influence with him, but his chief adviser was his wife. By her he had had two children before he. became king, a daughter Amestris and a son Arsaces, afterwards called Artoxerxes. After his accession she bore him another son, called Cyrus from the sun.26 A third son was named Artostes, who was followed by several others, to the number of thirteen. The writer says that he obtained these particulars from Parysatis herself. Most of the children soon died, the only survivors being those just mentioned and a fourth named Oxendras. Arsites, his own brother by the same father and mother, revolted against the king together with Artyphius the son of Megabyzus. Artasyras was sent against them, and, having been defeated in two battles, gained the victory in a third, after he had bribed the Greeks, who were with Artyphius, so that only three Milesians remained faithful to him. At length Artyphius, finding that Arsites did not appear, surrendered to the king, after Artasyras had solemnly promised him that his life should be spared. The king was anxious to put Artyphius to death, but Parysatis advised him not to do so at once, in order to deceive Arsites and induce him also to submit; when both had surrendered, she said they could both be put to death. The plan succeeded, Artyphius and Arsites surrendered, and were thrown into the ashes. The king wished to pardon Arsites, but Parysatis by her importunity persuaded him to put him to death. Phar-nacyas, who had assisted Secydianus to kill Xerxes, was stoned to death. Menostanes was also arrested and condemned, but anticipated his fate by suicide.
Pissuthnes also revolted, and Tissaphernes, Spithradates, and Parmises were sent against him. Pissuthnes set out to meet them with Lycon the Athenian and a body of Greeks, who were bribed by the king's generals to desert him. Pissuthnes then surrendered, and, after having received assurances that his life should be spared, accompanied Tissaphernes to the court. But the king ordered him to be thrown into the ashes and gave his satrapy to Tissaphernes. Lycon also received several towns and districts as the reward of his treachery.
Artoxares the eunuch, who had great influence with the king, desiring to obtain possession of the throne himself, plotted against his master. He ordered his wife to make him a false beard and moustache, that he might look like a man. His wife, however, betrayed him; he was seized, handed over to Parysatis, and put to death. Arsaces the king's son, who afterwards changed his name to Artoxerxes, married Statira, daughter of Idernes, whose son Teritukhmes, who had been appointed to his father's satrapy after his death, married the king's daughter Amestris. Teritukhmes had a half-sister Roxana, of great beauty and very skilful in bending the bow and hurling the spear. Teritukhmes having fallen in love with her and conceived a hatred of his wife Amestris, in order to get rid of the latter, resolved to put her into a sack, where she was to be stabbed to death by 300 accomplices, with whom he had entered into a conspiracy to raise a revolt. But a certain Udiastes, who had great influence with Teritukhmes, having received letters from the king promising to reward him generously if he could save his daughter, attacked and murdered Teritukhmes, who courageously defended himself and slew (it is said) thirty-seven of his assailants.
Mitradates,27 the son of Udiastes, the armour-bearer of Teritukhmes, took no part in this affair, and when he learnt what had happened, he cursed his father and seized the city of Zaris to hand over to the son of Teritukhmes. Parysatis ordered the mother of Teritukhmes, his brothers Mitrostes and Helicus, and his sisters except Statira to be put to death. Roxana was hewn in pieces alive. The king told his wife Parysatis to inflict the same punishment upon the wife of his son Arsaces. But Arsaces by his tears and lamentations appeased the wrath of his father and mother. Parysatis having relented, Ochus spared Statira's life, but at the same time told Parysatis that she would one day greatly regret it.
In the nineteenth book the author relates how Ochus Dariaeus fell sick and died at Babylon, having reigned thirty-five years. Arsaces, who succeeded him, changed his name to Artoxerxes. Udiastes had his tongue cut out and torn out by the roots behind; and so he died. His son Mitradates was appointed to his satrapy. This was due to the instigation of Statira, whereat Parysatis was greatly aggrieved. Cyrus, being accused by Tissaphernes of designs on the life of his brother Artoxerxes, took refuge with his mother, by whose intervention he was cleared of the charge. Disgraced by his brother, he retired to his satrapy and laid his plans for revolt. Satibarzanes accused Orontes of an intrigue with Parysatis, although her conduct was irreproachable; Orontes was put to death, and his mother was greatly enraged against the king, because Parysatis had poisoned the son of Teritukhmes. The author also mentions him who cremated his father contrary to the law, Hellanicus and Herodotus being thus convicted of falsehood.28
Cyrus having revolted against his brother29 collected an army composed of both Greeks and barbarians. Clearchus was in command of the Greeks; Syennesis, king of Cilicia, assisted both Cyrus and Artoxerxes. The author then reports the speeches of the two princes to their troops. Clearchus the Spartan, who was in command of the Greeks, and Menon the Thessalian, who accompanied Cyrus, were always at variance, because Cyrus took the advice of Clearchus in everything, while Menon was disregarded. Large numbers deserted from Artoxerxes to Cyrus, none from Cyrus to Artoxerxes. For this reason Artabarius, who meditated desertion, was accused and thrown into the ashes. Cyrus attacked the king's army and gained the victory, but lost his life by neglecting the advice of Clearchus. His body was mutilated by Artoxerxes, who ordered his head and the hand with which he had struck him to be cut off, and carried them about in triumph. Clearchus the Spartan withdrew during the night with his Greeks, and after he had seized one of the cities belonging to Parysatis, the king made peace with him.
Parysatis set out for Babylon, mourning for the death of Cyrus, and having with difficulty recovered his head and hand sent them to Susa for burial. It was Bagapates who had cut off his head by order of Artoxerxes. Parysatis, when playing at dice with the king, won the game and Bagapates as the prize, and afterwards had him flayed alive and crucified. At length she was persuaded by the entreaties of Artoxerxes to give up mourning for her son. The king rewarded the soldier who brought him Cyrus's cap, and the Carian who was supposed to have wounded him, whom Parysatis afterwards tortured and put to death. Mitradates having boasted at table of having killed Cyrus, Parysatis demanded that he should be given up to her, and having got him into her hands, put him to death with great cruelty. Such is the contents of the nineteenth and twentieth books.
The twenty-first, twenty-second, and twenty-third books conclude the history. Tissaphernes began to plot against the Greeks, with the assistance of Menon the Thessalian, whom he had won over. In this manner, by cunning and solemn promises, he got Clearchus and the other generals in his power, although Clearchus suspected and was on his guard against treachery and endeavoured to avert it; but the soldiers, being deceived by the words of Menon, compelled the unwilling Clearchus to visit Tissaphernes. Proxenus the Boeotian, who had been already deceived, also advised him to go. Clearchus and the other generals were sent in chains to Artoxerxes at Babylon, where all the people flocked to see Clearchus. Ctesias himself, Parysatis's physician, bestowed every attention upon Clearchus while he was in prison and did all he could to mitigate his lot. Parysatis would have given him his freedom and let him go, had not Statira persuaded the king to put him to death. After his execution, a marvellous thing happened. A strong wind sprang up and heaped a quantity of earth upon his body, which formed a natural tomb. The other Greeks who had been sent with him were also put to death, with the exception of Menon.
The author next tells us of the insults heaped by Parysatis on Statira, and the poisoning of Statira, which was brought about in the following manner, although she had long been on her guard against this kind of death. A table knife was smeared with poison on one side. One of the little birds, about the size of an egg, called rhyndace, was cut in half by Parysatis, who herself took and ate the portion which had not been touched by the poison, at the same time offering Statira the poisoned half. Statira, seeing that Parysatis was eating her own portion, had no suspicions, and took the fatal poison. The king, enraged with his mother, ordered her eunuchs to be seized and tortured, including her chief confidant Ginge. The latter, being accused and brought to trial, was acquitted by the judges, but the king condemned her and ordered her to be tortured and put to death, which caused a lasting quarrel between mother and son.
The tomb of Clearchus, eight years afterwards, was found covered with palm-trees, which Parysatis had had secretly planted by her eunuchs.
The author next states the cause of the quarrel of Artoxerxes with Evagoras, king of Salamis.30 The messengers sent by Evagoras to Ctesias about the receiving of letters from Abuletes. The letter of Ctesias to Evagoras concerning reconciliation with Anaxagoras prince of the Cyprians. The return of the messengers of Evagoras to Cyprus and the delivery of the letters from Ctesias to Evagoras. The speech of Conon to Evagoras about visiting the king; and the letter of Evagoras on the honours he had received from him. The letter of Conon to Ctesias, the agreement of Evagoras to pay tribute to the king, and the giving of the letters to Ctesias. Speech of Ctesias to the king about Conon and the letter to him. The presents sent by Evagoras delivered to Satibarzanes; the arrival of the messengers in Cyprus. The letters of Conon to the king and Ctesias. The detention of the Spartan ambassadors to the king. Letter from the king to Conon and the Spartans, delivered to them by Ctesias himself. Conon appointed commander of the fleet by Pharnabazus.
The visit of Ctesias to Cnidus, his native city, and to Sparta. Proceedings against the Spartan ambassadors at Rhodes, and their acquittal.31 The number of stations, days, and parasangs from Ephesus to Bactria and India. The work concludes with a list of the Assyrian kings from Ninus and Semiramis to Artoxerxes. This writer's style is clear and very simple, which makes the work agreeable to read. He uses the Ionic dialect, not throughout, as Herodotus does, but only in certain expressions, nor does he, like Herodotus, interrupt the thread of his narrative by ill-timed digressions. Although he reproaches Herodotus for his old wives' tales, he is not free from the same defect, especially in his account of India. The charm of his history chiefly consists in his manner of relating events, which is strong in the emotional and unexpected, and in his varied use of mythical embellishment. The style is more careless than it should be, and the phraseology often descends to the commonplace, whereas that of Herodotus, both in this and other respects as far as vigour and art are concerned, is the model representative of the Ionic dialect.
1 Of Cnidus on the coast of Caria in Asia Minor. He was for seventeen years (401-384) court physician to Artaxerxes Mnemon, whom he treated for a wound received at the battle of Cunaxa. He accuses Herodotus of being a liar, but often lays himself open to the same charge. It should be remarked that in writing his Persica Clesias had the opportunity of consulting the Persian archives and natives, whereas in regard to the Indica he had no such advantages. He was also the author of an account of the Persian imperial revenues, and of some books of travel and geographical works.
2 More commonly Artaxerxes.
3 For the historical events see G. Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, iii (1871), and for an estimate of Ctesias as an historian his translation of Herodotus, i. 71.
4 Ecbatana.
5 "Vaults" is used to express the sense generally, not as a translation of the various readings: κρίσκρανα, explained as "house of refuge"; κιόκρανα, "epistyle"; κιονόκρανα "capitals" of columns in the form of "rams '" heads.
6 Peltasts, light-armed troops, who carried the small shield called pelta.
7 Variously called Smerdis, Mergis, Merdis.
8 This seems a possible meaning of θριαμβεύσας, combined with the idea of a personal triumph.
9 Herodotus gives the names as: Intaphernes, Otanes, Gobryas, Hydarnes, Megabyzus, Aspathines, Darius.
10 Herodotus, iii. 85.
11 On the tomb of Darius, see Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies, iii. 320.
12 A penteconter was a ship carrying fifty oars.
13 The Danube.
14 Zeus as the god of crossing. The "altar" was probably a column set up to commemorate his passage.
15 Belus or Bel. For the story see Aelian, Var. Hist., xiii. 3.
16 The 9000 full citizens of Sparta, who formed a kind of nobility.
17 The free inhabitants of the towns (except Sparta) who enjoyed civil but not political liberty.
18 Apparently to hinder the construction of the embankment.
19 The criminal was exposed to the heat of the sun in two boat-like troughs closely fitted together with head, arms, and legs hanging out until he died eaten by insects (see Plutarch, Life of Artaxerxes, 16).
20 Referring to the efforts of Megabyzus and Amytis on behalf of the Greek prisoners.
21 Reading Ἀρτοξέρξης not Ξέρξης.
22 Κατέλαβε. Others render "when it (i. e. death) overtook him," when the son also died.
23 A Persian title, perhaps identical with Azarapates, a sort of gentleman-usher of the court.
24 Κίταρις, the citaris, cidaris, or tiara.
25 Valerius Maximus (ix. 2. ext. 6) thus describes this punishment. "He (Ochus) filled an enclosure surrounded by high walls with ashes; a beam projected over it, on which he placed his victims, having first given them plenty to eat and drink; then, overcome by sleep, they fell from it into the treacherous heap below."
26 In modern Persian the sun is Khur, in Zend Hware.
27 Ionic form of Mithradates.
28 The excessive brevity of Photius's abstract makes it uncertain what the allusion is, and how Hellanicus and Herodotus are convicted of falsehood. Perhaps there is a reference to the statement of Herodotus that Croesus was burnt on the funeral pile.
29 The expedition forms the subject of Xenophon's Anabasis,
30 In Cyprus. The orator Isocrates composed a panegyric on this Evagoras.
31 The punctuation and meaning are obscure.
History of India.1
Also read the same author's History of India, in one book, in which he employs the Ionic dialect more frequently. In regard to the river Indus, he says that, where it is narrowest, it is forty, where it is widest, two hundred stades broad.2 He declares that the population of India is almost greater than that of the whole world. He also mentions a worm found in this river, the only living creature which breeds there. Beyond India there are no countries inhabited by men. It never rains there, the country being watered by the river. He says of the pantarba,3 a kind of seal-stone, that 477 seal-stones and other precious stones, belonging to a Bactrian merchant, which had been thrown into the river, were drawn up from the bottom, all clinging together, by this stone.
He also speaks of elephants which knock down walls, of little 4 apes with tails four cubits long, and of cocks of very large size; of the parrot about as large as a hawk, which has a human tongue and voice, a dark-red beak, a black, beard, and blue feathers up to the neck, which is red like cinnabar.5 It speaks Indian like a native, and if taught Greek, speaks Greek.
He next mentions a fountain which is filled every year with liquid gold, from which a hundred pitcherfuls are drawn. These pitchers have to be made of earth, since the gold when drawn off becomes solid, and it is necessary to break the vessel in order to get it out. The fountain is square, sixteen cubits in circumference, and a fathom deep. The gold in each pitcher weighs a talent. At the bottom of the fountain there is iron, and the author says that he possessed two swords made from it, one given him by the king, the other by his mother, Parysatis. If this iron 6 be fixed in the ground, it keeps off clouds and hail and hurricanes Ctesias declares that the king twice proved its efficacy and that he himself was a witness to it.
The Indian dogs are very large and even attack lions. There are great mountains, from which are dug sardonyx, onyx, and other seal-stones. It is intensely hot and the sun appears ten times larger than in other countries; large numbers of people are suffocated by the heat. The sea is as large as that of Greece; it is so hot on the surface and to a depth of four fingers that fish cannot live near it, but keep on the bottom.
The river Indus flows across plains and between mountains, where the so-called Indian reed grows. It is so thick that two men can hardly get their arms round it, and as tall as the mast of a merchant-ship of largest tonnage. Some are larger, some smaller, as is natural considering the size of the mountain. Of these reeds some are male, others female. The male has no pith and is very strong, but the female has.
The martikhora is an animal found in this country. It has a face like a man's, a skin red as cinnabar, and is as large as a lion. It has three rows of teeth, ears and light-blue eyes like those of a man; its tail is like that of a land scorpion, containing a sting more than a cubit long at the end. It has other stings on each side of its tail and one on the top of its head, like the scorpion, with which it inflicts a wound that is always fatal. If it is attacked from a distance, it sets up its tail in front and discharges its stings as if from a bow; if attacked from behind, it straightens it out and launches its stings in a direct line to the distance of a hundred feet. The wound inflicted is fatal to all animals except the elephant. The stings are about a foot long and about as thick as a small rush. The martikhora7 is called in Greek anthropophagos (man-eater), because, although it preys upon other animals, it kills and devours a greater number of human beings. It fights with both its claws and stings, which, according to Ctesias, grow again after they have been discharged. There is a great number of these animals in India, which are hunted and killed with spears or arrows by natives mounted on elephants.
Observing that the Indians are extremely just, Ctesias goes on to describe their manners and customs. He mentions a sacred spot in an uninhabited district, which they honour under the name of the Sun and the Moon. It is a fifteen days' journey from mount Sardo.8 Here the Sun is always cool for thirty-five days in the year, so that his votaries may attend his feast and after its celebration may return home without being scorched. In India there is neither thunder, lightning, nor rain, but winds and hurricanes, which carry along everything that comes in their way, are frequent. The sun, after rising, is cool for half the day, but for the remainder is excessively hot in most parts of the country. It is not the heat of the sun that makes the Indians swarthy; they are so naturally. Some of them, both men and women, are very fair, though they are fewer in number. Ctesias says that he himself saw five white men and two white women. In support of his statement that the sun cools the air for thirty-five days, he mentions that the fire which streams from Aetna does no damage to the middle of the country through which it passes, because it is the abode of just men, but destroys the rest.9 In the island of Zacynthus there are fountains full of fish, out of which pitch is taken. In the island of Naxos there is a fountain from which sometimes flows a wine of very agreeable flavour. The water of the river Phasis, if allowed to stand a day and a night in a vessel, becomes a most delicious wine. Near Phaselis in Lycia there is a fire which never goes out, but burns on a rock both night and day. It cannot be extinguished by water, which rather increases the flame, but only by throwing earth upon it.
In the middle of India there are black men, called Pygmies,10who speak the same language as the other inhabitants of the country. They are very short, the tallest being only two cubits in height, most of them only one and a half. Their hair is very long, going down to the knees and even lower, and their beards are larger than those of any other men. When their beards are full grown they leave off wearing clothes and let the hair of their head fall down behind far below the knees, while their beard trails down to the feet in front. When their body is thus entirely covered with hair they fasten it round them with a girdle, so that it serves them for clothes. They are snubnosed and ugly. Their sheep are no bigger than lambs, their oxen, asses, horses, mules, and other beasts of burden about the size of rams. Being very skilful archers, 3000 of them attend on the king of India. They are very just and have the same laws as the Indians. They hunt the hare and the fox, not with dogs, but with ravens, kites, crows, and eagles.
There is a lake 800 stades in circumference, the surface of which, when riot ruffled by the wind, is covered with floating oil. Sailing over it in little boats, they ladle out the oil with little vessels and keep it for use. They also use oil of sesamum and nut-oil, but the oil from the lake is best. The lake also abounds in fish.
The country produces much silver and there are numerous silver mines, not very deep, but those of Bactria are said to be deeper. There is also gold, not found in rivers and washed, as in the river Pactolus, but in many large mountains which are inhabited by griffins. These are four-footed birds as large as a wolf, their legs and claws resembling those of a lion; their breast feathers are red, those of the rest of the body black. Although there is abundance of gold in the mountains, it is difficult to get it because of these birds.
The Indian sheep and goats are larger than asses, and as a rule have four young ones, sometimes six, at a time. There are neither tame nor wild pigs. The palm trees and dates are three times as large as those of Babylon. There is a river of honey that flows from a rock.
The author speaks at length of the Indians' love of justice, their loyalty to their kings and their contempt of death. He also mentions a fountain, the water from which, when drawn off, thickens like cheese. If three obols' weight of this thick mass be crushed, mixed with water, and given to any one to drink, he reveals everything that he has ever done, being in a state of frenzy and delirium the whole day. The king makes use of this test when he desires to discover the truth about an accused person. If he confesses, he is ordered to starve himself to death; if he reveals nothing, he is acquitted.
The Indians are not subject to headache, ophthalmia, or even toothache; to ulcers on the mouth, or sores in any other part of the body. They live 120, 130, 150, and some even 200 years.
There is a serpent a span in length, of a most beautiful purple colour, with a very white head, and without teeth. It is caught on the burning mountains, from which the sardonyx is dug. It does not sting, but its vomit rots the place where it falls. If it is hung up by the tail it discharges two kinds of poison, one yellow like amber, when it is alive, the other black, when it is dead. If one drinks only as much of the former as a grain of sesamum dissolved in water, his brain runs out through his nose and he dies immediately; if the other poison is administered, it brings on consumption, which does not prove fatal for at least a year.
There is a bird called dikaerum (meaning in Greek "just"), the size of a partridge's egg. It buries its excrement in the ground in order to hide it. If any one finds it and takes only a morsel of it about the size of a grain of sesamum in the morning, he is overcome by sleep, loses consciousness, and dies at sunset.
There is also a tree called parebum, about the size of an olive, which is only found in the royal gardens. It bears neither flowers nor fruit, and has only fifteen very stout roots, the smallest of which is as thick as a man's arm. If a piece of this root, about a span in length, be put near any body of matter, gold, silver, brass, stones, in fact, everything except amber, it attracts it; if a cubit's length of it be used, it attracts lambs and birds, the latter being generally caught in this way. If you wish to solidify a gallon of water, you need only throw in a piece of the root the weight of an obol; the same with wine, which can be handled like wax, although on the next day it becomes liquid again. The root is also used as a remedy for those suffering from bowel complaints.
There is a river that flows through India, not large, but about two stades broad. It is called Hyparchus 11 in Indian, meaning in Greek "bestowing all blessings." During thirty days in the year it brings down amber. It is said that in the mountains there are trees on the banks of the river where it passes through, which at a certain season of the year shed tears like the almond, fir, or any other tree, especially during these thirty days. These tears drop into the river and become hard. This tree is called in Indian Siptakhora,12 meaning in Greek "sweet," and from it the inhabitants gather amber. It also bears fruit in clusters like grapes, the stones of which are as large as the nuts of Pontus.
On these mountains there live men with the head of a dog, whose clothing is the skin of wild beasts. They speak no language, but bark like dogs, and in this manner make themselves understood by each other. Their teeth are larger than those of dogs, their nails like those of these animals, but longer and rounder. They inhabit the mountains as far as the river Indus. Their complexion is swarthy. They are extremely just, like the rest of the Indians with whom they associate. They understand the Indian language but are unable to converse, only barking or making signs with their hands and fingers by way of reply, like the deaf and dumb. They are called by the Indians Calystrii, in Greek Cynocephali ("dog-headed"). [They live on raw meat.] They number about 120,000.
Near the sources of this river13 grows a purple flower, from which is obtained a purple dye, as good in quality as the Greek and of an even more brilliant hue. In the same district there is an animal about the size of a beetle, red as cinnabar, with very long feet, and a body as soft as that of a worm. It breeds on the trees which produce amber, eats their fruit and kills them, as the woodlouse destroys the vines in Greece. The Indians crush these insects and use them for dyeing their robes and tunics and anything else they wish.14 The dye is superior to the Persian.
The Cynocephali living on the mountains do not practise any trade but live by hunting. When they have killed an animal they roast it in the sun. They also rear numbers of sheep, goats, and asses, drinking the milk of the sheep and whey made from it. They eat the fruit of the Siptakhora, whence amber is procured, since it is sweet. They also dry it and keep it in baskets, as the Greeks keep their dried grapes. They make rafts which they load with this fruit together with well-cleaned purple flowers and 260 talents of amber, with the same quantity of the purple dye, and 1000 additional talents of amber, which they send annually to the king of India. They exchange the rest for bread, flour, and cotton stuffs with the Indians, from whom they also buy swords for hunting wild beasts, bows, and arrows, being very skilful in drawing the bow and hurling the spear. They cannot be defeated in war, since they inhabit lofty and inaccessible mountains. Every five years the king sends them a present of 300,000 bows, as many spears, 120,000 shields, and 50,000 swords.
They do not live in houses, but in caves. They set out for the chase with bows and spears, and as they are very swift of foot, they pursue and soon overtake their quarry. The women have a bath once a month, the men do not have a bath at all, but only wash their hands. They anoint themselves three times a month with oil made from milk and wipe themselves with skins. The clothes of men and women alike are not skins with the hair on, but skins tanned and very fine. The richest wear linen clothes, but they are few in number. They have no beds, but sleep on leaves or grass. He who possesses the greatest number of sheep is considered the richest, and so in regard to their other possessions. All, both men and women, have tails above their hips, like dogs, but longer and more hairy. They are just, and live longer than any other men, 170, sometimes 200 years.
It is said that beyond their country, above the sources of the river, there are other men, black like the rest of the Indians. They do no work, do not eat grain nor drink water, but rear large numbers of cattle, cows, goats, and sheep, whose milk is their only food. When they drink milk in the morning and then again at mid-day, they eat a sweet root which prevents the milk from curdling in the stomach, and at night makes them vomit all they have taken without any difficulty.
In India there are wild asses 15 as large as horses, or even larger. Their body is white, their head dark red, their eyes bluish, and they have a horn in their forehead about a cubit in length. The lower part of the horn, for about two palms distance from the forehead, is quite white, the middle is black, the upper part, which terminates in a point, is a very flaming red. Those who drink out of cups made from it are proof against convulsions, epilepsy, and even poison, provided that before or after having taken it they drink some wine or water or other liquid out of these cups. The domestic and wild asses of other countries and all other solid-hoofed animals have neither huckle-bones nor gall-bladder, whereas the Indian asses have both. Their huckle-bone is the most beautiful that I have seen, like that of the ox in size and appearance; it is as heavy as lead and of the colour of cinnabar all through. These animals are very strong and swift; neither the horse nor any other animal can overtake them. At first they run slowly, but the longer they run their pace increases wonderfully, and becomes faster and faster. There is only one way of catching them. When they take their young to feed, if they are surrounded by a large number of horsemen, being unwilling to abandon their foals, they show fight, butt with their horns, kick, bite, and kill many men and horses. They are at last taken, after they have been pierced with arrows and spears; for it is impossible to capture them alive. Their flesh is too bitter to eat, and they are only hunted for the sake of the horns and huckle-bones.
In the river Indus a worm is found resembling those which are usually found on fig-trees. Its average length is seven cubits, though some are longer, others shorter. It is so thick that a child ten years old could hardly put his arms round it. It has two teeth, one in the upper and one in the lower jaw. Everything it seizes with these teeth it devours. By day it remains in the mud of the river, but at night it comes out, seizes whatever it comes across, whether ox or camel, drags it into the river, and devours it all except the intestines. It is caught with a large hook baited with a lamb or kid attached by iron chains. After it has been caught, it is hung up for thirty days with vessels placed underneath, into which as much oil from the body drips as would fill ten Attic kotylae.16 At the end of the thirty days, the worm is thrown away, the vessels of oil are sealed arid taken as a present to the king of India, who alone is allowed to use it. This oil sets everything alight---- wood or animals----over which it is poured, and the flame can only be extinguished by throwing a quantity of thick mud on it.
There are trees in India as high as cedars or cypresses, with leaves like those of the palm-tree, except that they are a little broader and have no shoots. They flower like the male laurel, but have no fruit. The tree is called by the Indians karpion, by the Greeks myrorodon (unguent-rose); it is not common. Drops of oil ooze out of it, which are wiped off with wool and then squeezed into stone alabaster boxes. The oil is reddish, rather thick, and so fragrant that it scents the air to a distance of five stades. Only the king and his family are allowed to use it. The king of India sent some to the king of Persia, and Ctesias, who saw it, says that he cannot compare the perfume with any other.
The Indians also have very excellent cheese and sweet wine, both of which Ctesias tested himself.
There is a square fountain in India, about five ells in circumference. The water is in a rock, about three cubits' depth down, and the water itself three fathoms. The Indians of highest rank----men, women, and children----bathe in it [not only for cleanliness, but as a preventive of disease]. They plunge feet foremost into the water, and when they jump into it, it throws them out again on to dry land, not only human beings, but every animal, living or dead, in fact, everything that is thrown into it except iron, silver, gold, and copper, which sink to the bottom. The water is very cold, and agreeable to drink; it makes a loud noise like that of water boiling in a caldron. It cures leprosy and scab. In Indian it is called ballade, and in Greek ophelime (useful).
In the mountains where the Indian reed grows there dwells a people about 30,000 in number. Their women only have children once in their life, which are born with beautiful teeth in the upper and lower jaw. Both male and female children have white hair,on the head and eyebrows. Up to the age of thirty the men have white hair all over the body; it then begins to turn black, and at the age of sixty it is quite black. Both men and women have eight fingers and eight toes. They are very warlike, and 5000 of them----bowmen and spearmen---- accompany the king of India on his military expeditions. Their ears are so long that their arms are covered with them as far as the elbow, and also their backs, and one ear touches the other.
[In Aethiopia there is an animal called crocottas,17 vulgarly kynolykos (dog-wolf), of amazing strength. It is said to imitate the human voice, to call men by name at night, and to devour those who approach it. It is as brave as a lion, as swift as a horse, and as strong as a bull. It cannot be overcome by any weapon of steel. In Chalcis in Eubbea there are sheep which have no gall-bladder, and their flesh is so bitter that even the dogs refuse to eat it. They also say that beyond the gates of Mauretania the rain is abundant in summer, arid that it is scorching hot in winter. Among the Cyonians there is a fountain which gives out oil instead of water, which the people use in all their food. In Metadrida there is another fountain, some little distance from the sea, the flow of which is so violent at midnight that it casts up on land fishes in such numbers that the inhabitants, unable to pick them up, leave most of them to rot on the ground.] 18
Ctesias relates these fables as perfect truth, adding that he himself had seen with his own eyes some of the things he describes, and had been informed of the rest by eye-witnesses. He says that he has omitted many far more marvellous things, for fear that those who had not seen them might think that his account was utterly untrustworthy.
1 See translation by J. W. McCrindle with Introduction and Notes (1882), to which the present translator desires to acknowledge his obligations; H. H. Wilson, "Notes on the Indica of Ctesias" (Ashmolean Society Transactions, i-xi. 1838).
2 A stade is about an English furlong.
3 Supposed to be the hydrophane (also called oculus mundi, eye of the world), a kind of opal which absorbs water on immersion and exhibits a changing play of colours.
4 Rather read μακρῶν (large) for μικρῶν (small).
5 The text is corrupt here.
6 The magnet may be referred to.
7 Persian mardikhora.
8 It is not clear whether Sardo is merely a proper name or means the "mountain of the sardo" (a precious stone).
9 During an eruption, two brothers, Amphinomus and Anapus of Catana, carried off their parents on their shoulders, and were untouched by the lava. The spot where this took place was afterwards called "the land of the pious."
10 The name means ''a fist long."
11 Persian aver-khosh ("bringing good ").
12 Persian shiftehkhor ("agreeable to eat").
13 The Hyparchus.
14 The cochineal insect is meant.
15 Perhaps the rhinoceros, although the description is not altogether suitable.
16 About five pints.
17 The jackal or hyena.
18This passage is probably not by Ctesias.
73. [Heliodorus, Aethiopica]
Read the Aethiopica of Heliodorus.1 The work is dramatic, and the style employed is suited to the subject, being full of simplicity and charm. The narrative is diversified by actual, expected, or unexpected incidents that appeal to the feelings, by strange escapes from danger, by clear and pure diction. If, as is only natural, there is a tendency to use figures of speech, they are easy to understand, and vividly illustrate the subject matter. The periods are symmetrical., and concisely arranged with a view to brevity. The composition in other respects corresponds to the subject. The story is about the love of a man and a woman, and shows a desire for the strict observance of propriety.
The characters are Theagenes and Chariclea, two chaste lovers who, through all their wanderings and frequent captivities, keep their modesty intact. Their names, and a brief account of their fortunes and sufferings, are given. The Athenian festival, at which Chariclea is a priestess and Theagenes a competitor in the stadium. How they fall in love with each other at sight; Chariclea's consequent illness; how she is carried off, with her consent, by Theagenes and Calasiris from the house of her reputed father Charicles. Voyage to Zacynthus, during which the captain of the ship is smitten with love for Chariclea; Calasiris pretends to accept his offer of marriage. Chariclea and her party are hospitably received on shore, and informed by the fisherman who gives them lodging that Trachinus, the captain of a band of robbers, intends to carry her off. The flight of Calasiris and Chariclea, the pursuit and capture of the ship by Trachinus. He falls in love with Chariclea, who pretends to be willing to marry him. Calasiris and Theagenes, pretending to be her father and brother, request [that they may be allowed to remain on the vessel], and their request is granted. Storm at sea; their narrow escape from shipwreck, and landing on the coast of Egypt. Trachinus speaks of his intended marriage to Chariclea. The stratagem of her supposed father, Calasiris, and arrangements for the wedding-feast. Pelorus is persuaded by Calasiris that Chariclea is in love with him, which leads to a quarrel between Pelorus and Trachinus about her. A regular battle takes place, in which many of the pirates are slain by themselves,2 and several by Chariclea. Her grief at seeing Theagenes covered with wounds. Attack by Egyptian brigands. Their astonishment at the sight of Chariclea, whom they carry off with Theagenes to Thyamis, the captain of the Bucoli,3 as the brigands were called. He also falls in love with Chariclea, who again pretends that Theagenes is her brother. The Bucoli are in turn attacked and routed; flight of Thyamis and Hermuthis,4 followed by Cnemon 5 and Theagenes. Chariclea remains in the cave,6 at the entrance of which lies the dead body of Thisbe, the sight of which plunges Theagenes 7 into unbearable grief, until Chariclea addresses him from the cave. The mystery of the, death of Thisbe; grief of Hermuthis. Departure of Cnemon and Hermuthis, Chariclea and Theagenes. Cnemon, leaving Hermuthis, meets Calasiris. They tell each other their adventures. Cnemon tells the story of Thisbe and Demaenete his stepmother, his banishment, and other misfortunes; Calasiris that of Charicles, Chariclea, and Theagenes. Both lament their misfortunes. Then Cnemon imparts the welcome news that Theagenes and Chariclea are still alive, since he himself has been a fellow-prisoner with them in the hands of Thyamis. Nausicles, with whom Calasiris is living, brings in Chariclea in the name of Thisbe. Hearing this, name, Cnemon, knowing that Thisbe is dead, is puzzled; but his perplexity changes to joy at the discovery that Chariclea is alive. First search for Theagenes, and marriage of Cnemon and Nausiclea. Calasiris sets out with Chariclea to find Theagenes. An old woman is found lamenting over her son who has fallen in battle, and addressing him with the aid of magic arts, Calasiris and Chariclea meanwhile looking on. The old woman entreats the corpse to tell her whether her other son will return. The son, cursing his mother as guilty of violent and unlawful acts, informs her that her son will be killed, but that she will die before him, for having insulted the dead. Her death from accidentally falling on a fragment of a spear.
Thyamis, Theagenes, and the rest of the robber band set out for Memphis, the first-named desiring to recover the priesthood which his younger brother, Petosiris, has seized. This causes a great disturbance in the city. Arsace,8 who is in command of the city, endeavours to put an end to the strife by ordering the two brothers to contend in single combat, the priesthood to be given to the victor. The combat takes place against the wish of Petosiris, who is unskilled in the use of arms, whereas Thyamis is an experienced soldier. Thyamis at once scares his brother, who flings away his arms and takes to flight, being twice pursued round the walls of the city by his brother. Theagenes----with whom Arsace, the wife of Oroondates, has fallen in love----is attending on Thyamis. Calasiris and Chariclea come on the scene. Calasiris, seeing his sons engaged in mortal combat, runs up to them with a shout and with difficulty succeeds in stopping the fight, since they do not recognize him. Chariclea falls into the arms of Theagenes. The brothers lay down their arms, and Thyamis is appointed to the priesthood by his father, who soon afterwards dies.
Plot of Arsace against Theagenes and Chariclea, in which she is zealously assisted by her maid Cybele, who invites them to the palace. Arsace's uncontrollable love for Theagenes, her schemes, methods of ill-treatment, allurements, and plots. Cybele, who intends to give a cup of poisoned wine to Chariclea, by mistake drinks it herself and dies. Theagenes and Chariclea are cruelly treated and tortured because Theagenes rejects the advances of Arsace. Chariclea is condemned to be burnt, but the flames are extinguished by the stone pantarbe.9 Thus Chariclea escapes for the moment, but Arsace, in her rage, prepares to have her put to death the next day. Arsace's husband, Oroondates, sends [his eunuch Bagoas] to bring the lovers by night to his camp, Cybele's son, disappointed in his desire to marry Chariclea, having hastened to inform his master of his wife's misconduct.
Attack by the Aethiopians; Theagenes and Chariclea carried off to Hydaspes, king of Aethiopia. Their consecration for sacrifice----Theagenes to the sun, Chariclea to the moon. Games and sacrifices in the presence of Sisimithres, chief of the gymnosophists,10 and Persine, the king's wife. Chariclea demands to be allowed to plead her cause before the king. Her demand is granted, Sisimithres being appointed judge; it is proved by the evidence of witnesses that Chariclea is really the daughter of Hydaspes and Persine. Hydaspes is with difficulty persuaded of the truth of this, but in obedience to the custom of the country is still determined that she shall be sacrificed. Opposition of the people and release of Chariclea, to the joy of all. Chariclea threatened with another danger. Theagenes is still bound for the sacrifice and in spite of her earnest entreaties and various pleas, her father refuses to release him. Chariclea, in great distress of mind, tells her mother all that has happened to herself and Theagenes. The latter's exploit with the bull and the delight of the people. He also defeats the mightiest wrestler among the Aethiopians amidst shouts of applause. Nevertheless, he is crowned and led to the sacrifice. Charicles, who happens to be present, having come from Athens, begs the king to restore to him his supposed daughter. The king promises to do so if he can find her, but he is unable to do so. Charicles seizes Theagenes and drags him before the king, exclaiming, "This is the man who stole my daughter from Athens." An investigation is held, Theagenes is declared not guilty with the approval of Sisimithres, who secures the abolition of human sacrifice for the future, amid general rejoicing. Thus Theagenes and Chariclea, after all their trials and perils, become man and wife. Chariclea crowned with the mitre of the priesthood by her mother, and Theagenes by his father-in-law. Sacrifice offered and preparations made for the mystic nuptial rites.
This romance was written by Heliodorus, son of Theodosius, a Phoenician of Emesa. It is said that he was afterwards a bishop.
1 Heliodorus of Emesa in Syria, belonging to a family of the priests of the Sun, flourished in the third century A. D. This view is supported by the mention of the Blemmyes (first prominent in 250), traces of neo-Pythagorean influence, and the stress laid on Sun-worship. The ecclesiastical historian Socrates wrongly identifies him with a bishop of Tricca in the reign of Theodosius, the latter probably confused with Theodosius the father of the author of the Aethiopica. The standard work on the Greek romance-writers is K. Rohde, Der griechische Roman (1914); see also Blackwood's Magazine, xliv. (1892). The whole work is preserved, and it would be difficult to understand the complicated plot from Photius's abstract.
2 Some taking the side of Trachinus, others that of Pelorus, the second in command.
3 The name of a robber "shepherd-people" inhabiting the N.W. part of the Nile delta in the neighbourhood of Alexandria.
4 Or Thermuthis.
5 A young Athenian who had been detained by the brigands.
6 To which she had been carried off.
7 Thinking it was Chariclea.
8 Her husband, Oroondates, being absent on a military expedition.
9 Which she wore on her finger (see Ctesias, Indica, p. III).
10 An Indian sect of philosophers who lived an extremely ascetic life. Their doctrine was a kind of Pantheism, and they believed in the transmigration of souls. By mortifying the body they hoped to purify their souls. They wore no clothing, hence their name (gymnos, naked, sophistes, wise man). Their influence in the oriental (and even in the Greek world) was great, and Alexander the Great, during his campaigns, endeavoured to persuade them to join his suite.
[Note to the online edition. F. A. Wright's translation into English is online now with amendments by Susan Rhoads]
74. [Themistius, Political Orations & Lesbonax, Speeches]
Read the thirty-six political orations of Themistius.1 Some are addressed to the emperor Constantius, others to Valens, the younger Valentinian, and Theodosius, and contain encomiums and panegyrics of these emperors. The style is clear, free from redundancies, but somewhat florid. The language is official,2 with a tendency to solemnity. Themistius flourished in the reign of Valens, as is clear from his works. He was still a young man in the time of Constantius, by whom he was elected a member of the senate, as is evident from the letter addressed by the emperor himself to that body on behalf of Themistius. His father, who was also a philosopher, was named Eugenius. We have seen his commentaries on all the works of Aristotle, and concise and useful paraphrases of the Analytics, the Soul, the Physics, and similar works. He also did something for the interpretation of Plato, and, in fact, was a lover and student of philosophy.
Also read the sixteen speeches of Lesbonax.3 This Lesbonax...
1 Called Euphrates ("beautiful speaker"), neo-Platonist and sophist (c. 317-390), born in Paphlagonia, then resident at Constantinople, where he entered the service of the state, finally becoming prefect of the city. One of his special duties was to deliver official orations greeting the emperors, under six of whom he lived. In addition to the orations here referred to, he was a prolific writer on philosophical subjects. When quite a young man, he gained considerable reputation as the author of a commentary on Aristotle. He was on friendly terms with famous literary men, orators and philosophers, Christian as well as heathen, and Gregory of Nazianzus calls him "the king of arguments." Of the thirty-six speeches mentioned by Photius, we possess thirty-four (one only in a Latin translation), and some of his work on Aristotle.
2 "State-paper-like" (T. Hodgkin).
3 Probably Lesbonax of Mytilene, the author of three extant declamations. It is uncertain when he lived, probably in the first century A.D.
75. [John Philoponus, On the Trinity against John Scholasticus]
Read the little treatise of John Philoponus1 against the divinely-inspired doctrine of the holy and consubstantial Trinity, set forth by John Scholasticus, archbishop of Constantinople, in his catechetical speech, delivered at the first indiction2during the reign of Justin.
The style is what one would expect from the author, being clear but altogether lacking in energy and dignity. His arguments are not only blasphemous, but utterly unsound and feeble, and he shows himself unable to give even a superficial colouring of truth to his fallacious arguments against the true faith. Inventing natures, substances and godheads, like the insolent babbler that he is, he pours forth a stream of blasphemy against the Christian faith, going minutely into such points as "how many does one mean?" Thus, in his ingenious trifling, as he considers it, or rather his puerile want ot taste, he insolently boasts that he despises the mystical rites of our Church. It is not only in these particular arguments that he appears weak and silly, but in all the other works he has written, with the exception of those in which he has plagiarized from, others, while falsely laying claim to originality. He is far removed from those writers who know how to distinguish the true from the false, and are capable of attaining subtlety of thought. As for the writings falsely claimed by him as his own, they have generally preserved the character of their authors, except that in some cases his vicious style and equipment have destroyed the noble manliness of the original writers. They resemble those compounds which, naturally excellent, owing to the manner in which they are reared and nourished, show signs of spuriousness and degeneracy. In this work he introduces quotations from the holy Fathers, such as Gregory the Theologian, Basil the Great, the sorely-tried Athanasius and Saint Cyril, but they in no way assist his impious design.
1See Cod. 21.
2See p. 89, note 4.
76. [Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews]
Read the Antiquities of the Jews, by Flavius Josephus,1 in twenty books. He begins with the Mosaic cosmogony, and although his account agrees in the main with that generally accepted, he sometimes differs. The work ends with the war between the Jews and Romans, at the time when Agrippa,2 son of the great Agrippa,3 who deprived Jesus, son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and bestowed it upon Matthias, son of Theophilus, was king of the Jews. Antiochus4 and his general Lysias were the first to introduce a bold innovation in reference to the tenure of the high priesthood. They removed Onias named Menelaus from that office, put him to death, and deprived his son of the right of succession, appointing in his place Alcimus called Iacimus, of the tribe of Aaron, but belonging to a different family. Before this it had been the law from the time of Aaron that the high priest should hold office for life, and that the son should succeed the father. But when Alcimus died, after having been high priest for three years, the office remained in abeyance for seven years. After Matthias and his sons of the Asmonean family were entrusted with the leadership of the Jewish people, and made war on the Macedonians, Jonathan was appointed high priest. To this family also belonged Judas, who was called Aristobulus, who first placed the diadem on his head, thus filling the office of both high priest and king. A year later he died, and left his brother Alexander his successor in the kingdom and priesthood, who held these dignities for twenty-seven years. From. this time the kingship and priesthood combined remained in the Asmonean family until the time of Hyrcanus, whom Pompey, after the conquest of Jerusalem, deprived of his kingdom, but allowed him to hold the office of high priest. After thirty-three years he was taken prisoner by the Parthian generals Barzapharnes and Pacorus, who appointed as king Antigonus, the son of the brother of Aristobulus. After Antigonus had reigned three years and three months, the Roman general Sosius and Herod the First, the son of Antipater, a priest of Ascalon, and of Cypris the Arabian, overthrew him, and took him to Antioch, where he was put to death by Antony. This was the end of the Asmonean dynasty, and Herod was made king of the Jews by the Romans. He bestowed the high priesthood upon any one without distinction, setting an example for his successors to follow. As stated above, the author, in his twenty books, beginning from the creation of the world, goes down to the beginning of the last war between the Jews and the Romans, at the time when Agrippa, son of Agrippa, had been appointed king of the Jews by the Romans and Gessius Florus5 had succeeded Albinus as governor of Judaea. The Jews, unable to endure Florus's wickedness and cruelty, revolted, thinking it better to perish at once together in freedom than gradually and in slavery. It was in the second year of Florus's governorship and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, that the war broke out, with which the history of Josephus ends. Of his style we have already spoken.
Josephus was by birth a Jew and a priest, belonging to a family descended from a long line of priests on the father's side. On the mother's side he was of royal blood, for the children of Asmoneus, from whom her family was derived, had for a long time held both the high priesthood and the rank of king. His father's name was Matthias. He was born in the first year of the reign of the emperor Gaius,6 and from boyhood was an earnest student. In his sixteenth year, he began to devote his attention to the three sects of the Jews, and conscientiously examined them, so that after having tried them all he might be able to choose the best. These sects are the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. Having gone through them all, he retired into the wilderness, living there for three years with a man 7 who led a solitary and ascetic life. This man's clothes were made of the leaves of trees, his food consisted of natural herbs and fruit, and he bathed frequently both by night and day, to keep himself chaste. When he was nineteen, Josephus returned to the city and joined the sect of the Pharisees, which is said to resemble the sect called Stoic among the Greeks. In his thirtieth year, he was sent by the people of Jerusalem to investigate the condition of affairs in Galilee, where there was great confusion and things were in a very unsettled state. He was then appointed commander-in-chief of Galilee, and showed himself an efficient administrator. He successfully escaped plots of different kinds laid against him by his political rivals, and by showing a spirit of moderation in dealing with his enemies often brought them over to his side. Having taken up arms against the Romans against his will, after a brave resistance at Iotapata he was taken prisoner by Vespasian, who treated him kindly at the time and still more so after he became emperor. Not only Vespasian, but his sons and successors, Titus and Domitian, entertained the highest regard for him; the Roman citizenship was bestowed upon him, and he became very wealthy. He finished his History in the fifty-sixth year of his age, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Domitian.
1 Cod. 47.
2 27-100. He is the Agrippa before whom St. Paul was brought.
3 Grandson of Herod the Great. He is notorious for his persecution of the Christians (44). He is said to have died of a terrible disease (Acts xii. 23).
4 Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria 175-164. He was a determined advocate of eradicating Judaism and of the hellenization of the people.
5 64-65.
6 Caligula, emperor 37-41.
7 According to Josephus, his name was Banus.
77. [Eunapius, Chronicle]
Read the new edition of the continuation of the Chronicle of Dexippus 1 by Eunapius,2 in fourteen books. It begins with the reign of Claudius Caesar, when the history of Dexippus ends, and goes down to the time of Honorius and Arcadius, the sons of Theodosius. The work actually ends at the time when Arsacius, after the banishment of John Chysostom, was raised to the archbishopric of Constantinople,3 and the wife of Arcadius died of a miscarriage. This Eunapius was a native of Sardes in Lydia, and an impious heathen. He slanders and abuses in every way and without restraint all who have adorned the empire by their piety, especially Constantine the Great; on the other hand, he extols the impious, above all Julian the Apostate. Indeed, it almost seems as if the work was written as an elaborate panegyric upon him.
His style is elegant, if one cuts out terms and expressions such as "fowl-like," "more deer-like," "more swine-like," "hawk-like," "crow-like," "ape-like," "a tear like a river," and so on, which vitiate and debase the nobility of the rest of the language. He also makes use of figures of speech capriciously, a fault which the rule of historical writing forbids, but in general his forcible style combined with urbanity palliates the offence. His method of composition, his clearness and his use of periods are exactly suited, and appropriate to historical narrative; sometimes, however, the style is wordy with a tendency towards forensic rather than historical language. In construction he introduces numerous innovations, but not so as to cause unpleasantness nor to afford an excuse for attacking his methods.4
He wrote two volumes, covering the same period. In the first, he bespatters with abuse the pure faith of us Christians, glorifies the heathen superstition, and attacks many pious emperors. In the second volume, which he calls a "new edition," he has cut out the insults and brutal abuse which he had showered upon Christian piety, and, having connected the rest of the body of the work, calls it, as we have said, a "new edition," although it still shows considerable traces of the original frenzy. We have come across old copies of both editions, both in separate volumes and combined, and, having read both, are in a position to estimate the difference. The result is that in the new edition many passages, owing to the omissions, are mutilated and obscure, although generally the author shows a great regard for clearness. Somehow or other in this second edition he has not connected the narrative with due regard to the omissions, and so has spoiled the meaning.
1 See Cod. 82.
2 Of Sardes (c. 345-420), educated at Athens, andspent the rest of his life in his native town as a physician and rhetorician. His "historical memoirs" deal with events from 270 to 414. He was also the author of some extant Lives of the Sophists. He was a bitter enemy of Christianity, and a devoted adherent of neo-Platonism. In the "second edition" of the Chronicle much that was offensive to Christianity was omitted.
3 404-405.
4Μεθόδοις. Another reading is περιόδοις, " periods."
78. [Malchus, Byzantine History]
Read the Byzantine History of Malchus the sophist1 in seven books. It begins with the final illness and death of the emperor Leo in the seventeenth year of his reign. The author gives an account of the proclamation and accession of Zeno, his expulsion from the throne and life as a private individual, the accession and abdication of the usurper Basiliscus. The restoration of Zeno to the throne and the murder of Basiliscus, his wife and children being unjustly put to death at the same time. Harmatius, who had restored Zeno, met with a similar recompense, being put to death by Onulphus. The author also gives an account of the rebellion of Theodoric the son of Triarius; the friendship of Theodoric the son of Malamir,2 and his war with Theodoric the son of Triarius; the second revolt against Zeno, the rebellion of Marcian, the conspiracy3 of Zeno's mother-in-law, and the banishment of Marcian for life. Verina's plot against Illus, the treacherous seizure of Epidamnus by Theodoric the son of Malamir. Having described these events the author then touches upon Roman affairs. The seventh book ends with the death of Nepos, who, having driven out Glycerius, assumed the imperial power, ordered Glycerius's hair to be cut like a cleric's and made him chief priest instead of emperor. Nepos himself was subsequently slain at the instigation of Glycerius. These seven books show that the author had already written an account of preceding events, as also appears from the beginning of the first book of the seven. The end of the seventh book further shows that he had intended to continue the history, if his life had been spared. Malchus, a native of Philadelphia, is a most admirable historian. His style is pure, free from redundancies and easy to understand; the language is ornate and explicit, if somewhat pompous; he does not hesitate to employ unfamiliar expressions characterized by emphasis, euphony, and sublimity. Speaking generally, his language is a model for the historian. A sophist by profession, and one of the greatest of rhetoricians, he appears to have been a member of the Christian Church.
1 Of Philadelphia in Syria. According to Suidas, the History began with the reign of Constantine the Great, according to Photius with the seventeenth year of Leo's reign (473), being a continuation of that of Priscus. It ended with the murder of the West Roman emperor Nepos (480). For the history of the period, see Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. 36; Bury, Later Roman Empire, i. 227 (1889).
2 Or Valamir.
3 Against Zeno.
79. [Candidus, History]
Read the History by Candidus 1 in three books. It begins with the accession of Leo, a native of Dacia in Illyria, military tribune and in command of the troops in Selymbria, who obtained the throne by the aid of Aspar. Aspar was an Alan and a soldier from his early years. He had been three times married, and had three sons, Ardaburius, Patricius, and Ermenarichus.2 The narrative goes down to the proclamation of Anastasius as emperor. The author was a native of Isauria Tracheia,3 as he himself tells us, and by profession clerk to certain influential Isaurians. By religion he was an orthodox Christian, as appears from his eulogy of the fourth synod and his well-justified attack on innovators. His style is not suited for history. He makes use of poetical expressions that are insipid and childish; the composition is harsh and discordant, inclined to dithyrambic bombast or degenerating into carelessness and inelegance. He introduces new constructions, which do not, as in the case of other writers, lend additional smoothness and charm to the work, but make it disagreeable to read and utterly unattractive. While here and there his style shows improvement, his history is obviously a medley of most different materials. He maintains that the name Isauria is derived from Esau.
The first book describes the influence of Aspar and his sons, the election of Leo to the throne by Aspar, the great fire that broke out in Constantinople, and Aspar's measures for the general welfare. Of Tatian and Vivian; the dispute of Aspar and the emperor concerning them, and what they said to one another. How this led to an alliance of the emperor with the Isaurians through Tarasicodissas, the son of Rusumbladeotes, whose name was changed to Zeno when he became Leo's son-in-law, after the death of his first wife. How Ardaburius, to oppose the emperor, also endeavoured to win over the Isaurians. How a certain Martin, the friend of Ardaburius, informed Tarasicodissas of Ardaburius's plot against the emperor; how mutual suspicion was aggravated until finally the emperor Leo decided to put to death Aspar and his sons Ardaburius and Patricius the Caesar. Aspar was killed; Patricius, however, unexpectedly recovered from his wounds, and Aspar's other son Ermenarichus, who happened not to be with his father at the time, also escaped. Leo gives Tarasicodissas the hand of his daughter Ariadne in marriage, changes his name to Zeno, and appoints him general of the East. The successes and reverses of Basiliscus in Africa. How Leo desired and schemed to secure the election of his son-in-law Zeno as emperor, but could not prevail upon his subjects to consent. A little before his death, however, he proclaimed his grandson Leo, the son of Ariadne, who, after his grandfather's death, with the assent of the senate placed the crown upon the head of his father. Then follows a detailed genealogy of the Isaurians, in which the author does his best to prove that they were descendants of Esau. How Zeno, deceived by Verina, fled with his wife and mother, abandoning the city and the throne. How Verina, hoping that Patricius the magister would marry her and make himself emperor, by treachery drove out her son-in-law,4 but was deceived in her hopes, for those in authority raised her brother Basiliscus to the throne. The terrible massacre of Isaurians in Constantinople. Nepos, the emperor of Rome, succeeded by Augustulus, the son of Orestes. Such is the contents of the first book.
The second book relates how Patricius the magister, who had carried on an intrigue with Verina, was slain by her indignant brother Basiliscus. How Verina conceived a hatred of her brother on this account, assisted Zeno with money to recover the throne, was persecuted by her brother, and, had not Armatus 5 secretly got her away from the church, would probably have lost her life. Armatus, who had carried on an intrigue with the wife of Basiliscus, obtained great influence and was entrusted with the conduct of the war against Zeno; but subsequently entered into an agreement with Illus and went over to Zeno. Armatus was held in great esteem by Zeno, and his son was raised to the rank of Caesar. Nevertheless, he was afterwards put to death, and his son, deprived of the rank of Caesar, became one of the readers at Blachernae. Basiliscus before this had declared his son Marcus Caesar and afterwards emperor. Illus, having become reconciled to Zeno, prepared to help him to recover the throne. Basiliscus, against whom his own adherents revolted, fled with his children and his wife Zenonis, was treacherously induced by Armatus to leave the church in which he had taken refuge, and banished to Cappadocia, where he was put to death with all his family. When the impious Peter6 was disturbing the Churches of the East, Zeno sent Calandion to be consecrated patriarch of Antioch. The emperor being in want of money succeeded in obtaining some by methods suggested to him.7Many who conspired against him were seized and put to death. Illus rendered great services to the empire by his valour in war and military successes, by his ambitious8political measures and by his just dealings. After the death of the Roman emperor Nepos and the expulsion of his son Augustulus, Odoacer 9 obtained possession of Italy and the city of Rome itself. But the western Gauls rebelled against him, and both they and Odoacer sent ambassadors to Zeno, who rather favoured Odoacer. A certain Alan who attempted to kill Illus, after he had wounded him, declared that he had been bribed by Epinicius, an intimate of Verina. Epinicius was handed over, to Illus, and after obtaining a promise that he should be forgiven and rewarded, disclosed Verina's designs against Illus. Zeno hands Verina over to Illus, who banished her to a fortress in Cilicia, and thus secured his safety. Illus, who had become very intimate with the impious Pamprepius,10 to whom he had been introduced by Marsus, gradually became ruined. Civil war against Zeno begun by Marcian and Procopius, sons of the Roman emperor Anthe-mius. After they had been defeated, Marcian was ordained a priest, and Procopius took refuge with Theodoric in Thrace. Marcian, in banishment in Cappadocia, escaped and stirred up revolt in Ancyra in Galatia until at length he was captured and banished to Isauria. The origin of the emperor's increasing hatred of Illus. This is the contents of the second book. The third book, amongst other things, relates how Illus rose in open revolt against Zeno, declared Leontius emperor and Verina empress; how the revolt failed, and Illus and Leontius were besieged,11 captured, and beheaded. It also contains an account of events to the death of Zeno.
1 Nothing more is known of his life than what Photius tells us. For the period of history (457-491) see Gibbon and Bury referred to in note on Cod. 78.
2 Ermenaric.
3 Tracheotis, a district of Asia Minor between Cilicia and Pisidia.
4 Zeno.
5 Harmatius, magister militum, nephew of Basiliscus, a young man of fashion.
6 Peter, surnamed the Fuller, patriarch of Antioch 471-488, a Monophysite.
7 Or, "by denunciations," "extortion."
8 The word φιλότιμος is generally used in a bad sense, but not apparently here.
9 Odovacar, king of the Heruli, who conquered Rome in 476, thus bringing about the so-called fall of the Western empire.
10 Of Panopolis (Chemmis) in Upper Egypt, professor of grammar (philology) at the University of Athens. He was said to have written an Isaurica and a treatise on etymology. He was a neo-Platonist and bitter opponent of Christianity.
11 In the castle of Papirius in Isauria. It was betrayed by Illus's sister-in-law.
80. [Olympiodorus, Histories]
Read the Histories of Olympiodorus,1 in twenty-two books. They begin with the seventh consulship of the emperor Honorius and the second of Theodosius, and go down to the time when Valentinian, the son of Placidia and Constantius, was proclaimed emperor of the Romans. The author, a heathen, was a native of Thebes in Egypt, a poet by profession, according to his own account. His style is clear but loose and wanting in vigour, and sometimes degenerates into commonplace vulgarity, so that the work does not deserve to be considered a history. Perhaps that is the reason why the author himself, conscious of these defects, declares that his work is not a history, but a collection of materials for a history, so destitute of regular form did he himself consider his style and phraseology. He is not distinguished for form, except so far as one might assert that he now and again approaches simplicity; but even in this, owing to the excessive meanness and paltriness of his diction, he is unsuccessful and gradually descends to vulgar mannerism. He calls his work Silva, but divides it into books and strives to embellish it with prefaces. It is dedicated to the emperor Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, and nephew of Honorius and Placidia.
The rise of Stilicho to power; his appointment by Theodosius the Great to the guardianship of his children Arcadius and Honorius, his marriage to Serena, betrothed to him by her uncle the emperor himself. Marriage of his daughter Thermantia to Honorius, and his rise to the height of his power. His many successful foreign wars. His death at the hands of the cruel and inhuman Olympius, whom he had himself recommended to the emperor.
Alaric, chieftain of the Goths, whom Stilicho had previously sent for that he might retain Illyricum for Honorius (to whom that prefecture had been assigned by his father Theodosius), in consequence of the murder of Stilicho, and because the promises made to him had not been kept, besieges and sacks Rome. He carries off an enormous amount of booty together with Placidia, the sister of Honorius, who was in the city at the time. Before its capture he declares emperor a distinguished citizen named Attalus, the city prefect. Another reason for Alaric's conduct was that Sarus, also a Goth, captain of a small band, not more than 200 or 300 in number, and a brave and invincible warrior, had been offered an alliance by the Romans as being hostile to Alaric, who thus became their irreconcilable enemy.
During the siege of Rome the inhabitants were reduced to cannibalism. Alaric, while Stilicho was still alive, received 4000 pounds of gold for the expenses of his expedition. After the death of Stilicho his widow Serena is strangled, it being thought that she might haye been responsible for Alaric's attack on the city. His son Eucherius had already been put to death.
During the reign of Honorius the name Bucellarii2 was given not only to Roman, but also to foreign soldiers; and similarly, the name Foederati3 to a mixed and irregular body of troops.
Olympius, who intrigued against Stilicho, appointed master of the offices,4 but afterwards deprived of his post. He recovers it and is again deprived of it. He is beaten to death by order of Constantius, the husband of Placidia, after his ears have first been cut off. Thus the impious wretch meets with due punishment at last.
The chief men of the Goths with Radagaisus, about 12,000 in number, called Optimati, are defeated by Stilicho, who enters into an alliance with Radagaisus.
Illness and death of Alaric, who is succeeded by his wife's brother Ataulf.
The author says that dry bread was called bucellatum, and jestingly suggests that the soldiers were called bucellarii for this reason.5
Constantine, having made himself tyrant in Gaul, sends ambassadors to Honorius, excusing himself on the ground that he had been forced to assume the purple by the soldiers, and asking forgiveness and recognition as his colleague. Honorius, being in great straits, agrees to his request. This Constantine had been declared emperor during a revolt of the soldiers in Britain, where, before the seventh consulship of Honorius, they had proclaimed a certain Marcus emperor. He was soon removed by them and Gratian appointed in his stead. After four months, they grew tired of him also, and put him to death, Constantine being promoted to the rank and title of Augustus. Having appointed Justin and Neobigastes to the command of his forces, he left Britain and crossed over to Bononia,6 a town on the coast, the first in Gallic territory. There he spent some time, gaining over all the soldiery of Gaul and Aquitaine, and occupied the whole of Gaul as far as the Alps which separate Italy and Gaul. He had two sons, Constans and Julian, the former of whom he raised to the rank of Caesar and bestowed the dignity of Nobilissimus7 upon the latter.
Attalus, created rival emperor to Honorius, marches towards Ravenna, where Jovian,8 praetorian prefect9 and patrician,10 Valens, magister utriusque militiae,11 Potamius the quaestor, and Julian primicerius notariorum,12 are sent to him as envoys by Honorius. They inform Attains that they have been sent by Honorius to discuss the question of admitting him to a partnership in the empire. He refuses, but offers to allow Honorius to retire unharmed to some island or anywhere else he pleased. Jovian gladly accepts this proposal, further proposing that Honorius should be mutilated. Attalus rebukes Jovian, saying that there is no reason for mutilating Honorius, if he voluntarily abdicates. Jovian, after several unsuccessful embassies, remains with Attalus as his patricius. Meanwhile, the command of Ravenna devolves upon the praepositus13 Eusebius, who, soon afterwards, by the cruelty of Allobich and by public decree is flogged to death in the sight of the emperor. After a considerable time, Attalus, who does not remain loyal to Alaric (chiefly owing to Jovian, who had betrayed the ambassadors of Honorius), is deprived of the throne, and afterwards joins the suite of Alaric as a private individual. He is subsequently restored, but again compelled to abdicate. Finally, he sets out for Ravenna, is captured, and, after the thumb and forefinger of his right hand have been cut off, is banished.
Soon afterwards, Allobich pays the penalty for the murder of the praepositus Eusebius, and is put to death before the emperor. The tyrant Constantine, when informed of the death of Allobich, sets out in haste for Ravenna, to make a treaty with Honorius, but being alarmed, turns back.
Rhegium14 was the chief town of Bruttii,15 whence the historian says Alaric intended to cross over to Sicily, but was prevented from doing so by a sacred statue. This statue is said to have been consecrated by the ancients as a protection against the fires of Aetna and the passage of barbarians from over seas. In one foot it contained a fire that was never extinguished, in the other a supply of water that never failed. When it was subsequently destroyed by Asclepius, the manager of Constantius and Placidia's Sicilian property, the inhabitants suffered greatly from Aetna and the barbarians.
The tyrant Constantine and his son Constans, who was first Caesar and afterwards Augustus, having been defeated and put to flight, his general, Gerontius, gladly makes peace with the barbarians and proclaims Maximus, one of the domestics 16 and his own son,17 emperor. He then pursues Constans, puts him to death, and sets out after Constantine. While these events are taking place, Constantius and Ulphilas are sent by Honorius against Constantine; having reached Arelate,18where Constantine was living with his son Julian, they lay siege to it. Constantine takes refuge in a church and is ordained priest, having been solemnly promised that his life should be spared. The city gates are thrown open to the besiegers, and Constantine and his son taken to Honorius. But the emperor, bearing a grudge against them for the murder of his cousins by Constantine, orders them to be put to death in violation of his oath, thirty miles from Ravenna. Gerontius, on the arrival of Constantius and Ulphilas, takes to flight, and is seized by his mutinous troops, who resented his severe discipline. The house where he seeks refuge is set on fire, but he offers a brave resistance to the mutineers, together with one of his servants, an Alan by birth. At last, he slays the Alan and then his wife, at their earnest request, and then stabs himself. His son Maximus, on hearing of this, takes refuge with friendly barbarians.19
Jovinus, meanwhile, is proclaimed emperor at Moguntiacum 20in upper Germany, with the aid of Goar the Alan and Guntiar,21a Burgundian chieftain. On the advice of Attalus, Ataulf joins him with his forces. But Jovinus, being offended at the presence of Ataulf, in mysterious language blames Attalus who had advised Ataulf to join him. Sarus also is on the way to join Jovinus, but Ataulf, hearing of this, collects a force of 10,000 men and waylays Sarus, whose followers numbered only twenty-eight. Sarus fights with marvellous heroism, and is with difficulty taken alive by a soldier, who threw a bag over his head, and afterwards slain. Sarus had revolted from Honorius, who had treated the murder of Sarus's servant, Bellerides, as a matter of indifference and had refused to find out and punish his murderer.
Donatus and the Huns, and the skilfulness of their kings in shooting with the bow. The author relates that he himself was sent on a mission to Donatus, and gives a tragic account of his wanderings and perils by sea. How Donatus, being deceived by an oath, was unlawfully put.to death. How Charaton, the first of the kings, being incensed at the murder, was appeased by gifts from the emperor. Such are the events of the first decade of the history.
The second begins as follows. Jovinus, contrary to the advice of Ataulf, proclaims his own brother Sebastian Augustus. Ataulf, deeply offended, thereupon sends envoys to Honorius, promising to send him the heads of the tyrants and offering to make peace. Oaths having been exchanged, the envoys return, and the head of Sebastian is sent to the emperor. Jovinus, besieged by Ataulf, surrenders, is sent to the emperor and executed by the praetorian prefect Dardanus with his own hand. Both heads are exposed outside Carthage,22 where those of Constantine and Julian, of Maximus and Eugenius, who had aspired to the throne during the reign of the great Theodosius and had met with the same fate, had already been exposed.
The restoration of Placidia to her brother Honorius is urgently demanded from Ataulf by Constantius, who afterwards became her husband. But as the promises made to him remain unfulfilled, especially in regard to the supply of corn, he refuses to give her back and prepares for war instead of peace.
Ataulf, when requested to restore Placidia, asks for the corn promised him. Although those who had promised it are unable to supply it, they agree to do so if Placidia is restored; the barbarian makes a similar pretence of complying. In the meantime he sets out for Massilia,23 hoping to capture it by treachery. But having been severely, almost mortally, wounded by the most noble Boniface, he returns to his own quarters, abandoning the city which joyfully acclaims and extols Boniface.24
Ataulf, determined to marry Placidia, in spite of the request of Constantius for her restitution, raises his demands so that, if they are not granted, he may appear to have a good excuse for detaining her.
Constantius, who was formerly consul elect, is created consul at Ravenna, Constans being at the same time made consul at Constantinople. Sufficient gold was found among the property of Heraclian, who had been put to death25 as aspiring to the throne, to defray the expenses of the consulship, although the amount was not so great as had been expected. The amount in gold which was found was about £4600, and the value of the real estate 2000 litrae (£92,000). All this was made over to Constantius by Honorius "at one asking." Constantius, as he rode along,26 had a dejected and sullen appearance, with his great eyes and neck and broad head; his whole body was bent over his horse and he looked askance on either side, in order as the old expression has it, "to appear worthy of empire."27 At feasts and banquets, however, he was agreeable and sociable, and often even condescended to vie with the mimes who performed at table.
On the advice and with the assistance of Candidian the marriage of Ataulf with Placidia was celebrated at the beginning of January in the city of Narbo (Narbonne), in the house of Ingenius, one of the most distinguished citizens. Placidia sat in the inner apartment dressed in Roman style and in royal robes, with Ataulf by her side, wearing a woollen tunic and Roman costume. Amongst other wedding presents Ataulf gave his bride fifty beautiful youths dressed in silk, each bearing in his hands two very large dishes, one filled with gold, the other with precious, or rather priceless, stones, the spoils of Rome when it was sacked by the Goths. Then wedding-songs were sung, Attalus leading the chorus, accompanied by Rusticius and Phoebadius. The ceremony ended with great demonstrations of joy and games, in which Romans and barbarians alike took part.
After the capture of Rome by the Goths, Albinus, the city prefect, when the normal condition of things was restored, reported to the emperor that the amount of corn distributed to the people was insufficient, since their number was increasing, as many as 14,000 strangers having passed, through in one day.28
Ataulf, after Placidia had borne him a son whom he called Theodosius, courted the friendship of the Romans still more, but the opposition of Constantius and his supporters made his and Placidia's efforts vain. The son soon died and his parents, deeply grieved, buried him in a silver coffer in a church near Barcino (Barcelona). Soon afterwards Ataulf himself was murdered, while looking after his horses in the stable, as he had been in the habit of doing. He was slain by a certain Goth in his service, named Dubius, who had long been on the watch for an opportunity to satisfy an old-standing hatred. Dubius's master,29 chief of a Gothic tribe, had been killed by Ataulf, who had taken Dubius into his own household. Dubius, to avenge his first master, slew his second. Ataulf, before he died, ordered his brother to give back Placidia and, if possible, to cultivate the friendship of Rome. He was succeeded by Singeric, the brother of Sarus, who secured the throne by violence and intrigue rather than legally or on the score of relationship. He put to death Ataulf's children by a former marriage, tearing them from the arms of bishop Sigesarus, and by way of insult compelled Placidia to walk in procession in front of his horse with other captives as far as the twelfth milestone from the city. After he had reigned seven days Singeric was slain and succeeded by the Gothic chieftain Walia.
The historian relates that he heard from a person of distinction named Valerius about certain silver statues that were consecrated to keep off the barbarians. In the reign of Constantius, when Valerius was governor of Thrace, he received information of the whereabouts of a treasure. He proceeded to the spot and learnt from the inhabitants that it was regarded as sacred, and that certain statues had been consecrated there in accordance with ancient rites. Valerius reported this to the emperor, who gave him written permission to remove them. The spot was excavated, and three statues of solid silver were found, lying in barbaric guise, with arms akimbo, clothed in parti-coloured barbaric raiment, with long hair, turned towards the north, the country of the barbarians. When these statues were removed, the Goths a few days afterwards first overran and ravaged Thrace, and a little later Huns and Sarmatians made inroads into Illyricum and Thrace itself; for these consecrated districts lay between Thrace and Illyricum, and from the number of the statues consecrated, they appear to have been intended as a protection against these barbarous nations.
The historian tells us of the sufferings and perils of his voyage. He says also that he landed at Athens, and that by his support and efforts Leontius was appointed to the chair of sophistic, although he did not desire it. Concerning the philosopher's cloak,30 he says that no one in Athens, particularly a stranger, was allowed to wear it, unless permitted to do so by the general vote of the sophists, and unless his right had been confirmed by their rules and regulations. The following were the rites on such occasions. All newcomers (novices), young and old, were taken to the public baths. Those who were by age fit to wear the cloak were brought forward by the scholastics 31 who escorted them; then, while some ran in front and pushed them back, others, running behind, pushed them forward and resisted them, amid shouts of "Stop, stop, he must not wash." Those who pushed back those who tried to hinder the progress of the novice were considered to be victorious in the contest. After a considerable time, and after a long disputation had taken place in accordance with custom, he who was being escorted was taken into a warm room and washed. Having dressed himself, he received permission to wear the cloak on his way from the bath, being accompanied by a numerous and distinguished throng. Large sums are voted for the presidents of the schools, who are called Acromitae.32
The Vandals call the Goths Truli, because, when they were hard pressed by famine, they bought a trula of wheat from the Vandals for a gold coin.33 The trula does not contain more than a third of a pint.
When the Vandals were ravaging Spain, the Romans who took refuge in the fortified cities were so destitute of food that they were driven to cannibalism. A woman who was the mother of four children ate them all, in each case pretending that she did so to provide some food for the rest and save their lives, but when she had eaten them all she was stoned to death by the people.
Euplutius the chamberlain is sent to Walia, king of the Goths, to make a treaty of peace with him and to recover Placidia. Walia receives him kindly and on receipt of 600,000 measures of corn, Placidia is released and handed over to Euplutius to be escorted to her brother Honorius.
When a discussion arose in Athens how books could be fastened together and people wanted to know how much glue should be used, Philtatius, the writer's companion, who was well acquainted with all matters connected with literature, showed them what to do. A statue was erected in his honour by the grateful citizens.
About the oasis the author relates much that appears incredible. First, the climate is so healthy, that not only do none of the inhabitants suffer from epilepsy, but those who come from other parts are cured of it. Next, he speaks of the vast tracts of sand, and the wells, dug 200, 300, sometimes even 500 cubits deep, which spirt up a stream of water, from which the husbandmen who have taken part in the work in turn draw water to irrigate their fields. The trees bear fruit perpetually, and the corn which grows there is finer than any other and whiter than snow. There are sometimes two crops of barley in a year and three of millet. The inhabitants water their little plots of land every third day in summer, every sixth day in winter, which makes the soil very fertile. Clouds are rarely, if ever, seen. About the clocks made there. The author says that the oasis was formerly an island, which had been detached from the mainland, and that it is called by Herodotus the islands of the blest, but that Herodorus (who wrote the lives of Orpheus and Musaeus) calls it Phaeacis. He argues that it was an island, first, from the fact that sea shells are found adhering to stones upon the mountain which leads to the oasis from the Thebaid, and, secondly, because of the vast quantity of sand, which fills three oases. For he tells us that the oases are three in number, two large, an outer and an inner, opposite each other but a hundred miles apart, while the third is small and a great distance from the other two. A further argument that it was an island is that fish are often found that have been carried there by birds, and the remains of fish that have been eaten, so that one may conjecture that the sea was not far off. The author says also that Homer's family belonged to the Thebaid.
During the eleventh consulship of Honorius and the second of Constantius, the marriage of Placidia was arranged. She herself was greatly opposed to it, which incensed Constantius against her household. Nevertheless, on the first day of his consulship, her brother the emperor Honorius took her by the hand and, although she protested, delivered her over to Constantius, and the wedding was celebrated with great magnificence. They had two children, a daughter Honoria and a son Valentinian, who at the urgent request of Placidia received the title Nobilissimus during the lifetime of Honorius. After the death of the latter and the suppression of the usurper John,34 he became emperor. Honorius unwillingly agreed to accept Constantius as his partner in the empire, and Placidia received the title of Augusta from her brother and her husband. Theodosius the cousin of Honorius and emperor of the East, to whom an embassy was sent to inform him of the elevation of Constantius, refused to receive it. Constantius soon became tired of the throne, since he could no longer come and go when and where he pleased, and his dignity forbade him to indulge in his customary amusements. This seriously affected his health and, after he had been on the throne six months, a vision appeared to him and addressed him with the words, "Six are gone, the seventh begins." He died of pleurisy, and with him died the indignation aroused by the refusal to acknowledge his accession. The projected attack on the East abandoned. Walia, king of the Goths, dies and is succeeded by Theodoric.35
The author relates various perils at sea from which he barely escaped with his life. While talking of a marvellous star (called Urania36 by the sailors), he was leaning heavily against the mast, which nearly gave way and precipitated him into the water. He also tells of a parrot, with which he himself lived twenty years, which mimicked nearly all the acts of a human being. It used to dance and sing, call people by their names and the like. He also relates that, when he was staying at Thebes and Soene37 for the sake of gathering information, the chiefs and prophets of the barbarians at Talmis,38 called Blemmyes,39 were eager to meet him owing to his reputation. "They took me as far as Talmis," he says, "that I might examine the country, which is distant five days' journey from Philae 40 as far as the city called Prima. This was the nearest city of the Thebaid to barbarian soil, and was hence called by the Romans Prima (first), the name being still preserved although it has long been in possession of the barbarians with four other cities, Phoenicon, Chiris, Thapis, and Talmis." In this district he heard that there were emerald mines, which furnished an abundant supply of those precious stones for the Egyptian kings. The prophets of the barbarians invited him to inspect them, but this was impossible without the king's permission.
He tells a wonderful story about a certain Libanius, an Asiatic, who appeared at Ravenna during the reign of Honorius and Constantius, a most consummate magician. He declared that he could work wonders and promised to perform them against the barbarians without the aid of soldiers. After his promise had been put to the test, the report reached the ears of Placidia, who threatened to apply for a divorce against Constantius, unless the magician and infidel were removed. Libanius was accordingly put to death. Constantius was an Illyrian from Naisus 41 in Dacia, who, having served in numerous campaigns from the time of Theodosius the Great, was afterwards raised to the throne. In many respects he was worthy of praise and of a generous disposition, until his marriage with Placidia, when he became grasping and covetous. After his death, numerous petitions against him from those who had been financially injured by him were presented at Ravenna. But the indifference of Honorius and Placidia's intimacy with him made these petitions useless and thwarted the power of justice.
After the death of Constantius, Honorius lavished the greatest affection upon his sister, which, however, soon turned to mistrust and hatred, aggravated by the intrigues of Spadusa and Elpidia (Placidia's nurse), in whom she had the greatest confidence, and Leontius her steward. There were frequent riots in Ravenna, where a large number of barbarians, who sided with her in consequence of her marriage with Ataulf and with Constantius, frequently came to blows with the imperial guards. At length the quarrel became so bitter that, as the result of the hatred instead of love which her brother now felt for her, Placidia, finding herself unable to resist, retired with her children to Constantinople. Boniface alone remained loyal to her, sent her money when he was able from Africa where he was governor, and rendered her every service in his power. He also subsequently assisted her to regain the throne.
Honorius died of dropsy on the 27th of August, and an announcement of the news was sent to the East. In the meantime, a certain John seized the throne. While his inauguration was taking place, a voice was heard, as if proceeding from some oracle uttering the words, "He falls, he does not stand," whereupon the people, as if to break the spell, shouted, "He stands, he does not fall."
Boniface was an heroic soldier, who often distinguished himself against the barbarians, sometimes with large, sometimes with small forces, sometimes even in single combat; in a word, he entirely freed Africa from many barbarous nations. He was a lover of justice and despised wealth.
The author says that each of the large houses in Rome contained all the conveniences of a well-arranged city----a hippodrome, fora, temples, fountains, and baths. This leads him to exclaim: "One house is a town; a city has ten thousand towns." There were also public baths of great size; those called Antoninianae had 1600 seats for the convenience of bathers, made of polished marble; those called Diocletianae twice as many. The wall of Rome, according to the measurement of Ammon the geometrician, at the time when it was first overrun by the Goths, was twenty-one miles in circumference.
Many Roman families received yearly incomes from their property to the amount of about forty centenarii of gold (£160,000), not mentioning the corn and wine and other produce, which, if sold, would equal a third of the above amount. Families next in rank enjoyed an income of fifteen or ten centenarii (£60,000-£40,000). Probus, the son of Olympius, who was prefect of the city during the tyranny of John, spent twelve centenarii of gold (£48,000). Before the taking of Rome, Symmachus the orator,42 a senator of moderate rank, and a certain Maximus, one of the wealthy citizens, spent twenty (£80,000) and forty (£160,000) centenarii respectively on their sons' praetorships. The shows given by the praetors lasted a week.
The author says that the scene of the wanderings of Odysseus was not the coast of Sicily, but the farthest shores of Italy; that, after crossing the ocean, he descended into Hades and made many perilous voyages over that sea; an opinion which he attempts to confirm by various arguments. I have read many other writers who agree with him.
Placidia is sent back with her children from Constantinople by Theodosius to oppose the tyrant John. She is confirmed in her title of Augusta, and Valentinian in that of Nobilissimus. They set out accompanied by an army, both horse and foot, under the command of Ardaburius, his son Aspar,43 and Candidian.44 At Thessalonica Helion, the master of offices, who had been sent by Theodosius, put the royal robes on Valentinian, then only five years old. On his way home, Ardaburius is captured by the soldiers of John and taken to the tyrant, with whom he becomes on friendly terms.45 His son Aspar and Placidia were meanwhile overwhelmed by grief and anxiety; but Candidian, by capturing many towns and winning great renown, dispelled their grief and raised their spirits. The tyrant John was put to death, and Placidia with the Caesar her son entered Ravenna. Helion, the master of offices and a patrician, took possession of Rome, and in the midst of a vast throng of people arrayed the seven-year-old Valentinian in the royal robes. At this point the history ends.
1 A native of Egyptian Thebes, and ambassador in 412 to the Hun prince Donatus. He was a heathen. The History, dedicated to Theodosius II, contained an account of events from 407 to 425. It is an important contemporary guide, and its loss, except for Photius's abstract, is much to be regretted. On the period see Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chs. 30-32; Bury, Later Roman Empire, i.; Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, bk. i. pt. 2; E. A. Freeman, Western Europe in the Fifth Century, 1904.
2 The name is said to have originally meant a body of soldiers who accepted any one's "bread" in return for attendance upon him. They would thus have formed a kind of bodyguard (Ducange). One of the "themes" or military divisions of the empire was also called the Bucellarian.
3 Especially the Goths. They were nominally tributaries, but the tribute was often diminished or remitted altogether. Gradually, they came to be looked upon as a frontier defence force and received pay (Hodgkin, The Visigothic Invasion, i. 311-315).
4 The most important officer of the civil administration. He united in his person most of the chief secretaryships with the duties of private secretary to the emperor.
5 Another suggested derivation is bucula, the part of a helmet that covers the mouth and cheeks.
6 Boulogne.
7 This title was bestowed on the brothers, sisters, and children of the emperor, the official hierarchy by which he was surrounded being nobiles.
8 Or Jovius.
9 The praetorian prefects were the most important personages next to the emperor.
10 Under the empire hardly any of the old exclusive patrician families survived; Constantine re-introduced the name not as that of an order with hereditary privileges, but as a personal honour and dignity.
11 Commander of both infantry and cavalry.
12 Chief of the secretaries.
13 Praepositus cubiculi sacri, president or superintendent of the sacred bedchamber, the grand chamberlain.
14 Reggio.
15 Modern Calabria.
16 The domestici were the household troops, the imperial bodyguard.
17 All the other authorities make him merely Gerontius's "dependent." The word pai~j may be used in the sense of "servant."
18 Or Arelatum (mod. Arles).
19 According to some accounts, he took refuge in Spain.
20 Mainz.
21 Or Gundicar.
22 According to Bury, New Carthage in Spain.
23 Marseilles.
24 Distinguished Roman general, count of Africa, rival of Aetius, and friend of St. Augustine.
25 In 413.
26 Others take προόδοις to mean, "as he walked."
27 Euripides, Aeolus (frag. 2).
28 Reading τετάχθαι. Τετεέχθαι would mean that 14,000 children were born in one day in Rome, which is absurd.
29 Sarus (see p. 138 above).
30 Gregory of Nazianzus (Or. 20). Photius's account is rather obscure.
31 Must mean "sophists" here, not, as so often in later Greek, "lawyers."
32 The lexicon of Hesychius interprets the word as οἱ μείζονες ("the greater"), that is the higher classes who are entitled to wear the cloak. It is suggested that the reference is to senior pupils, rather than to teachers.
33 The aureus, worth about twelve shillings.
34 He was primicerius notariorum.
35 The first important representative of the name, a West-Goth, not of course to be confounded with the famous East-Goth (Dietrich). The present Theodoric was king of the West-Goths from 418-451. He was killed fighting with the Romans against Attila at the battle of Chalons.
36 According to some, St. Elmo's fire.
37 Modern Assouan.
38 On the left bank of ihe Nile.
39 An Aethiopian people, mod. Barabras.
40 Small island in the Nile with a town of the same name, where Isis and Osiris were said to be buried.
41 Mod. Nissa, Nisch in Serbia.
42 Quintus Aurelius S., flourished about 400. He was prefect of Rome and consul, and the author of letters and speeches, the former of which and some fragments of the latter are extant.
43 It was by the aid of this Aspar that Leo I obtained the empire of the East (457), and afterwards ungratefully murdered him. His father and son were both named Ardaburius.
44 One of Honorius's generals.
45 He pretended to be false to Placidia.
81. [Theodore of Mopsuestia, On Persian Magic and wherein it differs from Christianity]
Read three short treatises by Theodore 1 On Persian Magic and wherein it differs from Christianity,2 dedicated to Mastubius, an Armenian and suffragan bishop. In the first book the accursed doctrine of the Persians, introduced by Zarades,3concerning Zuruam,4 whom he makes the beginning of all things and calls Fortune, is expounded; how that, having offered a libation to beget Hormisdas,5 he begot both him and Satan. Of the mixing of blood.6 Having set forth this impious and disgraceful doctrine in plain words he refutes it in the first book. In the other two books he discusses the Christian faith, beginning from the creation of the world and at the same time rapidly going down to the law of grace.7
This Theodore is believed to be Theodore of Mopsuestia, since he mentions with approval the heresy of Nestorius, especially in the third book. He also foolishly talks of the restoration of sinners to their former condition.
1 Cod. XXXVIII.
2 They were directed against Zoroastrianism, which was making some way at the time.
3 Zoroaster (Zarathustra).
4 Zervan, the principle of infinite time, from which both Ormuzd and Ahriman, the good and evil spirits, were supposed to have emanated. The sect of the Zervanists thus endeavoured to avoid Zoroastrian dualism.
5 Ormuzd.
6 Supposed to be a reference to Gnostic supporters of Zoroastrianism.
7 The Christian era.
82. [Dexippus, History; Historical Epitome]
Read the History of the events that happened after the death of Alexander the Great, by Dexippus,1 in four books; also his Historical Epitome, a chronicle going down to the time of Claudius.2 Also read his Scythica, describing the wars between the Scythians 3 and Romans and other things of note. His style is free from redundancies, massive,4 and dignified; he might be called a second Thucydides, although he writes more clearly. His characteristics are chiefly shown in his last-mentioned work.
In his record of events after the death of Alexander, he relates how the throne fell to his brother Arrhidaeus, the son of Philip of Macedon and Philinna of Larissa. The yet unborn child of Roxana by Alexander, should it be a son, was to be associated with him in the government, together with Perdiccas, who was chosen by the Macedonians to administer the affairs of the empire. The division of Alexander's empire. In Asia, Ptolemy Lagus obtained the government of Egypt, Libya, and the country beyond adjacent to Egypt, Cleomenes, who had been appointed by Alexander satrap of this district, being made subordinate to him. Laomedon of Mytilene obtained Syria; Philotas Cilicia; Pithon Media; Eumenes Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the shores of the Euxine as far as Trapezus (Trebizond); Antigonus Pamphylia and Cilicia as far as Phrygia; Asander Caria; Menander Lydia; Leonnatus the Phrygian Hellespont. In Europe, Lysimachus obtained Thrace and the Chersonese; Antipater the whole of Macedonia, Greece, Illyria, the country of the Triballi and the Agrianes, and all the mainland over which he had been appointed sole commander from the time of Alexander. The general charge of affairs and the defence of the kingdom was entrusted to Craterus; Perdiccas obtained the chiliarchy 5 of Hephaestion, the highest dignity amongst the Macedonians.
Porus and Taxilus were rulers of India, to Porus being allotted the country between the Indus and the Hydaspes, the rest to Taxilus. Pithon received the country of the neighbouring peoples, except the Paramisades. The districts near the Caucasian mountains, conterminous with India, were given to the Bactrian Oxyartes, the father of Roxana, whose son, born after his father's death, was also called Alexander. Siburtius ruled the Arachosians and Gedrosians; Stasanor of Soli the Arei and Drangi; Philip the Sogdiani; Radaphernes the Hyrcanians; Neoptolemus the Carmanians; Peucestes the Persians. Oropius was ruler of Sogdiana, not by inheritance from his father, but by favour of Alexander. When in consequence of a revolt he was accused and threatened with the loss of his kingdom, he held it in conjunction with Philip. Babylon was given to Seleucus, Mesopotamia to Archelaus. Such were the countries and their rulers as distributed by Perdiccas after the death of Alexander. In this and other parts of his narrative Dexippus is generally in agreement with Arrian.6
1 Publius Herennius D. (flourished 254-278), rhetorician, statesman, and historian, a native of Athens, who distinguished himself against the Goths (269) when they attacked that city. Of the fragments preserved the chief is an address to the soldiers of Athens (see Gibbon, ch. 10, i. 265, 266, Bury's edition).
2 268.
3 The Goths.
4 Or " grave " (ὂγκος), "dignified."
5 Commandership of the select cavalry corps called Ἐταιροι, a sort of bodyguard.
6 See Cod. 92.
83. [Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Histories]
Read the twenty books of the Histories of Dionysius of Halicarnassus.1 He begins with the arrival of Aeneas in Italy after the capture of Troy, describes in detail the foundation of Rome, the birth of Romulus and Remus, and other events down to the war of the Romans with Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. The work ends at the third year of the 128th Olympiad, where, the author says, the history by Polybius of Megalopolis begins. Dionysius flourished in the Augustan age, since he tells us that he sailed to Italy after the end of the civil war between Antony and Augustus, and lived there for twenty-two years. During this time he acquired an accurate knowledge of the Latin language and of Roman antiquities, and, having thoroughly equipped himself with materials, he began to write his history. His style and diction are marked by innovation, which drives the narrative out of the beaten track, but his fondness for detail produces a certain simplicity of sentiment, so that the language does not seem to be carried away into harshness and unpleasantness. He is fond of digressions which relieve the reader and prevent his becoming tired of history, and refresh and revive him. In a word, the elegance of his style, the admixture of detail and digression, soften the composition, which has a tendency to harshness.
1 Rhetorician and historian. He came to Rome in 30 B.C. and remained there till his death (7 B.C.). He was the author of numerous ihetorical works, several of which are extant, the most important being that on the ancient Greek orators. Of the twenty books of the History (Roman Antiquities) eleven have been preserved, going down to 441 B.C., the period of the decemvirs. It is a rhetorical production, the chief object of which is to represent the Romans as superior to the Greeks, while at the same time he soothes the vanity of the latter by insisting upon the Greek origin of the former.
84. [Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Synopsis of the Histories]
Also read the same author's Synopsis of the above twenty books in five volumes. In this his style is more elegant but not nearly so agreeable; at the same time the work is more useful, since nothing is inserted except what is absolutely necessary. From his style, concise and free from redundancies, he may be described as a king laying down the law; his composition and diction send forth a sound which reaches the ears of the hearer somewhat more harshly. His manner is not unsuitable for synopsis, but by no means adapted for a perfect and complete history. It is evident that the writer lived before Dion Coccaeus 1 and Appian 2 of Alexandria, who also wrote on Roman history.
1 Dio Cassius; see Cod. 71.
2 Cod. 57.
85. [Heraclian, Against the manichaeans]
Read the twenty books of Heraclian,1 bishop of Chalcedon, Against the Manichaeans.2 His style is concise, free from redundancies, lofty, not wanting in clearness, at the same time tempered with dignity. He combines atticism with ordinary language, like a teacher of boys entering into a contest of superatticism. He refutes the Gospel, Book of the Giants, and the Treasures of the Manichaeans. He also gives a list of those who wrote against the Manichaean impiety before him---- Hegemonius, who wrote out the disputation of Archelaus against Manes; Titus,3 who was supposed to be an opponent of the Manichaeans, whereas he rather attacked the writings of Addas;4 George of Laodicea,5 who uses nearly the same arguments as Titus against the impious heresy; Serapion, bishop of Thmuis;6 lastly, Diodorus,7 who wrote twenty-five books against the Manichaeans, in the first seven of which he imagines that he is refuting the Living Gospel of Manes, instead of the work of Addas named Modion,8 as is really the case. In the remaining books he explains and clears up the meaning of certain passages in the Scriptures which the Manichaeans were in the habit of appropriating to support their own views. Such is his account of Diodorus. Any statements in the works of these Fathers (as the pious Heraclian calls them) that do not appear to be sufficiently emphatic, he briefly confirms, carefully supplies what is missing, and quotes with approval in their entirety passages which are adequate for the purpose, adding further reflections of his own.
The man is full of philosophical vigour, and is admirably equipped with the theoretical knowledge of other branches of learning. Hence he energetically combats and overthrows the trifling fables of Manichaeus,9 and from the consideration of what exists refutes the fabulous nonsense about Being (that which is).
This treatise against the Manichaeans was written at the request of a certain Achillius, whom the author calls his faithful and beloved son. This Achillius, seeing that the Manichaean heresy was growing, begged that it might be publicly refuted, and this work was written, an unexceptionable triumph over impiety. This most pious Heraclian flourished in...
1 Nothing seems to be known of him.
2 Their system was dualistic, recognizing two principles, good and evil; the first the author of man's spiritual, the second of his corporeal nature. Man had two souls, one intellectual and rational, the other evil. They held that the souls of men, animals and plants were co-eternal with God; that baptism was useless; that man was not free; that Christ was the material sun enlightening the world; that all religions were indifferent,
3 Bishop of Bostra in Arabia Auranitis (362-371),
4 One of the three first disciples of Manes,
5 335-347.
6 In Egypt. The work is still extant.
7 Presbyter of Antioch and bishop of Tarsus. The chief "founder of the rational school of Scriptural interpretation."
8 " Bushel," referring to St. Mark iv. 19.
9 Manes (c. 240-274), or Mani, the founder of the sect.
86. [Chrysostom, Letters]
Read the Letters written by the holy Father St. John Chrysostom to different people after his unjust and inhuman banishment. The most useful of them are the seventeen addressed to the pious deaconess Olympias,1 and those to Innocent,2 pope of Rome, in which he relates all that had happened to him, as far as he was able to do so in the form of letters. These letters are characteristic of the man. The style is brilliant, clear, persuasive, somewhat florid, and agreeable. The letters to Olympias, however, seem to have been written with greater care; the importance of the matters discussed, to which the epistolary style is not adapted, necessitates a corresponding dignity of composition.
1 O. the younger (c. 368-before 420), deaconess of Constantinople. After Chrysostom's final expulsion, she seems to have left the city, and to have led a wandering life, being subjected to much persecution on account of her friendship with him.
2 Innocent I, bishop of Rome (402-417).
87. [Achilles Tatius, Adventures of Clitophon and Leucippe]
Read the Adventures of Clitophon and Leucippe by Achilles Tatius, of Alexandria,1 in eight books. It is a dramatic work, introducing some unseemly love episodes. The diction and composition are excellent, the style distinct, and the figures of speech, whenever they are employed, are well adapted to the purpose. The periods as a rule are aphoristic, clear and agreeable, and soothing to the ear. But the obscenity and impurity of sentiment impair his judgment, are prejudicial to seriousness, and make the story disgusting to read or something to be avoided altogether. Except for the names of the characters and his abominable indecency, the story, in method of treatment and invention, has a great resemblance to the Aethiopica of Heliodorus.
1 Probably lived in the third century A.D. The complete work is extant.
88. [Gelasius of Cyzicus, Proceedings of the Synod of Nicaea]
Read an account of the Proceedings of the Synod of Nicaea,1 in the form of a history, in three volumes. The author states that Hosius,2 bishop of Cordova, and Viton and Vincent, two Roman priests, were present as legates on the part of Silvester, pope of Rome,3 together with Eustathius,4 patriarch of Antioch, while Alexander the priest represented Metrophanes of Constantinople; Silvester, who was more than a hundred years old, in consequence of his great age was unable to be present. Alexander, bishop of Alexandria,5 also attended, together with Athanasius, who afterwards succeeded him in the episcopate, Macarius,6 bishop of Jerusalem, and a number of other bishops and priests. The synod was summoned in the sixteenth year of the reign of Constantine, and its proceedings lasted six years, until he had reigned twenty-one years and six months.
The author relates that Arius was condemned and anathematized, but again endeavoured to obtain admission to the Church, in which he was supported by Eusebius,7 bishop of Nicomedia, and Eutocius the Arian, an ordained priest, whom the emperor's sister Constantia commended to her brother on her deathbed. Although these endeavoured to bring back Arius to the Church, divine justice did not permit its enemy to insult its temple and its shrine. He was condemned to die in the latrines on the very day when he and his supporters had resolved to profane the Church of God and His holy rites. by his entrance. His death took place in a public place, the latrines being near the forum. The author states that Constantine the Great rejoiced that the incorruptible judge God had solved the question by his sentence, and wrote a number of letters, recording his opinion of the justice of the end that had overtaken Arius. In this the author's account agrees with those of Athanasius the Great, Theodoret, and many others. Some, however, think that Arius came by his disgraceful end, not in the reign of Constantine, but in that of his son Constantius.
Such is the contents of this book. In another copy, containing the same account, the title gives the name of the author as Gelasius, bishop of Caesarea8 in Palestine. The style is mean and common. Who this Gelasius was, I have been unable to discover for certain, since up to the present I have met with three bishops of Caesarea named Gelasius, and have at least read the works of two. One of these works is a polemic Against the Anomoeans,9 the two others, one of which we have just referred to, deal with ecclesiastical matters. The title, where we have found it, is Three Books of Ecclesiastical History by Gelasius, Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine.
The work begins as follows: The proceedings of the holy, great, and universal synod of bishops, assembled, so to speak, from all the provinces of the Roman empire and Persia, and so on. It ends with the death of Constantine the Great, at the time when he received remission of sins by divine baptism, whereby the stains of guilt such as all men contract in life were washed off. The author says that he was baptized and initiated into the holy mysteries by an orthodox priest, not, as some state, by a heretic. His baptism was delayed, because he had earnestly desired to be baptized in the waters of Jordan. The writer states that he lived in the time of Basiliscus,10 who seized the throne after Zeno had been driven out, and that he found and read the account of the proceedings of the council written on an old parchment, while living in his father's house. From his recollections of this, and with the aid of other writings which supplied him with useful information, he compiled his history. He also mentions and cites some passages from a certain Gelasius, whom he also calls Rufinus. He says that he was a native of Cyzicus, and that his father was a priest in the same place. So says the author of this work, and such is its contents.
1 By Gelasius of Cyzicus, who probably flourished in the second half of the fifth century. The work, which is still extant, is considered valueless as an historical authority.
2 Appointed about 300, died about 358. He was sent by Constantine in 324 to Alexandria, on a mission to reconcile Arius and Alexander, bishop of Alexandria. He was Constantine's adviser on theological matters, and is supposed to have taken an important part in drawing up the symbol of faith at the synod.
3 314-335.
4 Born at Side in Pamphylia and died at Philippi in Macedonia (337), formerly bishop of Beroea. He was exiled in consequence of a false charge brought against him by the Arians, of whom he was a bitter opponent.
5 Patriarch of Alexandria (312-326). He excommunicated the Arians and caused their doctrines to be condemned af the synod.
6 Bishop from about 311 to between 331 and 335. Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great, visited Jerusalem during his episcopate (325).
7 Successively bishop of Berytus, Nicomedia, and Constantinople. Exiled by Constantine, he was recalled through the influence of the Arians, and became the bitter enemy of Athanasius, whose banishment he procured, he became bishop of Constantinople in 341, his advancement being due to the patronage of Constantia, the emperor's sister. He drew up nearly all the Arian formulae.
8 The question of the Gelasii is very obscure (see also Cod. 102).
9 Those who taught that the Son was "dissimilar" and of different substance from the Father. The leaders of the sect were Aetius and Eunomius.
10 Emperor 475-477.
89. [Gelasius of Caesarea, Continuation of the History of Eusebius Pamphili]
The other book, which I have referred to above, is entitled Preface of the Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine to the Continuation of the History of Eusebius Pamphili. It begins, as follows: Others who have applied themselves to writing and have determined to hand down to posterity a record of historical events, and so on. The author states that he was encouraged to write the work by his uncle Cyril,1 bishop of Jerusalem. I have read elsewhere that this Cyril and Gelasius translated the history of Rufinus2 the Roman into Greek, but did not compose any history of their own. It is evident that this Gelasius was older than the other, if he flourished in the time of Cyril of Jerusalem. He also certainly differs from him in the greater eloquence of his language, although both are inferior to the author of the treatise Against the Anomoeans, also called bishop of Palestine. For the latter Gelasius, by his diction, learning, and logical methods, his use of which, however, is somewhat inept, leaves the other two far behind, whose style appears to be much inferior. I have not yet been able to learn whether any of these is the author of the work referred to, or who compiled it and supplemented it by his own additions.
1 315-386, bishop 348. He was exiled for several years by Arian intrigues, but recalled by Julian the Apostate. His extant Catecheses contain the oldest and most concise abridgement of Christian doctrine.
2 Rufinus Tyrannius or Toranus (345----410), born at Concordia, a small town in Italy. He is called "of Aquileia," where he was baptized, and entered a monastery. He is chiefly known for his quarrel with Jerome about his translation of various works of Origen. He was condemned by pope Anastasius, and died in Sicily. He was the author of a large number of translations and other works.
90. [Libanius]
Read two volumes of Libanius.1 The author's imaginary speeches, written for the purpose of giving practice in oratory, are more useful than the rest. The excessive elaboration and over-nicety of the latter impair their native and so to say spontaneous grace and charm, and destroy their clearness. Much obscurity is also caused by parentheses, and sometimes by the omission of what is indispensable. In other respects he is a canon and model of Attic style. His letters also have a considerable reputation. Several other works of different kinds are also ascribed to him.
1 Famous sophist (314-393). Brought up at Athens, he was professor of rhetoric at Constantinople, where he had as pupils St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom. Much of his work is extant, consisting of purely rhetorical exercises and instructions, actual speeches on various subjects, a life of Demosthenes and arguments of his speeches, and extensive correspondence. He was a pagan.
91. [Arrian, History of the Reign of Alexander]
Read the History of the Reign of Alexander by Arrian1 in seven books. It relates how he made a treaty with the Athenians and the rest of the Greeks with the exception of the Lacedaemonians; how he crossed over into Asia and defeated the Persians in three battles. At the Granicus 2 he routed the satraps of Darius, who had an army of 20,000 horse and almost as many infantry; at Issus 3 he put Darius himself and his army to flight and captured his wife and children; at Arbela (or Gaugamela) 4 Darius was finally defeated, and while trying to escape was seized and put to death by his own soldiers. Bessus, who succeeded him, was mutilated and slain by Alexander for his treason tovvards Darius. How Alexander was wounded seven times in battle and how he carried off the royal treasure at Pasargadae.5 Being persuaded that Philotas was conspiring against him, he put him to death with his father Parmenio. Alexander conquers Sogdiana6 and defeats the Asiatic Scythians. How Clitus was murdered by him in a fit of drunkenness; his remorse when he became sober. Conspiracy of the royal pages against Alexander and their punishment. The capture of the Sogdian rock and the wife of Oxyartes, the chief of the district, with his daughter Roxana, afterwards the lawful wife of Alexander. How Alexander set out from Bactria against the Indians, defeated them in several battles, and besieged and captured several of their cities. Storming of the rock of Aornus 7 and invasion of the country of the Ascanians. Having bridged the Indus, Alexander crossed over, defeated Porus, king of India, in a single engagement and took him prisoner. He was generously treated by Alexander, who not only allowed him to keep his kingdom, but actually enlarged it. How the rivers of India, like the Nile, are swollen in summer, but subside in winter. There was also another Porus, an Indian ruler, a man of bad character, in pursuit of whom Alexander crossed the Hydaspes8 and subdued the neighbouring Indian tribes, took by siege their large and populous towns, and went on to the Hyphasis.9While he was preparing to cross this river, the soldiers began to show signs of discontent, complaining of their toils and endless marches, in consequence of which Alexander left India. Here the fifth book ends.
In the sixth book, the numerous battles and brilliant victories of Alexander on his way home are related. In these engagements he received two wounds besides those already mentioned, and although the seventh wound seemed likely to prove fatal, he eventually recovered. He returned from India by land, Nearchus,10 with part of the army, being sent back by sea. Both divisions met in Carmania,11 whence Alexander marched into Persia, Nearchus being ordered to sail to Susiana12 and the mouth of the Tigris. The voyage of Nearchus is described by Arrian in his Indica, written in the Ionic dialect.
Alexander repairs the neglected tomb of Cyrus, and allows the gymnosophist 13 Calanus, who was attacked by illness, to put himself to death on the funeral pile. His splendid marriages and those of his generals. His wives were Roxana, Arsinoe, the eldest daughter of Darius, and Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus. Drypetis, another daughter of Darius, was given to Hephaestion; Amastrine to Craterus; Artacana and Artone, daughters of Artabazus, to Ptolemy and Eumenes; the daughter of Barsine and Mentor to Nearchus: the daughter of Spitamenes to Seleucus. The rest of his friends received in marriage the daughters of the most distinguished Medians and Persians, to the number of eighty. The discharged Macedonian soldiers were sent home, Antipater being ordered to bring back some of the new levies in their place. Harpalus 14 takes to flight with a large sum of money from the treasury. The death of Hephaestion and the great grief of Alexander; his splendid funeral obsequies. At the same time ambassadors arrived from Libya and Carthage, and even from Italy, to Alexander, who, when he saw the Italians, predicted the future greatness of their country. When he wished to advance to Babylon, the seers foretold his death, and when an unknown person unexpectedly sat down on his throne, his end was regarded as still more certain. Nevertheless, he equipped a fleet to operate against the numerous Arabian tribes who believed in only two gods, Uranus and Dionysus. While preparations were being made he was seized with illness and died. Many contradictory stories are told of his death. He lived thirty-two years and eight months, and reigned twelve years and eight months. Arrian extols him as possessed of almost every virtue. The seventh book ends here, being continued by the Indica, in one book.
1 Cod. 58. 2 334 B.C. 3 333 B.C. 4 331 B.C.
5 The earliest capital of Persia (now Meslied-i-Murghab), where Cyrus was buried.
6 Mod. Bokhara.
7 "Birdless," so high that birds could not fly to the summit. The name is given by the Greeks to many high Indian rocky mountains.
8 Mod. Behat or Jhelum.
9 Mod. Sutlej.
10 Alexander's admiral and one of the chief navigators of ancient times.
11 The Persian coast-land on the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean as far as Gedrosia, now Kerman.
12 Large Persian province, the same as Elam, the only town of importance being Susa.
13 See p. 123, note2. This was their regular custom when ill (κατὰ τὰ πάτρια).
14 Alexander's early friend and untrustworthy treasurer. He fled from Babylon with 5000 talents before Alexander's return to India, and went to Athens, where by gifts of corn and money he succeeded in gaining the favour of the inhabitants and protection against Antipater, who demanded his surrender. He took refuge finally in Crete, where he was killed.
92. [Arrian, Continuation]
The same author also wrote an account of what took place after Alexander's death, in ten books.1 He describes the sedition in the army, the proclamation of Arrhidaeus (the son of Alexander's father, Philip, by a Thracian woman named Philinna) on condition that Roxana's child, when born, if it were a son, should share the throne with him. Arrhidaeus was then again proclaimed under the name of Philip. A quarrel broke out between the infantry and the cavalry. The chief and most influential commanders of the latter were Perdiccas the son of Orontes, Leonnatus the son of Anthes, Ptolemy the son of Lagus, Lysimachus the son of Agathocles, Aristonus the son of Pisaeus, Pithon the son of Crateuas, Seleucus the son of Antiochus, and Eumenes of Cardia. Meleager was in command of the infantry. Communications passed between them, and at length it was agreed between the infantry, who had already chosen a king, and the cavalry, that Antipater should be general of the forces in Europe; that Craterus should look after the kingdom of Arrhidaeus; that Perdiccas should be chiliarch 2 of the troops which had been under the command of Hephaestion, which amounted to entrusting him with the care of the whole empire; and that Meleager should be his lieutenant. Perdiccas, under the pretence of reviewing the army, seized the ringleaders of the disturbance, and put them to death in the presence of Arrhidaeus, as if he had ordered it. This struck terror into the rest, and Meleager was soon afterwards murdered. After this Perdiccas became the object of general suspicion and himself suspected everybody. Nevertheless, he made appointments to the governorships of the different provinces, as if Arrhidaeus had ordered him. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed governor of Egypt and Libya, and of that part of Arabia that borders upon Egypt, with Cleomenes, formerly governor of Egypt under Alexander, as his deputy. The part of Syria adjacent was given to Laomedon; Cilicia to Philotas; Media to Pithon; Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the country on the shore of the Euxine as far as Trapezus (a Greek colony from Sinope), to Eumenes of Cardia; Pamphylia, Lycia, and greater Phrygia to Antigonus; Caria to Cassander; Lydia to Menander; Phrygia on the Hellespont to Leonnatus. This Phrygia had formerly been given by Alexander to a certain Galas and subsequently handed over to Demarchus. Such was the distribution of Asia.
In Europe, Thrace and the Chersonese, together with the countries bordering on Thrace as far as Salmydessus on the Euxine, were given to Lysimachus; the country beyond Thrace, as far as the Illyrians, Triballians. and Agrianians, Macedonia itself, and Epirus as far as the Ceraunian mountains, together with the whole of Greece, to Craterus and Antipater. Such was the division of Europe. At the same time several provinces remained under their native rulers, according to the arrangement made by Alexander, and were not affected by the distribution.
Meanwhile, Roxana bore a son, who was immediately acclaimed king by the soldiers. After the death of Alexander there were numerous disturbances. Antipater carried on war against the Athenians and the rest of the Greeks commanded by Leosthenes. He was at first defeated and in great straits, but was subsequently victorious. Leonnatus, however, who came to his assistance, fell in battle. Lysimachus also, recklessly fighting against Seuthes the Thracian with an inferior force, was defeated, although his troops greatly distinguished themselves. Perdiccas also made war upon Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, because he refused to give up his kingdom to Eumenes, upon whom it had been bestowed..Having defeated him in two battles and taken him prisoner, he hanged him and reinstated Eumenes. Craterus, by the assistance he rendered to Antipater against the Greeks, chiefly contributed to their defeat, after which they unhesitatingly obeyed Craterus and Antipater. This is the contents of the first five books.
The sixth book relates how Demosthenes and Hyperides, Aristonicus of Marathon and Himeraeus, the brother of Demetrius of Phalerum, fled to Aegina, and, while there, were condemned to death by the Athenians on the motion of Demades, and how Antipater carried out the sentence. How Archias the Thurian, who put them to death, died in the utmost poverty and disgrace. How Demades was soon afterwards sent to Macedonia, where he was put to death by Cassander, after his son had been murdered in his arms. Cassander alleged in excuse that Demades had once insulted his father, Antipater, in a letter which he wrote to Perdiccas, begging him to rescue the Greeks, who were only held together by an old and rotten thread, as he abusively called Antipater. Dinarchus of Corinth was the accuser of Demades, who paid the just penalty for his venality, treachery, and unfaithfulness.
The author also relates how Harpalus, who during,the lifetime of Alexander had stolen money belonging to him and fled to Athens, was slain by Thibron the Lacedaemonian. Thibron seized all the money that remained, and set out for Cydonia in Crete, whence he crossed over to Cyrene with a body of 6000 men, at the request of some exiles from Cyrene and Barca. After many engagements and mutual intrigues, in which he was sometimes successful and sometimes unsuccessful, he was finally captured during his flight by some Libyan drivers, and taken to Epicydes the Olynthian at Teuchira, which had been entrusted to him by Ophelias a Macedonian, whom Ptolemy the son of Lagus had sent to help the Cyrenians. The inhabitants, by permission of Ophelias, first tortured Thibron and then sent him to the port of Cyrene to be hanged. But since the Cyrenaeans still persisted in their revolt, Ptolemy in person visited the place, and after having restored order, sailed home again.
Perdiccas, intriguing against Antigonus, called him to judgment, but Antigonus, aware of the plot, refused to appear. This led to enmity between them. At the same time Iollas and Archias came to Perdiccas from Macedonia, accompanied by Nicaea, the daughter of Antipater, with a proposal of marriage. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, also sent to him, offering him the hand of her daughter Cleopatra. Eumenes of Cardia favoured Cleopatra, but his brother Alcetas persuaded him to accept Nicaea. Soon afterwards Cynane was put to death by Perdiccas and his brother Alcetas. This Cynane was the daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander, her mother being Eurydice, the wife of Amyntas, whom Alexander put to death just before he set out for Asia. This Amyntas was the son of Perdiccas the brother of Philip, so that he was the cousin of Alexander. Cynane brought her daughter Adea (afterwards called Eurydice) to Asia and offered her hand to Arrhidaeus. The marriage subsequently took place, with the approval of Perdiccas, to appease the increasing indignation of the soldiery, which had been aroused by the death of Cynane. Antigonus, in the meantime, took refuge with Antipater and Craterus in Macedonia, informed them of the intrigues of Perdiccas against him, declaring that they were directed against all alike. He also described the death of Cynane in such exaggerated terms that he persuaded them to make war on Perdiccas. Arrhidaeus, who kept the body of Alexander with him, contrary to the wish o Perdiccas, took it from Babylon by way of Damascus to Ptolemy the son of Lagus in Egypt; and though often hindered on his journey by Polemon, a friend of Perdiccas, nevertheless succeeded in carrying out his intention.
Meanwhile, Eumenes conveyed gifts from Perdiccas to Cleopatra at Sardes, since Perdiccas had decided to repudiate Nicaea and to marry Cleopatra. When this became known to Antigonus through Menander the governor of Lydia, he informed Antipater and Craterus, who were more than ever determined to make war on Perdiccas. Antipater and Craterus, starting from the Chersonese, crossed the Hellespont, having previously sent messengers to deceive those who guarded the passage. They also sent ambassadors to Eumenes and Neoptolemus, who supported Perdiccas; Neoptolemus went over to them, but Eumenes refused.
Neoptolemus being suspected by Eumenes, war broke out between them, in which Eumenes was victorious. Neoptolemus fled with a few men to Antipater and Craterus, and succeeded in persuading the latter to join him; so both made war against Eumenes. Eumenes did his best to prevent his own men from knowing that Craterus was fighting against him, being afraid that, influenced by his great reputation, they might either desert to him, or, if they remained faithful to him, might lose heart. Successful in scheming, he was also successful in battle. Neoptolemus fell by the hand of Eumenes "the secretary" himself, after having proved himself a brave soldier and commander. Craterus, who fought boldly against all who opposed him and showed himself openly in order to be known, was slain by some Paphlagonians before he was recognized, although he had thrown off his hat.3 However, the infantry escaped and returned to Antipater, which considerably reassured him.
Perdiccas, setting out from Damascus to make war upon Ptolemy the son of Lagus, reached Egypt with the kings 4 and a large force. He made many charges against Ptolemy, who publicly cleared himself, so that the accusations appeared ill-founded. Perdiccas, notwithstanding the opposition of his troops, decided to carry on the war. He was twice defeated, and, having treated those who were inclined to go over to Ptolemy with great severity, and in other respects behaved in camp more arrogantly than became a general, he was slain by his own cavalry during an engagement. After his death Ptolemy crossed the Nile to visit the kings, upon whom he bestowed gifts and treated them with the utmost kindness and attention, as well as the other Macedonians of rank. At the same time he openly showed sympathy with the friends of Perdiccas, and did all he could to allay the apprehensions of those Macedonians who imagined they were in peril, so that at once and ever afterwards he was held in great esteem.
At a full council of war, Pithon and Arrhidaeus having been appointed commanders-in-chief of all the forces for the time being, about fifty of the supporters of Eumenes and Alcetas were condemned, chiefly because Craterus had met his death in civil strife. Antigonus was summoned from Cyprus, and Antipater ordered to repair with all speed to the kings. Before they arrived, Eurydice refused to allow Pithon and Arrhidaeus to do anything without her permission. At first they did not demur, but afterwards told her that she had nothing to do with public affairs, and that they themselves would look after everything until the arrival of Antigonus and Antipater. When they arrived, Antipater was placed in chief command. When the army demanded the pay that had been promised them for the campaign, Antipater replied straightforwardly that he had no money, but that, to avoid incurring their censure, he would thoroughly search the treasury and other places where money might be hidden. These words aroused the displeasure of the army. When Eurydice joined in the accusations against Antipater, the people were indignant, and a disturbance took place. Eurydice then delivered a speech against him, in which she was assisted by Asclepiodorus the scribe and supported by Attalus. Antipater barely escaped with his life, after Antigonus and Seleucus, at his earnest request, had addressed the people on his behalf and nearly lost their lives in consequence. Antipater, having thus escaped death, withdrew to his own army, where he summoned the cavalry commanders, and after the disturbance had been put down with difficulty, he was again reinstated in his command.
He then made a division of Asia, partly confirming the earlier one and partly altering it as circumstances necessitated. Egypt, Libya, the large tract of country beyond it, and all the territory that had been conquered towards the west, was given to Ptolemy; Syria to Laomedon the Mytilenean; Cilicia to Philoxenus, who had held it before. Of the upper provinces, Mesopotamia and Arbelitis were given to Amphimachus, the king's brother; Babylonia to Seleucus. To Antigenes, commander of the Macedonian argyraspidae,5 who had first attacked Perdiccas, was given the whole of Susiana; to Peucestes Persia; to Tlepolemus Carmania; to Pithon Media as far as the Caspian gates; to Philip Parthia; to Strasander the territory of the Arei and Drangeni; to Stasanor of Soli, Bactria, and Sogdiana; to Siburtius Arachosia; to Oxyartes the father of Roxana Parapamisus; to Pithon the son of Agenor the part of India bordering on Parapamisus. Of the adjacent provinces, that on the river Indus, together with Patala, the largest city of India in those parts, to king Porus, and that on the river Hydaspes to Taxilus the Indian, for it would have been no easy matter to displace them, since they had been confirmed in their government by Alexander, and their strength had greatly increased. Of the countries to the north of Mount Taurus, Cappadocia was assigned to Nicanor; Greater Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, to Antigonus as before; Caria to Asander; Lydia to Clitus; Phrygia on the Hellespont to Arrhidaeus. Antigenes was appointed to collect the revenues in the district of Susa, 3000 of the Macedonians who were mutinously inclined being sent with him. As the king's bodyguard Antipater appointed Autolycus the son of Agathocles, Amyntas the son of Alexander and brother of Peucestes, Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy, and Alexander the son of Polysperchon.6 He made his own son Cassander chiliarch of the cavalry, while Antigonus received command of the forces which had formerly been under Perdiccas, together with the care and custody of the kings' persons and, at his own request, the task of finishing the war against Eumenes. Antipater, having secured the general approval of all that he had done, returned home. With this the ninth book concludes.
The tenth book relates how Eumenes, having heard what had befallen Perdiccas, and that he himself had been declared an enemy by the Macedonians, made all preparations for war; how Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, took refuge with him on that account; how Attalus, who had been one of the ringleaders in the insurrection against Antipater, also joined the exiles with a force of 10,000 foot and 800 horse; how Attalus and his troops attacked Cnidus, Caunus, and Rhodes. The Rhodians, under their admiral, Demaratus, completely repulsed them. How Eumenes nearly came to blows with Antipater on his arrival at Sardes, but Cleopatra, Alexander's sister, to prevent the Macedonian people accusing her of being the cause of the war, persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardes. Notwithstanding, Antipater reviled her for her friendship with Eumenes and Perdiccas. She defended herself more vigorously than a woman could have been expected to do, brought countercharges against him, and in the end they parted amicably. Eumenes, having unexpectedly attacked those who did not acknowledge his authority, collected much booty and money, which he distributed amongst his soldiers. He also sent messages to Alcetas and his friends, begging them to assemble all their forces in one place so that they might unitedly attack the common enemy. But differences of opinion arose amongst them, and they finally refused. Antipater, not yet daring to engage Eumenes, sent Asander against Attalus and Alcetas; after the battle had long remained undecided, Asander was defeated. Cassander was at variance with Antigonus, but by command of his father, Antipater, he abandoned his opposition. Nevertheless, Cassander, when he met his father in Phrygia, advised him not to get too far from the kings, and to keep watch on Antigonus; but the latter, by his quiet behaviour, courtesy, and good qualities, did all he could to remove suspicion. Antipater, being appeased, appointed him to the command of the forces which had crossed over with him to Asia----8500 Macedonian 'infantry, and the same number of foreign cavalry, together with half the elephants (that is, seventy) ----to assist him in ending the war against Eumenes. Thus Antigonus began the war. Antipater, with the kings and the rest of his forces, pretended to be going to cross over into Macedonia, but the army again mutinied and demanded their pay. Antipater promised that he would pay them when he reached Abydos, or let them have, if not the whole, at least the greater part of it. Having thus encouraged their hopes, he reached Abydos without disturbance, but having deceived the soldiers, he crossed the Hellespont by night, with the kings, to Lysimachus. On the following day the soldiers also crossed, and for the moment made no further demand for their pay. With this the tenth book ends.
This author is second to none of the best historical writers. He is very strong in concise narrative, and never impairs the continuity of the story by ill-timed digressions or parentheses; he is novel rather in arrangement than in diction, which he employs in such a manner that it would be impossible for the narrative to be set forth more clearly and perspicuously. His style is distinct, euphonious, and terse,7 characterized by a combination of smoothness and loftiness. His novelties of language are not merely far-fetched innovations, but are obvious and emphatic, figures of speech in reality, and not simply a change of ordinary words. The result is that not only in this respect is clearness secured, but also in the equipment, order, and nature of the narrative, which is the artistic essence of perspicuity. For straightforward periods are used even by those who are not specialists, and if this is done without anything to relieve them, the style degenerates into flatness and meanness, of which, in spite of his clearness, there are no traces in our author. He makes use of ellipsis, not of periods but of words, so that the ellipsis is not even noticed; any attempt to supply what is omitted would seem to indicate a tendency to unessential additions, and would not really fill up the gap. The variety of his rhetorical figures is admirable; they do not deviate at once altogether from simple form and usage, but are gradually interwoven from the beginning, so that they neither offend by satiety nor create confusion by sudden change. In a word, any one who compares him with other historians, will find that many classical writers are his inferior in composition.
1 Consult J. P. Mahaffy, Alexanders Empire (1887) in "Story of the Nations" Series, and E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus (1902).
2 See p. 149, note 4.
3 Καυσία, a light, broad-brimmed felt hat, worn by the Macedonians, to keep off the burning heat (καῦσισ) of the sun.
4 Arrhidaeus and the young Alexander, the son of Roxana.
5The "silver-shield" division of the Macedonian army.
6 More correctly Polyperchon.
7 Or "well-rounded."
93. [Arrian, Bithynica]
Read the same author's Bithynica in eight books, containing a detailed account of the mythical and general history of Bithynia. It is a history of his own country, dedicated to it as a patriotic offering. For he tells us definitely in this work that he was born in Nicomedia, brought up and educated there, and held, the office of priest of Demeter and her daughter, to whom the city was sacred. He mentions various works of his on other subjects, such as the career of the Corinthian Timoleon in Sicily, and the memorable deeds of Dion the Syracusan, who freed Syracuse and the whole of Sicily from the second Dionysius, the son of the first, and from the barbarians,- whom Dionysius had introduced to support his tyranny. It appears that the history of his country was the fourth work he wrote, being written after the histories of Alexander the Great, Timoleon, and Dion. Certainly from the time when he first took to a literary career he had intended to treat of this subject, but the work took some time to complete owing to the lack of material; at least, this is the reason he himself gives for the delay in its production. He begins, as stated, with mythical history and goes down to the death of the last Nicomedes,1 who at his death left his kingdom to the Romans, who had never had a king since the expulsion of the Tarquins.
1 The first independent king of Bithynia was Nicomedes I (278 B.C. ); the Nicomedes here referred to is Nicomedes IV, who bequeathed his kingdom to Rome in 74 B.C.
94. [Iamblichus, Dramaticon]
Read the Dramaticon of Iamblichus,1 a narrative of love adventures. The author makes less show of indecencies than Achilles Tatius, but he is more immoral than the Phoenician Heliodorus. Of these three writers, who have all adopted the same subject and have chosen love intrigues as the material for their stories, Heliodorus is more serious and restrained, lamblichus less so, while Achilles Tatius pushes his obscenity to impudence. The style of Iamblichus is soft and flowing; if there is anything vigorous and sonorous in it, it is less characterized by intensity than by what may be called titillation and nervelessness. Iamblichus is so distinguished by excellence of style and arrangement and the order of the narrative that it is to be regretted that he did not devote his skill and energies to serious subjects instead of to puerile fictions.
The characters of the story are a handsome couple named Rhodanes and Sinonis, united by the tie of mutual love and marriage. Garmus, king of Babylon, having lost his wife, falls in love with Sinonis and is eager to marry her. Sinonis refuses and is bound with chains of gold, while Rhodanes is placed upon the cross by Damas and Sacas, the king's eunuchs. He is taken down through the efforts of Sinonis, and the lovers take to flight, one thus escaping death, the other a hated marriage. Sacas and Damas have their ears and noses cut off and are sent after the fugitives. They take different routes to carry out the search. Rhodanes and Sinonis are nearly surprised by Damas in a meadow. For a fisherman had told him of some shepherds who, being put to the torture, at last show him the meadow where Rhodanes had discovered a treasure, revealed to him by the inscription engraved on a cippus 2 surmounted by a lion.
A spectre in the form of a goat becomes enamoured of Sinonis, which obliges the lovers to leave the meadow. Damas finds a garland of flowers dropped by Sinonis and sends it to Garmus as a consolation. In their flight, the lovers come across an old woman at the door of a hut; they, hide themselves in a cave, thirty stades long and open at both ends, the mouth of which is concealed by thick bushes. Damas comes up with his companions, and questions the old woman, who is terrified by the sight of the naked sword. The horses on which Rhodanes and Sinonis had ridden are captured. The soldiers surround their hiding-place; the brazen shield of one of those who were keeping watch is broken on the cave; the hollowness of the echo discloses the whereabouts of the fugitives; the soldiers begin to dig, and Damas's shouts reach the ears of those within. They retire farther into the cave and make their way to the second opening. Here a swarm of wild bees attacks the diggers, drops of honey falling also upon the fugitives. The bees as well as the honey are infected with poison from their having eaten certain venomous reptiles, so that the diggers whom they sting either lose a limb or die. Rhodanes and his companion, hard pressed by hunger, lick up some drops of the honey, are seized with colic, and fall on the road as if dead. The soldiers, worn out by the attack of the bees, take to flight but renew the pursuit of the lovers. Seeing Rhodanes and Sinonis prostrate in the road, they pass them by, taking them for two dead strangers. Sinonis, while in the cave, had cut her hair, and made a rope with it to draw water: Damas finds it and sends it to Garmus, as an earnest of the speedy capture of the fugitives. The soldiers who passed by where Rhodanes and Sinonis were lying in the road pay respect to them as if they were really dead, according to the custom of the country; some cover them with their tunics, others throw over them anything they have at hand, even pieces of bread and meat, and then go their way. The lovers recover from the drowsiness caused by the honey; Rhodanes had been roused by some crows quarrelling over some pieces of meat, and woke Sinonis. Getting up, they go in the opposite direction to the soldiers, so as to be less easily recognized. They meet two asses and mount them, having first loaded them with part of what the soldiers, thinking them dead, had thrown over them, and which the lovers had carried away. They stop at an inn, but soon leave it for another, in the neighbourhood of a full market-place. Two brothers have died and they are accused of their murder, but acquitted. The elder of the two brothers, who had poisoned the younger and who had accused them, poisons himself, thereby proving their innocence. Rhodanes gets possession of the poison without being seen. They put up at the house of a brigand who robbed passers-by and ate them. Soldiers sent by Damas capture the brigand and set fire to his house; Rhodanes and Sinonis, enveloped by the flames, with great difficulty escape with their lives, after they have killed the asses and thrown them on the fire to make a bridge across. The soldiers who fired the house, meeting them during the night, ask them who they are. "We are the ghosts of those murdered by the brigands," they reply. Their thin, pale countenances, the weakness of their voice, persuade the soldiers that they are speaking the truth, whereat they are greatly alarmed. The lovers resume their flight, and meeting a young girl who is being carried to the grave, join the throng of spectators. An old Chaldaean comes up and stops the funeral, saying that the girl is still alive, and so it turns out to be. He predicts to Rhodanes and Sinonis that they will attain royal rank. The girl's grave is left empty, and a great part of the robes which were to be burnt and of the food and drink is left behind. Rhodanes and Sinonis make a good meal, take some of the clothes and sleep in the grave. In the morning, the soldiers who had fired the house find they have been deceived, and set out in pursuit of Rhodanes and Sinonis, imagining that they are accomplices of the brigand. Having traced them as far as the grave and seeing them lying there motionless, overcome by wine and sleep, they imagine they are looking on corpses and so leave them, although they hesitated since their footsteps guided them thither.3 Rhodanes and Sinonis leave the grave and cross the river, the waters of which are sweet and clear and reserved for the king of Babylon alone to drink. Sinonis, when trying to sell the clothes she has taken, is arrested for sacrilege and brought before Soraechus, the son of Soraechus the tax-gatherer and named the Just. Owing to her beauty, he is minded to send her to king Garmus; whereupon Rhodanes and Sinonis mix a dose of poison, considering death preferable to the sight of this king. Their intention is revealed by a female slave to Soraechus, who secretly empties the cup containing the deadly potion and fills it with a sleeping draught; after they have drunk it and are in a deep sleep they are placed in a carriage to be taken to the king. A little way from Babylon, Rhodanes is frightened by a dream and cries out; this wakes Sinonis, who takes up a sword and wounds herself in the breast. Soraechus wants to know their history, and the lovers having received a solemn promise from him, tell him everything. He sets them at liberty and shows them a temple of Aphrodite on a little island, where Sinonis can be healed of her wound.
By way of digression the author relates the history of the temple and the little island, which is formed by the surrounding waters of the Euphrates and Tigris. The priestess of Aphrodite had three children, Euphrates, Tigris, and Mesopotamia, the last, who was born ugly, being changed into a woman so beautiful that three suitors quarrelled for her hand. Bochorus, the most famous judge of the time, was chosen to decide their claims, and the three rivals pleaded their cause. Now Mesopotamia had given one of them the cup from which she drank, had crowned the second with a garland of flowers from her own head, and had kissed the third. Bochorus decided that she belonged to the one whom she had kissed, but this decision only embittered the quarrel, which ended in the death of the rivals by one another's hands. In another digression the author gives details of the temple of Aphrodite. The women who visit it are obliged to reveal in public the dreams they have had in the temple; this leads to minute details of Phar-nuchus, Pharsiris and Tanais, from whom the river is named. Pharsiris and Tanai's initiated those who dwelt on the banks of the river into the mysteries of Aphrodite. Tigris died in the little island just mentioned, after having eaten of some roses in the buds of which, not yet full blown, lurked a poisonous little beetle. His mother believed she had made him a demi-god by her enchantments.
Iamblichus then describes different kinds of enchantments ----by locusts, lions and mice. According to him, the last is the oldest, the mysteries being called after the name of these animals.4 There are also enchantments by hail, snakes, necromancy and ventriloquism, the ventriloquist being called by the Greeks Eurycles, and by the Babylonians Sacchuras. The author calls himself a Babylonian and says that, after having learnt the art of magic, he devoted himself to the study of the Greek arts and sciences. He flourished in the reign of Soaemus, son of Achaemenides the Arsacid, who occupied the throne of his fathers, and was afterwards a Roman senator and consul, and king of Greater Armenia.5 At this time Marcus Aurelius was Roman emperor. When Aurelius sent Verus, his adopted brother and son-in-law and colleague in the empire, to make war against Vologaesus 6 the Parthian king, Iamblichus predicted the beginning, the course, and end of the war. He also tells how Vologaesus fled over the Euphrates and Tigris, and how the kingdom of Parthia became a Roman province.
Tigris and Euphrates, the children of the priestess, were very like each other, and Rhodanes was like both. Tigris, as has been mentioned, had been poisoned by eating roses, and when Rhodanes crosses over to the island with Sinonis, the mother of Tigris, when she sets eyes on Rhodanes, declares that her son has come back to life, accompanied by Kore.7Rhodanes falls in with the deception, highly amused at the credulity of the islanders. Damas is informed of what has happened to Rhodanes and Sinonis and of what Soraechus has done for them, his informant being the physician whom Soraechus had secretly sent to attend to Sinonis's wound. Soraechus is arrested and taken to Garmus, and at the same time the informer is sent with a letter to the priest of Aphrodite, ordering him to seize Rhodanes and Sinonis. The physician, in order to cross the river, hangs himself round the neck of a camel in the usual manner, having first deposited the letter in the animal's right ear. He is drowned in the river, the camel alone reaches the island, and Rhodanes and Sinonis, taking Damas's letter out of its ear, become aware of the danger that threatens them.
They accordingly take to flight, and on the way meet Soraechus, who is being taken to Garmus, and put up at the same inn. During the night Rhodanes bribes certain persons to slay the guards of Soraechus, who takes to flight with the lovers, being thus rewarded for his previous kindness. Damas arrests the priest of Aphrodite and questions him about Sinonis; the old man is condemned to change his ministry for the office of executioner; the manners and customs relating to this office. Euphrates, whom the priest his father takes for Rhodanes and calls him by this name, is arrested, and his sister Mesopotamia takes to flight. Euphrates is taken before Sacas and questioned about Sinonis, being taken for Rhodanes and examined as such. Sacas sends a messenger to Garmus to inform him that Rhodanes is captured and that Sinonis soon will be. For Euphrates, when questioned in the name of Rhodanes, being obliged to call his sister Mesopotamia by the name of Sinonis, declares that Sinonis fled when she saw him arrested.
The fugitives Rhodanes, Sinonis and Soraechus, put up at the house of a farm-labourer. He has a beautiful daughter, who has just lost her husband, and out of her affection for him has cut her hair. She is sent to a goldsmith to sell the golden chain which Sinonis had brought from her former prison. The goldsmith, seeing the beauty of the young woman, and recognizing part of the chain which he happened to have made himself, and noticing that she has her hair cut, suspects that she is Sinonis. He accordingly informs Damas and has the labourer's daughter secretly watched. Suspecting what is afoot, she takes refuge in an empty house. The story of the young girl named Trophime, of the slave who was both her lover and murderer, of the golden ornaments, of the lawless conduct of the slave, of his suicide, of the blood that spirted over the labourer's daughter when the murderer was committing suicide, of the fear and flight of the young woman, of the terror and flight of those who were keeping watch on her, of the young woman's return to her father, of the story of her adventures, of the departure of Rhodanes, and of the letter sent by the goldsmith to inform Damas that Sinonis has been found. To confirm his letter, he sends the chain which he has bought, and mentions the other suspicious circumstances connected with the labourer's daughter.
Rhodanes, at the moment of leaving, kisses the labourer's daughter. Sinonis is furiously jealous; at first she had only suspected this kiss, but her suspicions were confirmed when she wiped off the marks of blood with which his lips were stained. Sinonis makes up her mind to kill the young woman and hastens back like a madwoman, followed by Soraechus, who is unable to calm her passionate fury.
They put up at the house of a wealthy man of dissolute habits, named Setapus, who falls in love with Sinonis and tries to seduce her. She pretends to return his love and, at night, when Setapus is intoxicated, stabs him with a sword, orders the servants to open the door, leaves Soraechus, who is ignorant of what has happened, and sets out in haste to find the labourer's daughter. Soraechus, when he hears of her departure, starts in pursuit, having hired some of the slaves of Setapus to accompany him, so as to prevent the murder of the labourer's daughter. He overtakes her, makes her get into a carriage which had been prepared beforehand, and turns back with her. On their return, the servants of Setapus, who had found their dead master, filled with rage rush upon them, seize Sinonis, bind her, and take her to Garmus to be punished as a murderess. Soraechus, having sprinkled his head with dust, and rent his cloak, announces the sad news to Rhodanes, who would have killed himself, but is prevented by Soraechus.
Garmus, having received the letters from Sacas and the goldsmith, informing him of the capture of Rhodanes and Sinonis, rejoices greatly, offers sacrifice to the gods, orders preparations to be made for the marriage, and issues a decree that all prisoners should be unbound and set free. Sinonis is accordingly released from her bonds by the servants of Setapus. Garmus orders Damas to be put to death and he is handed over to the priest whom he himself had deprived of his priesthood and made executioner. Garmus was wroth with Damas, because he had allowed others to have the honour of arresting the supposed Rhodanes and Sinonis. Damas is succeeded in his office by his brother Monasus.
The story of Berenice, daughter of the king of Egypt, of her disgraceful amours, of her intimacy with Mesopotamia, who was afterwards seized by Sacas and, as Sinonis, sent to Garmus with her brother Euphrates. Garmus, hearing from the goldsmith that Sinonis has escaped, orders him to be put to death, and the guards, who had been deputed to watch the pretended Sinonis and to bring her to him, to be buried alive with their women and children.
An Hyrcanian dog, belonging to Rhodanes, finds in the ill-omened inn the bodies of the unhappy girl and of the slave, her infatuated lover and murderer. It has already devoured the body of the slave and half eaten that of the young girl, when the father of Sinonis comes on the scene. Recognizing the dog as belonging to Rhodanes and seeing the half-eaten body of the girl, he first kills the dog as a sacrifice to Sinonis and then hangs himself, having first buried the remains of the girl and written on her tomb with the blood of the dog, "Here lies the beautiful Sinonis." Meanwhile Rhodanes and Soraechus come up, see the dog lying dead by the tomb, Sinonis's father hanging by a rope, and the epitaph written on the tomb. Rhodanes stabs himself and adds to the epitaph on Sinonis the words: "and the handsome Rhodanes," written in his own blood. Soraechus puts his head in the noose, and Rhodanes is preparing to give himself the death blow, when the labourer's daughter rushes in, shouting loudly, "Rhodanes, she who lies here is not Sinonis." She runs, and cuts the rope by which Soraechus is hanging, and snatches the dagger from the hand of Rhodanes. At last she manages to convince them by relating the story of the unhappy girl, and of the buried treasure, which she had come to carry off.
Meanwhile Sinonis, released from her bonds, hastens to the labourer's house, still furious with his daughter. Unable to find her, she asks her father where she is, and on his telling her the way she has taken, she immediately sets out in pursuit with drawn sword. At the sight of Rhodanes lying on the ground and her rival sitting alone by his side, endeavouring to staunch the wound in his breast (Soraechus having gone to fetch a physician) her rage and jealousy know no bounds and she rushes upon the young woman. But Rhodanes, forgetting his wound at the sight of her violence, musters up strength to throw himself in front of Sinonis and hold her back, at the same time snatching the sword from her hands. Sinonis, transported with rage, rushes out of the inn and running like a madwoman shouts to Rhodanes: "I invite you to-day to Garmus's wedding." Soraechus, on his return, hearing what has taken place, consoles Rhodanes, and after his wound has been dressed, the labourer's daughter is sent back with money to her father.
Euphrates and Mesopotamia, the supposed Rhodanes and Sinonis, together with Soraechus and the real Rhodanes are taken before Garmus. Garmus, seeing that Mesopotamia is not Sinonis, delivers her to Zobaras with orders to cut off her head on the banks of the Euphrates, to prevent any one else in future taking the name of Sinonis. But Zobaras, who has already drunk at the fountain of love, is smitten with Mesopotamia; he spares her life and sends her back to Berenice, who had become queen of Egypt after her father's death, and from whom she had been taken.8Berenice is again united to Mesopotamia, on whose account Garmus threatens war.
Euphrates is handed over to his father, now executioner, by whom he is recognized, and his life is spared. He takes the place of his father, whose hands are not soiled with human blood, and afterwards, disguised as the daughter of the executioner, escapes from the prison and regains his freedom.
Such was the state of affairs when Soraechus is condemned to be crucified. The place of execution appointed was the meadow with the fountain where Rhodanes and Sinonis had first rested during their flight, where Rhodanes had discovered the hidden treasure of which he informs Soraechus when the latter is being led away to execution. A body of Alans, indignant at not receiving their pay from Garmus, who had halted at the place where Soraechus was to be executed, drive away the guards of Soraechus and set him free. Soraechus, having found the treasure of which he had been told, and having cleverly removed it from its hiding-place, persuades the Alans that he has learnt this and other things from the gods. Having gradually gained their confidence, he induces them to elect him their king, makes war upon Garmus and defeats him. But this happened later.
While Soraechus is on his way to execution, Garmus, crowned with garlands and dancing, orders Rhodanes to be taken to the place where he was to have been executed before, and to be placed upon the cross. While Garmus, drunk with wine and dancing round the cross with the flute-players, abandons himself to joy and revelry, he receives a letter from Sacas, informing him that Sinonis has just married the young king of Syria. Rhodanes is rejoiced, Garmus at first wants to kill himself, but, changing his mind, makes the unwilling Rhodanes, who would have preferred death, come down from the cross. Garmus then appoints him to the command of an army which he decides to send against the king of Syria, so as to pit the lover against the rival. Rhodanes is treacherously received by the army in a friendly manner, Garmus having privately instructed the generals under Rhodanes that, if their army is victorious and Sinonis is captured, they are to put Rhodanes to death. Rhodanes gains the victory, recovers Sinonis, and becomes king of Babylon, as a swallow had foretold. For when Garmus in person came to see Rhodanes set out on the expedition, an eagle and a kite pursued this swallow, which escaped the eagle but became the prey of the kite. Such is the contents of the sixteen books.
1 Syrian romance-writer, probably lived about the middle of the second century A.D. The complete work is no longer extant (see Cod. 73).
2 A monumental pillar or monument generally marking the site of a grave.
3 Or, "being uncertain whether their footsteps led thither,"
4 Deriving μυστήριον from μῦς.
5 A.D. 164.
6 Or Vologases III (148-190).
7 Reading Κόρην with capital K. Kore or Persephone, daughter of Demeter (Ceres), wife of Pluto, and queen of the lower world. If κόρην be read, we must translate "and bids her daughter follow him."
8 By Sacas (p. 174 above).
95. [John Scythopolita, Against Schismatics]
Read the work of John Scythopolita the Scholasticus Against Separatists from the Church, or Against Eutyches 1 and Dioscorus1 and those who held the same ideas, and denied that there were two natures in Christ. The work, in twelve books, was written at the request of a certain patriarch named Julian.2 The writer's style is clear and pure and he uses words suited to the historic style. He vigorously combats heresy and makes full use of evidence from Scripture, not neglecting logical methods, when they are appropriate to the subject. The author of this separatist treatise attacked by Scythopolita has concealed his name, but has craftily entitled it Against Nestorius, in order to induce the more simple-minded to read it. Perhaps it is Basil of Cilicia,3 who afterwards wrote against John a dramatic dialogue worthy of the religion he professed.
1 See Cod. 17.
2 Supposed to be Julian, patriarch of Antioch (471-476).
3 See Cod. 42.
96. [George of Alexandria, Life of St. Chrysostom]
Read the work by George, bishop of Alexandria,1 entitled The Life of St. Chrysostom. Who the author is, I cannot state with certainty. The style is simple, at times degenerating into meanness and vulgarity, and the proper construction of nouns and verbs, usually observed even by the grammarians,2 is neglected. The author says that he has compiled his history from material taken from bishop Palladius,3 who has written an admirable and careful life of Chrysostom in the form of a dialogue, from Socrates,4 and other writers.
According to the author, the great John was born at Antioch of noble parents, Secundus and Anthusa. Meletius the Armenian, then head of the Church at Antioch,5 initiated them into the rites of Christianity and prepared them to receive the saving grace of baptism, having first initiated and baptized their son. At an early age, John went to school. From boyhood he was distinguished for his modesty, showed none of the effeminacy common to wealthy and high-born children,6 and would not even ride on horseback. At Antioch he attended the lectures of Libanius on grammar and rhetoric, and of Andragathius on philosophy. After his father's death, he was the comfort of his mother, and, abstaining from all pleasures and amusements, devoted himself entirely to study.
He visited Athens to improve his knowledge, and in a short time showed himself so superior to all other students that Anthemius, the priest of the temple of Athena, who was reputed the wisest man in Athens, was jealous of him. Demosthenes, the prefect of the city, sent a most complimentary summons to him, in answer to which John presented himself with great humility. In a discussion that took place between them, John showed himself superior in learning, intelligence, and piety. A marvellous result of this was, that Anthemius, finally convinced by John's divine eloquence and prayers, was baptized with all his household by the bishop of the city. The prefect, who had been already baptized, received instruction in the doctrines of Christianity, together with a large number of heathen. The bishop of the city wanted to ordain John and to leave him bishop of the city in his place, but John, when he became aware of this, secretly set sail in haste for his own country.
His friends and acquaintances wished him to enter the legal profession, but he was himself inclined to a monastic life, although only eighteen years of age. Two of his fellow-students, Theodore, afterwards bishop of Mopsuestia, and Maximus, afterwards bishop of Seleucia, rejected a public and mercenary career and chose a private and simple lifer He was very intimate with Basil the Great (not the other Basil, as some assert), who was ordained deacon by Meletius and whom John esteemed more highly than any other of his friends. Basil took farewell of John and tried to persuade him to adopt the same kind of life, but for the time his mother stood in the way. Bishop Zeno came from Jerusalem1 and appointed John reader in the church at Antioch. Soon afterwards his mother died, John distributed his father's property amongst the poor, left the city, entered a monastery in the neighbourhood, and showed himself a model and pattern monk.
Hesychius, a Syrian monk, who was reputed to have a knowledge of the future, saw two men in white raiment, the one holding a book and the other some keys, both of which they gave to John. The latter declared that he was the apostle Peter, the former that he was John the theologian. Hesychius told this to the inmates of the monastery, having taken care that it should not reach the ears of John, for fear lest, owing to his great modesty, he might leave the monastery. John also went through severe religious exercises and composed several monastic treatises.
He also wrought miracles while in the monastery. One of the citizens had such a pain on one side of his head that his right eye hung out, but when he consulted John he was immediately cured. A certain Archelaus, a wealthy and distinguished person, suffering from leprosy in the face, was ordered to wash in the pool out of which the brethren drank, and became well; after this, he distributed his wealth, said farewell to the world, and entered the monastery, his example being followed by many others. Another person named Eucleus, who had lost his right eye through the influence of an evil spirit, applied to the monastery for admission; his head was shaved while the man of God prayed, and he recovered his sight. A woman also who had an issue of blood seven years was healed. A lion, which was said to have carried off a number of travellers, after John had impressed the sign of the cross upon others, was killed by its influence.
After four years, owing to the number of people who applied to him, he left the monastery, and spent two years in a cave seldom sleeping and not lying down during the whole of the time. Having contracted a chill in the stomach and kidneys, he was compelled to return to Antioch, where he was ordained deacon by Meletius and looked after the altar. At that time he wrote the three treatises to Stagirius 8 and those On the Priesthood and On the Incomprehensible. After the death of Meletius at Constantinople, the holy John returned to the monastery. Flavian, who had succeeded Meletius, in consequence of a divine revelation brought him back to the city from the monastery and ordained him priest. A command had been given to Flavian in a vision that John should be ordained and that Flavian himself should ordain him. A dove that hovered over his head during the ceremony was abundant proof of the divine grace with which he was to be filled. He spent twelve years in the sanctuary. From his early years, owing to his zeal for virtue he was harsh and severe, and rather given to wrath than to consideration for others. He wrote several commentaries while at Antioch, and at the bishop's urgent request addressed the people extemporaneously in the pulpit.
The son of a woman named Euclaea, suffering from a violent fever, whose life had been despaired of, was healed by being sprinkled with some water which John had blessed. A certain woman belonging to the sect of the Marcionists, 9 whose husband held some office in the city, was in a desperate condition from dysentery; but having been healed by John, she, her husband, and all her household, with several other Marcionists, returned to the true faith.
On the death of Nectarius, archbishop of Constantinople,10 John was sent for from Antioch, in spite of the opposition of the inhabitants, who claimed him as their own special blessing. But the emperor's command prevailed; John was consecrated by Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria,11 who was reluctant to perform the ceremony, but was forced to do so, certain papers containing charges against him being held over him as a threat if he did not consent. While John was being consecrated amid general approval, a man possessed was freed by him from an evil spirit.
The great Chrysostom then immediately abolished the custom of receiving spiritual sisters and delivered long discourses against the unjust, the gluttonous, and the pleasure-loving. He was very charitable, so that many called him the Almsgiver. In a word, he taught all virtue and dissuaded from all vice. He also sent monks to Phoenicia to redeem from error those who were given over to idolatry; these monks, armed with the imperial authority, overthrew the idolatrous temples, the expenses being defrayed by certain pious women. A band of Celts, infected by Arianism, was brought back to the true faith by missionaries who spoke their language. He also brought back the nomad Scythians voluntarily to Christianity. He utterly rooted out the Marcionite heresy which was raising its head again in the East. He increased the number of nightly services with chanting. He took his food alone for three reasons; he was a total abstainer from wine because it affected his head (except when he drank it flavoured with roses in summer), he suffered from a weak stomach so that he often could not eat the food put before him, but asked for something else, and when at leisure he often refrained from food all day. The clergy considered him very harsh and austere. His deacon Serapion was also the cause of great hatred against him. John expelled several clergy from the Church for various reasons. Serapion also quarrelled with Severian, bishop of Gabala, who conceived a great and lasting hatred of John. John was greatly loved by the people owing to his discourses. He himself was very fond of commenting upon the epistles of St. Paul, who, according to John's friend Proclus, visited him for three nights and inspired him with the interpretation of his epistles.
John also offended the empress in the case of Theodoric the patrician, whom he had succeeded in freeing from her unjust exactions. Theodoric gave the greater part of his property to the Church poorhouse as a thankoffering to God, which inflamed Eudoxia with anger and malice. Eutropius introduced a law that criminals who fled for refuge to the churches should not enjoy the privilege of asylum. But when, soon afterwards, he himself took refuge there, he reaped the fruits of his own legislation. While he lay prostrate at the altar, the great John delivered a speech full of reproach, which set many against him, who thought that he rebuked the unhappy wretch too cruelly. He deprived the Arians of their churches and with the emperor's consent drove them out of the city. Since they had composed antiphons to deceive the simple-minded he outdid them, with the assistance of the empress, by displaying silver crosses while the antiphons were being sung. It is said that the God-inspired Ignatius first introduced antiphons, in imitation of the angels who in this manner sang the praises of God. The influential Arian Gainas 12 demanded a church from the emperor, but John who was present expressed his disapproval with great freedom, and persuaded the emperor to refuse. Soon afterwards, when Gainas rebelled, John, without delay, at the general request, went on an embassy to the barbarian, and repressed the revolt.
Eusebius, who succeeded Celbianus as bishop of Valentinopolis.13 presented a document containing seven charges against Antoninus, bishop of Ephesus. The three first accused him of sacrilege; the fourth was that he had retained in his service without rebuking him a youth who had committed murder; the fifth, that he had taken possession of and sold some land which had been left by Basilina, the mother of Julian,14 to the Church; the sixth, that he had resumed intercourse with his wife after he had said farewell to the world, and that he had had a child by her; the seventh, that he accepted fees for consecration. The last charge, being regarded as the most serious, was investigated. The trial was protracted to great length, since the accuser himself purposely neglected his duty, and Antoninus died before it ended. John therefore went to Ephesus, and removed from their sees six bishops who had paid fees to secure consecration and confessed their guilt. He also deposed six others in Asia for the same offence. In place of Antoninus he consecrated Heraclides his own deacon, which created a disturbance. In place of the six bishops others were appointed who were distinguished by greater piety and virtue. When Chrysostom was banished all these were deprived of their sees, while those who had been ejected were restored.
Severian, bishop of Gabala, having heard that Antiochus was in Constantinople and had obtained considerable sums of money by his discourses went there himself. John, when he set out for Ephesus, recommended him as his deputy in the pulpit, and in this manner Severian became known to the emperor and all the people.
Callitrope, the widow of a shipmaster, had been unjustly taxed, and Paulacius, the prefect of Alexandria, harshly pressed the poor woman for the amount (500 gold pieces). She appealed to the empress, who fined Paulacius 100 pounds of gold, of which the sorely afflicted woman only received thirty-six pieces. She accordingly took refuge with the general "port in a storm," the great John, who brought an action against Paulacius for the payment of 500 pieces to the widow. This roused the hostility of Eudoxia, who was anxious for Paulacius to be let off. She was not listened to, however, and the just man claimed and restored to the ill-treated woman that of which she had been unjustly defrauded. Then a wonderful thing happened. When Eudoxia sent to rescue Paulacius in despite of John, an angel appeared bearing a spear and frightened her messengers, so that their mission was unsuccessful. In consequence of these and similar acts of John, Acacius of Beroea, Theophilus, Antiochus, and Severian, and many others, whom he had offended by his reproaches, with the assistance and at the instigation of Eudoxia, began to plot against him. Theophilus accused Peter, chief presbyter of Alexandria, of having administered the sacrament to a woman who was a Manichaean; his defence was that she had been converted and that it was by his permission that she had been admitted by him to the communion. In proof of this he called to witness Isidore the presbyter15 and hospitaller of Alexandria. This Isidore, owing to his blameless character, had formerly been sent to Damasus 16 by Theophilus, and had brought from Rome to Flavian an offer of friendship and alliance, after the two Churches had been at variance for twenty years. The evidence of Isidore roused the anger of Theophilus, who expelled Peter from the Church and falsely accused Isidore of gross immorality. When the falsehood was discovered, Theophilus was roused to further villainy, which was increased by the following incident. A certain rich woman named Theodota had given Isidore 1000 pieces of money to distribute amongst the poor without consulting Theophilus, which Isidore had done. To avoid the wrath of Theophilus he fled to the mountain of Nitria,17 where he had formerly lived in a cell. The chief of the Egyptian monks were Dioscorus, Ammonius, Euthymius, and Eusebius, four brothers, called "the long" from the height of their stature. At that time a quarrel had broken out with the Anthro.po-morphite heretics. When some ignorant and coarse monks created a disturbance in Egypt, Theophilus, apparently alarmed when they abused him, attempted to deceive them by flattery, saying, "I have seen your faces as the face of God." But when they further demanded that Origen, because he asserted that the divinity was without human form, should be anathematized, he consented, and so escaped death. Seizing hold of this pretext against the "long brethren" (since they would no longer associate with him as before, and denied that God had a human form), he accused them to the monks and stirred up that ignorant herd against them and also against Isidore, on whose account he was the more hostile to them. At last; after having been the victims of intrigue and ill-treatment, and their cells having been set fire to, they fled to Constantinople. John received them kindly and sympathetically, but did not admit them to communion for fear of offending Theophilus, to whom he wrote a letter proposing reconciliation, but Theophilus paid no attention. In the meantime the "long brethren" presented documents containing charges against Theophilus, and were in turn accused by others at his instigation. When these latter were unable to prove anything they were thrown into prison and flogged, some of them died and the rest were condemned to banishment in the island of Proconnesus.18 John informed Theophilus of the charges against him, to which Theophilus angrily replied: "I believe you are acquainted with the canons of the council of Nicaea, by which it is ordained that no bishop shall exercise jurisdiction beyond his own province. If you are not, then make yourself acquainted with them and do not interfere with the charges against me." Notwithstanding, the same Theophilus who wrote these words afterwards condemned John, although he belonged to another diocese. As the monks did not desist from their accusations against Theophilus, the emperor ordered him to present himself for trial. But the animosity against John increased to such a degree that, on his arrival, Theophilus was appointed judge of John himself.
The wife of the senator Theognostus, who had been proscribed and died in exile, had been deprived by the empress of a field that had been left her. She accordingly had recourse to John, the champion of widows, but although he spoke with great freedom on her behalf his efforts were unsuccessful and only roused the hatred of the empress. He accordingly ordered that, on the day of the Exaltation of the Cross (the 14th of September), when the unjust empress was about to enter the church, the gates should be shut against her. His order was carried out, and the empress retired in shame and anger, and from that time began to plot John's deposition, banishment, and every other degradation that her indignation suggested. When, as she drew near, she found the gates of the church being closed, one of her suite drew his sword against those who were shutting them; whereupon his hand suddenly withered, but was afterwards restored on his doing homage to John.
The great Epiphanius, whom Theophilus had beguiled and stirred up against John, on his arrival in Constantinople created a disturbance. He ordained a deacon at Hebdomon19 in St. John's Church contrary to the law, performed the service without the permission of Chrysostom, and demanded that he should condemn the writings of Origen. Our author relates (as is also stated in the life of Epiphanius), that he by no means approved of the deposition of Chrysostom, as others believed he did, in spite of the empress's importunity. He also mentions their prediction to each other, that neither should see his throne again. Before his condemnation John, having heard that Eudoxia was angry with him, delivered a lengthy discourse against women generally, which the people interpreted as an attack on the empress. On the arrival of Theophilus, the intrigues against the great combatant John began. When he did not appear at the synod, Theophilus and his party pronounced sentence against him, although he loudly protested that he was ready to appear and defend himself, if his avowed enemies were removed from the council. Forty bishops were ready to support John against Theophilus and his party, but when they loudly protested he comforted them, and begged them not to cause dissension in the Church. After his deposition, he was banished to Hieron,20 but, in consequence of a severe shock of earthquake which was ascribed to the divine wrath, he was brought back to the city and again seated, against his will, on the episcopal throne. He declared that he did not wish to resume his pastoral office until the unjust sentence against him had been submitted to investigation. Soon afterwards, Eudoxia being again enraged because John had attacked her in reference to the statue which had been erected in her honour near his church and was the cause of disturbance inside, intrigues were again set on foot against him. Theophilus, although this was an unexpected piece of good fortune for him, being afraid of the hatred of the citizens, did not appear. The cause of their hatred against him was that, after the deposition of John, he had communicated with the "long brethren," by whose means he had plotted against him, and that he did not himself abstain from reading the writings of Origen, on account of which he had accused John. He did not, therefore, attend in person, but sent others to declare that John ought not even to be brought to trial, since after his deposition he had ventured to perform the services of the Church, whereas the synod of Antioch left no room for defence to one who did so after he had been deprived of office. Those who sided with John declared that both the canon and the synod were tainted with Arianism, and that the canon had been aimed at Athanasius; that the council of Sardica21repudiated the validity of the synod, and not only allowed Athanasius to defend himself but also to perform the duties of the priesthood with Marcellus.
Chrysostom was accordingly prohibited from officiating in the church and even from entering it. The festival of the Birth of Christ was at hand, and until the feast of Pentecost and for five days afterwards he took ho part in the services. He was then finally expelled from the city and the church and was banished to Cucusus.22 At that time a fire broke out in the pulpit and spread to the rest of the building. Many of the enemies of John were made an example, being carried off by filthy diseases or heaven-sent calamities. John, after he was deported to Cucusus, both lectured in public and consecrated several bishops, priests, and deacons. He also performed many miracles during his banishment and after his death, which Basiliscus, bishop of Comana and martyr,23 having appeared to him, foretold. He was buried in the same grave as the martyr.
Theophilus and his party condemned Heraclides, bishop of Ephesus, in his absence, and, after suffering cruel indignities, Serapion was deprived of the bishopric of Heraclea, to which he had been consecrated by John after his first return from exile. A eunuch of the tribune Victor, a man of disgraceful character, was elected in his stead. Other bishops, about twenty in number, were driven from their sees, together with a large number of priests, deacons, and laymen, who were accused of favouring John, including some pious women, the most distinguished of whom were Olympias,24Pentadia, Procle, and Silvane.
Innocent, bishop of Rome, strongly supported the cause of John, although without success. He sent messengers who were dismissed with contumely and wrote letters, but his efforts were unavailing. Subsequently, Arsacius was with difficulty induced to enter his name on the diptychs.25 Some time afterwards, Proclus transported his remains to Constantinople.
This writer appears to relate much that is contrary to the truth of history, but there is nothing to prevent the reader from picking out what is useful and passing over the rest.
1 616-630. The work, which is extant in a complete form, is regarded as worthless (see biography of Chrysostom by W. R. W. Stephens, 1872).
2 Γραμματικοί must here mean those whose education is elementary. It more generally = philologist in the sense of a student of literature.
3 c. 364-431, Bishop of Helenopolis in Bithynia, author of the Lausiaca., biographies of ascetics.
4 See Cod. 28.
5 About 360.
6 Add: "would not allow such to accompany him."
7 He was bishop of Majuma, the port of Gaza, famous for his ascetic life and devotion to the duties of his calling.
8 A young friend of Chrysostom who, after having led a dissipated life, entered a monastery. He was at first unable to endure the restrictions, became subject to convulsions (regarded as demoniacal attacks), but gradually attained to a more religious and meeker frame of mind. The treatises contain Chrysostom's advice to his friend.
9 So called from Marcion of Sinope, an heresiarch of the second century A.D. His followers believed in two Christs, one sent by an unknown God to save the whole world, the other whom the Creator would one day send to save the Jeus. They denied the resurrection of the flesh, and maintained that the body of Christ was like ours only in appearance, not in reality.
10 He succeeded Gregory of Nazianzus, and was archbishop from 381 to 397 (398).
11385-412
12 Roman general, a Goth by birth, commander of the troops of Arcadius. He afterwards revolted, was declared an enemy of the state, and retaliated by ravaging the territory of the empire. He was killed fighting against the Huns (401), who sent his head to Constantinople.
13 Mod. Valenza in Liguria.
14 The Apostate.
15 Priest and monk (fifth century A.D. ). He was a great friend and champion of Athanasius.
16 Pope 366-384; a Spaniard by birth. His secretary was St. Jerome.
17 In the district of lower Egypt, so called from the natron lakes.
18 Mod. Marmara (from its marble) in the Propontis (Sea of Marmora).
19 See p. 85, note 2.
20 At the mouth of the Euxine.
21 The modern Sofia, capital of Bulgaria. The council was held in 343 or 347.
22 A village on the borders of Armenia and Cilicia.
23 312.
24 See p. 152, note 5.
25 Literally, "a double-folded tablet" of wood, ivory, or metal. In the early Church, the tablets on which were written the names of those specially commemorated at the celebration of the Eucharist.
97. [Phlegon of Tralles, Collection of Chronicles and List of Olympian Victors]
Read the Collection of Chronicles and List of Olympian Victors by Phlegon1 of Tralles, a freedman of the emperor Hadrian. The work is dedicated to a certain Alcibiades, one of the emperor's bodyguards. It begins with the st Olympiad,2 because, as nearly all other writers affirm, there are no careful or accurate accounts of preceding periods, but different writers make different statements, and even those who have been eager to obtain the credit of writing about them contradict themselves. For this reason, as we have said, the author begins with the st Olympiad, and goes down, as he himself says, to the times of Hadrian.
I have read as far as the 177th Olympiad,3 in which Hecatomnus of Miletus was victor in the stadium4 and diaulos, and in the race of men in armour three times; Hypsicles the Sicyonian and Gaius of Rome in the long race; Aristonymidas of Cos in the pentathlum; 5 Isidore of Alexandria in wrestling; Aptotus in the periodos;6 Atyanas the son of Hippocrates, a native of Adramyttium, in boxing; Sphodrias the Sicyonian in the pancratium.7 Among the youths Sosigenes of Asia in the race; Apollonius of Cyparissus in the wrestling-match; Sotericus of Elis in the boxing-match; Galas of Elis in the pancratium; Hecatomnus of Miletus in the armoured race (he was crowned three times in the same day. in the stadium, the diaulos, and the armoured race); Aristolochus of Elis in the four-horsed chariot race; Hagemon of Elis with his race-horse; Hellanicus of Elis with his pair of horses, and his four-horsed chariot; Cletias of Elis with his pair; and Callippus of Pelion with his race-horse.
At that time Lucullus 8 was besieging Amisus,9 but having left Murena10 with two legions to carry on the siege, he himself set out with three others against the territory of the Cabiri, where he went into winter quarters. He also ordered Hadrian to make war against Mithradates, who was defeated. An earthquake in Rome did much damage, and many other events happened during this Olympiad. In its third year the population according to the census was 910,000. Sinatruces, king of the Parthians, was succeeded by Phraates 11 Theos, and Phaedrus the Epicurean 12 by Patron. Virgilius Maro was born on the 15th of October in this year. In the fourth year of this Olympiad Tigranes and Mithradates, having collected an army of 40,000 foot and 30,000 horse, who were drawn up in the Roman order of battle, engaged Lucullus and were defeated; Tigranes lost 5000 killed, a large number of prisoners, besides a promiscuous rabble. Catulus13 dedicated the Capitol at Rome. Metellus 14 set out against Crete with three legions and occupied the island; having defeated Laosthenes and shut up the inhabitants within their walls, he was rewarded with the title of imperator. The pirate Athenodorus enslaved the people of Delos and insulted the images of the so-called gods; but Gaius Triarius having repaired the damaged parts of the city, fortified the island.
We have read five books as far as this Olympiad. The author's style, though not too mean and ordinary, does not always preserve the Attic character. But his ill-timed, if laborious, diligence in reckoning the Olympiads, his lists of names of the victors and their achievements, and his accounts of the oracles, not only disgust the reader, since they do not allow a glimpse of anything else to appear, but also make the language disagreeable and rob it of all charm. He also attaches undue importance to oracles of all kinds.
1 Of Tralles in Lydia, lived till the reign of Antoninus Pius. His treatises On Wonderful Things and On Long-lived Persons are extant.
2 776 B.C.
3 72-69 B.C.
4 Racing, a single course, the diaulos being a double course.
5 The "five exercises," running, leaping, wrestling, boxing, discus-throwing.
6 The period embraced all the games, so that "to conquer in the period" meant to be victorious in all.
7 A contest combining both wrestling and boxing.
8 Lucius Licinius Lucullus (c. 110-57), Roman general, conqueror of Mithradates. He was famous for his luxurious banquets, which have become proverbial.
9 Mod. Samsun, on the coast of Pontus.
10 Lucius Licinius Murena, consul 63 B.C. He was accused of bribery, defended by Cicero in a speech still extant, and acquitted.
11 Phraates III.
12 President of the Epicurean school at Athens, died 70 B.C. Cicero draws freely from his work On the Gods (a fragment of which was discovered at Herculaneum) in his De Natura Deorum.
13 Quintus Lutatius Catulus. The Capitol had been destroyed during the civil wars of Sulla's time.
14 Quintus Caecilius Metellus, consul 69, conqueror of Crete after a three years' campaign. He received the title of Creticus for his services.
98. [Zosimus, History]
Read the History of count Zosimus,1 ex-advocate of the fisc, in six books. Being an impious heathen, he frequently yelps at those of the true faith. His style is concise, clear, and pure, and not devoid of charm. He begins his history almost from the time of Augustus, and glances rapidly at the emperors down to Diocletian, merely mentioning their proclamation and the order of succession. From Diocletian he treats at greater length of his successors in five books. The first book contains the emperors from Augustus to Diocletian and the sixth book ends at the time when Alaric, who was besieging Rome for the second time, when the citizens were reduced to desperate straits, raised the siege and proclaimed Attalus emperor. Soon afterwards he deposed him because of his incapacity, and sent an embassy to Honorius, who was then at Ravenna, with proposals for peace. But Sarus, himself a Goth and an enemy of Alaric, with about 300 men attached himself to Honorius, and, promising to do his utmost to assist him against Alaric, succeeded in making the negotiations unsuccessful. Here the sixth book ends.
It may be said that Zosimus did not himself write the history, but that he copied that of Eunapius,2 from which it only differs in brevity and in being less abusive of Stilicho. In other respects his account is much the same, especially in the attacks upon the Christian emperors. I think that both these authors brought out new editions, although I have not seen the first edition, but it may be conjectured from the title of the "new edition," which I have read, that, like Eunapius, he published a second edition. He is clearer and more concise, as we have said, than Eunapius, and rarely employs figures of speech.
1 His history, probably written between 450-501, really begins with the death of Commodus (192) and ends at 410, just before Alaric's siege of Rome. He is an extremely bigoted heathen, fond of the old mythological legends, oracles, prodigies, and everything marvellous, ignorant of geography, and pays no attention to chronology. But the work is valuable as mainly compiled from trustworthy contemporary authorities (see Cod. 80).
2 Cod. 77.
99. [Herodian, History]
Read the eight books of the History of Herodian.1 Beginning from the death of Marcus Aurelius, he relates how his son Commodus, who succeeded him, having shown himself utterly degenerate and completely under the influence of flatterers, was put to death by his concubine Marcia as the result of a plot by Laetus and Eclectus. He was succeeded by Pertinax, an old man of high character; but the praetorian guards, who hated virtue, slew him in the palace. Julian, who obtained the throne by bribing the praetorians, was soon afterwards put to death by them. Niger,2 who appears to have been an estimable man, was declared emperor, while Julian was still alive. Severus,3 keen witted, astute, and resolute in the presence of dangers, having defeated and put to death his rival, ascended the throne, and removed all who resisted him by open violence or ensnaring craft. He treated his subjects with the greatest haughtiness. He died of illness 4 while waging war against the Britons. Antoninus,5the elder of his two sons, having made a treaty with them, returned to Italy. He unwillingly accepted his brother Geta as his partner in the empire, and soon afterwards murdered him in his mother's arms. Eager to surpass all in vice and cruelty, he fell a victim in Syria to a plot set on foot by Macrinus, who was himself threatened with death by the emperor and was anxious to prevent it. Macrinus, an old man, dilatory and lacking in self-control, but in other respects a worthy person, became emperor after the death of Antoninus. Moesa, the sister of Julia, had two daughters, Soaemis and Mamaea; the former had a son named Bassianus, the latter a son named Alexinus, both reputed sons of Antoninus. The army, on some slight pretext, proclaimed Bassianus6 emperor in the camp, and bestowed upon him the name of Antoninus. Macrinus, defeated in battle, fled from the borders of Phoenicia and Syria and retired to Chalcedon, intending to make his way from there to Rome; but he was intercepted by the emissaries of Antoninus, who cut off his head and carried it back with them.
Antoninus, as long as he followed the counsel of his mother, ruled with moderation, adopted Alexinus----whose name he changed to Alexander 7----as his son, and created him Caesar. But after he fell under the influence of flatterers, there was no excess of vice and intemperance of which he was not guilty. His attempted plot against Alexander was frustrated by the soldiers, and when he decided to punish them, they put him to death. Alexander, the son of Mamaea, reigned fourteen years to the best of his ability with goodness and clemency and without bloodshed; but owing, it is said, to the avarice and meanness of his mother, they were both put to death, and Maximin was proclaimed emperor.
Maximin, a brutal and oppressive tyrant, a man of enormous stature and extremely cruel, reigned nearly three years. The soldiers in Africa revolted and slew the governor, a man of like character appointed by Maximin, and elected the proconsul Gordian (a man eighty years of age) emperor against his will. Rome joyfully accepted his election, deprived Maximin of all his honours, and at the same time declared the proconsul's son, Gordian, joint-emperor with his father. While Maximin was preparing for war, Gordian, who had occupied Carthage together with his son, seeing that his position was desperate, hanged himself; his son was defeated by Maximin, and fell on the field of battle. The Romans, deeply grieved at their death, hating and at the same time fearing Maximin, proclaimed Balbinus and Maximus emperors at Rome. The soldiers created a disturbance and demanded that Gordian, the grandson of the elder Gordian, and his daughter's son, quite a boy, should be associated with them in the empire. While Maximus was advancing against Maximin, the latter was murdered by his own soldiers, his head was taken to Maximus, and thence to Rome. Soon afterwards, the soldiers again revolted, dragged Maximus and Balbinus from the palace and, after inflicting every insult upon them, put them to death and bestowed the throne upon Gordian alone, now about thirteen years of age. Here the eighth book ends.
The writer's style is clear, brilliant, and agreeable; his diction avoids extremes, being neither too much given to atticism, which violates the natural charm of ordinary language, nor so careless as to degenerate into meanness to the sacrifice of all the rules of art. He does not take a pride in what is superfluous, nor does he omit anything that is necessary; in a word, he is inferior to few in all the good qualities of an historian.
1 Flourished about A.D. 238. His history embraces the period from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the death of Gordian.(180-238). His geography and chronology are defective. For the history of the period see Gibbon, chs. 4-7.
2 Gaius Pescennius Niger.
3 Lucius Septimius Severus.
4 At Eboracum (York).
5 More commonly known as Caracalla.
6 Varius Avitus Bassianus (afterwards Marcus Aurelius Antoninus) more commonly known as Heliogabalus (more correctly Elagabalus).
7 Alexander Severus.
100. [The Emperor Hadrian, Declamations]
Read several of the Declamations of the emperor Hadrian,1distinguished by moderation of style, and not disagreeable to read.
1 Emperor A.D. 117-138. He was a great patron of literature, and wrote several works himself, both prose and verse. His address to the soul is famous (see Life, by F. Gregorovius, Eng. tr. by M. E. Robinson, 1898).
101. [Victorinus, Panegyrics on the Emperor Zeno]
Read the consular and imperial orations of Victorinus, the son of Lampadius of Antioch, in honour of the emperor Zeno, in whose reign he lived to a great age. His style is distinguished by clearness, absence of redundancy, and the use of ordinary language.
102. [Gelasius of Caesarea, Against the Anomoeans]
Read the treatise of Gelasius,1 bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, Against the Anomoeans, in one volume. His style is free from superfluities, and vigorous; he makes frequent use of Attic words, his principles are carefully worked out, and he is not at a loss for arguments; in all respects he is a good writer, except that he childishly employs the rules and terms of logic till they become wearisome, as if he had just peeped into dialectical text-books, and uses his words wrongly. Certainly he inserts an apology for this ill-timed language, but what he intended to excuse he ought never to have used at all. In addition, the arrangement of the work is somewhat faulty. The same little volume contained the various arguments by Diodorus of Tarsus Concerning the Holy Spirit, in which he shows that he is already infected by the taint of the Nestorian heresy.
1 See Cod. 88.
103. [Philo Judaeus, Allegories of the Sacred Laws, and On the Civil Life]
Read the Allegories of the Sacred Laws, and On the Civil Life, by Philo Judaeus.1
1 c. 20 B.C.-A.D. 40. The most important Jewish Hellenist, called the Jewish Plato, born at Alexandria of a priestly family. Hardly any particulars are known of his life. In the year 40 he was head of a deputation of his countrymen to the emperor Caligula at Rome, to protest against the persecution of the Jews in Alexandria. He was the author of numerous works, purely philosophical, exegetical (on the Pentateuch), historical, and apologetic. Amongst them are: On the Indestructibility of the World; That every Good Man is Free; Allegories of the Sacred Law, full of allegorizing and constant attempts to combine Judaism and Hellenism; On the Contemplative Life; Against Flaccus (governor of Egypt); and The Embassy to Gaius. His philosophy is a sort of neo-Platonism----an endeavour to reconcile the teaching of Plato and of the Bible. There are two worlds, an intelligible and a sensible, the latter formed by God on the model of a world of ideas, invariable and coeternal, personified under the name of logos (Reason), an emanation from God. "The Logos, intermediate between God and the world, dwells with God as His wisdom, and as the abiding place of the Ideas."
104. [Philo Judaeus, On the Essenes and Therapeutae]
Read, also, his description of the lives of those amongst the Jews who led a life of contemplative or active philosophy, the Essenes1 and Therapeutae. The latter not only built monasteries and holy places (semneia, to use their own word), but also laid down the rules of monasticism followed by the monks of the present day.
1 They were divided into practici (active), who lived in common, and theoretici (contemplative), who lived alone. In Egypt and Greece the latter w ere called therapeutae.
105. [Philo Judaeus, Censure of Gaius and Censure of Flaccus]
Read, also, his two tractates, Censure of Gaius1 and Censure of Flaccus2 in which, more than in his other writings, he shows vigour of expression and beauty of language. But he frequently errs by changing his ideas and in describing other things in a manner at variance with Jewish philosophy. He flourished in the times of the emperor Gaius, to whom he states that he sent a deputation on behalf of his own people, while Agrippa was king of Judaea. He was the author of numerous treatises on various subjects, ethical discussions, and commentaries on the Old Testament, mostly consisting of forced allegorical explanations. I believe that it was from him that all the allegorical interpretation of Scripture originated in the Church. It is said that he was converted to Christianity, but afterwards abandoned it in a fit of anger and indignation. Before this, during the reign of the emperor Claudius, he had visited Rome, where he met St. Peter, chief of the apostles, and became intimate with him, which explains why he thought the disciples of St. Mark the evangelist, who was a disciple of St. Peter, worthy of praise, of whom he says that they led a contemplative life amongst the Jews. He calls their dwellings monasteries, and declares that they always led an ascetic life, practising fasting, prayer, and poverty.
Philo came of an Alexandrian priestly family. He was so admired amongst the Greeks for his power of eloquence that it was a common saying amongst them: "Either Plato philonizes or Philo platonizes."
1 Roman emperor A.D. 37-41, more commonly known as Caligula.
2 Avillius F., governor of Egypt, and persecutor of the Jews.
106. [Theognostus of Alexandria, Outlines]
Read the work by Theognostus of Alexandria,1 entitled The Outlines of the Blessed Theognostus of Alexandria, Interpreter of the Scriptures, in seven books. In the first book he treats of the Father, and endeavours to show that He is the creator of the universe, in opposition to those who make matter coeternal with God; in the second, he employs arguments to prove that it is necessary that the Father should have a Son; and when he says Son, he demonstrates that He is a creation, and has charge of beings endowed with reason. Like Origen, he says other similar things of the Son, being either led astray by the same impiety, or (one might say) eager to exert himself in his defence, putting forward these arguments by way of rhetorical exercise, not as the expression of his real opinion; or, lastly, he may allow himself to depart a little from the truth in view of the feeble condition of his hearer, who is, perhaps, entirely ignorant of the mysteries of the Christian faith and incapable of receiving the true doctrine, and because he thinks that any knowledge of the Son would be more profitable to the hearer than never to have heard of Him and complete ignorance of Him. In oral discussion it would not appear absurd or blameworthy to use incorrect language, for such discussions are generally carried on according to the judgment and opinion and energy of the disputant; but in written discourse, which is to be set forth as a law for all, if any one puts forward the above defence of blasphemy to exculpate himself, his justification is a feeble one. As in the second book, so in the third, in treating of the Holy Spirit, the author introduces arguments by which he endeavours to show the existence of the Holy Spirit, but in other respects talks as much nonsense as Origen in his Principles. In the fourth book, he talks similar nonsense about angels and demons, attributing refined bodies to them. In the fifth and sixth, he relates how the Saviour became incarnate, and attempts, after his manner, to show that the incarnation of the Son was possible. Here, also, he trifles greatly, especially when he ventures to say that we imagine the Son to be confined now to this place, now to that, but that in energy alone He is not restricted. In the seventh book, entitled On God's Creation, he discusses other matters in a greater spirit of piety----especially at the end of the work concerning the Son.
His style is vigorous and free from superfluities. He uses beautiful language, as in ordinary Attic, in such a manner that he does not depart from the ordinary style in composition and does not sacrifice its dignity for the sake of clearness and accuracy. He flourished...
1 Flourished about the middle of the third century A. D.
107. [Basil of Cicilia, Against John Scythopolita]
Read the work of the presbyter Basil of Cilicia,1 written against John Scythopolita, whom he calls "pettifogger" and several other names, and otherwise abuses. For instance, he asserts that he was suspected of being a Manichaean; that he limited the sacred forty days to three weeks, and during them did not even abstain from eating fowl; that he took part in heathen rites; that he was greatly given to gluttony, and never communicated while the sacred office was being performed, but after the Gospel took part in the holy mysteries with the boys, and immediately hurried to the holy table. Such insulting and brutal remarks are scattered broadcast throughout the work. The work is dramatic in character, in the form of a dialogue, dedicated to a certain Leontius, who had asked the author to write it. The characters are Lampadius, who defends Basil, and Marinus, who defends John. Marinus, during the course of the discussion, is represented as condemning his client and going over to Lampadius, a certain Tarasius being then introduced as interlocutor. The disputants are represented as asking and answering questions intended to benefit themselves and to censure and perplex the opponent's advocate. The whole work is divided into sixteen books: the first thirteen are in the form of a dialogue in which the author has expended great energy and labour in attacking John's first book alone, while the remaining three are directed against the statements in the second and third books.
In the first book, after the preface is concluded, he takes his stand against two chief points, the first that "The word suffered in the flesh,"2 the second, "To say Christ is the same as saying God." In the second book he attempts to show that he has been unjustly blamed and that John has misunderstood the words, "There shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse."3 In the third book he asks how the words, "Now the son of man was glorified and God was glorified in him,"4 and the rest of the passage are to be understood. In the fourth book, he inquires how the body is said to be peculiar to God, about His unity, the words, "God, thy God hath anointed thee," 5 and "I sanctify myself." 6 In this book Marinus, abandoning the role of opponent, goes over to Lampadius. In the fifth book, where Tarasius is introduced as taking up the part of Marinus, the author makes more bitter accusations against John, with which nearly the whole book is taken up. In the sixth book he attacks more severely the union of Christ our Saviour. He also discusses the words "God, thy God, hath anointed thee," and the attitude of the Church towards the expression "He was made flesh."7 In the eighth book, he falls headlong into numerous absurdities in discussing "The Word was made flesh" and also "No man hath ascended up to heaven, but he that came down from heaven, even the Son of man which is in heaven."8In the ninth book he speaks of "That Rock was Christ,"9 "Thy life shall hang in doubt before thee,"10 and "This gate shall be shut," 11 to all of which he gives an impious interpretation. The tenth book deals with "To you is the word of this salvation sent" 12 and "He who spared not his own Son" 13and "Of the Word of life," which your hands have touched, and "God so loved the world that he gave his only-begotten Son"14 and so on. In the eleventh book he discusses, "This is our God, there shall none other be accounted of in comparison of him," 15 and "Afterwards did he show himself upon earth and conversed with men,"6 and "Arise, O God, and judge the earth,"16 and "He that hath seen me hath seen the Father,"'17 and against those who asserted that the apostles could not teach the truth owing to the weakness of their hearers. In the twelfth book he teaches that one of the Trinity suffered, and discusses "Had they known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory."18 He puts forward a weak and sinful plea for our denying that there are two Christs, in which his defence is prompted by his wishes. In the thirteenth book he inquires how it is that there are not two Sons, and indeed it would seem from his defence that there must be. Tarasius, as if unable to meet the arguments against him, remains silent, and Basil (or Lampadius) discontinues his zealous questions and answers. The last three books are more detailed, and attack the statements of John in the second and third books.
This Basil, as he himself tells, us, was a presbyter of the Church at Antioch, when Flavian was bishop there, and Arcadius emperor of Rome. His style is poor, and especially in the dialogues differs little from the language of the common people. Nor is he accurate in composition, but frequently makes mistakes and uses solecisms; at the same time, he endeavours to be clear. His arguments against the orthodox are keen and show the practised logician; in fact, he seems to have wasted his whole life in his idle attacks upon the true faith. Although he is tainted with Nestorianism, he does not defend Nestorius, but praises the fathers Theodore and Diodorus. He does not openly use so much blasphemous language against the divine Cyril. He declares that John, the object of his attack, relies for support on nothing but the twelve "chapters" of Cyril, especially the twelfth, in which he introduces the suffering of God. With this he concludes his idle labours. As mentioned above, the work is dedicated to a certain Leontius, whom he pompously calls most holy, most beloved of God, and Father.
1 See Cod. 42.
2 I Peter iv. 1.
3 Isaiah ii. 1.
4 John xii. 31.
5 Psalm xlv. 7.
6 John xvii. 19.
7 John i. 14.
8 John iii. 13.
9 I Cor. x. 4.
10 Deuter. xxviii. 66.
11 Ezekiel xliv. 2.
12 Acts xiii. 26.
13 Romans viii. 32.
14 John iii. 16.
15 Baruch iii. 36-38.
16 Psalm lxxxi. 8.
17 John xiv. 9.
18 I Cor. ii. 8.
108. [Theodore of Alexandria, Against Themistius]
Read the work of Theodore the monk Against Themistius, entitled: "A brief refutation of the old rash and absurd attacks of Themistius on the Fathers, now worked out by us in view of the questions and propositions put forward by him against the truth, and a clear and accurate arrangement of the subject under discussion." This title is more like a book than the title of a book. Both Theodore and Themistius are heretics, adherents of Severus, and belonging to the Theopaschitae.1 Themistius (or Calonymus, as he also calls himself) was the chief of the sect called Agnoetae,2 on whom he wrote a work called, An Apology for the Holy Theophobius by Calonymus or Themistius, in which he also attacks Severus, whose devoted adherent he is. Such is falsehood and such are the lovers of falsehood. He challenges Themistius to argue and shows that his four arguments, intended to prove ignorance in Christ, which he deals with one by one, involve countless absurdities. Then again Themistius, to make good his defeat, wrote a single book against Theodore. Theodore again refutes his objections in three volumes, and sets forth his own real opinion on the subject. Both of them are skilful writers, aiming at clearness, combined with earnestness and sedateness.
1 Who added the words "One of the Trinity was crucified" to the Trisagion. According to them, Christ had only one, and that a divine nature, and therefore the divine nature suffered at the Crucifixion.
2 They taught that the human soul of Christ was like our own, even in its imperfect knowledge and ignorance.
109. [Clement of Alexandria, Outlines]
Read three volumes of the works of Clement,1 presbyter of Alexandria, entitled Outlines, The Miscellanies, The Tutor.
The Outlines contain a brief explanation and interpretation of certain passages in the Old and New Testaments. Although in some cases what he says appears orthodox, in others he indulges in impious and legendary fables. For he is of opinion that matter is eternal and that ideas are introduced by certain fixed conditions; he also reduces the Son to something created. He talks prodigious nonsense about the transmigration of souls and the existence of a number of worlds before Adam. He endeavours to show that Eve came from Adam, not as Holy Scripture tells us, but in an impious and shameful manner; he idly imagines that angels have connexion with women and beget children; that the Word was not incarnate, but only appeared so. He is further convicted of monstrous statements about two Words of the Father, the lesser of which appeared to mortals, or rather not even that one, for he writes: "The Son is called the Word, of the same name as" the Word of the Father, but this is not the Word that became flesh, nor even the Word of the Father, but a certain power of God, as it were an efflux from the Word itself, having become mind, pervaded the hearts of men." All this he attempts to support by passages of Scripture. He talks much other blasphemous nonsense, either he or some one else under his name. These monstrous blasphemies are contained in eight books, in which he frequently discusses the same points and quotes passages from Scripture promiscuously and confusedly, like one possessed. The entire work includes notes on Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, St. Paul's epistles, the Catholic epistles, and Ecclesiasticus. Clement was a pupil of Pantaenus, as he himself says. Let this suffice for the Outlines.
1 Titus Flavius Clemens (c. 150-213). A Platonic philosopher who embraced Christianity, and succeeded Pantaenus as head of the catechetical school of Alexandria. Amongst his pupils were Origen and Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem. His chief works are those mentioned here by Photius. To these may be added his Hortatory Address to the Greeks, showing the superiority of Christianity to the heathen and other religions. In consequence of the persecution of Severus, he fled to Palestine, where he died.
110. [Clement of Alexandria, The Tutor]
The Tutor is an elaborate work in three books, containing rules for behaviour and conduct. It was preceded by and combined with another work, in which he refutes the impiety of the heathen These discourses have nothing in common with the Outlines, since they are entirely free from idle and blasphemous opinions. The style is florid, rising at times to an agreeable and moderate loftiness, while the display of learning is not inappropriate. In the last book something is said about images.
111. [Clement of Alexandria, The Miscellanies]
The Miscellanies,1 in eight books, contain an attack upon heresy and the heathen. The material is arranged promiscuously and the chapters are not in order, the reason for which he himself gives at the end of the seventh book in the following words: "Since these points have been thoroughly discussed, and our ethical formula has been sketched summarily and fragmentarily, as we promised, teachings calculated to kindle the flame of true knowledge being scattered here and there, so that the discovery of the sacred mysteries may not be easy to any one of the uninitiated," and so on. This, he himself says, is the reason why the subject-matter is so unsystematically arranged. In an old copy I have found the title of this work not only given as Miscellanies, but in full as follows: Miscellany of Gnostic Notes in accordance with the True Philosophy, books 1-8. The first seven books have the same title, and are identical in all the copies. The title of the eighth, however, varies, as does the subject-matter. In some copies it is called Who is the Rich Man that is saved? and begins, "Those who... laudatory speeches," etc.; in others it is called The Miscellanies, the eighth book, like the other seven, and begins, "But not even the oldest of the philosophers," etc. The work in some parts is unsound, but not like the Outlines, some of whose statements it refutes.
Clement is said to have written several other works, of which the following are mentioned by other writers: On Easter; On Fasting; On Evil-speaking; On the Ecclesiastical Canons, and against those who follow the Erroneous Doctrine of the Jews, dedicated to Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem. He flourished during the reign of Severus and his son Antoninus at Rome.
1 Stromateis (Στρωματεῖς), bed-coverlets, "patch-work quilts."
112, 113. [Clement of Rome, Apostolic Constitutions and Recognitions]
Read two volumes of the works of Clement, bishop of Rome.1 One is entitled The Apostolic Constitutions by Clement, containing the synodical canons ascribed to the assembled Apostles. The other, in the form of a letter, is dedicated to James the Lord's brother and contains what are called The Acts of the Apostle Peter, His Conversations with Simon Magus, The Recognition of Clement and his Father and his two Brothers. Hence in some copies it is entitled The Recognition of Clement of Rome. As we have said, a letter is prefixed as sent to James the Lord's brother, but not always the same nor from the same person, according to some copies being sent by Peter the apostle, according to others by Clement to James. In the first case, Peter would seem to have compiled an account of his own acts and sent it to James at his request; in the second, Clement compiled it by command of Peter and sent it to James, after Peter had passed to immortal life. It may be conjectured then that there were two editions of the Acts of Peter, and that when one in course of time perished that of Clement alone survived. For in all the copies which I have seen----by no means a few----after those different epistles and titles I have unvaryingly found the same treatise beginning, "I, Clement," etc. The work is full of countless absurdities.and of blasphemy against the Son in accordance with the Arian heresy. The Constitutions appear to be liable to censure on three counts: clumsy fiction, which it is easy to remove; the abusive charges against Deuteronomy, which can easily be met, and its Arianism, which can be refuted by a vigorous attack. But the book of the Acts of Peter, in its distinctness and earnestness, its purity, vehemence, its general linguistic excellences, and its great learning, is so superior to the Constitutions that, as far as language is concerned, no comparison between the two works is possible.
It is this Clement of whom St. Paul speaks in the Epistle to the Philippians, "With Clement also, and other my fellow-labourers, whose names are written in the book of life."2He also wrote an important letter to the, Corinthians, which was so highly thought of that it was read in public. A second letter to the same is rejected as spurious, as also the lengthy discussion, a dialogue between Peter and Ap(p)ion.3 Some say that Clement succeeded Peter as bishop of Rome, others that he was the fourth bishop, Linus and Anacletus intervening, and that he died in the third year of Trajan's reign.
1 Lived during the first century A.D. According to tradition he was one of the first successors of St. Peter as bishop of Rome. Numerous works, such as the Homilies and Recognitions, the Apostolic Constitutions, which are ascribed to him, are spurious, the only writing bearing his name which is admitted to be genuine being the First Epistle to the Church of Corinth (the second is spurious). On the whole question see edition (1890) by Bishop Lightfoot.
2 iv. 3. Clement being a very common name, this identification is by no means certain.
3 Apion, Alexandrine grammarian, commentator on Homer, flourished in the middle of the first century A.D. He was notorious for his hatred of the Jews and of Jewish Christianity.
114. [Lucius of Charinus, Circuits of the Apostles: Acts of Peter, Acts of John, Acts of Andrew, Acts of Thomas, Acts of Paul]
Read a book entitled Circuits 1 of the Apostles, comprising the Acts of Peter, John, Andrew, Thomas, and Paul, the author being one Lucius Charinus,2 as the work itself shows. The style is altogether uneven and strange; the words and constructions, if sometimes free from carelessness, are for the most part common and hackneyed; there is no trace of the smooth and spontaneous expression, which is the essential characteristic of the language of the Gospels and Apostles, or of the consequent natural grace. The contents also is very silly and self-contradictory. The author asserts that the God of the Jews, whom he calls evil, whose servant Simon Magus was, is one God, and Christ, whom he calls good, another. Mingling and confounding all together, he calls the same both Father and Son. He asserts that He never was really made man, but only in appearance; that He appeared at different times in different form to His disciples, now as a young, now as an old man, and then again as a boy, now taller, now shorter, now very tall, so that His head reached nearly to heaven. He also invents much idle and absurd nonsense about the Cross, saying that Christ was not crucified, but some one in His stead, and that therefore He could laugh at those who imagined they had crucified Him. He declares lawful marriages to be illegal and that all procreation of children is evil and the work of the evil one. He talks foolishly about the creator of demons. He tells monstrous tales of silly and childish resurrections of dead men and oxen and cattle. In the Acts of St. John he seems to support the opponents of images in attacking their use. In a word, the book contains a vast amount of childish, incredible, ill-devised, lying, silly, self-contradictory, impious, and ungodly statements, so that one would not be far wrong in calling it the source and mother of all heresy.
1 Or "Travels."
2 Also Leucius, or Leontius. His date is uncertain, perhaps in the fifth century A.D.
115. [Anonymous, Against the Quartodecimans - Metrodorus, On the date of Easter]
Read an anonymous work entitled A Disputation against the Jews and those who hold the same Heretical Views, and those called Quartodecimans,1 who do not celebrate the Holy Easter Feast in the first month as the Hebrews do. The style is concise and free from redundancies, but somewhat bombastic. The author asserts that our Lord Jesus Christ did not partake of the regular Paschal feast 2 on the holy fifth day, for that day was not laid down, but on the following day; that He did not even then lawfully eat what He did eat; for He ate neither lamb, nor unleavened bread, and observed none of the practices which those who keep Easter according to the law are in the habit of observing. He asserts that He partook of a private, mystic feast, from which He gave bread and wine to His disciples.
Another tractate is also included, by a certain Metrodorus, a list of twenty-eight cycles of nineteen years for calculating the holy Paschal feast. This Metrodorus, whoever he was (for I have not been able to learn anything about him), beginning with Diocletian, has collected the Easter days for 533 years,3 according to the received and accurate computation of the fourteenth day. For neither the Church nor ancient tradition appears to have observed those days.
1 They celebrated Easter or the Paschal Feast on the day of the Jewish Passover (the 14th of Nisan, the first month of the Jewish year, corresponding to March-April), whatever day of the week it fell on. See the exhaustive account in Hefele, History of Christian Councils, i, 298, (1871).
2 The Jewish Passover.
3 i.e. For a cycle of 532 years (28 X 19) and one year more, when a new cycle should begin. Metrodorus possibly lived in the sixth or seventh century. On this difficult subject, see article "Easter" in Dictionary of Christian Antiquities.
116. [Anonymous, A Third Volume on the Holy Easter Feast, in eight books]
Read another anonymous work entitled A Third Volume on the Holy Easter Feast, in eight books. The style is simple and very clear, and contains many sensible ideas. In the fourth book the author often refutes Metrodorus, and while supporting himself with evidence from the Scriptures, works into his discussion of Easter some useful remarks on the Creation by way of interpretation. It is dedicated to one Theodore, whom he calls his beloved brother. He was the author of other treatises on the same subject, but this is the fullest and most useful, since he amply discusses everything bearing on the subject. He gives a clear and detailed account of leap-year and the intercalary month, the epacts of the sun and moon, the nineteen days and the method of finding them, the months, the new moon, the week and its days, which years are called cyclical and which intercalary. He also discusses the twenty-eight years of the solar cycle, the nineteen years of the lunar cycle and its fourteenth day, the lunar and solar months, the new moon of the lunar and solar month, the lunar month and the exact month, the calculation of the years of the world. He says that according to the other years of His advent our Lord and God Christ partook of the prescribed Easter feast, but not on the day which was reported. This is worthy of consideration, since Chrysostom and the Church teach that He partook of the regular feast1 before the mystic supper.
1 The Jewish Passover.
117. [Anonymous, In Defense of Origen]
Read an anonymous work defending Origen and his abominable writings, in five volumes. The style is neither clear nor pure and contains nothing deserving of mention. The author brings forward on behalf of Origen and his dogmas Dionysius of Alexandria,1 Demetrius,2 Clemens, and several others, but chiefly relies upon Pamphilus the martyr and Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine. This apology is not a refutation of the charges against Origen for the most part, but rather supports the accusation, since he is not altogether free from his blasphemous opinions. Thus, he asserts that souls existed before bodies, supporting this nonsense by passages from the Scriptures and Fathers, and imagines the taking up of other bodies. In regard to the Holy Trinity, however, he is orthodox; he asserts that Origen was not guilty of error in his opinions on the subject, but that he was opposing the Sabellian3 heresy, which at that time had spread extensively, and that, in his endeavour to show that the Trinity of Persons was quite clear and differed in many ways, he allowed himself to be carried away beyond what was right in the opposite direction. However, in regard to Origen's other dogmas, to which he does not even venture to give a specious assent, and to which he does not think it possible to adapt his defence, he takes great trouble to prove that they were only intended as a rhetorical exercise, or that they were foisted into his writings by certain heterodox persons. In proof of this he quotes Origen himself as loudly protesting, for he says that even when he was alive he discovered that such reckless statements were made against him. The counts on which he asserts that he was falsely accused are fifteen in number, which he declares to be mere slanders, proving it by quotations from his writings in his fourth book, and refuting them by the evidence of others on his behalf in the fifth. The counts are as follows. He is charged with teaching that prayer should not be offered to the Son, and that He is not absolutely good; that He does not know the Father as Himself; that rational natures enter into the bodies of irrational beings; that there are migrations from one body into another; that the soul of the Saviour was the same as the soul of Adam; that there is neither eternal punishment nor resurrection of the flesh; that magic is not an evil; that astronomy is the cause of events; that the Only Begotten has no share in the Kingdom; that the holy angels came into the world by falling down from heaven, not to render service to others; that the Father is unseen by the Son; that the Cherubim are the ideas of the Son; that the image of God, in reference to him whose image it is, qua image, is untrue. He rejects these charges, as already stated, as slanders on Origen, and does his utmost to prove that he is an orthodox member of the Church. But, my dear sir, if any one is shown to be not altogether impious, this is no reason why he should escape punishment for obvious blasphemies.
1 Bishop of Alexandria (247-264), called "the Great," a pupil of Origen.
2 Bishop of Alexandria (189-232). He was at first on friendly terms with Origen, who offended him by publicly expounding the Scriptures although unordained (see also Cod. 118).
3 A sect named after Sabellius (second----third century A.D.). While denying that the Son was subordinate to the Father, they denied His real personality, and regarded the Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit as not real and eternal, but temporal and modalistic (different modes of the manifestations of the Divine Nature).
118. [Pamphilus & Eusebius, Defense of Origen]
Read the Defence of Origen 1 by Pamphilus the martyr and Eusebius.1 It is in six books, five of which were written by Pamphilus when in prison in the company of Eusebius. The sixth is the work of Eusebius alone, after the, martyr, having been deprived of life by the sword, was removed to God for whom his soul longed. Many other distinguished persons at that time also wrote in defence of Origen. It is said that Origen, during the persecutions in the reign of Severus, wrote to his father Leonides, urging him to martyrdom, and that he ran nobly in the race and received the crown. It is added that Origen himself made ready with all zeal to enter into the same struggle, but that his mother checked his ardour in spite of his protestations, as he himself testifies in a letter. Pamphilus the martyr and many others who have written an accurate account of Origen, as given by those who knew him, assert that he quitted this life by a glorious martyrdom at Caesarea during the cruel persecution of the Christians by the emperor Decius.2 Others say that he lived till the times of Gallus 3 and Volusianus, and that he died at Tyre in the sixty-ninth year of his age and was buried there. This is the truer account, unless the letters supposed to have been written by him after the Decian persecution are spurious. They say that he studied and taught every branch of knowledge. He is said to have been also called Adamantius, because his arguments were linked together like chains of adamant. He attended the lectures of Clement, the author of the Stromateis, and succeeded him as head of the catechetical school at Alexandria. It is said that Clement was the pupil of Pantaenus and his successor as head of his school, and that Pantaenus heard teachers who had seen the apostles, and had even heard them himself.
It is said that the movement against Origen originated as follows. Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, had a high opinion of Origen and admitted him to his intimate friendship. But when Origen was about to leave for Athens without the permission of the bishop, he was ordained by Theotecnus, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, contrary to the rule of the Church, with the approval of Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem. This incident changed the love of Demetrius to hate and his praise to blame. A synod of bishops and some presbyters was summoned to condemn Origen. According to Pamphilus, it was decided that he must not remain in Alexandria or teach there, but that he should be allowed to retain his priesthood. But Demetrius and some Egyptian bishops, with the assent of those who had formerly supported him, also deprived him of his sacred office. After he had been banished from Alexandria, Theotecnus, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, welcomed him, allowed him to live at Caesarea, and gave him permission to preach. Such are the reasons which Pamphilus gives for the attack upon Origen.
The Apology for Origen was composed, as we have said, by Pamphilus when imprisoned together with Eusebius, and addressed to those who were condemned to the mines for the sake of Christ, the chief of whom was Patermythius, who shortly after the death of Pamphilus ended his life at the stake with others. Pierius was the teacher of Pamphilus, the head of the catechetical school at Alexandria. It is said that he suffered martyrdom together with his brother Isidore, and that a church and houses of prayer were built in his honour at Alexandria. The holy Pamphilus was a presbyter, and is said to have copied most of Origen's commentaries on Scripture with his own hand.
1 Book I exists in a Latin version by Rufinus.
2 Emperor 249-251. He was notorious as a relentless enemy and persecutor of the Christians.
3 Emperor 251-253. His son Volusianus was associated with him in the empire.
119. [Pierius]
Read a work by Pierius the presbyter, who is said to have suffered martyrdom 1 with his brother Isidore, and to have been the teacher of the martyr Pamphilus in theology and head of the catechetical school at Alexandria. The volume contains twelve books. The style is clear and brilliant, and, so to say, spontaneous; there is nothing elaborate about it, but, as it were unpremeditated, it flows along evenly, smoothly and gently. The work is distinguished by a wealth of argumentation. It contains much that is foreign to the present institutions of the Church, but is possibly in accordance with older regulations. In regard to the Father and the Son his statements are orthodox, except that he asserts that there are two substances and two natures, using these terms (as is clear from what follows and precedes the passage) in the sense of hypostasis, not in the sense given by the adherents of Arius. But in regard to the Holy Ghost his views are dangerous and impious; for he declares that His glory was less than that of the Father and the Son. There is a passage in the treatise entitled On St. Luke's Gospel, from which it can be shown that the honour and dishonour of the image is the honour and dishonour of the prototype. It is hinted, in agreement with Origen's absurd idea, that souls have a pre-existence. In his work on Easter and the homily upon the prophet Hosea, the author discusses the Cherubim made by Moses and Jacob's pillar; he admits that they were made, but talks nonsense about their being providentially granted, as if they were nothing, or something else, or as if what was made was something else; for he says that they did not exhibit any sort of form, but absurdly asserts that they only had wings of a kind.
This Pierius was presbyter of the Church of Alexandria, when Theonas was bishop, and Carus and Diocletian were emperors of Rome. It is said that he was so distinguished for love of work and learning, and that his discourses to the people were so agreeable and instructive, that he was called "the young Origen," since Origen at that time enjoyed a very high reputation. They say that he was well versed in dialectic and rhetoric, and that he voluntarily practised temperance and poverty. According to some, he suffered martyrdom; according to others, he spent the rest of his life at Rome after the time of the persecution.
1 During the persecution of Diocletian (303).
120. [Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses]
Read the work of Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons,1 entitled the Refutation and Subversion of Knowledge falsely so called or Against Heresies, in five books. The first, in which Valentinus and his impious heresy are discussed, begins as far back as Simon Magus 2 and goes down to Tatian,3 who, at first a disciple of Justin Martyr,4 afterwards fell headlong into heresy. It also deals with those who are properly called Gnostics and the Cainites,5 setting forth their abominable doctrines. Such is the contents of the first book. In the second the impious dogmas of the heretics are refuted. The third quotes all kinds of testimony from the Scriptures against them. The fourth answers certain difficulties put forward by the heretics. The fifth shows that all that was said and done by the Lord in the form of parables, derived both from His saving doctrine and from the apostolic epistles, is suited for the refutation of the claptrap of the heretics.
St. Irenaeus is said to have been the author of many other works of various kinds including letters, in some of which it should be observed that the exact truth of the doctrines of the Church appears to be falsified by spurious arguments.
It is said that he was a pupil of the holy martyr Polycarp,6bishop of Smyrna, and was presbyter to Pothinus, whom he succeeded in the bishopric of Lyons. At that time Victor was pope of Rome, whom Irenaeus frequently exhorted by letter not to excommunicate any members of the Church on account of a disagreement about Easter.
1 c. 120-140 to 202, bishop of Lyons 177. He was born in Asia Minor, near Smyrna, and removed to Rome about 155. He is said to have been martyred under Severus, but this is not regarded as certain. He was an ardent opponent of the Valentinian Gnostics, and earnestly endeavoured to prevent a quarrel between the Eastern and Western Churches on the question of the date of Easter. His great work only exists in a barbarous Latin version, though parts of the original can be re-constructed from quotations in later writers.
2 Simon the Magician, flourished about the year A.D. 37, when he gained great influence in Samaria by his witchcraft (see Acts viii. 9-24).
3 An Assyrian, student of Greek philosophy, who became converted to Christianity at Rome about 150 by reading the Bible. A Christian apologist, he later adopted Gnostic views. He retired to Mesopotamia and is supposed to have died at Edessa, c. 180. In addition to an Apology for Christianity, he was the author of a Diatessaron, a sort of harmony of the Gospels.
4 c. 103-164. Born in Palestine, Greek philosopher and convert to Christianity. He is said to have been scourged and beheaded for refusing to offer sacrifice to the pagan divinities.
5 Gnostic sect of the second century, followers of Carpocrates of Alexandria.
6 Martyr (c, 155) under Marcus Aurelius.
121. [Hippolytus, Against Heresies]
Read the tractate of Hippolytus,1 the pupil of Irenaeus, entitled Against the Thirty-two Heresies. It begins with the Dositheans,2 and goes down to the heresies of Noetus 3 and the Noetians, which he says were refuted by Irenaeus in his lectures, of which the present work is a synopsis. The style is clear, somewhat severe and free from redundancies, although it exhibits no tendency to atticism. Some of the statements are inaccurate, for instance, that the epistle to the Hebrews is not the work of the apostle Paul. Hippolytus is said to have addressed the people after the manner of Origen, with whom he was very intimate and whose writings he so much admired that he urged him to write a commentary on the Bible, for which purpose he supplied, at his own expense, seven shorthand writers and the same number of calligraphists. Having rendered this service, he persistently demanded the work, whence Origen, in one of his letters, calls him a "hustler." He is said to have written a large number of other works.
1 Flourished during the third century. He was a pupil of Irenaeus and an active opponent of the Gnostics. He was a presbyter of Rome, and became anti-bishop in opposition to Calixtus (Callistus), an adherent of Monarchianism (denial of the doctrine of the Trinity). The treatise Against Heresies was first discovered in a convent on Mount Athos in 1842.
2 A Jewish sect, so called from Dositheusof Samaria (first century A.D.), who killed himself by fasting. Me insisted on a rigorous observance of the Sabbath.
3 Died about A.D. 200, born at Smyrna or Ephesus. According to him "Christ was the Father, and the Father was born, suffered, and died."
122. [Epiphanius, Panarion]
Read the Panaria of the most holy bishop Epiphanius,1against eighty heresies, in three volumes containing seven books. It begins with barbarism and goes down to the Messalians.2 The author writes more fully and effectually against heretics than any of his predecessors, since he has not omitted any useful argument of theirs, and has added any others that he himself could find. His style is poor, like that of one who is unfamiliar with Attic elegance. He is chiefly weak in his conflicts with impious heresies; sometimes, however, he is excellent in attack, although the character of his language and composition is by no means improved at the same time.
1 c. 316-403, born near Eleutheropolis in Palestine, bishop of Constantia (Salamis) in Cyprus. He was a vigorous opponent of Origen and Chrysostom. Panaria is the Latin equivalent of the Greek Ἀρτοφόρια (breadbaskets).
2 See Cod. 52.
123. [Epiphanius, Ancyrotus]
Read the same author's Ancoratus,1 a sort of synopsis of the Panaria.
1 Rather Ancyrotus (Gk. Ἀγκύρωτος), "secured by an anchor," the anchor of faith amidst the storms of heresy.
124. [Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures]
Read the same author's treatise On Weights and Measures.
125. [Justin Martyr, Apology]
Read Justin Martyr's Apology for the Christians, written against both Jews and gentiles; also a treatise Against the First and Second Books of the Physics, or against form, matter, and privation, a collection of dialectical, vigorous, and useful arguments; also, Against the Fifth Essence and Eternal Motion, which Aristotle has created by the aid of his clever reasoning, and, finally, Summary Solutions of Doubts Unfavourable to Christianity.
He is thoroughly versed in our own and especially in heathen philosophy, overflowing with learning of all kinds and a wealth of historical knowledge; but he has not endeavoured to colour the natural beauty of his philosophy by rhetorical arts. Wherefore his diction, in other respects vigorous and preserving the scientific style, is not seasoned with rhetorical condiments, nor does it attract the crowd of hearers by seductive and alluring language. He wrote four discourses against the heathen----the first dedicated to Antoninus Pius, his sons, and the senate; the second to his successors. The third discusses the nature of demons, The fourth book, also written against the heathen, is called a Refutation. He also wrote On the Sole Government of God, Psaltes, some works Against Marcion which should be read, and a useful treatise entitled Against all Heresies.
He was the son of Priscus (grandson) of Bacchius, and was a native of Neapolis in the province of Palestine. He resided for some time at Rome, where his discourses, manner of life, and dress showed the true philosopher. As he was a fervent lover of piety, his life and religion incurred the hostility of a certain Crescens of the sect of the Cynics. Being falsely accused by him, he patiently endured his persecution in a manner worthy of his whole career. Making it an excuse for martyrdom, he nobly and joyfully died for Christ.
126. [Clement of Rome, Letters to the Corinthians - Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians]
Read the little book containing Clement's two Epistles to the Corinthians. The first accuses them of having disturbed the peace and harmony proper to civil life by sedition, disturbance, and schism, and exhorts them to desist from such evil ways. The style is simple and clear, in its absence of elaboration approaching that of ecclesiastical writers. The author, however, deserves censure for putting certain worlds beyond the ocean, for using the phoenix as an incontrovertible argument, for calling our Lord Jesus Christ chief priest and president, not even using the loftier terms that befit God, although he nowhere openly blasphemes Him. The second letter, containing advice and exhortation to a better life, at the beginning proclaims Christ as God, although certain foreign expressions, from which even the first letter is not altogether free, are introduced as if from Holy Writ. Certain passages are strangely interpreted. The sentiments are somewhat poor and at times inconsistent.
In the same little work also read Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians, full of good advice, combined with clearness and simplicity, after the ecclesiastical method of interpretation. The author also says that he sent the letters of the God-inspired Ignatius to them, asking to be informed if they had heard anything of him.
127. [Eusebius, Life of Constantine]
Read the Life of Constantine the Great Emperor by Eusebius Pamphili, a eulogy in four books. It contains the whole manner of life of the man, and describes all those acts of his that have to do with ecclesiastical history, from his earliest years till the day when he departed this life, at the age of sixty-four. Even here the author preserves his characteristic style, except that his language is obliged to be somewhat more brilliant, and words are inserted here and there that are more flowery than usual; he does not, however, exhibit much charm and grace in explanation, which is also a defect of his other works. A large number of passages from all the ten books of his Ecclesiastical History are scattered over this work in four books. He says that the great Constantine was also himself baptized in Nicomedia, having put off his baptism till that time since he desired to receive it in the waters of Jordan. He does not state definitely who baptized him. As to the Arian heresy, he does not make it clear whether he still adhered to that doctrine or whether he had changed, nor does he state whether Arius's views were right or wrong, although he ought to have mentioned this, seeing that a great part of the deeds of Constantine has to do with the synod, which again claims a detailed account of them. But he mentions that a "dispute" (as he calls the heresy, to conceal its real nature) arose between Arius and Alexander, and that the pious emperor was very grieved at the "dispute," and strove, by letters and through Hosius, bishop of Cordova, to induce the disputants to abandon mutual strife and such questions, and to restore friendship and harmony amongst them; that, being unable to persuade them, he called together a synod from all parts, and so put an end to the strife that had broken out, and made peace. His account, however, is neither accurate nor clear. Wherefore, as if ashamed and unwilling to make public the facts concerning Arius and the decree of the synod against him or the just punishment of his companions in impiety who were cast out with him, he says nothing about this. He does not even mention the just punishment of Arius 1 inflicted by heaven and seen by every eye. He brings none of these things to the light, and says little about the synod and its proceedings. For this reason, when about to speak of the divine Eustathius,2 he does not even mention his name, nor the audacious and successful intrigues against him. Attributing these also to sedition and tumult, he again refers to the calmness of the bishops who had assembled at Antioch as the result of the emperor's zeal and co-operation and changed sedition and tumult into peace. Similarly, where he speaks of the intrigues against the much-tried Athanasius, in his desire to include these things in his history, he says that Alexandria was again filled, with sedition and disturbance, which were calmed by the presence of the bishops, supported by the emperor. But he does not make it clear who started the sedition, nor its nature, nor how it was put down. He preserves almost the same method of concealment in his narrative of the quarrels of the bishops about dogma or their disagreements in other matters.
1 See p. 154.
2 See p. 153, note 6.
128. [Lucian, Dialogues]
Read Lucian's1 declamation On Phalaris and his various Dialogues of the Dead and Courtesans, and other works on different subjects, in nearly all of which he ridicules, the ideas of the heathen. Thus he attacks their silly errors in the invention of gods; their brutal and ungovernable passions and lack of restraint; the monstrous fancies and fictions of their poets; their consequent errors in statesmanship; the irregular course and changes and chances of their life; the boastful behaviour of the philosophers, full of nothing but pretence and idle opinions; in a word, his aim is, as we have said, to hold up the heathen to ridicule in prose. He seems to be one of those persons who regard nothing seriously; ridiculing and mocking at the opinions of others, he does not state what opinions he himself holds, unless we may say that his opinion is that one can know nothing for certain. His style is excellent, his diction clear, suitable and expressive; he shows a special liking for distinctness and purity united with brilliancy and appropriate dignity. His composition is so well fitted together that the reader does not seem to be reading prose, but an agreeable song, whose nature is not too obtrusive, seems to drop into the listener's ears. In a word, as already said, his style is charming, but not in keeping with the subjects which he himself has determined to ridicule. That he was one of those who held that nothing could be known for certain is shown by the following inscription in the work:
"I, Lucian, wrote this, I who am skilled in what is old and foolish;
For what men think wise is foolish.
So then nothing that the mind of man can conceive is certain;
What you admire, seems ridiculous to others."
1 The well-known sophist and humorous writer (c. A.D. 125----180). He was a native of Samosata in Syria, and, after a wandering life, settled down in Athens, whence he removed to Egypt, where he died. His True History was the original of works like the Gulliver's Travels of Swift, with whom and with Voltaire he has much in common.
129. [Lucius of Patrae, Metamorphoses]
Read the various stories of Metamorphoses1 by Lucius of Patrae. The style is clear, pure, and agreeable; avoiding innovations in language, the author carries to excess his tales of marvels, so that he may be called a second Lucian. The first two books are almost translations from Lucian's Lucius or The Ass, unless Lucian borrowed from Lucius, which, if I may hazard the conjecture, is the case, although I have not been able to find out for certain which wrote first. For it seems that Lucian, having cut down the more copious work of Lucius and removed all that seemed unsuitable for his purpose, combined what was left into a single composition, in which the words and arrangement of the original were preserved, and gave the title of Lucius or The Ass to what he had borrowed. Both works are full of mythical fictions and disgraceful indecency. The only difference is that Lucian, as in all his other writings, ridicules and scoffs at heathenish superstitions, whereas Lucius, taking quite seriously and believing the transformations of men into other men and brutes, and of brutes into men, and all the idle talk and nonsense of ancient fables, set them down in writing and worked them up into a story.
1 Both the Λούκιος η ̓Ονος (Lucius or the Ass) of Lucian and the Metamorphoses of Apuleius go back to one Greek original, here called Lucius of Patrae in Achaea (mod. Patras).
130. [Damascius]
Read a work by Damascius1 in four books, the first of which, in 352 chapters, is entitled, On Incredible Events; the second, in 52 chapters, On Incredible Stories of Demons; the third, in 63 chapters, On Incredible Stories of Souls that have appeared after Death; the fourth, in 105 chapters, On Incredible Natures. They all contain impossible, incredible, and clumsily invented tales of wonderful things, foolish and worthy of the impious and godless Damascius, who, while the light of the true religion spread over the world, remained steeped in the thick darkness of idolatry. The style is concise, clear, and agreeable, which is not usually the case in such stories.
1 Neo-Platonist philosopher of Damascus, flourished in the fifth-sixth century A.D. He taught philosophy and rhetoric in Alexandria and Athens. His treatise Doubts and Solutions in regard to First Principles is extant.
131. [Amyntianus, On Alexander]
Read a work On Alexander by Amyntianus, dedicated to the emperor Marcus.1 The author claims to describe the deeds of Alexander in a befitting manner, but the course of his narrative proves him to be too ready and audacious in his promises, but backward and timid in performance. For he is far inferior to those who have previously written of Alexander, and his style, although clear, is characterized by lack of vigour and energy, and much that is of the greatest importance is omitted.
Amongst other works Amyntianus also wrote parallel lives of Dionysius and Domitian, and of Philip of Macedon and Augustus, both in two books. A life of Olympias, the mother of Alexander, is also attributed to him.
1 Marcus Aurelius.
132. [Palladius the Sophist, Declamations] 133. [Aphthonius, Declamations] 134. [Eusebius the Sophist, Declamations] 135. [Maximus of Alexandria, Declamations]
Read various Declamations by Palladius1 the sophist, Aphthonius,2 Eusebius 3 the sophist, and Maximus the sophist of Alexandria. Palladius is far superior to the others in excellence of style.
1 Of Methone, lived in the time of Constantine.
2 Of Antioch (fourth century A.D.). Pupil of Libanius and author of an extant Progynirasmata (literary exercises).
3 There were two sophists of this name, one of Antioch, the other of Alexandria. Nothing more is known of them, nor of Maximus.
136. [Cyril of Alexandria, Thesauri]
Read the Thesauri of Cyril.1 The work is dialectical, and attacks the madness of Arius and Eunomius with vigorous and manifold arguments. By logical methods he skilfully refutes their folly and by combining and introducing evidence from Holy Writ he completely exposes the unsoundness of their doctrine. He quotes the simple evidence from Scripture, thus everywhere closing their insolent mouths so that they are unable to answer. This work is the clearest of all Cyril's works, especially to those who are able to grasp the significance of his logical methods.
1 Of Alexandria (see Cod. 49). The work deals with "the holy and consubstantial Trinity."
137. [Eunomius,...]
Read a little work by Eunomius,1 entitled..., which is a clear proof of his impiety. It was much admired by his adherents, and the greatest efforts were made to keep it secret and prevent its becoming known to others; but the great Basil managed to secure it, and by his brilliancy and vigour and the force and excellence of his arguments overthrew and refuted it. It was as if he had taken a Babylonian child and dashed it against the granite rock of truth, showing that what was once so much admired was a mere carcase and only deserving of ridicule.
1 Of Cappadocia, head of an extreme Arian sect. He was bishop of Cyzicus, but was deposed and exiled, and died at the end of the fourth century. He asserted that the Son of God was God only in name, and that He was united to humanity not in substance, but only by His virtue and operations.
138. [Eunomius, Against Basil and Letters]
Read a work by the same impious man in three books, which is, as it were, a confutation of the absurdities shown by St. Basil to be contained in his blasphemous writings. It is said that while he was in labour with this work he spent several Olympiads1 shut up in his chamber, and only after an interval of several years brought forth the abortion and evil monstrosity with which he had become pregnant by secret intercourse. Not without difficulty he reared and exhibited the wretched offspring to his fellow-initiates, being especially afraid lest it might somehow fall into the hands of Basil and be torn in pieces before it obtained consistency, and might prematurely wither away and perish before it came to maturity. Wherefore, carefully and, like another Kronos2 in the fable who swallowed his offspring, he hid and concealed it as long as Basil's mortal life lasted and inspired him with-dread. But after that saint had left his temporary habitation and had ascended to his own inheritance in heaven, being relieved of this great apprehension, although late in the day, Eunomius ventured to bring out the work, not for the eyes of the general public, but for his own friends. Theodore, Gregory of Nyssa, and Sophronius (whom I have already mentioned) came across the work, lashed it unmercifully like his earlier one and flung it back in the face of its parent, a corpse and smelling of all uncleanness. Thus he paid the penalty of impiety. The style is marked by such absence of grace and charm that the author does not seem to have any idea of the existence of such things. He displays prodigious ostentation and produces discordant sounds by the heaping up of consonants, and by the use of words, difficult to pronounce and containing several consonants, in a poetical, or, to speak more accurately, dithyrambic style. The composition is forced, compressed, and harsh, so that the reader of his works is obliged to beat the air vehemently with his lips, if he wishes to utter clearly words which the author, by excessive roughening, compressing and condensing, interpolating and mutilating, has with difficulty composed. His periods are sometimes spun out to an inordinate length, and the entire work is pervaded by obscurity and want of clearness, his object being to persuade the majority by the force of his eloquence that he goes beyond their capacity, and also to cover up the weakness of his thoughts (which is by no means inconsiderable) by this very obscurity and unintelligibility, and to conceal the poverty of his ideas. He seems to have great faith in logical arguments, attacking others on this count and showing great eagerness to employ them himself, although, since he took up the study late and did not acquire a thorough knowledge of the subject, he can often be convicted of errors in reasoning.
Also read his Letters to different people, 40 in number. While in these he affects the same subtlety of form, since he is ignorant of the laws of the epistolary style and has had no practice in them, he has been publicly branded and exposed.
1 Periods of four years.
2 Saturn. He had heard that he would be killed by one of his sons, and accordingly devoured his children as soon as they were born. Zeus, Poseidon and Pluto were saved, their mother Rhea having substituted stones for them, which Saturn swallowed with equal avidity.
139. [Athanasius, Commentary on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs]
Read the Commentary on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs by the great Athanasius. The style is clear, like that of all his writings. But neither this nor any other of his works with which I am acquainted approaches the grace and beauty of the letters containing an apology for his flight and an account of his exile.
140. [Athanasius, Against Arius and his doctrines]
Read the same holy man's Against Arius and his Doctrines, in five books. The style, as in all his works, is clear, free from redundancies and simple, but vehement and deep, and the arguments, of which he has an abundant store, are extremely forceful. He uses logical arguments, not with the very words taken straight from them, after the fashion of children and those whose knowledge of a subject is recent, who are always eager to make a childish display, but in the imposing and dignified manner of a philosopher, using simple ideas and these well set forth. He also strongly fortifies himself with evidence and proofs from Holy Writ. In a word, this work alone is a complete refutation of Arianism. If any one were to say that Gregory the theologian and the holy Basil drew from it as from a fountain the limpid and beautiful stream of their own works written against the same heresy, he would not be far wrong.
141. [Basil, The Six Days' Work]
Read the work of St. Basil on The Six Days' Work. He is admirable in all his writings. More than any one else he knows how to use a style that is pure, distinct, suitable, and, in general, political and panegyrical; in arrangement and purity of sentiment he is second to none. He is fond of persuasiveness and sweetness and brilliancy, his words flow on like a stream gushing forth spontaneously from a spring. He employs probability to such an extent, that if any one were to take his discourses as a model of political language, and practise himself in them, provided he had some acquaintance with the rules connected with it, I do not think he would need to consult any other author, not even Plato nor Demosthenes, whom the ancients recommend those to study who desire to become masters of the political and panegyrical style.
142. [Basil, Moral Discourses]
Read also his Moral Discourses, especially distinguished by the excellence of the language mentioned above.
143. [Basil, Letters]
Read also his Letters, the canonical and those written to various people. They clearly show the admirable nature of the man's character, and any one might take them as a model of letter-writing, if he has no other.
144. [Basil, Ascetica]
Read also his Ascetica or Regulations for a Monastic Life. He who follows these rules will inherit a heavenly kingdom. In this work, contrary to his usual custom, he makes much use of headings in many chapters.
145. [Helladius, Lexicon]
Read the Lexicon of Helladius,1 arranged in alphabetical order. It is the most comprehensive of the lexicons that I know, the collection consisting not only of words, but also of some most agreeable short clauses, which frequently become perfect members.2 The words are for the most part taken from prose writers, not from the poets, like the compilation of Diogenianus;3 the alphabetical order is not preserved in all the syllables, but only in the first. The collection is very large, so that the whole could not be comprised in five fair-sized volumes. Our copy is in seven. It is a useful work for those who are engaged in literary work and are desirous of acquiring a variety of knowledge. For it contains quotations from the orators and from famous poets.
1 Of Alexandria, flourished under Theodosius II (408-450).
2 See p. 224, note 4.
3 Grammarian of the time of Hadrian.
146. [--, Lexicon of the 'pure style']
Read a Lexicon of the pure style in alphabetical order. The work is large and copious, and more like a number of books. It is extremely useful to those who study the subject.
147. [--, Lexicon of the 'serious style']
Read a Lexicon of the serious style. It is of great length, and this labour of love would be more convenient for readers if it were in two or three volumes. It is arranged in alphabetical-order, and is useful for those who desire to raise their style of writing to the sublime and dignified.
148. [--, Lexicon of the 'political style']
Read a special Lexicon of political style, in three large volumes. This very copious work will materially assist a man to success, and affords a ready supply of counterarguments. For the reader will not have to learn, but merely to note in it the words he requires, if he is not altogether without knowledge of the ancient writers. This work also is in alphabetical order.
149. [Valerius Pollio, Lexicon]
Read the Lexicon of Pollio1 in alphabetical order. It contains many poetical words, but not so many as that of Diogenianus, whose work is twice as large.
1 Valerius Pollio of Alexandria.
150. [Julian, Lexicon -- Philostratus, Lexicon -- Valerius Diodorus, Lexicon]
Read the Lexicon of Julian,1 containing the words used by the ten orators, arranged in alphabetical order. This book also is of very great size, and contains an explanation of all legal terms used by the Athenians, words used by the orators in reference to private matters or adopted by them after the fashion of the country. It is clear that the work will be of very great service in reading speeches together.
I also came across a work of Philostratus 2 of Tyre on the same subject, no mean performance, although Julian's Lexicon is better. A similar work of Diodorus 3 is in no way inferior to that of Julian, except that the latter makes more use of quotations. I cannot say which of them was the earlier or which borrowed from the other, for it is evident that they are not independent compilations.
1 Nothing is known of him.
2 Not to be confused with the author of the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Cod. 44).
3 Valerius Diodorus, son of Pollio (Cod. 149).
151. [Timaeus, Lexicon to Plato]
Read the Lexicon to Plato by Timaeus,1 dedicated to Gentianus, a little work in one book, arranged in alphabetical order.
1 About the beginning of the fourth century A.D. The lexicon is extant.
152. [Aelius Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Lexicon of Attic Words]
The same volume contains the five books of the first edition of the Lexicon of Attic Words by Aelius Dionysius of Halicarnassus,1 in which the words are arranged alphabetically from the first to the last letter. It is dedicated to a certain Scymnus and will be, very useful to those who wish to write correct Attic as well as to those who intend to study the works of Attic writers. It contains all the words in use by the Athenians, at festivals and in the law courts, and it is easy to find special and idiomatic expressions, especially if one consults not only the first, but also the second edition (also in five books), containing words not included in the first, or, if included, not supported by sufficient examples, whereas the second edition is fuller and the quotations are more numerous. If any one were to combine the two editions, which would not entail much labour, the usefulness of the work would be greatly increased.
1 Not the author of the Roman Antiquities (Cod. LXXXIII).
153. [Pausanias, Lexicon]
Read in the same volume the Lexicon of Pausanias 1 in alphabetical order, quite as useful as the preceding, if not more so, for the study of Attic authors. For although the illustrative quotations are not so numerous, it contains more words under some of the letters, so that by itself it is as large as the two editions of Aelius Dionysius of Halicarnassus, although, as we have said, it contains fewer examples. If any one were to combine the two editions of Dionysius and the work of Pausanias, which could be easily done, the result would be an admirable work and one most useful in reading Attic literature.
1 Flourished in the time of Hadrian.
154. [Boethus, List of Platonic Words]
Read in the same volume the List of Platonic Words by Boethus1 in alphabetical order. It is dedicated to a certain Melant(h)as, and is far more useful than the collection of Timaeus.
1 His identity is uncertain.
155. [Boethus, On the Words of Doubtful Meaning in Plato]
Boethus was also the author of another little work addressed to Athenagoras, entitled On the Words of Doubtful Meaning in Plato. If any one were to combine the words in these two little works with those included in the work, of Timaeus, he would confer a great benefit on all who are desirous of studying Plato.
156. [Dorotheus, Of New and Foreign Words in Plato]
Read in the same volume a list Of New and Foreign Words in Plato by Dorotheus,1 arranged in alphabetical order. It will clearly be useful to the student.
1 Possibly Dorotheus of Ascalon, a Greek grammarian often referred to by Athenaeus.
157. [Moeris, Attic Words]
Read also the Atticist of Moeris.1This little work also is in alphabetical order.
1 Second century A.D. His lexicon, called Λέχεις ̕Αττικαὶ (Attic words), is extant.
158. [Phrynichus the Arabian, Rhetorical Equipment ]
Read the Rhetorical Equipment of Phrynichus the Arabian 1in thirty-six books. It contains a collection of words and clauses, some of which, gracefully expressed and arranged in a novel manner, are enlarged into complete members.2 Many of these are to be found in the collection of Helladius, but there they are dispersed throughout the bulky work, whereas here they are all collected together, the aim of Phrynichus being to make a list of special words, while Helladius, being simply a lexicographer, added them to the common stock and included them amongst the rest.
The writer flourished during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus, to whom the work is dedicated and inscribed, "Phrynichus to Commodus Caesar, greeting." In the preface he exhorts Commodus to the pursuit of learning, at the same time praising his own work, of which he says that he had already composed thirty-seven books and dedicated them to the emperor, and promising to write as many more if his life should be spared. As we have said, we have only read thirty-six books, containing words beginning with the first down to the last letter of the alphabet.
In spite of his assertion that he dedicated the work to the emperor, he appears to have inscribed the separate books to different persons. Thus, the first, second, and third books are addressed to a certain Aristocles,3 in the hope that it may serve as an amusement and source of recreation for him on his birthday; the fourth to a certain Julian, a fellow-citizen and friend. The author adds that he had at first intended to dedicate the whole to Aristocles, but after by the royal decree he became a member of the great council at Rome, he decided to adopt Julian instead as his friend and associate in his labours and to make use of his services as the judge and critic of his writings. In spite of this promise, he dedicates the fifth book to a learned friend of his, named Menodorus, who had previously censured him for not having adequately investigated the inflexion of words. The author says that the present book was written at the request of Menodorus, and excuses the delay in completing it on the ground that he is suffering from strangury, a common complaint of old age, long and serious mental affliction, haemorrhage of the stomach, and several other ailments. If, however, he should regain his health, he promises to complete the present commission, and any other work his friend may suggest that bears upon learning and good taste, and has not yet been attempted. Nevertheless, the sixth book again is dedicated to a different person----Tiberinus; the seventh to another Menophilus, who he says is a consummate scholar and has supplied whole passages in illustration of the matter of the sixth book, and exhorts him to collect as many of these words as possible in his writings. The eighth book is again dedicated to Julian, whom the author asks to be good enough to correct any of his statements which are unsatisfactory, for which illness must be his excuse. Inscribing the ninth to Rufinus, he says that Aristocles first prompted him to begin the book, but that he (Rufinus) will be responsible for its completion, because, having seen the rest of it, he recognized its usefulness and approved of his labours. Turning back again he dedicates the tenth book to Aristocles, the next to Menodorus, in which he states that he had just come across the orations of Aristides,4 who flourished at the time, and speaks very highly of him. He also says that Marcianus the critic, neglecting Plato and Demosthenes, expresses his preference for the letters of the Roman Brutus 5 to all others and declares him to be the model of stylistic excellence. The author says that he quotes this remark not because he approves of this judgment, but to prevent any one being surprised if some people think this man's repute inferior to that of Aristides, despite his splendid oratory; for Aristides also, like other men distinguished for learning, has been assailed by some who were jealous of his achievements. The eleventh book is also dedicated to Menodorus; of the rest----that we may not incur the charge of garrulity----one to Rheginus, another to Aristocles, another to Basilides of Miletus, the sophist, in which he says that, as soon as he found respite from disease, he wrote this book for him, and begs him to correct the mistakes that may be due to illness. All the other books, down to the end, which we have read, are dedicated to Menophilus.
The work will no doubt be useful to aspiring authors and orators. The compiler says that he has divided the words collected by him into such as are adapted for oratory, written composition, and conversation, for a derisive, contemptuous, or amatory style. The best models, norms, and standards of undiluted and pure Attic speech are considered by the author to be Plato, Demosthenes and the other nine Attic orators, Thucydides, Xenophon, Aeschines 6 the son of Lysanias the Socratic, Critias 7 the son of Callaeschrus, and Antisthenes 8 with his two orations in praise of Cyrus and Odysseus; of writers of comedy, Aristophanes and his band, where they use Attic; of tragedians, Aeschylus the mighty-voiced, Sophocles the sweet, and the all-wise Euripides. While preferring these to all other authors, orators, and poets, he again puts first those whom (as he says) Momus9 himself would not blame and, even if the fabled Corycian god 10 made grimaces at them, would not rejoice; these are Plato, Demosthenes, and Aeschines the son of Lysanias because of the excellence of his seven dialogues, which some consider not to have been written by him, but ascribe them to Socrates. So much for these matters.
The writer displays great learning, but is verbose and excessively prolix. For the work, without omitting anything of importance, could have been reduced to a fifth of its size, whereas the author, by an ill-timed use of words, has spun it out to an unmanageable length, and while collecting material for elegance and beauty of style, fails to translate his own precepts into example.
1 Of Bithynia, flourished under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. He was a great stickler for purity of style. Only extracts and the present summary of the Equipment have been preserved, but a shorter work called the Atticist, in which rules are given for the use or avoidance of various expressions, is extant.
2 "Members" (κῶλα, membra), as distinct from "clauses" (κόμματα, incisa). The original distinction is one of length, 4 to 6 syllables being a "clause," 7 to 10 a "member" (cp. the use of our own comma and colon). According to Quintilian, incisum is a complete sense in which the numbers or rhythm are not yet complete, membrum is a complete sense and a complete rhythm, but while perfect as a limb, in relation to its body (the given whole of which it forms part) it is incomplete and has no meaning (see Sandys on Cicero, Orator, 212).
3 Of Pergamum, Greek philosopher and sophist, consul under Marcus Aurelius, author of declamations and technical writings on rhetoric.
4 Publius Aelius Aristides (c. 129-189) famous rhetorician, born at Hadrianutherai in Mysia, friend of Marcus Aurelins. He was a priest of Asclepius (Aesculapius) at Smyrna. More than fifty of his orations and declamations are extant.
5 Marcus Junius Brutus (85-42 B.C.), the conspirator.
6 Lived in Syracuse, at the court of Dionysius the Younger(356 B.C.), and afterwards wrote speeches for the law-courts at Athens. He is, of course, not identical with the rival of Demosthenes (see p. 62, note 1).
7 One of the most hated of the Thirty Oligarchs or Tyrants at Athens (404 B.C.). He was a pupil of Socrates, and a poet and orator of no mean order.
8 c. 440-370 B.C., founder of the Cynic school. He was first a pupil of the famous sophist Gorgias of Leontini, then of Socrates.
9 The personification of blame or censure.
10 According to Suidas, the inhabitants of Corycus (a promontory in Pamphylia), to avoid being plundered by pirates, used to go and listen in other harbours to find out where certain vessels were bound, and then informed the pirates. He adds that the comic poets introduced a Corycian god, one who was always listening. Ephorus gives a somewhat different story. The text is unsatisfactory here and the meaning is not very clear. J. H. Leich's suggestion, Χωρίσειεν (segregaret), in his essay on the Bibliotheca (1748), does not mend matters.
159. [Isocrates, Orations, Letters]
Read the twenty-one Orations and nine Letters of Isocrates.1 His "deliberative"2 speeches are those To Demonicus and To Nicodes, containing useful advice; a second to Nicocles, and one On the Peace. The object of the Panegyricus is the consideration of the means of ensuring harmony amongst the Greeks themselves, and of the best methods for carrying on war against the barbarians, but by far the greater part is devoted to a glorification of the Athenians. The Areopagiticus is also one of the "deliberative" speeches, inciting the Athenians to virtue by the praise of their ancestors,.and by censuring their descendants. The Plataicus and the Archidamus are also "deliberative"; in the latter he urges the Spartans to make war against the Thebans on the question of the Messenians. In the oration Against the Sophists he attacks his political opponents. The next speech is an Encomium of Busiris,3 as the title indicates. The eleventh is an Encomium of Helen. The twelfth, Evagoras,4 is a eulogy of that king, dedicated to his son Nicocles. The Philippus is a "deliberative" speech, recommending Philip to endeavour to promote harmony amongst the Greeks and devote his attention to a united advance against the barbarians in Asia. The Panathenaicus is a eulogy of Athens and the ancestors of the Athenians, which he says he began to write when he was ninety-four years of age, but was prevented by a three-years' severe attack of illness from completing it until he was ninety-seven. The speech called Antidosis (exchange of properties) appears to belong to the class of "forensic" speeches and contains a defence against the slanders of one Lysimachus against him. This speech, the longest of those of this class, was composed when he was eighty-two years of age, and the matter is more mixed and varied than that of the rest; he inserts extracts from his other speeches, in order to show that he is not corrupting the young men, but promoting the common welfare. The speech Against Callimachus, as also the Aegineticus (dealing with a claim to inheritance), the speech Against Euthynus on behalf of Nicias, the Trapeziticus (an action against a banker), and Against Lochites (a claim for damages for outrage and assault) are also "forensic." These are the twenty-one orations of Isocrates that we have read. Of his nine Letters, one is addressed to Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, another to Archi-damus, two to Philip, one to Alexander, one to Antipater, one to Timotheus, and the ninth to the Archons of Mytilene.5
This writer preferred to give instruction in rhetoric rather than take part in the management of public affairs, like the other nine orators, of whom Demosthenes was one; although even before their time he had a great reputation as a rhetorician, and, later, was in no way considered their inferior. His chief characteristics, as at once becomes obvious to the reader, are purity and distinctness, and excessive care in the workmanship of his speeches, which frequently degenerates into superfluous orderliness and over-elaboration. His infinite capacity for taking pains generates want of taste rather than of resourcefulness in argument He lacks impressiveness,6 sincerity, and liveliness,7 but in his political orations he makes admirable use of dignity and perspicuity in equal proportions. His style is feeble, and the use of evenly-balanced clauses ad nauseam, as much as anything else, shows his excessive attention to petty detail. But we acknowledge the general excellence of his language, and only make these criticisms to point out where it has gone astray and does not do justice to itself. For, in comparison with some of those who undertake to compose speeches, even his faults appear, virtues.
1 436-338 B.C. One of the "ten" Attic orators. The political object of his speeches was to unite the Greek world against its hereditary enemy, Persia. His twenty-one extant speeches are distinguished by high artistic finish, and are most carefully elaborated. The news of the battle of Chaeronea (338), in which the Athenians were utterly defeated by Philip of Macedon, is said to have killed the aged orator----"killed with report that old man eloquent" (Milton). He was too timid to speak in public himself, and opened a school of rhetoric, which was largely attended.
2 Speeches were divided into deliberative, forensic, and epideictic (show speeches).
3 Egyptian prince who put to death strangers arriving in his country. He was slain by Hercules.
4 King of Salamis in Cyprus (see p. 109).5 The letter to the children of Jason of Pherae completes the nine. Opinions are divided as to the genuineness of the letters.
6 Or, "delineation of character" (Van Hook).
7 " Fiery earnestness " (Jebb).
160. [Choricius, Declamations]
Read the Declamations and Orations of different kinds by the sophist Choricius of Gaza.1 He is a lover of clearness and purity of style, and if he expatiates for any useful purpose, the clearness of his thoughts is in no way impaired, since the expansion is not ill-timed and never reaches the length of a complete period. In his writings, character and sincerity are combined, while at the same time he does not neglect the inculcation of moral lessons. As a rule he uses carefully selected words, although not always in their proper sense; for sometimes, owing to his unrestricted use of figurative language, he falls into frigidity, and sometimes is carried away into the poetical style. But he is at his best in descriptions and eulogies. He is an upholder of the true religion and respects the rites and holy places of the Christians, although for some reason or other, contemptuously and without any excuse, he unjustifiably introduces Greek myths and heathen stories in his writings, sometimes even when discussing sacred things. Many writings by him of various kinds are in circulation; one meets with fictitious, laudatory, and controversial speeches, monodies, nuptial songs, and many others. He flourished in the time of the emperor Justinian, and was a pupil of the rhetorician Procopius,2 not him of Caesarea, a most distinguished man, who at that time, by the composition of his useful and valuable historical works, left behind an undying renown amongst all lovers of learning. In his own country he was connected with the other Procopius as his teacher in rhetoric, who, when he reached old age, had the pleasure of seeing his pupil take his place at the head of his school. Many of his orations of all kinds are in circulation, all deserving of careful study and imitation. Indeed, the whole book called Translations of Homeric Verses, in which the form is completely changed in various styles, is sufficient to show his vigorous rhetorical powers, which, as far as a pupil can, Choricius has imitated. Both were Christians, and in their orations they frequently, and not perfunctorily, discuss the making of sacred images. The death of his master supplied Choricius with the subject of a funeral oration.
1 Flourished at the beginning of the sixth century A.D., pupil of Procopius of Gaza. He was nominally a Christian, but his point of view and manner of expression are pagan. Several of his panegyrics, funeral orations, wedding speeches, and school declamations are extant.
2 Procopius of Gaza (465-528).
161. [Sopater, Various Extracts]
Read the Various Extracts of the sophist Sopater,1 in twelve books, compiled from the works of different historians and writers. The first book gives an account of the fables of the gods from the third book of Apollodorus,2 an Athenian who taught grammar, On the Gods. The selections are not from the third book alone, but also from the fourth, fifth, ninth, first, twelfth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, down to the twenty-fourth. The collection includes the mythical tales and fictions concerning the gods and whatever else is of any historical value, such as the stories of the heroes, the Dioscuri,3 and those in Hades, and the like. The compiler has also drawn upon the second book of Juba4 On Painting, and upon the Deipnosophists of Athenaeus5 of Naucratis. Such are the sources and contents of the first book.
The second book is from the first book and onwards down to. the tenth book of the Epitomes of Pamphila,6 the daughter of Soteridas, and from Artemon 7 of Magnesia's On Remarkable Deeds of Women, the Apophthegms of Diogenes8 the Cynic, the eighth book of Sappho,9 and various other writers. Such is the second book of the extracts.
The third book is from the Various History of Favorinus,10from books N, C, and the rest in order, with the exception of T, up to W. These contain various histories, the reasons and origins and meanings of words and names, and the like. This ends the third book.
The fourth book is compiled from an anonymous work entitled a Collection of Wonderful Things, from the sixteenth book of the Miscellaneous Notes of Aristoxenus,11 and from the eighth book of the Dramatic History of Rufus.12 Here are to be found many improbable and incredible things, various tragic and comic incidents, dialogues and speeches, manners and customs, and the like, with which the fourth book ends.
The fifth book consists of extracts from the first, second, and third books of Rufus's Musical History. It contains an account of different comedians and tragedians, of writers of dithyrambs, players on the flute and cithara, of nuptial songs and song accompanied by dance, of dancers and others who took part in theatrical contests, the origin and family antecedents of those among them who became famous, whether men or women; which of them were known as the originators of what practices, which of them were the friends and intimates of emperors and kings; what the contests were and whence derived, in which each exhibited his art. The general festivals celebrated by the whole Athenian people are also described. All these things, and the like, the reader will find in the fifth book.
The sixth book is from the fourth and fifth books of the Musical History by the same Rufus. It gives an account of flute-players, of the songs sung to the flute by men and women, of the poets Homer, Hesiod, and Antimachus,13and most of the other poets belonging to their school, and tells us something about female soothsayers, who the so-called Sibyls were and whence they came, all borrowed from Rufus. The second book of tiie Halieutica of Damostratus,14 and the first, fifth, ninth, and tenth books of the Lives of the Philosophers by Diogenes Laertius 15 are also drawn upon. We have an account of the philosophers and of the origin of the divine study---- philosophy; how it flourished, who were the heads and champions of the different schools, who were their followers or rivals, the character exhibited by each, their birth and origin, their manner of life from the beginning, and the time in which they flourished. The book also contains information about rhetoric and rhetoricians, extracts from Aelius Dionysius's work On Alexandria, and from the Aegyptiaca of Hellanicus,16and concludes with various mythical and fictitious stories and other things.
The seventh book is a kind of anthology from the History of Herodotus.
The eighth book consists of extracts from an old and anonymous work. It gives a list of women who rose to fame and made a brilliant name, of the deeds of certain men and their meetings for the study of rhetoric, of the excellence of friendship, and the maxims of worthy men. There are also selections from Plutarch's essays on How a Young Man should Listen to the Poets and on Nature and Labours, showing how many, often with great difficulty, have reformed a vicious nature, while others through carelessness have allowed a good one to become corrupted; how some who in their younger days were looked upon as slow and unintelligent, when they grew up were distinguished by brilliant qualities, quick-witted-ness, and intellectual gifts. Also from the treatises On Shamefacedness, On Garrulity, On Anger, On How One should Obtain Benefit from One's Enemies, On Cheerfulness, On Political Precepts, On Wealth, How One can be Conscious of Progress in Virtue, On Rules of Health, On Marriage Precepts. Amongst these extracts is to be found much that is worthy of being remembered, both words and deeds, which will be found serviceable in many respects. Such is the contents of the eighth book.
The ninth book consists of extracts from Plutarch's The Slow Vengeance of the Gods, the Lives of Demetrius and Of Brutus the Roman, the book entitled Apophthegms of Famous Men, the little treatise On Rivers, and How to Distinguish the Flatterer from the Friend, the Lives of Crates, Daiphantus, and Pindar, and the work entitled Apophthegms of Kings and Generals, and the first to the eighth of the Convivial Discourses. Such is the matter supplied by Plutarch. The author has also borrowed from the first, second, third, and fourth books of Rufus's Roman History, in which will be found much that deserves mention although mixed up with fables and long-winded nonsense. Such is the contents of the ninth book.
The tenth book is compiled from the Erato of Cephalion,17and describes the life and deeds of Alexander the Great; from the treatise of Apollonius the Stoic 18; concerning women who have been philosophers or have achieved fame by anything else, or by whose mediation families were reconciled; from the History of Macedon by Theagenes;19 from Plutarch's Lives of Nicias, Alcibiades, Themistocles, Theseus, Lycurgus, Solon, and Alexander the son of Philip, Cimon, [Lysander, Demosthenes], Pericles, Pelopidas, Phocion, and Aristides, containing much that is worthy of being narrated and recorded. Such is the contents of the tenth book.
The eleventh book is in like manner compiled from Plutarch's Lives of Epaminondas, Dion, Agesilaus, Agis, Cleomehes, Eumenes of Cardia, Philopoemen,20 Aratus, who when general of the Achaean league commanded the forces seventeen times and greatly distinguished himself in the field, and Pyrrhus, king of Epirus; from the first and second books of Aristophanes 21the grammarian's work On Animals, and the seventeenth book of king Juba's Theatrical History. Such is the contents of the eleventh book.
The twelfth book is taken from various sources: Callixenus's 22Catalogue of Painters and Sculptors, Aristonicus's23 On the Museum at Alexandria, the Constitutions of Aristotle, dealing with those of the Thessalians, Achaeans, Parians, Lycians, Chians, and of all the peoples whom he has mentioned in his political writings, the usefulness of which is evident. Such is the contents of the twelfth book.
The work is very useful to the reader. For although it is not free from fabulous, monstrous, false and improbable statements, as I have already mentioned more than once, yet from those which are as it were contributions from the storehouse of learning, one may gather much that promotes virtue and honesty. For the student of rhetoric and sophistic, as he himself says to his friends in the introduction, they are of considerable importance and will be very serviceable. The diction is varied, not confined to one style, although clearness is the distinguishing feature of the entire work.
1 Perhaps Sopater of Apamea, who was at first intimate with Constantine the Great, but was put to death by him on account of his pagan propaganda.
2 Flourished about 140 B.C.
3 Castor and Pollux.
4 King of Mauretania, born c. 50 B.C., died c. A.D. 20. He was a most prolific writer on all kinds of subjects.
5 Of Naucratis, in Egypt; flourished at Rome during the reign of Commodus and his successors. His Doctors at Dinner (Sandys) is a kind of encyclopaedia, in which are preserved numerous quotations from some 700 ancient authors, especially of the Middle and New Comedy.
6 Learned female grammarian of the time of Nero; author of a work bearing upon the history of literature (see Cod. 175).
7 Nothing further is known of him.
8 403-323 B.C.
9 Of Eresus or Mytilene in Lesbos. Two complete poems and numerous fragments remain, increased by the papyrus-finds in Egypt.
10 Of Arelate (Arles); sceptic; author of. numerous popular philosophical worlds, epideictic declamations, and speeches. He chiefly resided in Rome, and was patronised by Hadrian.
11 Of Tarentum; flourished 318 B.C. He was a great authority on music and rhythm (he was called ὁ μουσικός), and wrote on almost every subject.
12 It is uncertain whether he is identical with the author of the Musical and Roman Histories mentioned below, or whether the author of the last is an orator of whose rhetorical work a fragment has been preserved.
13 Of Colophon or Claros, contemporary of Plato. His elegy Lyde, on the death of his mistress, was famous. He also wrote a long-winded epic, Thebais, and was the author of an edition of Homer.
14 Roman senator; lived a little earlier than Aelian (c. A.D. 170-230). Besides the Halieutica (On Fishing), he wrote on aquatic divination, and marvellous things.
15 His date is unknown, possibly the second half of the third century A.D. The Lives is an undigested and uncritical compilation from different works.
16 Of Mytilene (died c. 405 B.C.). He wrote several genealogical works, and the history of various countries and peoples, amongst them an Atthis (history of Attica), and Troica (History of Troy).
17 See Cod. 68.
18 First century B.C.
19 His date is uncertain. The work was much used by Stephanus of Byzantium, the geographer.
20 Add Timoleon.
21 Of Byzantium (c. 257-180 B.C.), successor of Eratosthenes as librarian of Alexandiia. He is famous for his editions of Homer and other poets, in which he introduced accents and other marks to be used in the criticism of the text.
22 Of Rhodes, end of third century B.C. Wrote on art and a descriptive account of Alexandria.
23 Of Alexandria, contemporary of Strabo (who died c. A.D. 24). He wrote on the critical marks used in the Iliad and Odyssey, and commentaries on Homer and Pindar.
162. [Eusebius of Thessalonica, Against the Aphthartodocetae]
Read a work by a certain Eusebius,1 a bishop of the orthodox faith, in ten books, written against a monk named Andrew, and called forth by his behaviour. He wrote a letter to Eusebius, which he calls a pastoral letter, imploring him to read it. Eusebius, having done so, first reprimands Andrew for his ignorance and temerity, showing that he had made many mistakes in spelling and could not write a line without making a blunder, but that notwithstanding he had had the audacity to write, forgetting his profession and the repose of a monastic life. He then refutes Andrew's heretical opinions at length, for he was one of the sect called Aphthartodocetae,2 from the impious doctrine that they held. He first points out that Andrew must explain why he used the word fqora& (corruption) in only one sense, thinking that it referred to sin only, whereas our Holy Fathers, in their usage of words, have traditionally applied it to different things. Secondly, he reproves him because he ventured to declare, like Julian, that the body of the Lord was immortal, impassible, and incorruptible from the union (of the two natures), although in this very letter he asserts that he has undertaken to oppose Severus and Julian, since they deny that there are two natures or two substances, two properties or two energies, in Christ. Thirdly, because he insisted that the body of Adam before the fall was neither formed entirely mortal nor corruptible by nature, from which, according to him, it would follow that Christ had assumed from the very union an incorruptible and impassible body; whereas, in reality, he ought to have thought and said that the body of Adam was by nature mortal and passible, but by divine grace was kept immortal and impassible, until his trangression deprived him of that protection. Such is the unanimous opinion of the Holy Fathers. Fourthly, because he called the present world incorruptible and indestructible, whereas he ought to hold that it is corruptible and changeable. In his first reply the bishop exhorted Andrew to retract his opinion on many other points, at the same time convicting him of obscurity and of blasphemy in his language.
Andrew, after he had received this exhortation to mend his ways, went from bad to worse, and wrote another work in which he again set forth at greater length the views he had previously expressed and, as he imagines, establishes their truth. As we have said, the pious Eusebius wrote ten books to combat these propositions, in which he shows that Andrew, not content with the definition of faith marked out by the holy synods, has audaciously drawn up an exposition of faith of his own; that he has wrenched many passages from the Fathers, and falsified and violently pressed them into the support of his views; that he contradicts both the New and Old Testament and our Holy Fathers in asserting that the world is incorruptible and indestructible; that he says that change, transformation, flux, can easily be misrepresented, just like the sufferings which have their origin in vice, and that our Lord Jesus Christ assumed a body that was unchangeable, impassible, incorruptible, and without flux. Again, he censures him because he asserts that the world is eternal, incorruptible, and ungenerated, and does not admit the transformation of the elements which contributes to its eternity, since he teaches that it is one of the passions which can easily be misrepresented; that the body of Adam was formed incorruptible, immortal, and impassible by nature, and not only this, but that the clay of which it was formed is incorruptible. Eusebius also censures him for taking the word "corruption " in only one sense, whereby he shows that God is not the author of corruption or death or any vicious passion, but not even of sinful thoughts, although He is the author of corruptible and mortal substances, for these do not belong to existing things and have no subsistence in themselves. He also rebukes him for saying that the Lord's body from the very union is impassible, incorruptible, and unchangeable, and in order to prove this, as he imagines, he shows that he has to rely upon his other nonsenical ideas about the world and Adam. In the same work Eusebius shows in what and how many meanings the words φθορά and καταφθορά and διαφθορά are used in the Scriptures: of physical affections that are by no means reprehensible, and of those that result from labour, fatigue, and old age, old age being the corruption of youth, as labour and fatigue of bodily tone; of bodily humiliation in ascetic and spiritual struggles, for the apostle says, "Although our outer man be corrupted, our inner body is renewed";3 of the affliction and wasting away of the body by blows and punishment; of the injury, partial or entire, in the case of animals, seeds, and plants; even of death itself, and, besides this, of the dissolution and flux of the bodies which take place in the grave; lastly, of vicious affections or sins. Since then the words for "corruption" could be used in so many ways, Eusebius is justified in stating that Andrew is wrong in attaching only one meaning to these words.
He confirms his arguments by passages from the Old and New Testament, from certain select Fathers, Athanasius and the three Gregories (Thaumaturgus, Theologus, and of Nyssa), Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Proclus of Constantinople,4 Methodius 5 the holy martyr, and Quadratus,6 from some of whose writings Andrew had wrenched and falsified passages and by explaining them either with deliberate malice or through ignorance, so as to support his own view, imagined that he was confirming his own mistaken opinions. But he pays the penalty of all that has been mentioned to Eusebius, for his tampering with the letter, his wickedness, and folly, and for putting together certain passages from heretical writings and venturing to ascribe them to our Holy Fathers.
From Andrew's foolish utterances Eusebius also shows that he is of opinion that our Lord Jesus Christ, not being changed by resurrection from corruption to incorruption, is equally impassible in his manhood and divinity; that he dared to call those blasphemers who thought and said that our Lord Jesus Christ lived on earth with a mortal and passible body, while he himself is not ashamed, after His victory over sufferings and the abolition of death and corruption, monstrously to assert that the body of the Lord is passible, forgetting that, while insulting the orthodox by calling them Phthartolatrae7 he himself is clearly convicted of being Pathetolatrae.8 He then again adds some passages from the Fathers, and shows that the Lord's body was passible, mortal, and consequently corruptible until His glorious resurrection, and that then by itself it became immortal and impassible. He also shows that Andrew talks idly in calling the orthodox Phthartolatrae, a name which is fitting and suitable for Arius, Aetius, Eunomius, Apollinarius, and Nestorius, but not for orthodox Christians. Eusebius also lays down the doctrine that our Lord and God, since He, as the architect of "nature, assumed our natural and by no means reprehensible "passions" (which are not properly called "passions" but might more fitly be called "works of nature"), was incapable of taking upon Him "passions" properly so called, originating from vice; that He ate and drank with His disciples after the Resurrection not in the same manner as He ate and drank before the Resurrection; in the latter case He acted according to the law of nature, refreshing and controlling the perishable flesh by food and drink, in the former He performed the act supernaturally by way of dispensation, to inspire the disciples, and through them all the faithful, with the belief that the body that suffered and was crucified rose again from the dead, the same and not a different body, although it had been transformed and had become incorruptible and impassible. Having laid down these doctrines in a manner acceptable to God, Eusebius finishes his tenth book. The style is clear, simple, pure, and characterized by distinctness where it is required.
1 Bishop of Thessalonica, c. 600.
2 A Monophysite sect, which held that the one nature of Christ was not subject to corruption (ἂφθαρτος), understanding by corruption (φθορά) not only the corruption following on death and moral depravity, but all needs of the body, sufferings, and weaknesses, against which no reproach could be made (ἀδιάβλητα). The docetae part of the compound seems to mean that Christ's body was not what it appeared, for it does not appear that they regarded it as a phantasm, a body in appearance only. They admitted it was real and substantial.
3 2 Cor. iv. 16.
4 Patriarch of Constantinople, died 447. He was a friend and pupil of Chrysostom; some of his sermons and letters are extant.
5 Bishop of Olympus and Patara in Lycia in the fourth century. It is not certain that he suffered martyrdom. See Codd. 234-237.
6 Christian apologist during the reign of Hadrian.
7 From φθαρτός (corruptible)and λατρεία (worship). They held that the human body of Christ was subject to ordinary natural corruption.
8 Who believe in a passible Christ.
163. [Vindanius Anatolius of Berytus, A Collection of Agricultural Precepts]
Read the work of Vindanius Anatolius of Berytus,1 entitled A Collection of Agricultural Precepts, compiled by him from the works of Democritus Africanus, Tarantinus, Apuleius, Florentius, Valens, Leo, and Pamphilus, and the Paradoxa of Diophanes.2 It is in twelve volumes, and, as our own experience has shown us in many instances, is useful for the cultivation of the land and agricultural works, perhaps the most useful of all treatises on the same subject. However, it contains some marvellous and incredible tales, full of Greek fables, which the/pious husbandman should pass over while gathering up what is useful in the rest of the work. All other writers on agricultural matters, so far as I know, express nearly the same opinions about the same things and differ little from one another; where they do, the experience of Leo is to be preferred to all the rest.
1 Fourth or fifth century A.D. About the middle of the tenth century a selection was made from it and similar works by command of the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus.
2 Of Nicaea, lived in the time of Cicero. The statement that he wrote a volume on Paradoxa is probably an error.
164. [Galen, On Medical Schools]
Read the work of Galen 1 On Medical Schools. The author, discussing the schools that have been formed in the medical profession, declares that the three chief are: the logical, which he also calls dogmatic and analogistic; the empirical, also called observant or memorial; the methodical. They differ in the method of invention and in other respects. The dogmatic physician bases his art upon the use of methods of reasoning for the discovery of remedies; the empirical relies upon experiment and observation; the methodical, while professing to employ both reasoning and experiment, makes no careful use of either, and is rightly distinguished from the other two.
The present work is divided into three sections. The first contains a description of the empiric and dogmatic schools, and sets forth the nature of each; the second introduces these two schools hotly discussing their respective claims to superiority; the third introduces the methodical school quarrelling with the other two, each of them putting forward its own claims and endeavouring to overthrow its rival. With this the third book ends.
It is evident that this work should be preferred to all other medical writings, if one would learn which is the best school to belong to. But it cannot properly be regarded as a medical work, but rather as a philosophical introduction to medicine. The diction and composition are pure and distinct; Galen everywhere pays especial attention to these qualities, although in many works he confuses and obscures the meaning of what he has written by overloading his treatises with unseasonable discourses, digressions, and spun-out periods. These seem, as it were, to chop up the context, and his tedious nonsense makes the reader indifferent. The present treatise, however, is free from these faults.
1 Claudius Galenus, A.D. 129-199, the most celebrated physician of antiquity. Born at Pergamum, he studied at Alexandria, and was summoned to Rome by Marcus Aurelius, who had the greatest confidence in him. He wrote numerous treatises on medicine and other scientific subjects, grammar, and literary criticism.
165. [Himerius, Declamations]
Read the Declamations 1 and Various Discourses of Himerius the sophist.2 Two of the former are deliberative, and three forensic, all with introductions. Of the deliberative speeches the first is supposed to be delivered by Hyperides in support of Demosthenes, the second by Demosthenes, on behalf of Aeschines. Of the other three, the first is in the form of an attack on Epicurus, who is supposed to be on trial for impiety; the second is written against a rich man who had exhausted the substance of a poor man by his abominable actions, and introduces the poor man pleading his cause; in the third Themistocles declaims against the king of Persia, who had made many promises in the hope of ending the war.3
These speeches, more than the others, are written in such a manner as to show what can be done by excellence of style and brilliancy and vigour of ideas. The author often heaps up periods,4 in imitation of Demosthenes, in a variety of forms; although he specially affects an elevated style, he cleverly modifies his language by introducing other forms. His diction, at least in the matter of phraseology and the meaning and the force of words, is by no means wanting in perspicuity. The frequent breaking up of words sounds strange to the ear but is not disagreeable, although it renders the sense less intelligible to the ordinary reader. Another reason for the author's general clearness of style is that he uses expressions that make for distinctness. As I have said, he uses heaped-up periods in argumentation 5 and at other times, but by illuminating them by vigorous 6 figures of speech he clears his language of any obscurity that might arise from them. He makes frequent and clever use of hyperbaton 7 and other figures of speech, although not to the same extent as of periods. He is vehement and earnestly vigorous where needed. Such he shows himself in the speeches mentioned.
Next to these speeches comes the Polemarchicus, a eulogy of those who fell in battle fighting for freedom against the Persians, and also in praise of war; the Areopagiticus. claiming citizenship for his son Rufinus, not a fictitious declamation; a monody on the death of the same son; on the marriage of his friend Severus, also obviously not fictitious, with an introduction; Diogenes or Propempticus,8 a send-off speech, also furnished with an introduction, and written in the form of a dialogue: Syntacterius, a farewell speech to his friends on starting for Corinth; a Propempterius to Flavian, on his promotion to the consulship of Asia; to a new student named Piso; another Diogenes or Propempticus; an impromptu9on a dispute which arose in the school; on the arrival of some Cyprians; on his first hearer from Cappadocia; a show-speech,10which he at first refused to deliver when asked, in which the thesis "Beautiful things are rare" is discussed; on Musonius, proconsul of Greece; on the new pupil Severus, who came on the scene during the scuffle;11 a short address;12 on count Ursacius; on another Severus; on Scylacius, proconsul of Greece; on some new pupils, Ephesians and Mysians and citizens of Leon; 13 on companions from his fatherland; on count Athenaeus; on the Roman Privatus, tutor of the son of Ampelius the proconsul; on his return from Corinth; on Phoebus the son of Alexander the proconsul; on count Arcadius a physician. Hortatory speech to his pupils just arrived and a propemptic to Flavian; on the marriage of Panathenaeus; two short addresses; a discourse 14 when leaving Philippi in obedience to a summons from the emperor Julian; an oration delivered in Constantinople on the city itself, the emperor Julian, and the rites of Mithras; a discourse on the prefect Sallust, with an argument; on the proconsul Flavian; on his friend's birthday; short address on his friend's recovery; on intriguers; on Basil the proconsul (two); on Hermogenes, Plocianus, Ampelius, Praetextatus, proconsuls of Greece, and their companions; on his departure to the emperor Julian; speech delivered in Nicomedia at the exhortation of Pompeianus the prefect; a speech on the new students; on a new student; on his companion Zeno; on Aphobinus, a new student; on one who entered the school in consequence of an oracle of Poseidon; on those who had arrived from Ionia; on the Ionian strangers; an extempore oration to his hearers; a speech in honour of a friend in Constantinople; a discussion with his pupils after his return from his country; an extempore oration on his (poor) lecture-room; rebuke of those who listened indifferently to speeches; an extempore speech on some who attended his lectures and were inclined to be restive; on Cytianus and his companions who behaved in a disorderly manner when he was speaking extempore; exhortation on the necessity of endeavouring to secure variety in discourse; discussion after the healing of his wound;15a speech after his return from Corinth; on the stylus (pencil) and his pupils; on Amyclae, a city of the Lacedaemonians, which, in obedience to a dream, he visited to offer prayer to the God; that lectures should not be delivered in public; speech on the necessity of taking exercise; another speech delivered at Corinth.16
I think that these are all the orations of Himerius, nearly seventy in number, which you patiently and laboriously read while I was present. In all of them, while preserving the same type of diction and the same kind of style, he uses heaped-up periods and figures of speech in such a manner that a feeling of satiety is prevented by their cleverness and the way in which they are adapted. So far as I know, I am of opinion that no one has ever used figures of speech so admirably or pleasantly. His writings are full of, all kinds of historical and mythical examples, either for purposes of demonstration, or for drawing parallels, or for affording pleasure, or for the embellishment of the subjects discussed, by which he guides aright and diversifies his language, and by which his exordia, epilogues, and arguments are constructed. He also often gives a preliminary outline of the matter and manner of the discussion. But while such is the character of his orations, it is obvious that he held impious views on religion and imitates the dogs who yelp against us in secret. He flourished in the time of Constantius and the most impious Julian, and was head of the rhetorical school at Athens.
1 Μελεταί, elaborate fictitious speeches written for practice in the schools of rhetoric.
2 Born at Prusa c. A.D. 315, died c. 386. Lived at the court of the Emperor Julian and after his death at Athens. He was the teacher of Gregory of Nazianzus and Basil. Of the twenty-four extant Declamations some are school exercises, others inaugural orations (see Cod. 243).
3 Themistocles dissuaded the Athenians from accepting his offers.
4 The word used (περιβολή) expresses the combination in a single period of a variety of diction, sentiments, and figures of speech. The Latin equivalent is circumducta or circumjecta oratio: cp. Quintilian, ix. 4, 124: cum sensus unus longiore ambitu circumducitur ("when a single thought is drawn out by a lengthy period").
5 Αἰτιολογία, giving the causes or reasons of things.
6 Γοργός, "vigorous," "fiery," opposed to "languid," "spiritless."
7 The inversion of the usual order of words or clauses in a sentence, chiefly for the sake of emphasis.
8 A send-off speech (like Propempterius).
9 Σχέδιον, a short extempore discourse.
10 Ἐπίδειξις, a speech delivered in the theatre or a public place to exhibit the composer's rhetorical powers.
11 In the school. To read Συμπληγάδι (with capital S) and translate "prefect of Symplegada" seems absurd.
12 Λαλιά, a short complimentary address to a real personage.
13 The text cannot be right (τοῦ Λέοντος). Τοῦ Λέγοντος, "of the speaker" (i.e. Himerius himself) is another reading.
14 Διάλεξις, a private lecture or dissertation for the instruction of pupils.
15 Received during the disturbance (συμπληγάς) in the school.
16 See also the Eclogue by Photius (Cod. 243) and the Orationes, ed. F. Dubner in the Didot series (Paris, 1849).
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: harnack_stephen_gobar.htm
Adolf von Harnack, The "Sic et Non" of Stephanus Gobarus. Harvard Theological Review 16 (1923) pp.205-234.
Adolf von Harnack, The "Sic et Non" of Stephanus Gobarus. Harvard Theological Review 16 (1923) pp.205-234.
THE "SIC ET NON" 1 OF STEPHANUS GOBARUS
ADOLF VON HARNACK
University of Berlin
In the older, as well as in the current, books on church history, and at some points in New Testament introduction, patristics, and the history of doctrine, a certain work is referred to under the name of "Stephanus Gobarus." The problems arising out of the quotations from this book are of great interest; but we are given virtually no information about the author beyond his name, and the book itself remains a complete mystery. Only the industry of Walch, in Part VIII of his "Entwurf einer vollständigen Historie der Ketzereien" (1778, pp. 877 ff.) has analyzed it, or, rather, made unsatisfactory and incorrect extracts from it, to which he has added a few observations of his own. With this exception, it seems as if ever since the tenth century scholars had entered into a conspiracy to maintain complete silence about this work, or at least to content themselves with a few scanty remarks.2
In the following pages I shall endeavor to come closer to the work and its author. I do not undertake to give a commentary, for that would require a book; but shall confine myself to the main points, going into detail only with reference to passages that relate to the literature of the first three centuries. |206
All we know about Gobarus is contained in Codex CCXXXII of the "Bibliotheca" of Photius (ed. Bekker); at least I have not yet succeeded in finding so much as his name in any other writer.3 Since Photius's excerpts are of moderate compass, it is desirable to give them in full; and in my translation I have condensed only a few passages where Photius is unduly verbose, together with certain unimportant formal statements and others where he repeats himself. Photius's opinions, reflections, and other additions are indicated by square brackets; to him are also due the epitheta ornantia (ὁ ἅγιος, ὁ ἐν ἁγίοις, ὁ μέγας, ὁ εὐλαβέστατος, οἱ ὅσιοι μυσταγωγοί, οἱ τῆς ἐκκλησίας διδάσκαλοι, κ. τ. λ.) attached to the names of ancient Fathers----at any rate we have no assurance that these come from Gobarus himself.
Codex CCXXXII
Read (ἀνεγνώσθη) the book of a certain Stephanus, a tritheist with the surname Gobarus.
[The book gives evidence of wide studies, but the result does not correspond to the great industry applied. The author evidently aimed rather at honor and fame than at usefulness. The number of chapters which he has elaborated, and which are contributions to general ecclesiastical questions,, amounts to almost fifty-two; a few, more special, chapters are added to these. The general ecclesiastical chapters comprise pairs of sentences, presented not only in pairs but as contradictory; yet the sentences are not substantiated by argument or proof-texts, but merely by the utterances, as the author holds, of divergent Fathers. Of these utterances one set maintain the view of the church, the other that which the church rejects. But the wrong view is cherished only in ancient utterances, or by men of ancient times, who had not yet accurately (πρὸς ἀκρίβειαν) weighed and tested everything, and indeed by some of these it is cherished only in the mistaken opinion of the compiler.4 On the other hand, the view of the church is supported by the testimonies of holy men who have arrived at the truth with complete precision (οἱ μάλιστα τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξακριβώσαντες). The chapters in which the arrangement with double or contradictory utterances presents itself are as follows:]
(1) The "idiom" and the "character" and the "form" are the "hypostasis," but not so is the combination of being and "idiom," nor the "authypostatic." [The sayings first adduced by Gobarus maintain this; those next |207 given, the opposite, namely that the ''idiom" and the "form" and the "character" are not the "hypostasis" but the "character" of the hypostasis.]
(2) John the Baptist was conceived in October. ---- He was conceived in November.
(3) The conception of the Lord was announced to the Virgin in the first month, April, which the Hebrews call Nisan; and she bore our Lord Jesus Christ after nine months, that is on the th of January, in the middle of the night of the eighth day before the ides of January. ---- The Annunciation took place not in April but on the 25 th of March, and our Saviour was born, not on the th of January but on the eighth day before the calends of January.
(4) At the resurrection we shall receive the same body in every respect which we now have, without distinctive addition in respect of incorruptibility. ---- We shall not receive the same body as this corruptible one.
(5) We shall rise in the same form (σχῆμα).-----We shall rise in another form.
(6) In the resurrection every one will be of the same age as at his death. ----No, on the contrary even children will rise in mature form, and not rise all together but singly.5
(7) At the resurrection we shall receive a tenuous body, airy, ethereal, and spiritual. ---- No, rather one earthy, substantial, and solid (γήϊνον καὶ παχὺ καὶ ἀντίτυπον).
(8) The Deity has a form and soul like man; and the phrase "in the image" refers to his bodily appearance, with reference to which man was fashioned in the semblance of the archetype 6; and the angels have bodies like those of men; and from the being and nature of God the human soul has proceeded. ---- The Deity has not a form like man, neither is fashioned in a form at all; nothing of what is said above is true of him; neither are the angels corporeal beings, but are incorporeal; and the human soul does not proceed from the being and nature of God.
(9) Before the fall the human body was one thing, like a beam of light, they say; and after the fall it was another, as we have it now, a body of flesh, and this is what is meant by the "coats of skin." ---- The "coats of skin " do not mean our flesh.
(10) The just will rise from the dead first, and all beasts with them, and they will revel for a thousand years in eating and drinking and having children; and then will follow the general resurrection. ---- There is no preliminary resurrection of the just, nor any revelling for a thousand years, nor marriage.7
(11) After the resurrection paradise will be the abode of the just. ---- Not in paradise but in heaven; and paradise is neither in heaven nor on earth, but between the two.
(12) Paradise is the Jerusalem which is above, and it is in the third heaven, and the trees there are endowed with mind and have intelligence and logos, and man was thrust down thence to earth after the fall. ---- Paradise is not in the third heaven but on earth. |208
(13) The good things prepared for the just, eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have they entered into the heart of man. ---- Hegesippus, however, an ancient and apostolic man (?), says in the fifth book of his Hypomnemata [I do not know how he arrived at this 8] that this is an idle saying, and that those who say it speak falsely, since the Scriptures and the Lord say, "Blessed are your eyes, for they see, and your ears, for they hear," etc.
(14) Those sinners who are given up to punishment are thereby purified of their wickedness and after their purification freed from punishment; moreover not all those given up to punishment are purified and freed, but only some. ---- No one [and this is the true view held by the church] is freed from punishment.
(15) To be burned and not consumed is an indestructible self-destruction.9 Titus, bishop of Bostra, however, writing against the Manichees, says in his first book: "How can destruction be destruction of itself? For it destroys solely and alone something else, not itself. But if it destroyed itself, it could not have subsisted from the start; for it will destroy itself, and will not so much 'be' as 'destroy' itself, for an indestructible 10 destruction is, by universal common sense, an impossible conception." [It is evident that this holy man calls "indestructible destruction" an impossibility in a different sense from that of the divinely inspired John. The latter understands by it a destruction that will last forever and will always continue, but the former thinks that destruction can not be indestructible, that is, cannot be passionlessness and indestructibility and a preserving force. Such being the relation of the two views, the author of the work before us, Gobarus, has not understood the different conceptions, and has set up the two propositions as contradictory.]
(16) The coining age 11 is the eighth. ---- It is the ninth.
(17) The body of our Saviour Jesus Christ after the resurrection was of tenuous consistency, spiritual and heavenly and light of weight and that could not be touched, and hence he could pass even through closed doors; while the palpable body, of gross consistency, is something other than that, solid and of different nature. ---- Our Lord Jesus, the Christ, after the resurrection had neither an impalpable body nor one of tenuous consistency, nor a spiritual body, but through his miraculous power, not because of the nature of his body, he passed through closed doors.
(18) Christ did not put off the flesh after the resurrection, but sits at the right hand of the Father in the flesh. ---- He will come to judge the quick and the dead not in the flesh but in a body answering to his divinity.
(19) Not in the flesh but in pure deity does the Lord come at his second advent. [Gobarus puts this as a "chapter," and adduces for it sayings of Titus, bishop of Bostra, but he neglects all the countless contrary sayings which he might have cited, mentioning none of them, and thereby, as |209 everywhere, exhibits his impiousness, which, denying the flesh, sliamelessly makes a dogmatic statement of "the one nature."]
(20) The body that cannot suffer and be wounded and die is of another nature and another kind than ours, and the perishable and mortal undergoes a transformation of nature when the change to imperishability and immortality befalls it.
(21) Every definition, if it is complete, preserves the nature of the things defined; but if anything is taken away from or added to the definition, the thing defined is dissolved. [These two chapters, as well as the 19th, consist of a single member, and do not contain any contrary statement.]
(22) The Logos of God is completely in the All and over the All, and. it is completely in the body which it united to itself hypostatically. In a word, the being and nature of deity fills all things physically and dynamically and energetically, and pervades everything that is, by virtue of the mingling in relation to the All. ----It is not so; but God is by his nature outside of the All; he is, however, in all through the powers which he possesses.
(23) Before the world came into existence God created the angels. ---- It is not so, rather on the first day of creation.
(24) The angels and demons have bodies. ----Neither the former nor the latter have bodies.
(25) Angels and rational souls and all intelligent creatures are by nature and in the order of nature imperishable. ---- On the contrary, not by nature but by grace are they immortal; God alone is so by nature.
(26) The angels that came down from heaven to earth had flesh and organs of reproduction, and coinpanying with the women they begat the giants and taught them arts and evil arts; but the giants, uniting themselves with beasts, begat horrible creatures in human form, and demons male and female, but those angels have their place of punishment where fire and hot springs start from the earth; and the souls of sinners become demons. ---- On the contrary, the fallen angels, being without flesh, did not themselves unite with the women, but through the medium of men, or rather neither themselves nor through the medium of men; and human souls do not change into demons.
(27) The heaven is spherical and revolves. ---- Neither is it spherical nor does it revolve.
(28) The Spirit which "brooded over the water" was the Holy Ghost. ----It was not the Holy Ghost, but one of the four elements.
(29) The Lord's Day is both the eighth and the first. ---- It is not.
(30) Human souls are rational bodies shaped like the external corporeal form and appearance of man. ---- The soul is incorporeal and not subject to bodily shapes.
(31) Souls existed before the foundation of the world and descended from heaven into bodies, such as Moses and the prophets, and Socrates and Plato, and John the Baptist, and the souls of the Apostles, but especially that of the Lord. ---- Souls were not in heaven before they had bodies, but entered upon existence at the time of origin of the body: the body preceded, then came the soul; or rather, there is neither priority nor posteriority, but simultaneity.
(32) God formed the body of Adam from earth. ----Not from earth, but from water and spirit. |210
(33) The breath which God breathed into Adam's face was temporal, and not, like the spirit, eternal.12 ---- It was not temporal, but an immortal soul.
(34)...,13 since man is composed of three parts, mind and soul and body, and no one of these was the inbreathed breath, but that was the Holy Ghost; and the Holy Ghost did not become soul or mind, but made the soul.
(35) Earth and water and the other elements change into fruits and plants, and food changes into flesh and sinews and other parts of the body. ---- The earth does not change into plants and fruits, nor food into our body.
(36) After death the soul departs neither from the body nor from the grave. ---- The soul does not remain with the body nor in the grave. [Here, out of numberless easily found statements, Gobarus has adduced only those of Severian of Gabala and Irenaeus.]
(37) Every originated thing is corruptible and mortal, but by the will of God it persists as if indissoluble and incorruptible. ---- That which is by nature corruptible cannot be incorruptible by the will of God, for whoever affirms that contradicts himself, and ascribes to the Creator that which is impossible. [For this opinion he has quoted a statement of Justin Martyr;14 but with Greek opinion on this point a conflict had arisen, and he gives a refutation from Plato, who said; "Since you have been originated, you are by no means immortal or indissoluble; nevertheless, you will not be dissolved nor partake of death, for my will is stronger, of which you have partaken." The Martyr, refuting Plato's idea, shows that Plato, in introducing the demiurge, contradicts himself, and does not bring what he says into harmonious unity; for cither that which is originated must, by earlier definition, be corruptible, or else he makes a false statement who declares everything originated to be corruptible. Gobarus insists that the refutation of the Greek idea must serve also to overthrow the view of the church.]
(38) [He now returns to the propositions with one member and shows (of the whole series it is the 38th chapter) what Saint Eustathius, archbishop of Antioch, held concerning the incarnation of our Lord; then (39) what the most holy Cyril, Alexandrian high-priest, and next (40) what the doctors of the church thought about the saying, "But of that day and hour knoweth no man, neither the angels nor the Son, but the Father only," and (41) what Severus thought about it.]
(42) [He now returns to the contrasted arrangement of utterances, and presents as his 42d chapter the statements] that our Lord Jesus, the Christ, was suckled by Mary, the Mother of God, ---- and that he was not suckled by her.
(43) "He that is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than John the Baptist." The Saviour applied this to himself. ---- No, to John the evangelist.
(44) Our Lord Jesus, the Christ, was crucified at the age of thirty years. ----Not thirty but thirty-three. ---- Not thirty-three but forty. ---- No, neither thirty nor forty, but still older, almost fifty.
(45) When the Lord handed to his disciples the mystery of the new covenant, he ate the passover prescribed by the law. ---- No, he did not then eat this passover. |211
(46) The brazen serpent which Moses lifted up in the wilderness was a type of the Lord. ---- No, not a type, but an antitype.
(47) He who cut off the ear of the high priest's servant was Thomas. ----No, it was not Thomas but Peter.
(48) In the time of the passion the Deity departed from the body of Christ. ---- The Deity departed neither from his soul nor from his body.
(49) The Saviour gave his blood as ransom for captive mankind to "the Enemy," since the latter had made that his condition. ---- On the contrary, not to "the Enemy" but to God and the Father did he offer it.
(50) Christ rose in a better and more wonderful fashion than the transfiguration on the mount. ----No, at the resurrection he did not change his body to correspond to the glory due him, but showed it such as it was before his death; the former is said by Cyril, the opposite by Dionysius of Alexandria.
(51) On the 12th day of the first month Mary anointed the Lord with ointment in the house of Simon the leper; on the 13th the Lord handed to his disciples the mystical Supper; on the 14th he suffered his saving passion; on the 15th he rose from the dead; and ascended on the 10th. ---- No, on the 14th he ate the mystical Supper, on the 15th he was crucified, and rose on the 10th. ---- Not so either, but on the third day, and on Sunday, the resurrection of the Lord took place, and after forty days he ascended.
(52) From the fifth evening, when the Lord handed the mystic Supper to his disciples, his body had been sacrificed.
[So far the author has treated with few exceptions of the general teachings and questions of the church, for the most part with contrasted utterances ----supplying both members of the antithesis, but framing besides a few chapters with single testimonies. From this point on, however, he takes up particular topics, eighteen in number:]
(1) What the views of Severus were on the mystagogues of the church; and (2) what his attitude was in his letter to Thomas, bishop of Germanicia, toward what had been said by Cyril and John of Antioch; and (3) that he did not approve the utterances of St. Gregory, bishop of Nyssa, on the apokatastasis, nor (4) Papias, bishop of Hierapolis and martyr, nor (5) Irenaeus, the saintly bishop of Lyons, in so far as these assert that the kingdom of heaven consists in the enjoyment of certain material foods.
(6) Basil, the saint, in many passages does not approve of St. Dionysius of Alexandria, especially in so far as he 15 leans toward the party of the Arians.16 Yet he apologizes for him as not moved by impious purpose, but as having been brought, by arguing against Sabellius, to the expression of bad views in the opposite direction; also he says that his language concerning the Spirit is not perfectly correct. (7) But the great Athanasius also makes a strong defense of Dionysius: "Dionysius," he says, "neither at any time held the views of Arius nor failed to see the truth; for neither was he charged with impiety by other bishops, nor did he use Arian language in his teaching." (8) But Theodoret too said the same of him. |212
(9) In addition he adduces testimonies as to the attitude of Theophilus and his synod toward St. John Chrysostom, (10) and what view Atticus and (11) Cyril took of this holy man; (12) what opinions the very discreet Isidore of Pelusium held concerning the Alexandrian bishops and St. John Chrysostom, how he complained of the former for his hatred of Chrysostom, but praised and admired the latter. (13) Severus, starting out to blame St. Isidore but having no good grounds, invented the charge of "Origenism," but again, convinced of the truth, withdrew it of his own accord.
(14) Further, the opinions of Hippolytus and Epiphanius concerning Nicolaus, one of the seven deacons, and their severe charges against him. Ignatius Theophorus,17 however, Clement, author of the Stromata, Eusebius Pamphili, and Theodoret of Cyrus, while they bring charges against the Nicolaitan sect, declare that Nicolaus himself was not a man of that kind.
(15) Hippolytus and Irenaeus say that the Epistle of Paul to the Hebrews is not by him, but Clement and Eusebius and many other theophoric fathers count it in among his other epistles and say that the aforesaid Clement translated it from the Hebrew.
(16) The great Athanasius of Alexandria approved Origen and Theognos-tus in many points of doctrine, Titus of Bostra does the same, and the theologian Gregory in his letters calls Origen "friend of beauty and goodness," and he of Nyssa brings him to remembrance with praise. But also Dionysius of Alexandria praises him in a letter addressed to him, as well as in a second letter, after Origen's death, to Theotecnus, bishop of Caesarea. And Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem and martyr, likewise in a letter to Origen, becomes most friendly. Theophilus and Epiphanius detest Origen.
(17) The opinion of the most holy Hippolytus on the sect of the Montanists, and that of St. Gregory of Nyssa.
[The above comprise the more special chapters. Once more he turns to a more general question, and cites statements on the theme] (18) that every departed soul has great advantage from the prayers and sacrifices and alms offered in his behalf; ---- on the contrary that it does not.
[As far as this we find that Gobarus brought his work.]18
|213
§ 1. The Person and Work of Gobarus
Photius appears to know the author only from the work from which he presents excerpts (Στέφανός τις). The surname Gobarus bids us seek the author in Syria; at least he must have been held in repute among Syrian Monophysites; for the word is not Greek, and may probably be traced back to gebar (meaning 'man,' 'hero').19
The express designation of the author as a "tritheist" Photius may have derived from the work itself; but this is not evident from his excerpts.20 The designation makes it certain that the terminus a quo for the date of the work is to be set not long before the middle of the sixth century. The authors whom Gobarus quotes in his work 21 afford no certain indication of the province in which Gobarus worked and wrote. Walch (l. c, p. 883) feels justified in reckoning him among Egyptian teachers, "since he seems best acquainted with the Alexandrian controversies and church fathers." The observation is correct, but whether it suffices to determine the locality will have to be investigated.
It is evident from the whole nature and learned attitude of the book that Gobarus was what was called both in the sixth century and at other times a 'grammaticus.' It is possible indeed that the surname 'Gobarus' may be explained by this fact; perhaps it meant 'doctor irrefragabilis.' 22 In a search among the countless 'Stephani' with whom ours might be identified, Stephan Bar Sudaili is certainly not to be considered, because of his date and his peculiar doctrine; on the other hand it is tempting to suggest an identification with the Alexandrian sophist, Stephanus Niobes, the extreme Monophysite, concerning whom we have a certain amount of information from |214 Timotheus and Dionysius Telmaharensis,23 and who worked in the last third of the sixth century.24 But since the surnames are different and cannot be identified without violence, since furthermore no positive testimonies support the identification, and since it cannot be certainly proved that Gobarus thought precisely as did his namesake in matters of christology (even though I, 19 does suggest this), this identification is probably inadvisable.
The work from which Photius quotes bore no title ---- otherwise he would have mentioned it; moreover it contained nothing as to its purposes, and these are not obvious at first glance. Was it perchance mutilated at the beginning and perhaps also at the close? The latter as well as the former is abrupt, and Photius seems to have felt the abrupt conclusion (τὸν μὲν οὖν Γόβαρον μέχρι τούτων τῶν κεφαλαίων τὸν πόνον εὕρομεν ἀναδεξάμενον). But if he had been dealing with a doubly mutilated work, he would have so stated. Everything is explained if we assume that Photius had before him not a book from the hand of the author himself, but a compilation by another, possibly a disciple of Gobarus, who made this collection for himself and others on the basis of the master's lectures or disputations, perhaps with the latter's knowledge. This hypothesis is supported by the observation that, so far as we know, this unique work remained unnoticed down to Photius, while on the contrary one would have expected it to create the greatest sensation; and is confirmed by the lack of orderly arrangement which we observe in it.25 To be sure, disorder is by no means unfamiliar in the literature of question and response, nor is it surprising there, because the questions were answered as they came; in this work, however, the questions obviously serve a single definite purpose and are put by the author himself, or rather |215 they are not questions and answers at all, but theses and antitheses. Why then this lack of order? Or is the disorder purposed? Did Gobarus mean thereby to indicate that he could at will dip into the tradition and always find what he sought?
One further observation must be noted. Photius states at the outset that the work embraces about fifty-two chapters in theses and antitheses relating to general ecclesiastical controversies, ---- "about," because a few chapters of more special content (merikw&tera) are appended. Photius does not number the chapters; but there are in fact fifty-two. Yet in fact, after the fifty-second chapter, he quite unexpectedly informs us that there are eighteen further special chapters (ἰδικὰ κεφάλαια), and gives excerpts from these also. Did he fail to notice these in the beginning? We have no light on the matter.26 Photius's distinction, however, between general ecclesiastical controversies and special questions (which does not coincide with the other distinction between two-membered and one-membered chapters) is merely imposed externally upon the work, although according to Photius it is intended to explain the plan of the two parts. For, as Photius himself remarks, the first part contains not only several one-membered sections, but also numerous ἰδικὰ κεφάλαια, and the second part has a chapter (No. 18) dealing with a general ecclesiastical controversy. The distinction between the two parts ---- though it is not carried through consistently ---- lies rather in the fact that the second part contains numerous personally determined problems, including (1) a group of Severus's judgments upon older church fathers, and (2) contradictory judgments of the fathers on Dionysius of Alexandria, Chrysostom, Origen, the Nicolaitans, the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the Montanists. To these there are no parallels in the first part.
Since the work from which Photius made excerpts was probably not edited by the author himself; since it has no title; since it makes no direct statement of its purposes; since Photius likewise gave no account of these purposes; and, finally, since in the excerpts of the first and more extensive part it is |216 hardly ever stated which church fathers supported the thesis and which the antithesis, or on which side the author himself stands, it is uncommonly hard to reach a satisfactory notion of the author's purpose and of the man himself.
§ 2. Theological and Philosophical Position
To determine the theological position of Monophysite teachers of the sixth century is well known to be difficult, for the subject of christology had become extremely complicated. It was weighted down with theological, trinitarian, cosmological, anthropological, and eschatological questions, and the combinations led to differences of position, even with theologians who were on the main question not far apart. A teacher could thus stand on the extreme right in one group of questions and in others be "liberal." We must be constantly on our guard here against an undue requirement of "consistency."
In his introduction to the work of Gobarus Photius remarks that, of the theses and antitheses, one always contains the ecclesiastical view, the other, the view to be rejected. This assertion is misleading, both because in many cases there was no "ecclesiastical" view of the problem in question, and because it is often hard to say which the ecclesiastical view is. And it is very often obscure what Gobarus's own view is. The hypothesis that it is always the thesis or always the antithesis that contains his theology, breaks down; indeed, a careful reading speedily leads to the suspicion that in many chapters he was interested in neither the thesis nor the antithesis, but solely in the contradiction itself. The difficulty of discovering his own theological position from such evidence is plain.
Nevertheless it is possible to reach some clear conclusions with regard to Gobarus's theology and christology:
1. Photius terms him a "tritheist."
2. The famous Monophysite Severus was an authority of first rank for Gobarus. In I, 41 Gobarus sets his interpretation of the saying, "But of that day and hour," etc., over against that of all other teachers, whom Photius calls "the doctors of the church" (that is, the Chalcedonians). In II, 1-5 Gobarus |217 gives Severus's judgments on "the holy mystagogues of the church," 27 and on Cyril of Alexandria, John of Antioch, Gregory of Nyssa, Papias, and Irenaeus; for no other teacher has he shown such clear preference. He does, to be sure, in II, 13 admit a change of opinion on the part of Severus, but he remarks that it came about δι̕ ἐαυτοῦ, and so is not to the discredit of the great teacher, since he allowed himself to be conquered by the truth.
3. II, 13, however, proves that Gobarus was no Origenist,28 and that consequently in the Origenistic controversies he is not to be reckoned among the apologists of the famous theologian. He even considers it a reproach to be an Origenist.29
4. Chapters I, 19, 20, with one member each, show that in regard to the body of Christ Gobarus taught "that the immortal body of Christ, incapable of suffering or of being wounded, is of another nature and another kind than ours, further that Christ will come again, not in the flesh, but on the contrary in pure deity, and finally that the perishable and mortal (i.e. our flesh), will undergo an essential transformation when the change to imperishability and immortality befalls it." In connection with the second of these statements Photius remarks that in support of it Gobarus has adduced only sayings of Titus of Bostra, neglecting the countless contrary sayings, "here, as everywhere, revealing his impiousness, which by shamelessly and dogmatically denying the flesh gives expression to 'the one nature.'" Evidently Gobarus represents the same view as the Emperor Justinian, Stephanus Niobes, and others with reference to the incorruptibility of Christ's body and its merely relative homogeneousness with our body (first statement), and further the doctrine of Johannes Philoponus that everything created (including the human body) really perishes, being fqarto&n, and attains imperishability only through an essential transformation (re-creation), as |218 set forth in the third statement.30 By I, 37 the doctrine of Gobarus is made still clearer. Following Pseudo-Justin (Cohortatio 23) in his polemic against Plato (Timaeus 41 B)----whom he misunderstands ---- he asserts that God by his will can not make imperishable the naturally perishable, even God's omnipotence being powerless in the face of this contradictory antilogy. A real re-creation is necessary ---- exactly as Philoponus teaches.
5. Gobarus was an Aristotelian; for (a) the proof that in spite of the doctrine just sketched the resurrection of the body can nevertheless be held could only be successfully advanced by the means of Aristotelian philosophy; (b) the chapters I, 21 and 37 (likewise I, 1 and 15) reveal this philosophy clearly, and the whole work (including its tritheism) dwells in the cool scientific atmosphere of Aristotle.31
6. The affinity with Philoponus having been established ---- by tritheism, by the doctrines of the body and the resurrection, and by Aristotelianism, we recall the fact that this teacher composed a work Peri\ tou~ pa&sxa with the purpose of proving, on the basis of the Gospel of John, that the mystical Supper was not the passover supper, but that it took place on the 13th day of the month and that Jesus was crucified on the 14th. With this I, 45b, 51a, (52) should be compared; we see that on this question, too, Gobarus agreed with Philoponus.
7. On the basis of I, 19, 20, we may also claim I, b, b, a, 10b, 17a, 18b, 48b, 50a, as representing the opinion of Gobarus. This makes his theological position still clearer.
It thus appears that as a philosopher Gobarus was an Aristotelian, as a theologian he stood very close to Philoponus, but also to that other famous Monophysite, Severus, whose position was markedly different from that of Philoponus. Origen he rejected. It is worth mentioning that Photius did not repudiate as heretical any of the fathers cited by Gobarus. The latter, |219 although a Monophysite, must have succeeded in giving his work such a form that Chalcedonian orthodoxy could not completely reject it. But, as is well known, the "heresy" of Monophysitism was a ticklish thing in the Eastern Empire in the sixth century.
§ 3. The Date of the Work
From Photius's introduction it appears that Gobarus cited "ancient" and "later" fathers. So far as we can judge from the excerpts, the oldest were Ignatius (but it is Pseudo-Ignatius that is cited), Hegesippus, Irenaeus, and Clement of Alexandria; the latest was Severus of Antioch, a leader of the Monophysites.32 Since Severus figures as an authority side by side with the ancient fathers, he cannot have been still alive; his death falls about the year 540. But this date brings us no new information beyond what has been established above, namely, that the terminus a quo is to be set shortly before the middle of the sixth century. Let us look further.
1. The teacher upon whom Gobarus is most dependent, Philoponus, was not mentioned by name in the work. That may be definitely affirmed; for if Photius had found this man in Gobarus among the "fathers," he would, with his deep repugnance to "Mataioponus " (see Photius, Bibl. LV, LXXV, XXI, XXIII), have animadverted upon this. Nor may it be asserted that Gobarus failed to mention Philoponus because the latter passed with Chalcedonian orthodoxy as a heretic, for not until much later, at the sixth Council, was he condemned as such. We can only infer that Philoponus was not mentioned by Gobarus because he was still alive.33 Since Philoponus attacked the patriarch of Constantinople, Johannes Scholasticus (565-577), he was certainly still living about the year 570. Hence our work is to be assigned to the period ca. 540 to ca. 570 (or even later).34 |220
2. Gobarus regarded Origenism (II, 13) as an actual heresy. This renders it probable that he wrote after the fifth Council, and presumably brings the terminus a quo for our work to the years 553-ca. 570 (ca. 580?).35
3. It is striking that no reference to tritheism is made in the work (unless perhaps in I, 1?), while nevertheless the sole theological characterization which Photius makes of Gobarus is "tritheist." Now it will appear in the sequel that the chief intent of the work was to overthrow church tradition as such. In a Monophysite who revered Severus and claimed to be a conservative this purpose can have been evoked only by some strongly felt dogmatic aim (or by some burning ecclesiastical question of the day). No aim of that kind is to be gathered from the work itself; hence the probability that Gobarus's purpose was the defence of tritheism by overthrowing tradition in general, and that for this reason he said nothing of tritheism itself. In that case the work probably belongs to the time of Justin II (565-578).36 This dating combines excellently with the one given above, and we thus gain for our work the date 565 -ca. 570, or, in case Philoponus attained a very advanced age and Gobarus took part in the earliest stages of the tritheistic controversy, 553-ca. 580. The date ca. 600, given in many books, |221 lacks, so far as I know, all foundation. Of the dogma of energies and wills, which came to the front as early as about 600, no trace is found in the work. It remains surprising that our book is not mentioned in the work of John of Ephesus; but it has already been remarked that we are but imperfectly acquainted with John's work and that the work of Gobarus was probably not "edited." 37
§ 4. Plan, Contents, and Purpose of the Work
The peculiar character of the work resides in the fact, first, that it shows little trace of arrangement and order; secondly, that it does not contain a statement of its purpose; thirdly, that according to Photius's testimony the author refrained both from dogmatic reflections and from citing biblical proof-texts; and, fourthly, that he merely put together citations from the church fathers, usually in theses and antitheses. Which church fathers Gobarus cited, almost entirely eludes our inquiry so far as the first and larger part of the work is concerned, for in only a few places has Photius named them in his short excerpts. In I, 13, he mentions Hegesippus's Hypomnenata; in I, 15, 19, Titus of Bostra (Against the Manichees); in I, 36, Severian of Gabala and Irenaeus; in I, 37, Pseudo-Justin (Cohortatio); in I, 38-41, Eustathius of Antioch, Cyril of Alexandria, "the doctors of the church," Severus of Antioch; in I, 50, Cyril and Dionysius of Alexandria. In these few cases the mention of the names had its motive in special considerations in the mind of Photius. In the second and shorter part, the situation is different. Here all the fathers whom Gobarus cited are named by Photius, except |222 in II, 18. He had to name them here, because it was a matter of ἰδικὰ κεφάλαια.38
It therefore remains obscure on what scale, or with what thoroughness, Gobarus adduced citations from the church fathers in the first part. But if his procedure was here as thorough as in II, 14 (concerning the Nicolaitans), we must form a very favorable judgment of his erudition, for in this instance he has mentioned with approximate completeness all the fathers who in any way came into consideration on this question. And Photius in his introduction has paid tribute to the author's industry. |223
With reference to their subject-matter the chapters may be divided into the following groups:
(1) Christology and the life of Jesus, I, 1-3, 17-20, 22, 38-52.
(2) The doctrine of the resurrection and eschatology, I, 4-7, 10-16, 36, 37; II, 18.
(3) The doctrine of the being of God, of man, and of creation, I, 8, 9, 23-35.
(4) Logic, I, 21.
(5) Judgments on men of the church, and on controversies connected with their names, and related matters, II, 1-17.
The classification under the first three groups as given above is, however, modern, and hardly in accord with the views of Gobarus himself, for in all three are included chapters which in the view of that age were closely related, treating as they do the question as to the nature and mutual relation of the divine and the human, of the psychical and the corporeal, of the celestial and the earthly, of the uncreated and the created, of |224 the imperishable and the perishable. If we allow to this question the extraordinary latitude that it possessed in the cosmological and the nearly related christological speculation of the time, then the following chapters belong more or less closely together: I, 1, 4-15, 17-20, 22-26, 28-43, 48, 50 (probably also 45, 51, 52, and the chapter on logic, I, 21). Thus in the first part only eight chapters 39 remain which no art can contrive to subordinate to that main topic, viz., I, 2, 3, 16, 27, 44, 46,40 47, and 49. To these are to be added the seventeen κεφάλαια ἰδικά of the second part, together with chapter II, 18.
With reference to these twenty-six pieces of utterly varied content there can be no doubt that Gobarus adduced them solely for the purpose of showing how the church fathers contradict each other; for what other motive can be discovered for this juxtaposition of unrelated topics? With reference, however, to the forty-four first-mentioned pieces it is equally beyond doubt that,, parallel with the main interest of discrediting tradition by laying bare its contradictions, a second interest was present. The author desired, namely, to enounce the Aristotelian-Monophysite conception (represented by Philoponus) of the relation of the uncreated to the created (of the indestructible to the perishable), and so to give expression to the appropriate doctrine of the incarnation and of the one nature of the Redeemer (with special reference to his body).41 Photius himself reproaches Gobarus here with partisan choice of his witnesses and with misunderstanding (I, 15, 19, 36, 37).42 |225
The aims of the work are thus disclosed. In an ecclesiastical controversial question ---- presumably that of tritheism ---- the tritheist Gobarus, confronted by the very embarrassing appeal of his opponents to the authority of tradition,43 resorted to the violent expedient of discrediting tradition itself, and in the process he gave vigorous expression to his Aristotelian-Monophysite theology and christology.
* * *
The work of Gobarus is unique in the whole literature of the Greek church. When one considers what tradition signifies in the Greek church, and that the whole dogma is built up on traditional proof,44 the boldness of Gobarus is amazing. From |226 the time of the heretic Marcion no one in the church had undertaken any such thing. It was precisely in the tritheistic controversy that the chief rôle was played by proof from the testimonies of the fathers 45 ---- and just at that moment Gobarus wrote his "Sic et Non," and uncovered the contradictions to be found in the works of the most celebrated church fathers.
How did he come to do it? Where did he get the courage and the capacity for such an undertaking? It is to be remembered that since the end of the fifth century Aristotelianism had regained ascendancy in learned study. Gobarus believed in the controlling significance of ratio and dialectic, looked with scorn upon the traditionalists, and believed himself able to dispense with their weapons. This is where Gobarus belongs; but he alone among the teachers of the church was consistent. The others clung to the principle, "ratio et autoritas", but Gobarus took his stand on ratio alone, and annihilated tradition. How much this meant in that age, we can scarcely realize today. Nor do we know whether Gobarus made his murderous book accessible to wider circles or only communicated it to friends and disciples; the boldest are not always the most courageous, and we hear nothing of a controversy, and consequently nothing of a success. The further fact is important, and shows his caution, that he formulated no conclusions; he simply let the facts speak for themselves by placing them side by side in the form of theses and antitheses. Thus he remained protected as to his own person, and further proved his caution by not exposing himself to criticism in the collection and combination of his patristic citations. Photius has scarcely anywhere found occasion to reproach him with partisanship, still less with untrustworthiness or falsification. He assumed the mask of a calm "reviewer," but who can doubt that he intended to discredit tradition in all fields by demonstrating its contradictions with reference to the doctrines of God and Christ, of the perishable and the imperishable, of heaven, paradise, and hell, of the Bible, history, and chronology? |227
Many things have been repeated in history, including the history of ecclesiastical thought; but so perfect a parallel as that between Abaelard, with his work "Sic et Non," 46 and Gobarus and his nameless work is not likely to be found again. In one hundred and fifty-eight chapters Abaelard, without adding anything or drawing conclusions of his own, combines theses and antitheses in reference to the most varied doctrines ---- with precisely the same purpose as Gobarus, to undermine the authority of tradition and so clear the way for the royal ratio, that is, for doubt and science (Wissenschaft). But it was because at the opening of the twelfth century the situation of thought was much like that of the sixth century, that this second Gobarus then appeared. Since the middle of the eleventh century Aristotelianism with its ratio and its confidence in dialectic had again been on the scene, opposing the musty "science" that relied on tradition, exactly as it had opposed it in the sixth century in the person of Gobarus.47 The only difference is that Abaelard placed at the head of his work a "Preface " which is a masterpiece of courage and shrewdness, and at the same time a supreme achievement of mediaeval thought.48
That Abaelard was ignorant of the work of Gobarus makes their agreement the more striking,49 and serves to enhance confidence in the conclusion that in the two cases alike the inner logic of the development of events has led through the |228 intervention of Aristotelianism to the same phenomena. It even happens that a few chapters are alike in content: cf. Abaelard, chapter 23 ("quod 'Spiritus domini ferebatur super aquas' intelligendum sit de Spiritu Sancto, et non") with Gobarus I, 28; Abaelard, chapter 46 (the angels created before the world, et non) with Gobarus I, 23, etc.
"Hoc genus literarum [the patristic tradition] non cum credendi necessitate, sed cum judicandi libertate legendum est " ---- this liberating utterance of Abaelard (Praefatio, p. 14) expresses, we may be sure, the opinion of Gobarus as well.
Appendix
Gobarus's Contributions to the Exegesis of New Testament Passages and to the Church History of the first three Centuries
(a) New Testament.
On I, 2: According to the traditional reckoning based on Luke 1, 26, etc., the Baptist was born on the 24th of June, and was conceived on the 24th of September. This corresponds to December 25 as the date for the birth of Jesus. If the fifth (sixth) of January is taken for the birth of Jesus, and John's birth put six months earlier, the conception of John will be moved forward into October. Thus neither thesis nor antithesis here contemplates December 25 as the date of the birth of Jesus. This is very remarkable. Those who shifted the conception of John to November proceeded from January 6 as the date of the birth of Jesus (conception on the th of April) and reckoned back not six, but only five, months, because Luke 1, 26 says that Gabriel was sent to Mary in the sixth month. This brought them to the month of November. So far as I know, such a calculation does not appear elsewhere in the tradition.
On I, 3: The two familiar dates for the birth of Jesus stand here, just as they stood opposed to each other in the fourth, and the third, century.
On I, 10: The thousand years belong to the Apocalypse of John, the resurrection of beasts to Isaiah 11; but the revelling |229 for one thousand years and marriage go back to Papias or his sources of information in Asia Minor. Cerinthus (Eusebius, H. E. iii. 28) was certainly not cited by Gobarus, since the latter left heretics unnoticed.
On I, 15: Photius has not adduced the antithesis here, for he forthwith criticizes the thesis; but in the antithesis the eternity of the punishments of hell must have been affirmed, with an appeal to the Apocalypse, in which endless punishment is taught.
On I, 43 (Matthew 11, 11): The application of mikro&teroj to Jesus is found in many fathers; with that to John the Evangelist I am not otherwise acquainted. It is a curiosity, and bears witness to the special esteem for the Evangelist; perhaps it is to be found among the Syrians.
On I, 44 (Jesus' age): It is interesting at so late a date to meet with the view that Jesus lived to be almost fifty; the idea goes back to Irenaeus, whom Gobarus had read (Adv. haer. ii. 22 and Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching, chapter 74, on the basis of John 8, 57 and the testimony of the Asia Minor presbyters).
On I, 45: This relates to the well-known question on which the Synoptics and John part company; Philoponus accepted the date as given by John.
On I, 46 (John 3, 14): This, like chapters 44, 45, 47, relates to passages from the Gospel of John, which the Monophysites specially esteemed (see above, on I, 43). The interpretation of the brazen serpent received much attention from the fathers, and with precisely the formulation of the problem here given. On I, 47: So far as I know, the tradition that it was Thomas who struck off Malchus's ear is not found elsewhere. The statement perhaps stood as a gloss in a Synoptic gospel (John alone mentions Peter); and presumably in Greater Syria, for in this patriarchate Thomas played the chief rôle.
On I, 51, 52: Since no antithesis stands in chapter 52, we must assume that Gobarus himself shared the view held by Monophysites, that the sacrifice of the body of Christ took place in the breaking of the bread at the celebration of the Last Supper. ---- With reference to the last dates in the history of |230 Jesus Gobarus states not merely two, but three views, the third being that of the church. The other two have this in common, that the resurrection is assigned to the day after the crucifixion; but they differ in two other points: (1) the first follows John, the second the Synoptics; (2) the first puts the ascension one day after the resurrection, the second is silent about it. Both the dating of the resurrection but one day after the crucifixion and the dating of the ascension one day after the resurrection are otherwise unknown, or at most there are only uncertain testimonies for the assignment of the resurrection to the day after the crucifixion; see W. Bauer, Das Leben Jesu im Zeitalter der Neutestamentlichen Apokryphen, 1909, pp. 158 ff., 253 ff., 306 ff., and E. Preuschen in the Protestantische Realencyclopädie, XIV, pp. 725 ff. I cannot here enter upon an investigation of these remarkable statements of dates, and will merely remark that those who assigned the resurrection to the day after the crucifixion followed a peculiar reckoning of the nights. On II, 14: In the question of the tradition concerning the Nicolaitans Gobarus has not only apprehended the salient point but also cited almost all the material (noting even the passage hidden away in Pseudo-Ignatius, Trall. 11, who, it should be noted, was read with special diligence among the Monophysites, and regarded as a high authority). Of the witnesses for the innocence of the Nicolaitans only Const. Apost. vi. 8 is lacking. It is to be further observed that Gobarus has produced the witnesses in proper chronological order. Whether Hippolytus's Syntagma or his Refutatio is meant can not be decided. The question whether the deacon Nicolaus himself turned into a wild Gnostic was destined to disquiet the church more and more.
On II, 15 (Epistle to the Hebrews): It is remarkable that Gobarus entirely omits the view that this epistle, in its extant form, was written by Paul. That not only Hippolytus and Irenaeus but also the Latin tradition concerning the epistle receives no mention from him was to be expected. The failure of Hippolytus to accept Hebrews as a Pauline epistle, can be shown from Eusebius, II. E. vi. 20 and Photius, Bibliotheca XLVIII; in both cases the name Hippolytus is wrongly |231 interchanged with the name Caius; Gobarus is thus independent of Eusebius. That Irenaeus did not reckon the epistle a part of the New Testament, we know indirectly; Gobarus, however, must have had positive information that Irenaeus recognized only thirteen Pauline epistles, otherwise he could not have expressed himself so definitely. The statement about Eusebius came from H. E. iii. 38; and the slip of the pen (confusing the Roman and the Alexandrian Clement) is thereby explained. Gobarus has combined Eusebius's statement with that of the Alexandrian Clement, although they do not entirely agree in their views about the origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
After I, 40, 41, Gobarus gave the interpretation of the doctors of the church and Severus for the difficult passage in Matthew 24, 36; unfortunately Photius has given us neither the interpretations nor the names of these doctors.
(b) Fathers of the First Centuries.
On II, 4: Severus of Antioch still knew the work of Papias, unless he derived from Irenaeus v. 33, 3 f. the statement that according to Papias the kingdom of heaven consists in the enjoyment of certain material foods. This derivation is, however, very probable, since (II, 5) Severus mentioned Irenaeus in the same breath with Papias. From I, 10 it follows (see above) that Gobarus was acquainted with Papias, but here too the acquaintance may have been merely indirect.
On I, 13: From the historical point of view the most interesting statement made by Gobarus is the quotation from Hegesippus. It reads: τὰ ἡτοιμασμένα τοῖς δικαίος ἀγαθὰ οὔτε ὀφθαλμὸς εἶδεν οὔτε οὖς ἤκουσεν οὔτε ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου ἀνέβη. Ἡγήσιππος μέντοι, ἀρχαῖός τε ἀνὴρ καὶ ἀποστολικός, 50 ἐν τῷ πέμπτῳ τῶν Ψ̔πομνημάτων, 51 μάτην μὲν εἰρῆσθαι ταῦτα λέγει, καὶ καταψεύδεσθαι τοὺς ταῦτα φαμένους, τῶν τε θείων γραφῶν καὶ τοῦ κυρίου λέγοντος· Μακάριοι οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ ὑμῶν οἱ βλέποντες καὶ τὰ ὦτα ὑμῶν τὰ ἀκούοντα, καψ̀ ἑξἥς. The statement "in the fifth book" gives to the quotation a special degree of certainty. That Hegesippus |232 attacked Paul 52 is extremely unlikely, first because he gives the citation in a form different from that of Paul 53 in 1 Corinthians 2, 9, secondly because he speaks of more than one who use (or misuse) the saying, and finally because in Paul himself it is a quotation, and we know numerous passages in which it is cited as a word of Scripture or of the Lord.54 The real state of things can only be as follows: Hegesippus had in mind in his polemic heretics who misused the saying for their celestial fantasies, and did not remember that it is found in Paul as well. But Gobarus knew the saying only as Pauline, and, finding it rejected in Hegesippus, seized on it in order to show that even an ancient and apostolic man had contradicted an apostle. Could there be a stronger testimony to the uncertainty of tradition? Whether Gobarus had the citation at first or second hand, cannot be certainly determined; but the exactness of the formula of citation favors the former assumption.
On I, 36: That Gobarus made direct or indirect use of Irenaeus, see above on I, 44, II, 4 f., 15; but from I, 36 it follows that he also mentioned a view of Irenaeus as to the abode of the soul after its departure from the body. The reference is to Irenaeus v. 31, 2: αἱ ψυχαὶ ἀπέρχονται εἰς τὸν ἀόραντον τόπον τὸν ὡρισμένον αὐταῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ, κτλ.
On II, 17: Among the quotations from Hippolytus is found also his judgment on Montanism, at least it is stated that this was different from that of Gregory of Nyssa. Since Gregory, like Basil, did not concede the validity of the Montanists' baptism, Hippolytus must have acknowledged it, which, in the light of Refutatio viii. 19, is very probable.
On I, 9, 12, 14, 31; II, 3-5,16: So far as we can see, Gobarus never quoted Origen as a witness for a thesis or antithesis. The |233 chapters here grouped together relate to teachings of Origen which were supported by orthodox teachers also (especially by Gregory of Nyssa). ---- I, 12: Since Origen taught that after the fall man was thrust down from paradise (situated in the third heaven), he must also have taught that "the trees of paradise are endowed with reason and with intelligence and logos," although I do not recall having read this in Origen. (Is it perhaps to be found in Gregory of Nyssa?) -----I, 14: The doctrine that punishments purify, and that finally even the wicked, having been purified by their punishments, are redeemed, is as much the teaching of Origen as is the doctrine of the preexistence of souls, the doctrine of the investment with flesh after the soul's fall (I, 30), the view that the "skins" are the bodies (I, 9), and the doctrine of apocatastasis, for which Gobarus (II, 3) cites Gregory of Nyssa. It is worthy of note that in I, 31 the souls of Moses, the prophets, Socrates, Plato, John the Baptist, the Apostles, and, above all, that of the Lord are enumerated as eminent souls ---- a "liberal" grouping which is certainly that of Origen, but which Gobarus must have read also in Gregory of Nyssa or in some other admittedly orthodox admirer of Origen. ---- The catalogue of Origen's partisans and opponents in II, 16 gives us no new information (but see the following paragraph); it is based in part on Eusebius's Church History (see Alexander of Jerusalem, Eus., H. E. vi. 14).
On I, 50; II, 6-8, 16: Our knowledge of the literary activity of Dionysius of Alexandria is really enlarged by Gobarus. That Dionysius addressed a letter to his old teacher Origen at the time of the latter's martyrdom (II, 16) is, indeed, mentioned by Eusebius (H. E. vi. 46); similarly the judgments (II, 6, 7) of Athanasius, Basil (compare the thorough exposition in Feltoe, "The Letters and Other Remains of Dionysius of Alexandria," 1904), and Theodoret (II, 8) on Dionysius are well known; but only from Gobarus (II, 16) do we learn that Dionysius wrote to Theotecnus of Caesarea in praise of Origen, and further, that he taught that the body in which the risen Lord appeared was of the same nature as before (I, 50), and hence not yet transformed into its future glory, nor such as it was at the |234 transfiguration. In what work (or letter) Dionysius taught this, cannot be determined. (If I am not mistaken, Feltoe has overlooked this statement.) It is surprising to meet this realistic view in an Alexandrian.
On I, 37: Gobarus cited the infrequently quoted Cohortatio of (Pseudo-) Justin (chapter 23; there from a passage from Plato), perhaps under the name Ἔλεγχος (see my Altchristliche Literatur-Geschichte, II, 2, pp. 151 ff.).
[Footnotes moved to the end]
1. 1 This title I have supplied. The manuscript tradition gives only the name of the author.
2. 2 Cave does not mention the writer, and there is no article on him in either the Protestant or the Catholic Realencyclopädie, or in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. In Fabricius-Harles, vol. X, p. 757, we find only a misleading list of the authors named in Photius's extracts from the work; and Krumbacher barely alludes to it. Bardenhewer (Patrologie, d ed., 1901, p. 479) says: "Among the famous writers of the tritheistic party [for this 'fame' I have found no evidence, unless it be the surname 'Gobarus'] was numbered Stephanus Gobarus, about 600 [for this date there is no evidence], now known only through extracts from his chief work [but we know of no other works] in Photius."
3. 3 He is not found either in Leontius or in Severus (although not all the writings of Severus are accessible in print). Mention of him is lacking also in the church histories of Evagrius and of John of Ephesus (although we do not possess the whole of the latter's great work). In later writers also my search has so far been in vain. For a possible identification, see below.
4. 4 That is, of Gobarus.
5. 5 καὶ οὐκ ἀθρόον πάντες, ἀλλὰ παρὰ μέρος. I am not sure about the understanding of this sentence.
6. 6 That is, God.
7. 7 That is, for the risen.
8. 8 This remark is by Photius, since he never makes Gobarus speak in the first person.
9. 9 I am not quite sure of the translation; τὸ καίεσθαι καὶ μὴ κατακαίεσθαι φθοράν ἐστιν ἄφθαρτον φθείρεσθαι.
10. 10 And hence eternal.
11. 11 Walch (l. c. p. 881) renders ὁ μέλλων αἰών by "the coming century," a translation which seems to me impossible.
12. 12 The reading should be: καὶ οὐχ ὡς τὸ πνεῦμα αἰώνοις (Mss. αἰώνιον).
13. 13 ὅτι οὐ πρόσκαιρος ἦν οὔτε ψυχή, ἀλλὰ νοῦς: corrupt text, but how emend it?
14. 14 He refers to Pseudo-Justin, Cohortatio.
15. 15 That is, Basil.
16. 16 μάλιστα δὲ ἐν οἷς τὸ ἀριανῶν ἔθνος ἐπερείδεται. I am not sure of the translation I have given; τῷ ἔθνει would be expected.
17. 17 Pseudo-Ignatius.
18. 18 While the numbers 1-52 are certain (since Photius counted up the total, and in one instance 38 has given the number of the chapter), in the second half of the book the reader is in doubt as to how to arrive at the number 18 given by Photius. The system adopted above for numbering the single pieces is not satisfactory, but I can find no better one. The surmise that chapters were here missing, I have considered, and rejected.
19. 19 Nevertheless the 'o' is not satisfactorily explained.
20. 20 Yet the designation may have been based on I, 1. (References to the fifty-two chapters of Gobarus's first, and "general," series are denoted by I; those to the eighteen chapters of his second, and "more special," series by II.)
21. 21 Photius has named comparatively few of these in his extracts.
22. 22 Gobarus's reputation must, however, have been limited to a local circle; otherwise he and his work could not have remained in such obscurity.
23. 23 For Dionysius Telmaharensis consult Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, II, pp. 72 ff.
24. 24 Cf. Walch, 1. c, pp. 778 ff.; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, II. ( d ed), pp. 575 f.; Krüger, Protestantische Realencyklopädie, XIII, pp. 400 f. He became the founder of the Niobites (Adiaphorites), who attributed to Christ in the strictest sense only one nature.
25. 25 In some places cognate material is grouped together; but this is the exception rather than the rule.
26. 26 On the great difficulty in the numbering here see what has been said above.
27. 27 This designation is due to Photius, not to Gobarus; what men are actually meant is uncertain.
28. 28 From II, 16 this is not evident.
29. 29 This inference is to be drawn also from II, 3-5: in matters of eschatology Gobarus took a correct intermediate position, rejecting both apocatastasis and chiliasm.
30. 30 See Walch, 1. c, VIII, pp. 771 ff., Schönfelder, Die Kirchengeschichte des Johannes von Ephesus, 1862, pp. 301 ff., Dictionary of Christian Biography, III, pp. 425 ff. The controversy as to the resurrection ended about the year 582.
31. 31 The preference for Titus of Bostra (I, 15, 19; II, 16) likewise certainly results from the latter's Antiochian and rational, Aristotelian character, as does perhaps the preference (if one may call it such) for Severian of Gabala (I, 36).
32. 32 That Photius did not reject Clement is not surprising. Thomas of Germanicia, Severus's letter to whom is mentioned in II, 2, was banished in 520 under Justin I as a Monophysite. He died in exile at Samosata about 541. Severus's letter to him is preserved (Wright, Catalogue, pp. 730, 567).
33. 33 Philoponus's literary activity began at latest in the year 529.
34. 34 The obscurity which long covered the date of Philoponus has been dispelled by recent investigations (Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, VI, pp. 501 ff.; Stöckl, in Wetzer and Weite, Kirchenlexikon, VI, columns 1748ff.; Dictionary of Christian Biography, p. 420). Nevertheless the year of his death can be given only approximately. The tradition that he was still alive in the first quarter of the seventh century as a contemporary of Georgius Pisides or of the emperor Heraclius is incompatible with the certainly determined dates.
35. 35 For the course of the Origenistic controversies see Diekamp, Die Origenistischen Streitigkeiten im 6. Jahrhundert und das 5. allgemeine Konzil, 1899; and Jülicher's review, Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1900, No. 6.
36. 30 Cf. Schönfelder, 1. c, pp. 267 ff. ("der Tritheistenstreit"; the author has paid scant attention to chronology); Dictionary of Christian Biography, p. 426. The beginnings of the Aristotelian-tritheistic movement (Askusnages) fall in the first half of Justinian's reign, and Philoponus taught his tritheism before 550, but only under Justin II did matters develop into a public controversy which agitated the church, and into that memorable disputation between the two groups of Monophysite teachers (the tritheists and the antitritheists) which the orthodox patriarch of Constantinople, Johannes Scholasticus, held by order of the emperor (Photius, Bibliotheca XXIV; Evagrius, H. E., v. 4). By a chance coincidence one spokesman of the antitritheistic party was named Stephanus.
37. 37 Where Gobarus is to be looked for, remains problematical. Statistically a preponderance of references in the citations relate to Alexandria in Egypt; but since almost all these cases relate to great ecclesiastical persons and actions (Origen, Dionysius, Athanasius, Theophilus, Cyril), and since we do not know whether Gobarus's citations are at first or second hand, the result is after all a non liquet. Nevertheless the interest in Isidore of Pelusium inclines the balance in favor of Egypt, and the close relationship to Philoponus supports this conjecture. On the other hand, the surname Gobarus points to Syria, as has been said above. The question is of slight importance, for the reason that in the second half of the sixth century the Syrian and the Alexandrian Monophysites maintained an intimate intercourse with one another, and there were always many Syrians in Alexandria.
38. 38 The Catalogue of Fabricius-Harles has confused the fathers (and other persons) actually quoted by Gobarus and those only mentioned in his citations, with the result of a distorted image. In the following paragraphs the two groups are distinguished.
(a) Fathers cited by Gobarus (whether at first or second hand cannot be determined):
Alexander of Jerusalem (probably taken from Eusebius's Church History), II, 16
Athanasius, II, 7, 16
Atticus of Constantinople, II, 10
Basil, II, 6
Clement of Alexandria, II, 14, 15 (probably quoting from Eusebius)
Cyril of Alexandria, I, 39, 50 and II, 11
Dionysius of Alexandria, I, 50 and II, 16
"The doctors of the church," I, 40
Epiphanius, II, 14, 16
Eusebius of Caesarea, II, 14, 15
Eustathius of Antioch, I, 38
Gregory of Nazianzus, II, 16
Gregory of Nyssa, II, 16, 17
Hegesippus, I, 13
Hippolytus, II, 14, 15, 17
Pseudo-Ignatius, II, 14
Irenaeus, I, 36, 44 and II, 15
Isidore of Pelusium, II, 12
Pseudo-Justin, I, 37
Severian of Gabala, I, 36
Severus of Antioch, I, 41 and II, 1-5, 13
Theodoret, II, 8, 14
Theophilus of Alexandria, II, 9, 16
Titus of Bostra, I, 15, 19 and II, 16.
The Apostle John is cited in I, 15 and 43, as are the Apostles Peter and Thomas in I, 47, John the Baptist in I, 2, the Mother of God in I, 3 and 42, and another Mary in I, 51. Photius says in his introduction that for the "non-ecclesiastical" half of his sentences Gobarus had cited only (?) ancient fathers as authorities (in accordance with contemporary use of language he means pre-constantinian fathers). Thus we should probably have had many other citations from lost ancient writings, as well as that from Hegesippus, if Photius's excerpt were more detailed. As it is, we can only show that of pre-constantinian fathers Gobarus cited Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Alexander of Jerusalem, Hippolytus, and Dionysius of Alexandria (besides Pseudo-Ignatius and Pseudo-Justin).
(b) Fathers and other persons mentioned in Gobarus's citations:
Bishops of Alexandria, II, 12
Clement of Rome, II, 15
Dionysius of Alexandria, II, 6-8
Gregory of Nyssa, II, 3
Irenaeus, II, 6
Isidore of Pelusium, II, 13
John of Antioch, II, 2
The Montanists, II, 17
"Mystagogues of the church," II, 1
Nicolaus and the Nicolaitans, II, 14
Origen, II, 13 and 16
Papias, II, 4
Sabellius, II, 6
Theognostus, II, 16
Theotecnus, II, 16
Thomas of Germanicia, II, 2.
Furthermore, Socrates, I, 31; Plato, I, 31 and 37. In I, 31 Moses, the prophets, Socrates, Plato, John the Baptist, and the Apostles are cited together. The Epistle to the Hebrews is mentioned in II, 15.
39. 39 For even such a question as, for instance, that mentioned in I, 42, whether Mary suckled the Lord or not, is in the last analysis not only a question touching Mary (virginitas post partum), but also a question pertaining to the problem of the incarnation and the relation of the divine to the human. Similarly some mystery is certainly concealed behind I, 43, and at the bottom of the passover problem (I, 45, 51, 52) lies ultimately the problem of the body of Christ, and behind this the problem of the imperishable and the perishable.
40. 40 Back of these two also may have lain for the author a problem of metaphysical christology.
41. 41 This is shown in particular by the chapters in which Gobarus has given theses only, without antitheses.
42. 42 If Gobarus had been guided exclusively by the purpose of discrediting tradition, it would remain obscure why in two-thirds of the cases he selected the contradictory utterances of tradition from a single field, however extensive.
43. 43 In the second century there were indeed highly esteemed fathers who were tritheists; but they did not intend to be such ---- and they were subordinationists. The tri-theists of the sixth century had great difficulty in maintaining their ground in the face of tradition.
44. 44 See my Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, II ( th ed., 1909), pp. 84 ff. Even so cautious a work as the Commonitorium of Vincent of Lerinum could not have been written in the East, for the idea of tradition was even more rigid here than in the West. Even the greatest theologian of the East and father of theological science in the Greek church took his stand firmly on the ground of ecclesiastical tradition. No one was permitted to depart from it. When the great Cappadocians were forced to recognize that there was no certain proof from tradition for the orthodox doctrine of the Holy Ghost, they invented for this doctrine a παράδοσις ἄγραφος, being unable to believe that a tradition could be lacking. From the fifth century on the proof from tradition became the most important proof, for the biblical and the speculative proof yielded precedence to it. In the controversy that lasted for centuries between the orthodox party and the Monophysites and between the Monophysites among themselves, proof from tradition dominated all endeavors. Ere long mutual recrimination naturally broke out, with charges of partisan bias in the selection of evidence, of the misinterpretation, and even the falsification and invention of evidence. Thus Philoponus was reproached (Photius, Bibliotheca LXXV) with misusing for his tritheism the utterances of the fathers, in particular of Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, Athanasius, and Cyril; John of Ephesus tells us (Church History v. 10) that the tritheists had "put together a great book out of the living body of those writings of the holy fathers which they supposed to confirm and corroborate their heresy." "That," says John, "is what the law forbids: 'That which is torn with beasts he shall not eat' (Lev. 22, 8). So they too tore away dead members out of the discussions (arguments) of the holy fathers, thinking to prove that these likewise taught and enounced a number of deities and many gods, like the heathen." Especially interesting is the story told of Severus of Antioch (in Anastasius, Hodegos 6). It is said that in order to escape from the patristic proof-passages quoted by his opponents, which he was not able to refute, he repudiated these passages as forgeries in his work "Philalethes" (against John of Caesarea). This work was so highly esteemed by his adherents that they placed it even above the Gospel of John, and accepted only such utterances of the fathers as Severus had approved.
45. 45 Cf. the preceding note.
46. 46 Petri Abaelardi "Sic et Non" primum integrum ed. Henke et Lindenkohl, 1851.
47. 47 Hence the judgment upon the work: "aeternis tenebris potius dignum quam luce" (Martène et Durand, Thesaurus nov. anecdotorum, V, Praefatio).
48. 48 Cf. the opening sentence: "Cum in tanta verborum multitudine nonnulla etiam Sanctorum dicta non solum ab invicem diversa, verum etiam invicem adversa videntur," etc., and this from the concluding sentences: "Philosophus ille omnium perspicacissimus Aristoteles in praedicamento 'ad aliquid' adhortatur dicens: 'Fortasse autem difficile est de hujusmodi rebus confidenter declarare, nisi pertractatae sint saepe; dubitare autem de singulis non erit inutile.' "
49. 49 One difference between Abaelard and Gobarus consists in the fact that the latter has also included in the scope of his antithetical work the mutually contradictory judgments of the fathers on leading persons and circumstances of church history. Abaelard refrained from this. But on the other hand both were careful not to quote in their citations "apocryphal" sayings (Abaelard, Praefatio, p. 17), and, like Gobarus, Abaelard too let Holy Writ alone; indeed, he expressly emphasized its certainty in contrast to tradition (Praefatio, pp. 10 ff.). The suggestions in Abaelard's preface as to how the contradictions of tradition can be obviated are of no great consequence.
50. 50 This characterization of Hegesippus must be due to Gobarus; Photius had no cause to characterize him in this way.
51. 51 The following words: οὐκ οἶδ̕ ὅτι καὶ παθών, belong to Photius (see above).
52. 52 It was formerly held that this confirmed the Jewish Christianity of Hegesippus; but Hegesippus was not a Jewish Christian.
53. 53 Neither τοῖς δικαίοις nor τὰ ἀγαθά is found in the verse from Paul.
54. 54 Cf. Resch, Agrapha, 1889, pp. 102 ff., 154 ff.; also his Agrapha, 1906, pp. 25 ff.; Zahn, Forschungen, VI (1900), pp. 247 ff. τὰ ἀγαθά is also found in this saying in Athanasius, De virginitate 18, and in Origen, Hom. xviii. 15 in Jerem.; in Origen are also the words οἱ δίκαιοι; see also Const. Apost. vii. 32 and Epiphanius, Haer. 64, 69. On the apocryphal sayings compare also Acta Petri Vercell., p. 98 (ed. Lipsius) and my discussion in Texte und Untersuchungen, XLII, Heft 4, pp. 43, 49.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: agapius_history_00_eintro.htm
Agapius, Universal History (1909) Preface to the online edition
Agapius, Universal History (1909) Preface to the online edition
Who was Agapius?
About this translation
Agapius, the Testimonium Flavianum, and Papias
Note about the page numbering in part 1
Note about terms in brackets
Who was Agapius?
When the first Moslems began raiding into Egypt, Palestine and Mesopotamia in the 630's AD, they encountered little resistance. Twenty years of incessant fighting between the Eastern Romans and the Sassanid Persians had left both militarily prostrate. Greatly to their surprise, the Arabs found themselves quickly victorious and accepting the surrender of wide lands and great cities of a wealth and culture utterly beyond their own. Their response was to seize whatever money and power they could, and otherwise leave things alone.
In all these lands, the majority of the population was Christian, at least in name. Under Moslem rule the bishops continued to exercise the considerable authority that they had acquired in late Antiquity. They became responsible for supplying the ruling race with money, but otherwise were left largely alone.
The political disputes of the Eastern Empire had taken the form of theological dispute. Real political activity was illegal, but the Greeks of the empire had discovered that theological dissent was tolerated, that councils could be held, votes taken, anathemas pronounced, and enemies demonised, excluded and exiled. In short all the activities associated with Greek city politics could take place under another form.
Consequently every dispute clothed itself as a disagreement over some obscure point of Christology, and the issues were fought with all the fervour that today leads people to organise demonstrations and run smear campaigns. Even the philosophical arguments could be transplanted into theology, with the result that all the works of Aristotle were translated during the 5- th centuries into Syriac; indeed not just once, but twice, by different factions, because of the universal employment of his methods and vocabulary in the disputes of that period. To this activity we owe the transmission of Greek science and philosophy to the Arabs, and hence to ourselves.
The first group to be excluded were known as Nestorians. These were expelled from the church after 433, and found safety in the Persian empire, and still exist today. The struggle between the Monophysites, who had expelled them, and the Chalcedonians is the history of the Eastern Empire for a century from 451 onwards. Most of the people in Syria, Palestine and Egypt belonged to the monophysites. After their defeat in the mid-sixth century, they organised themselves into a rival hierarchy, which also exists today. Those in these lands who followed the Chalcedonian position were known as Melkites -- "kingsmen" -- indicating their support for the imperial government. While the Eastern Emperor ruled these lands, placemen and timeservers would be Melkites. After the Moslem invasion, this link could be a source of peril to them.
The Christian populations retained their culture and their languages; Greek, Coptic and Syriac. But over time, they were increasingly obliged to adopt Arabic, the language of the rulers. The struggles of the Copts against this, and their efforts to retain their own language, are lamented in the Apocalypse of Simon of Kalamoun, elsewhere on this site. The Melkites were some of the earliest to adopt Arabic, doing so from the ninth century on.
Agapius, son of Constantine, was Melkite bishop of Menbidj in Syria during the 10th century AD, as he himself tells us. The town had a famous history as a monophysite centre; known as Mabbug in Syriac, it had been the home of Philoxenus. In Greek it had been called Hierapolis, and been a pagan centre.
Little is known of Agapius' life. He is one of the earliest Christian writers to use Arabic, but his work is full of material derived from Syriac sources, and thereby from Greek chroniclers in translation. He has left us a history of the world from the Creation down to his own times. The work was divided into two parts, split at the time of Christ.
The first part of his work exists in several manuscripts. The second half exists only in a single water-damaged copy in the Biblioteca Mediceo Laurenziana in Florence. The work seems to have originally ended in 941 AD, as we can see from a casual reference to 330 AH in part 2 (footnote 28); but the Florence manuscript is incomplete, and ends in the second year of the Caliph al-Mahdi, almost two centuries earlier. There are also quotations of Agapius' work in the thirteenth century Arabic Christian history by al-Makin ibn-Amid. This has never been completely or adequately published, however.
The first part of the work draws uncritically on whatever sources were available to the author. Apocryphal legends are mingled with biblical stories, excerpts from Josephus, Eusebius, all through whatever summarised form was available at the time. The work is naturally of more historical interest when it deals with the Islamic period.
The text was published by Alexander Vasiliev in the Patrologia Orientalis series in four fascicles, in PO 5, 7, 8 and 11 (1910-1915). This was accompanied by a French translation, which is the basis for these pages. In 1912 an edition based mainly on Beirut manuscripts was produced by Louis Cheikho in the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium series, without a translation. This included material derived from manuscripts of al-Makin as an appendix. However the CSCO edition was produced in 1907, and printing delayed.
About this translation
The only translation that exists of Agapius is the French translation of Alexander Vasiliev. This is available online at Archive.org, but there are a very large number of people who do not know French.
What we need is a new edition of the text, which uses modern technology to read all the passages illegible to Vasiliev, with an English translation. But as the last work on this text was done in 1915, there seems no reason to suppose this will happen soon.
So I have taken the time to turn the translation of Vasiliev into English. Vasiliev was a Russian writing in a foreign language, and his version is therefore in simple French. It works quite well with the Google machine translator; and I have fixed the inevitable errors.
This version has no scholarly value whatever. It is more in the nature of research notes facilitating access. The specialist will of course go directly to the Arabic text. But it is hoped that it will help people who might never otherwise read any work of Arabic Christian literature to access this work, and thereby encourage people to explore this almost unexplored region of late antique studies. I hope, indeed, that the availability of this version may stir some Arabist to undertake the task of making a proper edition and translation!
I would like to thank Stephen C. Carlson who generously sent me a version that he had prepared for his own use of the first 50 or so pages of part 2, and inspired me to translate the whole thing!
Agapius, the Testimonium Flavianum, and Papias
The work of Agapius would be purely a matter of interest for specialists were it not for two passages which have attracted wider attention. In part 2, Agapius quotes a portion of the lost work of the early nd century Christian writer Papias of Hierapolis, which seems to mention the pericope from John 7 where Jesus meets the woman accused of adultery.
The other passage is also in part 2, and consists of a version of the famous Testimonium Flavianum of Josephus; the longer passage in which Josephus describes Christ. Attention was drawn to this in a famous publication by Shlomo Pines in 1971, and discussion has raged since as to whether the words attributed by Agapius to Josephus are in some way more authorial than the slightly strange-sounding version today found in all the Greek manuscripts, and which has attracted so much unfavourable comment down the years. Pines used the text as printed in the CSCO edition, augmented from al-Makin.
Note about the page numbering in part 1
The reader will probably wish to refer from this text back to the pages of the Patrologia Orientalis edition, from which it is translated. The first part was published in two fascicles; 1.1 in PO vol. 5 and 1.2 in PO 11. Each page of each fascicle had two page numbers. The pages in each fascicle were numbered from 1-150; and also there was a continuous page number.
The editors of the Patrologia Orientalis edition unfortunately made several mistakes in numbering the pages of the edition, in the continuous numbering which we use here. There are no faults in 1.1, which ends on page 135.
1.2 should therefore begin on page 136. Unfortunately the compositor started the continuous numbers in the prefatory material of the fascicle -- title pages, etc --, causing a gap. The first page is actually p.147. This is unfortunate; but worse is to come.
Mid-way through 1.2, the page numbers go from 226 to 217!. Consequently there are two sets of pages, both numbered 217-226. The reader who wishes to refer to each set of these would be best advised to signal which is which; 217 (1) and 217 (2). This approach has been taken here. The HTML bookmarks are #p217 for page 217 (1) and #p217_2 for 217 (2).
Note about terms in brackets
There seems to be no real consistency in the PO text as to what is bracketed and what is not. I have followed what the edition gives.
This text was written by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: agapius_history_00_intro.htm
Agapius, Universal History (1909) pp.1-8. Translator's Introduction
Agapius, Universal History (1909) pp.1-8. Translator's Introduction
NOTICE
Agapius (Mahboub) the Greek, son of Constantine, bishop of Menbidj (10th century of our era), of whose work I offer to the public the Arabic text and French translation, is a Christian Arab writer almost unknown in the historical literature. Indeed, he is not found either in the work of Wästenfeld, Die Geschichtschreiber der Araber und ihre Werke, nor in the Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur of Brockelmann, nor in the Littérature arabe of Ch. Huart (Paris, 1902), nor in the even more recent book, dedicated especially to the Arabic Christian literature, Die christlich-arabische Literatur of G. Graf (1905). K. Krumbacher is no more familiar with Agapius in his excellent history of Byzantine Literature, where other Christian Arab chroniclers, such as Yahya of Antioche and Al-Makin, have found their place. It is only in 1907, that we find a few lines on Agapius in the summary of Arabic Christian literature by G. Brockelmann 1, who drew his information from my article in Vizantiysky Vremennik "Agapius of Manbidj, Arabic Christian historian of 10th century". (in Russian).
Agapius, based on the time when he lived, is the first Arabic Christian historian. However it would in correct to say that the name of Agapius (Mahboub) and the manuscripts of his history were unknown to the learned world. In 1742 Assemani, in his Catalogue of the Eastern manuscripts of the Laurentian Library of Florence, |7 described in a more or less detailed way (not too exact on the whole) manuscript 132, which contains the second part of the history of Mahboub. In 1835 in the Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orientalium Bibliothecae Bodlejanae we find a description of the ms. LI (Hunt 478a.,1320), which contains the first part of the history of Agapius.
The first to interest himself in this writer was the baron V. Rosen, the eminent Russian scholar, whose untimely and unexpected death was felt by all the Orientalists and Byzantinists († January 10/23, 1908). After looking through the Florence manuscript and making some extracts from it, in 1884 he published the following article in the Newspaper of the Ministry for the State education (in Russia): Notes on the chronicle of Agapius de Manbidj (in Russian). Unfortunately this article remained unknown not only abroad, but even in Russia.
It was the baron Rosen, whose pupil I had the honour to be and to whose memory I dedicate this edition, who drew my attention to this historian.
The Catalogus Porphyrianus 2 and that of Mrs. Gibson 3 informed us that there were two further manuscripts of Agapius at the monastery of Mount Sinai. Then I set to work: in 1902, during my stay in Sinai, I copied two mss. which are in the library of this convent and which contain only the first part of the chronicle, and in 1903 I made a copy of the ms. of Florence, which contains the second part; but I was missing the Oxford ms., which I had seen in 1907 and of which I had noted the importance. With very great kindness M. Graffin procured for me photographs of this manuscript; so that I now have at my disposal four manuscripts, on which I base the text of my publication. |8
There are further mss. of Agapius, which I was unable to make use of. Thus, in the newspaper Al-Machrik of Beirut, there is a description of a ms. of Agapius, which, based on the extracts published in this catalogue, appears to me to relate to the Oxford ms.; we also read in the same publication that there exist in Syria several mss. of Agapius 4.
I shall begin by publishing the first part of the chronicle of Agapius, which tells the history of the world before Christ and the life of the Messiah. The edition of the text of this part is based on three manuscripts: 1) ms. C; this is the Ms. Oxford LI (Hunt 478. Pusey), very well written, dated (A.D. 1320), which I took as the basis of my edition; 2) ms B; this is Ms. Sinai 580, 21x16, 208 fol. (Gibson), also written rather well, whose text corresponds to the Oxford ms. 3) ms. A; this is Ms. Sinai 456, 27x18,175 fol. (Gibson), more recent; it is a very abridged copy and its text differs much from the other mss. above; this manuscript contains various treatises, and the first part of Agapius occupies folios 103-164v, where the text, stopping in the middle of a sentence, is incomplete at the end.
The second part of the chronicle of Agapius, which, I dare to hope, will follow the first, is especially interesting for historical studies: it gives much information on the ancient history of the Church, on the period of the Å'cumenical Councils, the history of Byzantium and the Caliphate, especially at the time of the transfer of power from the Ommayads to the Abbasids.
In my edition, I have tried to reproduce, as far as possible, the text as we find it in the mss., without substituting the classical forms, and I am sure that scholars who are interested in the Arabic Christian language, will find much invaluable and new information there.
I would like to cordially thank all those who agreed to help me with their advice and their involvement in my work, and in first place Mr. J. Kratchkovsky, a young Russian Arabist, the youngest pupil of the baron Rosen, who by his inexhaustible kindness deserves a special place in my gratitude, - who helped me in this heavy work, thanks to his erudite knowledge of the Arab language. |9 May I also be allowed to address my hearty thanks to Mr. N. Marr, professor at the University of St. Petersburg, who granted me in abundance the benefit of his invaluable advice and his profound knowledge of oriental languages and literatures. I express also my sincere gratitude to Mr. P. Kokovzoff, member of the Academy of Knowledge at St. Petersburg; to my fellow-member Mr. A. von Boulmerincq, professor at the University of Youryev (Dorpat); to Mr. L. Leroy, professor at the faculties of Angers, and to Mr. E. Blochet, of the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris.
A. VASILIEV,
Professor at the University of Youryev (Dorpat), Russia
St. Petersburg, 7/20 June, 1908.
A = ms. 456 of Sinai
B = ms. 580 of Sinai
C = ms. Oxford LI (Hunt. 478). The edition of part 1 is based on this manuscript.
1. Die christlich-arabische Litteratur, in the series by Ahmelang, Die Litteraturen des Ostens in Einzeldarstellungen.
2. Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum et impressorum Monasterii S. Catherinae in Monte Sinai ad fidem Codicis Porphyriani, N. IV, B. 18/135. Petropolii, 1891, p. 336 (N. 164)
3. M. D. Gibson, Catalogue of the Arabic mss. in the convent of S. Catherine on Mount Sinai, London, 1894, p. 88 (N. 456) and 123-4 (N. 580). Studia Sinaitica no. III.
4. Al-Machrik, VIII (1905), p. 1051-2 (no. 90); see also vol. V (1902), p. 909.
This text was turned into English by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: agapius_history_01_part .htm
Agapius, Universal History (date) pp.9-272. Part 1
Agapius, Universal History (date) pp.9-272. Part 1
KITAB AL-`UNVAN
DECORATED WITH THE EMINENT QUALITIES OF WISDOM, CROWNED WITH VARIOUS
SPECIES OF PHILOSOPHY, ILLUSTRATED BY THE TRUTHS OF KNOWLEDGE.
Ms. C
Mss. BA
In the name of the only and eternal God.
We beseech his help.
The book al-`Unvan (of the Title), decorated with eminent qualities of wisdom, crowned with various kinds of philosophy, illustrated by the truths of knowledge, composed with care by the eminent sheik, the erudite doctor, the excellent philosopher, Agapius, son of Constantine, a Greek of Manbidj, and which he sent to an eminent man `Isa, son of al-Husein. |10
Know, may great God help you, that this blessed book is composed by its author, and is written according to the Sacred Books of God, according to the books of the philosophers and the scholars. He worked on it with sorrow, weariness, assiduity and effort; he composed it for the great benefit and profit of people who will meditate on it; those who, indeed, will contemplate this book with assiduity, will understand it, think about it seriously and will be interested, like a man who had traversed the whole universe, as if he knew the world from its origins |11 and as if the world were telling its history, its wonders, its extraordinary things, the events and miracles which have taken place from the origins of creation until his own time and era. May he who reads it, do so with great care and understand it well.
Here is the beginning of the book.
The Apostle says: "Every excellent grace and every perfect gift comes from above and comes down from the Father of lights 1." God, O friend, has granted to you in abundance the good and beautiful gift, which inspires in you the desire to arrive at knowledge and to clarify events, and to arrive at the possession of the truth about them and the knowledge of the subtleties of their mysteries.
In the name of God, clement and merciful.
The Book of history, attributed to Mahbub, son of Constantine, a Greek of Manbidj.
Its title belongs to the man, decorated with eminent qualities of wisdom, crowned with various kinds of philosophy, illustrated by the truths of knowledge, the virtuous and good, Abu-Musa-`Isa, son of al-Husein, may the grace of God towards him endure, may his wisdom be perfect, may his |10 philosophy increase twofold, may his dignity be raised, may all the power of his enemies, who hate him, be decreased and be subjected to him, may the hand which preserves be on him, and may his life be prolonged.
Mahbub, son of Constantine, the Greek, of Manbidj, composed this book and wrote it according to the revealed Books of God, may His name be great, and the books of the philosophers and the scholars; he worked there with much care, great weariness and great sorrow; he composed it for the great benefit and profit of people who will meditate on it; whoever will contemplate with assiduity this book, will understand it, will pass through it in spirit and |11 will know what is in it, --- he will resemble a man who has traversed the whole universe, as if he knew the world from its origins and as if the world told its history, its wonders, its extraordinary things, miraculous events which took place and which are worthy of admiration, and marvellous stories.
The beginning of the book.
Every excellent gift - may God prolong your glory and raise the happiness of your rank - comes down from the Father of lights. God has granted a high spirit and noble and beautiful qualities to you. He put in you the desire and the intention to find out the history of the faith and to arrive at the possession of the truth and the knowledge of the mysteries.
|12
To the best of my ability, may God help you, I have wanted to publish a book commencing with the origins of the world and I considered that you were able and worthy, because I have solid evidence of the fineness of your spirit and your intelligence.
I have composed this book which explains, shows and clarifies. This book contains, from the origins of the world, complete information on the years of the world, the centuries and dates, and the nations, nation by nation, with an explanation and description, the events which took place in former times in the regions of the earth, their history and the wonders which existed among the nations, the peoples and the kingdoms, nation by nation, kingdom by kingdom, - and the history of the prophets, prophet by prophet, their date and era, the philosophers, tyrants and the owner of talismans invulnerable against reptiles or insects, - the confection of pearls, the art of working hyacinth, marble, Pharaonic glass, -- the arts, i.e. the ten gifts, that God has given specially to the children of Adam, the description of the seven wonders of the world and the places where they are.
These wonders are: the Capitol in Rome; it is a marvellous building, where Apollonius taught magic. The second wonder is the Pharos |13 of Alexandria. It is a tower with an observatory, which is at the entrance to the sea, on four columns of glass. It is this of which the scholar Bedas speaks 1, who measured the sea, traversed the earth and did not find any construction in the world higher than this one. The third wonder is the temple of Çyzicus in Cappadocia, in the country of the Greeks. It is an astonishing building of one hundred fifty square cubits, on four pilasters, and what is most astonishing, is that the rain does not fall on it. The fourth wonder are the three stones of Baalbek. The fifth wonder is the woman (?) in the town of Caesarea in Palestine. a The sixth wonder, the Ifos (ἱππος) of Bellerophon; it is an iron horse, on which is an iron rider, suspended in the air under a vaulted ceiling without any support against the walls of the vault. The seventh wonder is three statues that Hercules, the most ancient king, made in the sea to preserve travellers from immersion. Along with this, in this book is gathered the explained history of the divisions of the earth and the seven climates, their length, |14 their width, their seas, their gulfs, their famous cities, the state of the inhabitants of the climates, their manners and what there is in the way of vermin and of use in each climate.
In the name of God unique and eternal. We beseech his help.
This is the beginning of the book of the eminent master, the perfect philosopher, Agapius, son of Constantine. May God give eternal rest and great reward to his soul. Amen.
Some intelligent people, versed in the knowledge of the things which, as you see, happen according to the order of nature from the origins of the world, know that the beginning of time, the origin of things created, the order of the years and days are counted from the time of the equinox at the entry of the sun into the head of the Ram, i.e. the equator. From this time, the earth starts to produce green grass and the trees start to produce leaves and change colour. The earth is covered with greenery and shows its beauty and a great number of pretty colours. At the same time the animals, all the insects of the earth and all the birds, as we see, mate one with another and bring into the world the little ones of every species and every kind according to their nature. At the time of which we speak, |15 and in this period, birds built nests of every kind and form, according to their ability.
The time of which we speak starts, according to all the scholars and all the chronologists, at the origin of the world, the 18 of the month of Adar (Mark), which is the lunar month of Nisan (April); as for Nisan, it is Redjeb, (the first) the twelve lunar months at the beginning of the months of the world.
We have found that the book of God, (may it be blessed), revealed via the intermediary of Moses the prophet, agrees with what we have said on the natural course of the things since the first origins of the world; (this book) is like it, agrees with it and follows it.
However God, may His name be blessed and His glory be great, inspired Moses his prophet and said to him: "Let this month be the first and the beginning of the lunar months." The people versed in the books revealed by God affirm that in this same month the end of the world will take place. Then there is no-one among all the scholars and people of knowledge who doubts that this month started on a Sunday at the beginning of the world; and we do not need to examine this question or to explain the account of this, because it is clear and obvious among all scholars and all the experts of the Scriptures, that the first beginning of creation took place on Sunday; the name of this day proves what we say. On this day, this month and this year |16 the chronology of the history of the world started and from this moment what happened is reported and related.
This book is called in Greek χρονικόν, which in the Arabic translation means the sequence of years and the mark of dates and the centuries. This book begins with the first day, when God created all the creatures, from Adam to the Ascension of Christ, (our) Lord; it describes, tells and deals with the nations, nation after nation, of the kings of the earth, king after king, of the things which took place in the world, of the wonders in the various kingdoms and the various nations and other things.
The author and the writer of this book said; "We must start with the origins, that we seek the reasons and the causes of what is known about the beginning of the world and the order of the years, that we explain the evidence and that we tell and set forth this history."
He said: In the first year after the exodus of the Israelites from the country of Egypt, Moses, the prophet of God, went up on the mountain of God, Tur-Sina (the Sinai), fasted for forty days and forty nights and prayed. Then God condescended to speak to him and granted to him power, wisdom, knowledge and the gift of prophecy, so that he prophesied, told, reported and wrote |17 how God had created this world in six days; and God sent down (revealed) to him the written tablets of the Law, and Moses wrote five books: The first book makes known things created, described the beginning of their creation and their qualities. The second book writes and tells the exodus of the Israelites from the country of Egypt. The third book sets forth the rules for the priests and the Levites and is called the book of the priests (Leviticus). The fourth book is that of the number of Israelites, in which Moses the prophet counted them and enumerated their number. The fifth book is that of Deuteronomy.
Here ends the era of the world from the beginning of creation until this year which is the 81st year since the birth of Moses finishes and which is the year when Moses the prophet went up on the mountain of God Tûr-Sina (the Sinai); and there were three thousand eight hundred and forty-seven years until this date and this day, as we can give it according to the version of the Seventy, Jewish commentators who translated the Pentateuch and all the books of the prophets from Hebrew into Greek under Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. That took place approximately three hundred years before the arrival of Christ Our Lord. |18
At the beginning of the first book, Moses the prophet writes that God created in the beginning the substance of heaven and earth, understanding by the word 'substance' the hypostasis of heaven and earth and their essence. God created the light, which was a dispersed and extended light, separated the light from darkness on the first day, which was the beginning of creation, and which he named Sunday. This is the first day of the month of Nisan which is the lunar month Redjeb at the beginning of creation. The proof that this first lunar month was Redjeb and that it was Sunday, is the astronomical calculation, the formula for which is easy to understand; thus whoever wishes and wants to know this, will acquire this knowledge with little effort, which will satisfy his understanding. But sometimes this astronomical calculation is hidden from he who wants to know it, God willing.
On the second day God created the celestial sphere which turns with a perpetual motion and travels from East to West, making a circuit every twenty-four hours, day and night, permanently, without stopping; and God named the revolving, attached and raised sphere 'heaven'.
On the third day God ordered that all the waters above the earth be gathered in one location and one place; and after their gathering, the waters were called seas. |19 Then the earth produced grasses, various flowers, trees with fruit and trees without fruit.
On the fourth day God, may his name be exalted, ordered the extended light to gather and placed it in all the luminaries, i.e. the sun, the moon and all the fixed and moving stars according to their categories and their classes, which are moved in the sphere which puts them in perpetual and continuous motion, and they turn in a direction opposed to that of the sphere, from West to East.
On the fifth day God created from the water all the birds which fly in the air over the earth, and all the animals of the sea; God created from the water their bodies and the breath of their life.
On the sixth day God created from the earth all the animals and the wild animals, all the reptiles which crawl on its surface, and the others whose bodies and breath of life came from the earth.
On this day God created a man -- i.e. Adam -- in the image of God. He created him and made him the most perfect of the creatures and improved him, putting in him a particular superiority of intelligence, word and soul, endowing with reason, intelligent and speaking, wherein was the resemblance to God. The body of Adam and his spirit came from the earth and the four elements, |20 the primitive forms, created before everything as separate, independent and free; the soul of Adam, intelligent, expressing thought, speaking, similar to God, immortal, was from God; its flame and all that there is of good in it, (was also from Him). And the man, i.e. Adam, having become a spiritual and corporeal being, with a better structure, God took him and put him, he and his wife, whom he had created from one of his sides, in the garden of Eden.
On the seventh day God completed all his works which He had created, and He called (this day) the day of Sabbath, because Sabbath means rest. Certain scholars believe that God, may He be blessed and exalted, located the garden of Eden and placed it above the earth, at a distance of fifteen cubits, without support.
God put Adam there and on the one hand established him as king over the animals and the beasts, which were below him, and on the other hand He placed him beneath the wisdom and knowledge of the immaterial Angels, enjoying the special favour of God, who were above him.
In the middle of the paradise God planted the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, which He prohibited to Adam, rigorously prescribed to him not to approach it and He gave him the order not to eat of its fruit, to test his obedience thus; and if Adam had persevered in obedience, he would have been worthy to be placed in the order of the angels |21 and to be with them; if he fell into disobedience and error, he would be rejected from paradise altogether, would be driven out and would be with the animals. When Adam had disobeyed his Lord and his Creator and had violated his order, he could not live in the holy and spiritual paradise any more after the error and the violation of the commandment; this was inadmissible in the holy and spiritual paradise. God made him leave the paradise, made him live opposite it in the mountains and did not drive him far, thanks to His leniency to him. This is why David, the prophet, said in the Book of the Psalms about Adam: "The man, who did not understand his honour and the favour of God that was granted to him, was delivered to the animals, driven out to them and became similar to them."
Adam and his wife Eve remained sad and afflicted for a hundred years because of their disobedience towards their Lord, and they experienced sorrow every time that they looked at the paradise; they regretted the delights which had escaped them, and they were afflicted at their cohabitation with animals. A hundred years afterwards, Adam knew his wife Eve, and fathered from her Cain; then, after him, Abel (was born).
When they had reached the age of thirty, they offered to God their offerings; and God accepted the offering |22 of Abel because of his purity and the kindness of his heart; but God did not accept the offering of Cain, who had in his heart resentment and secret hatred against his brother. He envied his brother because God had preferred his offering to that of Cain. Cain said to Abel, his brother: "Come with us to the fields." They went down from the mountains to the fields, and Cain threw himself on Abel, his brother, and killed him. God was angry against Cain and made him pass all his life in fear. Adam and Eve, his wife, were extremely upset at the violent death of Abel for hundred years more. Adam understood that the misfortune of Abel, his son, was the punishment of his error and his disobedience towards His Lord, because the fathers were to be struck and punished for their own sins in their children; and Adam feared Cain for himself.
A hundred years after, Adam and Eve his wife, were comforted for their affliction. Adam knew Eve, his wife, and fathered Seth, who resembled Adam in appearance and features. Seth remained with Adam his father, in the mountains, and Cain lived down in the plain. The seventh descendant of Cain was Lamech the blind man, |23 son of Methuschael, son of Mehuiael, son of Hirad, son of Enoch, son of Cain, son of Adam. Lamech the blind went out one day with a child who led him. Trembling, Cain was in the woods. Lamech the blind man heard him and believing that he was a wild beast of the forest, he took a stone, threw it against Cain and killed him. The child said to him: "What have you done? You have killed Cain!" In an access of pain, sorrow, regret and affliction which invaded him, he struck his hands one against the other, and they hit the head of the child, broke it and killed him. Then he came to his wives, Hada and Scilla, and said to them: "Hear my voice and listen to my word in silence, Hada and Scilla, wives of Lamech! If Cain is punished seven times, Lamech will be seventy-seven times, because he killed a man with a blow of a stone and a child by striking it a blow with his hands."
At that time and during this generation lived Nahama, sister of Jubal and TubalCain, descended from Cain. There was nobody in the world more expert than TubalCain |24 at playing the lute, the cymbal and all the string instruments and in all the kinds of entertainments and recreations. He was the first who introduced them into the world, so that thanks to excellence of his playing and the beauty of his voice the wild and savage beasts and the birds gathered near him to hear his voice without attacking each other. Nahama, his sister, was one of the most beautiful women and the prettiest. It was she which first taught how to dye and colour fabrics and used coloured clothing. The children of Cain delivered themselves to recreation and devoted themselves to entertainment, gaity, to excess in delight and passion, without slackening either day or night. The children of Seth, being in the mountains above them, heard their voices.
In the fifth generation of the children of Adam, -- it was the 135th year of the birth of Mahalalail, son of Cainan, son of Enos, son of Seth, son of Adam, - Adam died, may God have pity on him, nine hundred and thirty years old. He had lived seven hundred years after the birth of his son Seth. Here is the calculation of this, according to the translation of the Seventy. |25
It is written: Adam lived two hundred and thirty years and fathered Seth; from the day of the birth of Seth until that of Enos, there were 205 years, which makes 435 years; from the birth of Enos until that of Cainan, son of Enos, there were 190 years, which makes 625 years; from the day when Cainan was born, until the birth of Mahalalail, son of Cainan, there were 170 years, which makes 795 years. After the birth of Mahalalail Adam completed 930 years, which was the duration of his life.
According to the Torah, which is in the hands of the Jews, and which they have mutilated by reducing the years of the life of the patriarks before the birth of their children, here is the calculation of the years which are counted in the chronology of the world. The Syriac Torah depends on the Torah (of the Jews), because it was translated from Hebrew after Christianity and the deterioration (of the text). It is written there that Adam lived until the ninth generation of the children of his children, i.e. until the 56th year of the birth of Lamech, son (of Mathusaleh, son) of Enoch, because the Jews |26 reduced by one hundred years the years of Adam and other patriarks before the birth of their children and added them to the years of their life after the birth of their children. Hanan (Annas) and Caiphas, High Priests of the Jews, wanted to refute the advent of the Messiah and said that the time of his advent had not arrived yet. The Jews wrote: Adam lived 130 years and fathered Seth; from the day of the birth of Seth to the birth of Enos 105 years; from the day of the birth of Enos to the birth of Cainan - 90 years; from the day of the birth of Cainan to the birth of Mahalalail - 70 years; from the day of the birth of Mahalalail to the birth of Jared - 65 years; from the day of the birth of Jared to the birth of Enoch - 162 years; from the day of the birth of Enoch to the birth of Mathusaleh - 65 years; from the day of the birth of Mathusaleh to the birth of Lamech - 187 years. If we count in an exact way what we have set forth, the number of the years comes to 874 years to the day of the birth of Lamech. 56 years after the birth of Lamech, father of Noah, who was the ninth generation from Adam, Adam was 930 years old, which is the lifespan of Adam. |27
The beginning of the flood.
This is set down, as a proof and an argument for those who have not read nor examined the sacred books, without speaking of others, (and who claim) that the life of Adam did not last until the days of Lamech, father of Noah. After a duration of 1656 years, according to the chronology, Noah, son of Lamech was born. Lamech, his father, prophesied of him, that he would relieve the world of its sins.
It is written that the children of Seth, son of Adam, and his descendants, three hundred men, gathered and went down from the holy mountain to the children of Cain in the wicked plain, which had received the blood of Abel, led by the desire to hear their plays and their recreations. The daughters of Cain united themselves with them, and they committed adultery with them. A few days afterwards, when they wanted to go up on to the mountain to their residences and their domiciles, the mountain became a fire in front of them, so that they could not approach it nor go up there because of their sins. Those who were on the mountain, supposing that the delay of their companions was a serious thing, and seeing that they had not gone up home, did not cease going down, one after the other, themselves, their children and their wives, until there was |28 only Noah alone who remained on the mountain; he was then five hundred years old, and he was not yet married. Then God said to Noah that He would send the flood on the earth and would submerge the earth and those upon it. And Noah arose, picked up the body of Adam, father of mankind, went down from the mountain and married. All the descendants of Seth and Cain were devoted to adultery, fell from all the ways of purity and descended in everything to the rank of beasts. The first cause of this, as we have said, were TubalCain and his sister Nahama. The sacred book says on this subject that the sons of the Angels dallied with the daughters of men, meaning by the former the sons of Seth and his descendants.
And the word of God and its commandment were in them and with them during their stay in the holy mountains. But after they had dallied with the daughters of Cain and fallen from the ways of purity, God ordered Noah, who was five hundred years old, to make a ship; and God fixed the limit for him and told him of the time of the flood at the end of a hundred and twenty years. On this, Noah married, |29 as we have already told, and fathered three sons, Sem, Cham and Jafeth. And God, may He be blessed and magnified, showed them during these years the rainbow, in the lower part of which there was a cord of fire and some arrows of fire; the cord was tight; all was on fire, with a sword of fire, which permanently shone in the air. That is explained in the Book of the Psalms, where David the prophet said: "His sword shines and his bow is knocked; and the features of war and rage will set ablaze everything."
God wanted men to repent and renounce their sins and their errors; but they did not do penitence and did not repent; on the contrary, they fell into all kinds of impiety and all kinds of hypocrisy. They started to kill one another; whoever was stronger than his companion, killed him and ate him to satisfy himself because of the lack of animals and beasts. On these events, God reduced the deadline by twenty years, advanced the date of the flood and fixed it at the end of hundred years. Then Noah was six hundred years old and Sem, his son, one hundred years. God acted thus from his mercy for them, to prevent them being led astray, from sinning, from bloodshed between them and from eating each other. |30
Now before commencing the account of the flood, it is necessary that we return to the narration of the period from the life of Adam and his children until the flood to explain the chronology of the world until this year.
It is written in the true Torah, that the Seventy learned translators translated, that Adam lived 230 years and fathered Seth his son in his image and his resemblance. Adam lived after the birth of Seth 700 years and his life having been 930 years, he died in the th generation, 135 years after the birth of Mahalalail. As for what relates to the mutilated Torah, that the Jews mutilated after the resurrection of the Lord Christ by reducing the number of the years, it is written there that Adam lived before the birth of Seth 130 years and after the birth of Seth 800 years. The Jews reduced the years of his life, which are counted for one hundred years in the chronology of the world, and added them to the years of his life after the birth of Seth, which do not count in the years of the history of the world. According to the calculation, which the Jews mutilated, Adam died fifty-six years after the birth of Lamech, father of Noah. Seth lived for 205 years, according to the translation of the Seventy, fathered Enos and lived after the birth of Enos for 707 years; his life was 912 years, |31 and he died in the seventh generation, twenty years after the birth of Enoch.
As for what is in the mutilated Torah, which is in the hands of the Jews, which was reduced by them and from which the Syriac Torah was transcribed, it is written that Seth lived 105 years, fathered Enos and lived after the birth of Enos for 807 years; they reduced the years of his life by a hundred years, which count in the chronology of the world, and added them to the years of his life after the birth (of Enos); and they did not count them. In the same way they reduced the years of Adam; and they did the same thing for the others. According to this calculation he died in the ninth generation, 108 years after the birth of Lamech, father of Noah. Afriqoun the scholar (Africanus) says that Seth, son of Adam, was the first to invent letters and taught writing and the Hebraic language. Enos lived for 190 years before the birth of Cainan, and he lived after the birth of Cainan for 715 years; his life having been 905 years, he died in the eighth generation, fifty-three years after the birth of Mathusaleh.
As for what we find in the Torah of the Jews, which were reduced by them, and in the Syriac Torah, which was copied from it, it is written there that Enos lived for 90 years and fathered Cainan; having lived after the birth of |32 Cainan 815 years, he died in the tenth generation, 84 years after the birth of Noah. According to what we find in the Torah, translated by the Seventy, Cainan lived for 170 years until the birth of Mahalalail and 734 years after the birth of Mahalalail; his life having been 904 years, he died in the ninth generation, 55 years after the birth of Lamech, father of Noah. Cainan lived, according to what we find in the mutilated Torah, for 70 years and fathered Mahalalail; he lived after the birth of Mahalalail 834 years, and he died in the 10th generation, 173 years after the birth of Noah. Mahalalail lived, according to the true Torah, before the birth of Jared for 165 years and after the birth of Jared 730 years; his life was 895 years, and he died in the tenth generation, 34 years after the birth of Noah. Mahalalail lived, according to the Torah in the hands of the Jews, and the Syriac Torah, for 65 years before the birth of Jared; he lived after the birth of Jared for 830 years, and he died in the tenth generation, 284 years after the birth of Noah. Jared lived for 162 years before the birth of Enoch and 800 years after the birth of Enoch; his life was 962 years, and he died in the tenth generation, 266 years after the birth of Noah.
Jared lived for the same number of years |33 according to the mutilated Torah. By this report the version of the Seventy agrees with the mutilated Torah of the Jews. As for the agreement of the years of Jared in the true Torah and the mutilated Torah of the Jews, it is one of the arguments which indicate the corruption and the defect (of the latter text). There is yet another reason for that: if the Jews had reduced (the years) of all the (patriarchs), Adam would have lived almost until the flood and until the 174th year after the birth of Noah. But the Jewish priests did not want a scandal; however they fell into what they sought to avoid, which is seen according to the evidence and testimonies of the books which we will establish and check later, so that the truth of the Torah, translated by the seventy commentators, will be manifest, if God wishes.
Forty years after the birth of Jared the first millenium of the history of the world finished, according to the version of the Seventy. This is the explanation and the example of what we have said (of the manner of calculating); that will suffice for he who wants to count every year of the history of the world. We have already said that the years which we count, are those which are before the birth of their children; they count in the general chronology of the world. As for the years that they lived after the birth of their |34 children, it is only (to indicate) the length of the life of each one of them.
When we calculated the life of Adam from the day of his creation by God until the birth of Seth, his years were 230 years; this is the beginning of the chronology of the history of the world; then we added to this the number of the years of Seth from the day of his birth until he fathered Enos, which makes 205 years; the total is 435 years; then we added to this the number of the years of Enos from his birth until he fathered Cainan, which makes 190 years; the total is 625 years; then we added to this the number of the years of Cainan from the day of his birth until he fathered Mahalalail, which makes 170 years; the total is 795 years; then we added to this the number of the years of Mahalalail from the day of his birth until he fathered Jared, which makes 165 years; the total is 960 years. If we add 40 years to this from the birth of Jared, the first thousand of the years of the history of the world is complete.
With this calculation we will obtain the millenia of years of the history of the world in the time of their expiration, as we explained and described, until our days and our time, year after year and month after month, God willing. Specialists and educated men will understand from this example, how |35 the years of the history of the world are calculated from the beginning of creation.
Enoch lived, according to the true version, for 165 years until he fathered Mathusaleh, and he lived 200 years from the birth of Mathusaleh, so that his years are 365 years. All his life, he had requested God humbly to be transported to Paradise, and God granted his prayer, accepted his appeal and transported him to Paradise, 200 years after the birth of Mathusaleh and thirteen years after the birth of Lamech. As for what is in the mutilated Torah, which is in the hands of the Jews, and in the Syriac Torah, which is a copy of it, it is written there that Enoch lived 65 years and fathered Mathusaleh; and he lived after the birth of Mathusaleh 300 years; and God transported him to paradise, 300 years after the birth of Mathusaleh and 113 years after the birth of Lamech, father of Noah. Enoch is the same person as Idris.
Certain scholars also affirm that Enoch — i.e. Idris — made known, explained and taught the arts of writing, letters, stars (astronomy) and calculation. Manetho, a scholar of Egypt and an astronomer, affirms that God raised Enoch to the revolving sphere and made known to him the signs of the zodiac, which are there, the fixed and wandering stars, horoscopes, the terms of the influence |36 of the stars, the decades of the degrees, the constellations which are there, and the other mysteries of astrology. This is why it is said that his book of stars is called a book of hidden meanings. All the Harranians, who worship the idols and the stars, share the opinion of Manetho the Egyptian.
Mathusaleh lived for 187 years and fathered Lamech, father of Noah; and he lived after the birth of Lamech for 782 years, his life having been 969 years. This is what is written in the Torah, which is in the hands of the Jews, and in the Syriac Torah. This also indicates, as we have said, their corruption and retrenchment of the years, that we have reported.
Mathusaleh died in the tenth generation, 600 years after the birth of Noah, in the year when the flood took place. Lamech lived for 182 years and fathered Noah; and he lived after the birth of Noah for 590 years, his life having been 777 years. On this point, i.e. on the years of Lamech, the mutilated Torah of the Jews agrees with what is in the Torah translated by the Seventy, with complete agreement, without any difference. Lamech died 595 years after the birth of Noah, and the death of Lamech took place five years before the death of Mathusaleh, his father. Noah lived for five hundred years and fathered |37 Sem, Cham and Jafeth in the 600th year after the birth of Noah. Sem, his son, being one hundred years old, the flood spread over all the earth.
Noah entered the ark with his three sons, Sem, Cham and Jafeth, the three wives of his sons and his wife, on Friday the 17th day of the second lunar month. God made it rain from the sky over all the earth for forty days. The springs of the earth overflowed, and the earth was submerged with all that there was on it, men, animals, beasts, and birds. Their exit took place on Sunday the 27th day of the second month of the following year after 366 days; they remained in the ark (366 days), because the year was a leap year. Certain scholars say that they would have eaten nothing there, neither they, nor those who were with them, the animals, beasts and the birds, throughout their whole stay in this ark.
The length of the ark was three hundred cubits, its width fifty cubits and its height thirty cubits; the ark had three levels. Josephus the Jew, the scholar, who wrote about the destruction of Jerusalem after the Ascension |38 of the Messiah Our Lord, affirms that the planks of the ark were in the town of Afamea 2. Abidenos and Alexander (Polyhistor), Greek philosophers, affirm that Kronos was the first man; he showed and revealed to Ksis that on the 15 of the month of Haziran a great inundation and flood would take place. When Ksis understood what he was being told, he left, moving by water towards the region of Armenia in a wooden boat. They claim that some planks of this boat are on the mountain of Ararat, and that they cure the inhabitants of this country until this day 3. As for the place where the ark stopped, this account agrees with that of the Torah. 344 years after the birth of Noah the second thousand of years of the history of the world was completed.
We have already said that the total of years to the birth of Jared was 900 years; if we add to this the years from the day of the birth of Jared until the birth of Enoch, that makes 162 years; - if we add to this also the years of Enoch, from the day of his birth until he fathered Mathusaleh, that makes 165 years; --- if we add to this then the years of |39 Mathusaleh, from the day of his birth until he fathered Lamech, that makes 187 years; --- if we add to this then the years of Lamech, from the day of his birth until he fathered Noah, that makes 182 years, --- years until the day when Noah was born, making 1,656 years. 344 years after the birth of Noah the second millenium completed, as we have already reported.
The total number of years of the history of the world from Adam and the beginning of creation until the year of the flood is 2,256 years, according to the Septuagint. As for what is in the Torah mutilated and reduced by the Jews and in the Syriac Torah, the total of years there is 1,656 years.
As for those which would like to make the sum and count of these figures, according to what we explained and exposed, we have given him the method to make the account and calculation of it.
There were ten generations from Adam to Noah: They are those of Adam, Seth, Enos, Cainan, Mahalalail, Jared, Enoch, Mathusaleh, Lamech and Noah. When Noah had left the ark, he made sacrifices to God, and the Lord smelled the good odour of the sacrifices of Noah and purified him. |40
The rainbow.
God gave him the rainbow as a guarantee against the flood and as His sign to him and his descendants in the centuries of the centuries. God filled the children of Adam with his leniency and his mercy. He gave them the ark, the cord and the arrows; and God made them from various colours, red, green and others, which indicate the satisfaction of God, because the translation of "chumreh" (red) and "khaudreh" (green) according to the Hebrew is the satisfaction and the mercy of God. God did this as His sign to him and to his children and as a guarantee against the flood in the centuries of the centuries.
The division of the earth.
After the flood, the earth was divided between the tribes of the children of Noah. The borders of Shem, the first-born of Noah, extended from Persia and Bactria to India, i.e. the country of India. The borders of |41 Cham extended from the Rinokûrûra country in Gades 4; the borders of Jafeth extended from Media which is the country of Mosul and the neighbouring region, to the country of Gades, on the north side. Their border, which separated their lands, was the river of the Tigris which separates Media from Persia. There were fifteen tribes of the children of Jafeth, twenty-five tribes of the children of Shem and thirty-two tribes of the children of Cham, which gives a total of 72 tribes. The limits which separated the land of the sons of Cham, were the Djaihoun river, which is the river Nile 5.
We will explain all this, with the distribution of the seven climates following the division of languages and we will describe their inhabitants, their uses, their religious opinions, their concerns, their science and the culture of their spirit; we will speak about their animals, their birds, the lifespan of their population, their manners and the wonders which can be found in their land, after the confusion and the division of the languages in Babel; we will mention the seas of each climate, their gulfs, their length and of their width in parasangs, of the point where they start and to where they extend, which islands, inhabited and uninhabited, are there; we will describe the famous cities of each climate, if God wills. |42
Noah lived after the flood for 350 years, and his life having been 950 years, he died in the fourteenth generation, 74 years after the birth of Scaleh. According the Torah of the Jews and the Syriac Torah, which the Jews mutilated after the Ascension of the Messiah, Noah died in the 21st generation, 53 years after the birth of Abraham, the friend of the Merciful one. This is a proof of the alteration of the Torah by the Jews and the reduction of the number of the years, as we have already reported. But Noah did not arrive at the time of the birth of Abraham and did not live until the time of the division of the languages. Two years after the flood, Shem fathered Arphaxad and lived for 500 years after the birth of Arphaxad; his life was 660 years. On this point the version of the Seventy is in agreement with what is in the Torah of the Jews. Shem died 74 years after the birth of Haber. According to what is in the mutilated and reduced Torah Jews, Shem died 70 years after the birth of Jacob. Arphaxad, sons of Shem, lived from the day of his birth until he fathered Kainan, 135 years, and after that 430 years; his life was 565 years, and he died 27 years after the birth of Phaleg. According |43 to the Torah of the Jews, Arphaxad lived, until he fathered Kainan, for 35 years, and having lived after that 530 years, he died one year after the birth of Kahath, son of Levi, son of Jacob.
According to this calculation, he lived, until he fathered Kainan, 35 years, and having lived after that 530 years, he died one year after the birth of Kahath, son of Levi, son of Jacob. According to this calculation he lived until the entry of Jacob in Egypt, which proves the deterioration (of the text). Kainan lived 130 years, until he fathered Scaleh, and 330 years after the birth of Scaleh; his life was 460 years, and he died 66 years after the birth of Phaleg.
This is a second Kainan, the son of Arphaxad, son of Shem, son of Noah; neither his name, nor a mention of him, nor his years are found in the Torah which is in the hands of the Jews; he is not either question of Kainan in the Syriac Torah; his name and years are cut out in the Torah of the Jews.
In the Syriac Torah it is written that several Jewish doctors and some honest people stood up to Annas and Caiphas, high priests at that time, blamed them and reproached them for what they had done to the Messiah, and made them fear for themselves because of their arrogance towards him, though they had recognized his grace and his benefits for them. |44
The frightened high priests hid from them; and the treasures of the revealed books of God being in their hands, they omitted these years of which we already spoke and which we will explain later, if great God wills. When they had found the name of this second Kainan among the descent of Noah, whose name was identical with that of Kainan, son of Enos, son of Seth, son of Adam, they cut out his name from the Torah; and they cut out his years, with other years still, to make their followers believe that they were in the middle of the duration of the world, in order to refute the word of the blessed Paul who said that the last days have arrived; as well as the word of the disciples of the Messiah, who were after them, that the Messiah will appear at the end of time. They talked among themselves against them on this subject and said aloud that the time of the Messiah had not arrived and that it would arrive only at the end of time.
When the argument and the controversy had started between them, the disciples (of Christ) discovered the clear and obvious truth, noted it and forced them to acknowledge that they had cut out the name of this Kainan. After that they gave a reason to those who believed in the Messiah, and said to them that they had cut out his name because he had invented, had proclaimed and introduced the worship of idols.
Then it was said to them: "Alright, you have cut out his name. But his years, where did you put them?" And they remained stuck and without arguments. |45
We have found the name of this second Kainan written in the Torah which is in the hands of the Samaritans, and also in the Gospel of Luke the Evangelist, when he gives the genealogy of the Messiah 6.
Scaleh lived 130 years and fathered Haber, and he lived after the birth of Haber 330 years. It is said that Haber is the same person as Hud. His life having been 460 years, he died in the seventeenth generation, 66 years after the birth of Ar`û (Rahu). As for what is in the mutilated Torah of the Jews and that which is extracted from it, it is written there that Scaleh lived 30 years and fathered Haber; having lived after the birth of Haber 430 years, he died in the 23rd generation, 65 years after the birth of Jacob. Haber lived 134 years until he fathered Phaleg; he lived after the birth of Phaleg 270 years; his life having been 464 years, he died in the 18th generation, 8 years after the birth of Sarûg.
According to the Torah of the Jews and the Syriac, Haber lived 430 years until he fathered Phaleg; he lived after the birth of Phaleg 370 years and he died in the 23rd generation, 39 years after the birth of Jacob. From the name 'Haber' the Jews were called Hebrews, because the first language |46 was Hebrew. Others say that they were called Hebrews, because Abraham had crossed the Euphrates.
Phaleg lived 130 years, fathered Ar`û and lived after that 280 years; his life having been 338 years, he died in the 18th generation, 76 years after the birth of Sarûg. According to the Torah of the Jews, Phaleg lived 30 years until he fathered Ar`û; having lived after that 368 years, he died in the 22nd generation, 37 years after the birth of Isaac. He died 62 years before the death of Haber, his son.
At the time of Phaleg, son of Haber, and from his time, the languages, the people and the tribes divided among the seven climates of the earth, as we reported above. Each of their tribes and groups took a country and a climate, of which it was master.
Account of the division of languages on the surface of the earth in all the climates.
It is written that the earth had only one race and one language for everyone; this was Hebrew. Because of this, men gathered |47 to build a high building and a castle, i.e. a tower, whose the top, as they believed, would reach to the sky, to take refuge there so that the flood would not arrive and drown them or that they would not be dispersed over the surface of the earth.
The division of languages.
When men revolted against their Lord and turned with eagerness to build the tower, -- there were seventy-two chiefs on seventy-two towers in this building, on each tower a chief to make his companions work -- God, may his name be blessed, during their disobedience, their wrongdoing and their revolt against their Lord, showed to them seventy-two tongues of fire in the air, revolving and of various colors to warn them, so that they would be converted (to God). But they did not convert and did not cease revolting.
Then God was angry against them, because they had not obeyed the signs of his dissatisfaction and his anger. The sacred Book said that the Lord then divided their language into seventy-two languages, so that one did not understand the |48 language and the words of another, according to the number of their tribes, coming from the children of Shem, Cham and Jafeth, about which we spoke, and according to the number of their chiefs who supervised the construction of the tower. According to this account, this country was called Babel, because the Lord there had confused and divided their languages.
As for Haber, he remained firm in obedience to his Lord, did not share in their wrongdoing, did not have any leaning to their passions and their perverse thoughts, thanks to his holiness, because he knew that God could do with them what he wished. A certain scholar has said that God revealed to him, because of the more perfect knowledge that he had of God because of his holiness and his purity, what He would do to men, and for language, He taught the Hebraic language to him. Men dispersed over all the earth, and their attacks, one against another were renewed.
The beginning of the description of the climates.
We said at the beginning what we have reported earlier and wrote on the limits of the countries of the tribes of the children of Shem, Chain and Jafeth, son of Noah; we set forth how the earth had been divided in general between them, without indicating |49 the limits of the climates, without describing who was where, without explanation and comment. We will now begin by telling and setting forth the division of the seven climates, cultivated and inhabited, and the delimitation of their length and their width; we will describe the state of the tribes and the peoples which inhabit them; we will report their habits, their administration, their conditions, their distinctive characters, the principal events which have occurred on there since ancient times and since their dispersion; we will speak about the animals and all the wild beasts which are there, climate by climate, according to what Ptolemy the scholar said and after him Eratosthenes 7 (?) the scholar.
We say that the earth is divided into five parts, of which four are not cultivated, nor habitable.
The first part is that of the east, always hot, blazing and extreme; the second part is that of the south, located on the right side of the first climate, excessively hot, so that it is impossible to live there; the third part is that of the west, full of water; its limits are insuperable seas and uninhabited islands; the fourth part is that of North, on the right side of the seventh climate, excessively cold, poor and arid, always covered with snow. There is only one part of these five climates which is cultivated in the inhabitable world, it is the middle part. |50
It is divided into seven parts and these seven parts are called in Greek Flimata, i.e. the climates, and in Persan Kouschour.
It is necessary firstly to know that the earth is round like a ball; its cultivated and inhabited centre represents an elevation; its sides touch the four parts which are located below; because of its elevation the centre is closer to the course of the sun in the Eastern part of the earth, i.e. the area of the "scorched" earth 8. As a man moves and advances mentally and intellectually from the northern area towards the extreme limits of the earth and examines it attentively, he finds that the increase in the length of the day is related directly to the rise of the sun over the northern part of the twelve signs of the zodiac in the sign of Cancer, and the increase of the length of the night to the descent of the sun into the Zodiac in the south; he will perceive this by his intelligence and will understand it.
(This part that we are describing) is extremely cold. The explanation of what we reported the length of the duration of the night and the day in these places, is found in the astrolabe, i.e. in the "dial" that Ptolemy made, in "the beydeh" (egg), in the «zat al-Halk» 9 and also in the Book of the Canon, where |51 he tells and describes the length and the width of the earth, the seas, the islands, the cities and the knowledge of the hours of the seven climates. Ptolemy reports in his books what follows and he said:
"The first climate starts close to the scorched earth, and this climate is called διάμερος; it is the area of India and the part furthest away from China; the longest day is thirteen hours there.
The second climate is called in Greek διάστατος which is the country of Kush; it is the country of Abyssinia; the longest day is thirteen hours and half there.
The third climate is called the climate of Alexandria; the longest day is fourteen hours there.
The fourth climate is called in Greek Rodous (Rhodes), the island which is in the sea; it includes the towns of Syria and Mesopotamia, which is located between two rivers; it includes Babel and other cities; the longest day is fourteen hours and half there.
The fifth climate is called in Greek Hellespontus (Pontus), where Constantinople, Amouryah (Amorion) and Rome are; the longest day is fifteen hours there.
The sixth climate is called in Greek Mesopotamia, where the countries of the Bourdjans and others are; the longest day is fifteen hours and half there.
The seventh climate is called in Greek |52 Baristhanis (Boristhenes), whose inhabitants are always somnolent; the longest day is sixteen hours.
Now we will start to describe the longitude and the latitude of each of these climates.
We say that the latitude of these seven climates, cultivated and inhabited, which are in the centre of the earth, starting with India and the part furthest away from China and the area of the scorched earth and going until the end of the seventh climate, i.e. of the area from the south to north; the whole latitude is of sixty-three degrees.
This latitude is divided into seven parts which are the climates; the latitude of each climate is nine degrees, as divided by the scholar Hermes and by Ptolemy. The extent of these nine degrees is twenty-seven days, because the extent of each degree is one hundred miles. There is obviously no doubt that the extent of each degree is a distance of three days. This climate begins in the region of the East and extends to the end of the region of the West; its longitude is 180 degrees, a half of the sphere being above it and other half below. Its overall length, from the area of the Sea-Ocean to the sea which surrounds the world, up to its Western point, is 160 days, a total of 5,600 parasangs, |53 according to the calculation of the Persians and the peoples of the East. We already said that the latitude of this first climate, from the area close to the scorched earth, extends to the land of Serendib (Taprobane, Ceylon).
The inhabitants of this climate, i.e. from the part of China furthest away from the edge of the land of the East to the edge of the region of the West, have one characteristic: they are naked like animals, of hideous and ugly exterior aspect and form. The majority of them derive from the tribes of the children of Cham. They had many mysteries and knew magic and other things well; their life is long.
In this climate are found beasts and large animals with dreadful bodies, of hideous aspect, of extremely ugly form, large birds of which some have the shapes of animals, for example, the ostrich, the giraffe, the griffon and a bird which is called the sparrow of the elephant, which throws itself on the great elephant and carries it off; there are found large elephants and other animals which are not seen and about which are not spoken of elsewhere. Also there are found there every species of large snake, large dragons, ordinary snakes and hideous and dreaded reptiles. |54
In this climate the men are experts in magic and know aromatic plants and stones, whose quality and nature make of them effective remedies for the cure of the diseases; they treat with these all those who suffer from the bite of these hideous and dreaded reptiles, and cure them. Its length, as we have already recounted, is, from the region of the East to the region of the West, 5,600 parasangs, and its width, from the region of the South to the region of the North, is 285 parasangs.
The second climate is that of Abyssinia. Its width extends from the limits of the land of Serendib to the Western region of the country of Abyssinia and to the mountains of emerald, precious stones and the gold mines; its inhabitants are those of the nearer part of China, Sind and India. In this climate are also found animals, birds and reptiles which are robust, dreaded and large, but less so than in the first climate; the aspect of its inhabitants, their form and their exterior, is not quite so hideous as among the inhabitants of the first climate. Many aromatic plants and stones are also found there which, thanks to their quality and their nature, produce a cure, if diseases are treated with them. Among its inhabitants, there are many who know magic, the mysteries and the treatment of the diseases |55 with these plants and stones very well; but they are less expert than the inhabitants of the first climate. It is the same thing concerning their life (= their life is shorter). As for its length and its width, they are the same as the ones we gave for the first climate.
The third climate is that of Alexandria. This climate extends from the ends of the country of Egypt, of the region of the West and the East, from the borders of the land of Sindous of bysse; and its width goes from the region of the West to the borders of Syria (Souriya) external and the first part of Persia, close to the country of Ispahan, of Ray and the country of Maisan and to the border of Alexandria and Barkah and the first part of Africa.
The inhabitants of this climate, I swear by my life, are interested in nature and in examining physical things; they are assiduous at work; they study literature, the sacred books and the sciences with more zeal than the inhabitants of the first climate or those of the second, because this climate is by nature better than the two precedents. As for its length and its width, they are same dimensions that we gave in connection with the length and the width of the first climate.
The fourth climate in the centre of which is a maritime island which is called Rhodes, includes many cities which it is impossible to count. But we will list some of them so as to clarify and explain the charts and the plans where the system of the division of the seven climates is traced. |56 Of its cities we will name Damascus, Hims, Qinnesrin 10, Haleb, Menbidj, Afainée, Antioch (Anthakyah), Harran, Edessa (ar-Roha), Rakkah, Râs`Ain, Nisibis, Mosul, Baghdad and Ray. Its limits extend from its eastern end on a line which goes to the region of the west; and from the country of Spain they touch part of the country of Africa, the north coast in Sicily, the country of Laodicea and Tripoli 11, the country of Athens and Ephesus, in the Greek country with Cyprus and Asia Minor. This climate is in the centre of the earth, and, for this reason, it is superior to all the climates by the moderation and the evenness of the temperature. This is why its inhabitants are scholars, philosophers, scholars, astronomers, writers, doctors, and carry out research on the physical and natural questions and on the essence of things.
The books indicate that among them all the wonders and the ten sciences are joined together, i.e. astronomy, or the movement of stars, and astrology, i.e. the proverbs which relate to them, and their knowledge; geometry, i.e. the measurement of surfaces, the construction of figures, the operations of levelling and unspecified distances; arithmetic, or books of |57 numbers; music, i.e. the collection and composition of melodies; medicine (ἰατρική), which is the art of treatment; al-Soumie (= τὰ σημεῖα), this is the science of alchemy; mechanics, these are books on machines, and al-Arkhifie (?) from which come the books of magic and the other similar things; the tenth science is that of the categories; these are the treatises on the way of speaking, which is the art of learning the truth and distinguishing it from error.
The inhabitants of this climate are superior to those in the third climate and have more scholars and philosophers, because they are characterized by fineness of spirit and knowledge because of the balance of their character. As for its length and its width, they are what we already indicated.
The fifth climate corresponds to the Hellespont where are Constantinople, Amorion, Rome, Spain and the province of Thrace. The inhabitants are a fair, reddish people, passionate, extremely lustful, fiery and irritable. Such was Esau, their father. They are less erudite and less philosophical that the inhabitants of the fourth climate; they are wild and are not civilized, but they hasten to adopt civilization and adapt to it quickly; however the inhabitants of the fourth climate |58 have a finer spirit and a clearer intelligence than those of this climate. As for its length and its width, it is as we have already given.
The sixth climate corresponds to Mesopotamia, one of the islands of the sea. The inhabitants of this climate are Bourdjans and Slaves; and other tribes of women live also in a region of this climate, and the men do not live with them. They are called in Greek Amazons; they always cut off the right breast and cauterize it with fire to prevent it from developing in order to be ready for war and combat. They are also called al-Kharouniat (?) because the Samiris fought them and killed all their male children. They are obliged because of this not to raise the males, but only the women. They go out and go once a year to the border of their country, to the country of Bourdjans, where the men of Bourdjans sleep with them, and they conceive; then they return to their residences. They are always ready for war and combat. No scientist puts this fact in doubt or denies the truth of their history such as we report, and nobody disputes it 12. The inhabitants of this climate like war and the effusion of blood and are pitiless; |59 this is why they are called Slaves. They are circumcised. This is a people with no knowledge of moral books, nor sciences, nor other things. As for its length and its width, it is as we already reported.
The seventh known climate corresponds to Borysthenes; it is inhabited by the people who are called in Greek Youmid.s (? ) i.e. "somnolent"; they are a weak and feeble people because of the excessive rigour of the cold, because they are close to the region of the north and the uncultivated and uninhabited places, where the constellation of the Bear turns always just above their heads. The animals and the beasts of their country are very small; the cows and the sheep do not have horns because of the excessive rigour of the cold; no reptiles are found in their country; they cannot build houses; but they manufacture huts of wooden boards, coat them with tar, put them on carriages pulled by oxen; they live there, and travel day and night everywhere where they find in their country the means of living and the pastures for their herds. They are constantly reduced to misery because of the bad conditions of their deplorable life. It is said that, if they fall seriously ill, they |60 put their patients on a carriage, remove their men's clothes and put those of woman on them; they are thus cured. As for the length and the width of this climate, it is as what we have reported for each of the seven climates. The indications which we have given on the seven climates, rest on obvious evidence for he who finds them, using our description, on the plan or the chart on which we have traced where these seven climates are represented.
Now look and examine well this chart and this map where the seven climates are traced, and see how many ideas this plan shows you, how it shows and explains the course of the sun in the four regions of the world from the beginning of its course and its rotation from east to west, - how it makes known you its rotation through the twelve signs of the zodiac, in every month of the year, - how the sun rises in the northern signs of the zodiac and sets in the southern signs of the zodiac; (this map) will explain to you the passage of the sun during the night in the regions lower down and located at the bottom; and from how many climates the sun is distant, when it is in the sign of Cancer, in the month of Haziran (June), and leaves behind him a climate and half in the region of the south, and when the sun enters the sign of the Capricorn, in the month of first Kanoun. Moreover, on the map there are explanations and information on this fact that the sun, entering there, leaves (without light) all the seven climates far from him. |61
Here is the description of the climates of the tribes of the children of Noah after the division of languages over the surface of the earth and over the whole length of these climates, from the west to the east, or over the width of the region, from south to north.
As for what remains beyond the sixty-three degrees of latitude, which is called the top of the seven climates, day does not cease there, and lasts in the region of the north beyond the inhabited earth for twenty one hours and twenty two minutes and arrives at twenty-four hours, so that daylight does not cease
Then one arrives at the country of darkness: the night lasts six months, the day there also six months.
Chapter of the seas, gulfs and islands.
The sea of India has been measured and it is said that it extends in its length from west to east, i.e. from the coast of India until the coast of Abyssinia; its length is 8,000 miles and its width is 2,700 miles, until it passes beyond the island where night is equal to day 13; its second part is 1,900 miles; this sea contains |62 a gulf in the country of Abyssinia, which extends from the region of Berber and is called the gulf of the Berbers; its length is 500 miles and the length of the coast is 100 miles. The other gulf is that on the coast of Aylah; its length is 1,400 miles and its width at the beginning is 700 miles, and its end, i.e. the part which is called the Red Sea, is 200 miles.
This sea contains also on the coast of Persia a gulf which is called the Persian Gulf; its length is 1,400 miles, its width at the beginning is 500 miles and its end is 150 miles. Between these two gulfs is the country of Hedjaz and Yemen; the distance between the gulf of Aylah and the Persian Gulf is 1,500 miles. This sea contains still another gulf, extending to the end of the country of India, which is called the Green gulf; its length is of 1,500 miles.
Among the 1,370 islands, inhabited and uninhabited, at the end of the sea, near the country of India, on the east coast, there is a large island which is called Taprobane, 3,000 miles of circumference; there are there high mountains and several rivers from where the red and blue hyacinth are found; around this island there are 90 inhabited islands where many cities are found.
As for the Green Sea, only its proximity to the region of the west and the north, at the edges of the country of Abyssinia as far as |63 Britain, is known; ships do not go there. Six islands are found there, located near the country of Abyssinia, which are called the Eternal Islands (Khalidâth, the Canaries). There is another island, which is called Ghadyra (Cadiz); this island is located near Spain, close to the strait which comes out of the other sea. Its width is four miles; it is located between Spain and Tangier; it is called the strait of Ceuta and emerges in the sea of Roum. On the north side of this sea are twelve islands, which are called the Islands of Britain. Then this sea extends away from the inhabited regions and nobody knows anything about it.
The sea of Roum and of Misr (the Mediterranean) extends from the strait which leaves the Green Sea, towards the East, to Tyre and Sidon; its length is 5,000 miles and its width is about 800 miles. It forms a gulf moving north near Rome, of which the length is 500 miles and which is called the Adriatic Sea; it forms another gulf which starts near the country of the Berbers, of which the length is 200 miles. In this sea there are 162 inhabited islands, including fifteen large islands: Anhàr (Corsica?) 200 miles in circumference, |64 Sardinia 300 miles in circumference, Sicily 500 miles in circumference, Crete 300 miles in circumference and Cyprus 350 miles in circumference. The sea of Pontus extends from Lazikah to beyond Constantinople; its length is 1,300 miles and its width 300 miles. It receives the river called Tanais; it runs from the north and comes out of the lake called Mayotis; it is a large sea, but it is called a lake; its length from east to west is 300 miles and its width is 100 miles. At Constantinople, this sea forms a strait which runs like a river and throws itself into the sea of Misr; its width at Constantinople is three miles; Constantinople is built on its sides.
The division of the earth.
The sea of Djordjan or the sea al-Bab (Caspian Sea). The length of this sea, from east to west, is 800 miles and its width is 600 miles; it contains two islands, located near Djordjan, which were once inhabited. Such is the topography of the inhabited earth and the situation of the seas of the sphere which are known.
The earth is also divided, in another way, |65 into three parts.
The first part is that which lies between the Green sea on the north coast and the strait which leaves the sea of Pontus in the great Sea, and that which lies between the Lake Mayotis and the sea of Pontus. The limits of this region are, on the west and north, the Green sea; on the south, the Sea of Roum (the Mediterranean) and of Misr (Egypt); on the east, the strait, the Tanaïs river and Lake Mayotis. This land resembles an island and is named Europe.
The second part extends from the south coast of the sea to the sea of Abyssinia. Its limits are, on the west side, the Green sea; on the north side, the sea of Roum and Misr; on the east side, al-`Arysch, and on the south side, the border of Abyssinia. This part is named Libya.
The third part is what remains of the inhabited country of the earth as far as the ends of the East. Its limits are, on the west side, the Tanais river, al-`Arysch and Aylah; on the south side, the sea of India and Yemen; on the east side, it extends until the end of the inhabited country of China. This part is named Great Asia.
These three parts include the seven climates, all inhabited countries and all the cities.
As for the earth, its length, according to the description that we |66 have just given, extends from the east to the west and its width from south to north, starting from the middle of the circumference of the earth, where night and day, summer and winter are equal [in length], to the region of the north. In this place the days and the nights are twelve hours, without increase, or decrease.
Note on the rising and setting of the sun, on the increase and decrease in the day and night and on the course of the stars.
Night and the day are equal [in length] when the sun enters the head of the Ram [=Aries] and Libra; then, starting from the entry of the sun into the sign of the Ram to the entry of the sun into the sign of Cancer, the day does not cease increasing and the night decreasing, because the sun goes up towards the region of the north twenty-three degrees and fifty- one minutes; then the sun, from the moment of its entry into the head of Cancer until the first minute of Libra, goes down from the region of the north twenty-three degrees and fifty-one minutes. Then the day starts to increase and the night to decrease until the entry of the sun into Libra, until the night and the day become equal. Then the sun goes down |67 into the region of the south, from the head of Libra until that of the Capricorn; these are the degrees about which we spoke, --- twenty-three degrees and fifty-one minutes. Then it is the day which starts to decrease and the night to increase until the sun arrives in the first minute of Capricorn. Then the sun is driven while going up and climbs from the south towards the equator, from the head of Capricorn to the head of the Ram. At this time the day starts to increase and the night to decrease; the sun, as we said, is inclined in its rise and descent by twenty-three degrees and fifty-one minutes, because the sun crosses the centre of the Zodiac, on the right and on the left. As for the variation of the sun that we see, it occurs in front of the curvature of the Zodiac. The sun, the moon, the stars and the five planets move from west to east in a contrary direction to the rotation of the sphere, because the sphere turns from east to west. The sun moves as much below the earth, as above it; there is always above the earth the figure of the Zodiac and below it also the figure of the Zodiac; when one appears, the other disappears.
As for the remainder of the earth, it is unknown whether it is inhabited or deserted; it includes the eleven twelfths of the sphere; there is only one part out of twelve which is inhabited. |68 In this part, which is the inhabited country, there are seas and deserts. The researcher who wants to give an account of these things, will perhaps ask us whether there is in these eleven parts, vegetation, animals, or seas, as in our own single part; we will answer: the land which was inhabited before us, does not exceed the limits about which we spoke; as for what is beyond that, nobody has entered there and nobody came from there to us. The opinions and the ideas of the scholars are in agreement, and no intelligent person denies that the sun, the moon and the stars move over us, and that this movement produces the summer, the winter, spring and the autumn, which everyone knows. If the sun rises above all the places of the surface of the earth, as with us, just as the moon and stars, it is necessary that there are plants, animals, seas and mountains, as with us.
Here are some reasons why, as follows: if, in the seven climates, the sun, the moon and the stars move, as we said, it is also necessary that the earth as we described, is inhabited starting from the equator, i.e. the northern half of the terrestrial sphere and (the other) half of the terrestrial sphere, i.e. starting from the equator on the south side; there must be also a climate, like these seven climates which are in the north. In addition to the division that we have just given, the ancients divided the earth, its countries and its cities into twelve |69 parts and allotted each part to one of the twelve signs of the zodiac, so that these countries and cities knew their relation to the signs of the zodiac and planets to which the ancients had allotted them; they thought thus to know of either abundance or famine in their countries by calculating the movement of the years, and from the signs of the zodiac which dominate the year, and from the stars. According to this idea one may form an opinion on the area and the country where (such a sign) dominates, according to the knowledge of the scholars, so far as that depends on external and interior qualities of the celestial sphere and that which it contains.
Chapter of the countries and the cities of the earth, named according to the signs of the zodiac.
The countries of the Ram [=Aries] are: Fars, Azerbaijan, Britain, Sicily, Germany, Palestine and part of el-Balka.
The sign of the Bull [=Taurus]: all towns of Mah, Ispahan, the small islands of the sea of Roum, Cyprus, Minor Asia.
The sign of Gemini: the countries of Djilan, Deilem, Djordjan, Thabaristan, Greater Armenia, Merv, Tripoli (Athrablous), |70 Marakiah and Misr.
The sign of Cancer: the land of the Berbers (Barbary), Africa, Bithynia, which are in the country of the Greeks, Phrygia, Ladikiyah (?) and Lydia.
The sign of the Lion: the countries of the Turks, Abraschahr, Antioch (Anthakiah), Halikiyah (?), Aetolia (?) 14, Emesa (Homs), Damascus (Dimeschk) and the country around Koufah.
The sign of Virgo: Corinth, the country of Babel, of Mosul and al-Djezîreh, the country of the Greeks and Carthage 15.
The sign of Libra: Bukhara, Thabaristan, Kashmir, Tibet, Schoul, Awsis (?), the part of the country of Abyssinia which is called Troglodytica, Sedjestan, Carmania.
The sign of Scorpio: the country of Hedjaz, Amoul, Tangier, Hatouliyah, blue Nubia, Souriah (Syria), Cappadocia.
The sign of Sagittarius: the country of Ph.lathiki, Andalusia (Spain) and country of the Slavs.
The sign of Capricorn: the country of India, al-Sous, Mokrân, Hûah (?), Thrace, Macedonia and Illyria (?).
The sign of Aquarius: Sarmatia, the river of Balch, Sogdiania, Ferghânah, |71 as-Schasch, al-Balkah and Azania in the centre of Abyssinia.
The sign of Pisces: Babylonia, Paphlagonia, Smûnithis (?), Khorramah, Nikûdhûliah (Nicomedia?)
We have already explained the state of the seven climates of the earth and their inhabited country; we have set forth the conditions wherein are their inhabitants and their distribution on the sphere; finally we described the earth which is neither cultivated, nor inhabited, as far as the information found in books of earlier scholars allowed.
Now we will return to the account of the history of the world.
An account which makes known the true cause of how the worship of the idols
entered the world after the division of languages over the surface of the earth.
It is written that when the languages of the tribes of the children of Shem, Cham and Jafeth, son of Noah, were divided in all the climates, on the surface of the earth; when they had occupied their areas and when each language, each people and tribe had moved away into an unspecified region of a climate of the earth, as we described, the people began to make war on each other, one against another. Each tribe and each people chose a head of an army, who led their troops and |72 led them into battle, going at their head. It is told that once, when some of the chiefs of the warriors and commanders of the troops returned victorious and triumphing to their companions, their people and their tribe, the people took them as their masters because of their victory and for their chiefs, renowned and famous for their exploits, their wars and their success, they set up idols bearing their names and resembling them, so that these idols recalled the memory of those who had made conquests to their profit and had returned victorious to them. A long time after this, people started to show veneration towards them and to offer sacrifices to them, initially as a testimony of veneration for them and to remember the victories which they had gained; then when misfortunes occurred, when their enemies, wanting revenge, inflicted on them all kinds of evils and wounds, they came to these idols, beseeching their help. For this reason, in the times that followed, the worship and the veneration of the idols were introduced by the living themselves of the heroes; devils, according to what is written, spoke to the men from the interior of these idols.
The total of the years from the time of the flood until the birth of Ar`û, son of Phaleg, which took place at the time of the division of the languages, is |73 670 years; from Adam and the beginning of the world until that year, there were 2926 years.
Here is the explanation of this calculation: Shem fathered Arphaxad two years after the flood; the years of Arphaxad from the day of his birth until that of Kainan, his son, were 135 years; from the day of the birth of Kainan until that of Scaleh, his son, they were139 years; from the day of the birth of Scaleh until that of Haber, his son, they was 130 years; from the day of the birth of Haber until Haber fathered Phaleg, his son, 134 years; from the day of the birth of Phaleg until he fathered Ar`û, 132 years. That gives 670 years. If the years from Adam to the year of the flood, i.e. 2,256 years, are added to it, the total is 2,926 years.
This calculation is made using the Septuagint, which translated the Torah and all the books of the prophets in accordance with the truth. As for what we find in the Torah which is in the hands of the Jews, because of the reduction and the mutilation that they made it undergo, and in the Syriac Torah which is copied from it, it is written there that Shem fathered Arphaxad two years after the flood, and from the day of the birth of Arphaxad until he fathered Scaleh, there were 35 years; they omitted Kainan, his son, and, having removed from the Torah his name and his years, they wrote Scaleh, |74 his grandson; from the day of the birth of Scaleh until he fathered Haber, there were 30 years; from the day of the birth of Haber until he fathered Phaleg, 34 years; from the birth of Phaleg until he fathered Ar`û, 30 years. That made 131 years. According to the reduced and mutilated Torah, from Adam to the flood there were 2,656 years and from the flood to the birth of Ar`û, son of Phaleg, at the time which the languages divided, there were 131 years.
According to the reduced Torah, from Adam and the origins of the world until this year, there were 2,787 years, so that the Jews reduced the count until that year by 1,139 years.
In consequence of the confusion and the division of languages, Phaleg was called (the divider), because the translation of his name in Hebrew and Syriac was "moukassim".
Ar`û lived from the day of his birth until he fathered Sarûg for 132 years and after the birth of Sarûg 267 years; he lived for 339 years, and he died 77 years after the birth of Nachor. As for the reduced Torah, it is written there that Ar`û lived for 32 years and fathered Sarûg; he lived after the birth of Sarûg 367 years, and he died 38 years after the birth of Jacob; his death happened before that of Haber, his grandfather. 74 years after the birth of Ar`û the third millenium of the chronology of the world was completed, according to the version of |75 the Seventy, because we already explained and indicated above that the years from Adam and the origin of the world until the year of the birth of Ar' û, son of Phaleg, were 2,926 years; if we add 74 years to this from the birth of Ar' û, the third thousand years will be complete.
History of Nimrod, son of Chanaan, son of Cham, son of Noah, son of Lamec, the Giant-King.
It is written that in the 84th year after the birth of Ar`û, ten years after the third millennium, there appeared the first king who ruled over all the earth, in Babel, Nimrod, son of Chanaan, son of Cham, the king-giant, who reigned for sixty-nine years; his crown was woven and was not of gold. Nimrod built three cities, Arakh, Adja and Kila, i.e. Edessa (ar-Roha), Nisibis and Seleucia.
In the hundredth year of Ar' û the Egyptians, after the Babylonians, gave themselves a king, whose name was Manouphis (Μήνης), who reigned over them for 68 years; he was called Mesraïm according to the name of Mesraïm, their father. It is certain that it is from the name Mesraïm that (Egypt) was called Misr 16. |76
History of the children of Kahthan, which is called in the Torah Abrithan 17, who made known weapons and engines of war.
It is written that at that time the sons of Yokthan appeared, who is the same as Kahthan; they were three chiefs who were giants; one was called Sheba, another Ophir, the third Heval. The sons of Kahthan started to make war against the peoples and tribes with every kind of weapons and implements, because they were the first who used engines of war and who understood them. The first knowledge that they had of them and the first use that they made of them were suggested to them by the example of wild animals.
The lance they imitated from the animal called in Greek Monokeraton (Μονοκέρατον); it is the animal which the Persians call and know as Karkadann (rhinoceros), and the Arabs also call it by this name, because it has only one horn which rises in the middle of the head in the shape of a lance, with which it strikes any beast or animal.
The sword they made use of in the imitation of the wild boars, which, when they strike a tree with their tooth, cut it and split it in two. |77
The arrow they imitated from the animal which is called the porcupine or douldoul, which, when it draws up one of its hairs, launches it and does not miss the place aimed at.
The shield they borrowed from the turtle, whose back was of an extraordinary size. In this way, they invented by imitation all the kinds of weapons about which we spoke.
The earth and the countries that each of these three chiefs obtained for themselves, were the Eastern countries on the coast of China and the neighbouring countries; pure gold is found there, hyacinths, emeralds, pearls and all the large trees which exhale perfumes, - for example: the aloe tree, the sandal tree and others, as the Bible reports.
The learned Mousous (?) wrote in his book on the nations that the peoples, tired of their battle against the children of Kahthan, and the disorders which resulted from the war and the battles waged against them with every kind of weapons that these people did not know, allowed them to choose the climates which they would prefer, so that they put an end to the war. The children of Kahthan chose this country: everyone needs this country, what is found here and what those who govern it possess, while they do not need anything of what is found in other countries. |78
Sarug lived until he fathered Nachor for 130 years, and, after the birth of Nachor, for 200 years; his life was 330 years, and he died 46 years after the birth of Abraham.
According to what we find in the Torah, which is today in the hands of the Jews, in consequence of the reduction that they made to it, and the deterioration (of the text), Sarug lived for 30 years until he fathered Nachor, and 300 years after the birth of Nachor, and died 61 years after the birth of Jacob; he died seventeen years before the death of Ar`û, his father.
In the year 21 from the birth of Sarug, there appeared the second king of Babel; he was called Kambiros and he reigned 85 years. In his time currency appeared, i.e. the house to strike dinars and dirhems and the art of making silver and gold ornaments. At that time Amorius was distinguished, of the family of Ophir, a craftsman of iron and copper.
In the year forty-six of the reign of Cambiros, king of Babel, this monarch built some cities, of which the first was great Susa.
At that time Kambiros made war on the Chaldaeans and put them to death, as we find in the books and the accounts attributed to Zoroaster (Zaradouscht) the Magus.
In year 106 of Sarug, there reigned |79 in Babel the third king, who was called Samiros; the duration of his reign was 72 years; he was the first which had measures made, the balance and weights 18.
The Birth of Abraham.
Nachor lived for 79 years, and fathered Tarikh, father of Abraham, and he lived, after the birth of Tarih, for 122 years; his life was 201 years, and he died 47 years after the birth of Abraham. Nachor lived until he fathered Tarih, according to the Torah of the Jews, for 29 years, and 172 years after the birth of Tarih, and he died 22 years after the birth of Isaac, son of Abraham; and his death took place before that of his father and his grandfather. At that time Kisrounis, king of Parthia, made war against Samiros and after having fought him killed him; he tore off the skin of his head and the hair, braided them in four braids, and made a crown for himself from it.
Because of that he was called Diokratis, i.e. having two horns (Dou-l-Karnein). This is not the same person as |80 Alexander Dou-l-Karnein, because Alexander was called Dou-l-Karnein because of his passage and his arrival in the East and the West.
The first to invent the sciences and astronomy.
At that time in Egypt there reigned a king, called Antoutis (Aphintos), for thirty-two years; he was the first to invent books, sciences, astronomy, arithmetic according to the books of Chaldaeans and the Eastern scholars, and introduced them in Egypt; he learned science from sorcery and magic. At that time, Sodom and Gomorrha and also Babylon on the river Nile were built.
In year 70 of Nachor Damascus (Dimeschk) was built.
Tarikh lived 75 years and fathered Abraham; after the birth of Abraham, he lived 130 years; his life having been 205 years, he died 55 years after the birth of Isaac. This is what is written in the mutilated and truncated Torah of the Jews. The corruption and reduction continue until the years of the date of the birth of Abraham because this space of time, which the majority of men know nothing about, is so distant, the high priests of the Jews reduced the years to the era |81 of the Messiah and after his ascension into Heaven. At that time two high priests of the Jews, Annas and Caiphas, wished to falsify the mission of Christ and to refute the time of his advent, because they were frightened because a great number of their respected and older chiefs recognized the mission of Christ for them and the authenticity of the miracles among them, when they had seen the resurrection of Christ, as it is written in the Gospel, in which the Christians believed firmly. They talked against them, and a controversy took place between them. Annas and Caiphas, the high priests, made arguments against them and affirmed that the Messiah whom the prophets had prophesied, would come only in the last days; but, they said, we are still in the middle of the days of the world.
But the others disagreed with them; then they, having the libraries in their possession, set out to cut off these years from Adam and the beginning from the world until the time of Tarih and from the birth of Abraham; and because of the distance of time and ignorance of the majority of the men, as we already said, they cut off from the history from the world, from Adam to the time of Abraham, 1389 years; when they had arranged it between them, in secrecy, they showed it to their companions and all the men who agreed with them in their desire of the death of the Messiah. They made several copies, |82 which they hid with their right-hand men, so that they would show this version and mislead people with it; they hid the translation of the Torah, translated by the Seventy commentators, with their companions, with the books of the Prophets, which were translated under King Ptolemy Philadelphus in the town of Alexandria; they changed and mutilated in the Books of the Prophets all that they could, of what referred to the prophecies on the Messiah. The acts of the Messiah Our Lord which are in the books of the Seventy, are, on the contrary, faithful and clear. They made this falsification after the Resurrection of Christ, while the translation of the Seventy was completed approximately 300 years before the Advent of Christ.
We will tell without ambiguity the history of Ptolemy Philadelphus and the care which he gave to the translation of the sacred books and their explanation, until we arrive at the end, if God so wishes. The beginning of this history goes up at the time of Ptolemy and Alexander Dou-l-Karnein, the greatest king. In this history we will explain the corruption of the Jews and the reduction of the years that they made, if God so wishes. |83
The account of King Alexander Dou-l-Karnein.
His empire was divided between his four servants, who had been his bodyguards. The sacred book calls them his servants 19. One of them was Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Alexandria, about whom we have already said that the Seventy, erudite Jews, translated for him into Greek the Torah and all the Books of the Prophets of Hebrew. It should not be thought that this account has been anticipated and has been put in a place which was wrong for its date, but it was necessary to mention it above, because the reduction and the corruption of the years affected the date of Tarih and of the birth of Abraham. It was necessary for us to explain and to indicate the reasons and the reasons which caused Ptolemy Philadelphus to be concerned with translation of the sacred books and to desire this, to show exactly to the learned the motives and reasons from which the Jewish High Priests, Annas and Caiphas, applied themselves boldly to the corruption and reduction, and to explain to intelligent people, the learned and to investigators, how they were exposed and how these passages, mutilated and reduced by them, were recognized, when they were studied and examined. |84
One of the important people of Persia, called Darius, had a quarrel with (Alexander) Dou-l-Karnein, who reigned in Egypt for six years. Alexander conquered him and killed him and seized the best part of his kingdom; after that, he gathered many troops and went at their head against various countries, to make war on their kings and to seize their kingdoms; when he arrived at Sind, he seized some of it and was then on the point of invading India and China. Before that, he divided his empire between four of his bodyguards, as I have already mentioned above, and continued the war against the kings of various people until his death.
When his death became known to his governors, each of them seized the country where he had been named as lieutenant. One of his governors, Ptolemy, son of Arib (Lagos), reigned over Egypt 40 years; Philip reigned over Macedonia; Antigonus and Demetrius over Syria and the country of Asia. Seleucus, who reigned over the countries of the East, went against Egypt in year 13 of Ptolemy, son of Arib; previously he had conquered Syria. Demetrius went towards Asia and having overcome and killed him, seized Asia, Syria and Babylon, where he reigned 32 years. He wanted to institute for Alexander something memorable which would recall after |85 his death the benefits which he had received from him. On this basis he established the count of years according to his name and fixed the beginning of this era at the first day of the conquest of Syria, year 13 of his reign.
From Adam to this year, which is the first year of the reign of Dou-l-Karnein, the years of the history of the world are 5,197 years, which we will explain later, if God so wills.
At that time Ptolemy Philadelphus reigned, for whom, as we have already told, the sacred Books were translated; he reigned over Egypt 38 years. He freed from the captivity the people who were in his kingdom, 130,000, including 30,000 Jews.
First of all, there is an allusion to him in the sacred books, where it is written that there was one of the great foreign kings, called Ptolemy Philadelphus. It is reported that he resembled Alexander in his power, and was higher to him in learning, wisdom and philosophy; all his care and all his pleasure tended only to philosophy, reading books, to all sciences and the knowledge of their mysteries; he propagated them, by gathering them from all the countries and all the regions, so that he cultivated them all; these were the sciences about which we spoke: astronomy, astrology, geometry, arithmetic and the others which we mentioned. In his history, it is written that he joined together the works of |86 these sciences, erected the house of Wisdom (library) for them; he cultivated them and knew their laws and their mysteries. It is written that this king Ptolemy, in gathering books, thought with satisfaction of what posterity would say of him.
Ptolemy gathered the foreigners of all the people who were prisoners in his kingdom, and counted them, and he found their number was 130,000, including 30,000 Jews; and he proposed to them that they return to their countries. The Jews were extremely content with this, were delighted, addressed many prayers for him and thanked him.
The causes of the translation of the Seventy of the old books.
Ptolemy said to them: "I give you this favour; but I have to ask you for something which you will do to show your gratitude." They said to him: "O King, what it?" He said to them: "My request is that you bring me, by the messengers who will go with you, some books of wisdom of your country." They agreed to this and made him an oath to do so. Then the Jews said |87 to him: "Among us, O king, are found some rare Hebrew books that no other people have; these are the revealed books, which were sent from Heaven to the prophets, such as regulations, laws, commandments, order and prohibition; (there are found) what is and what must be." Their language on this subject astonished him and he liked their conduct. He provided them lavishly with travel provisions and food as far as their country and gave orders that they should be allowed to pass to their own place, to the place where they were staying, their governors and their chiefs; he sent gifts and clothing with them and wrote to them about his request. Rejoicing (at the news) which had reached them, they went to meet their companions, when the noise of their journey had reached the borders closest to their country. When they had read the letters of the king, they hastened to agree to his request: they collected the books of the Torah and all the books of the Prophets for him, and sent with them a letter written in Hebrew in letters of gold to him using his messengers; at the same time they wrote a reply to his letter. The Hebrew books arrived, and this was awkward, because he not understand them at all. He sent messengers back to them and let them know, requiring them to send scholars and jurists to him, |88 to translate these books for him into his language; he promised splendid gifts to them.
When his letter had arrived and had been read, they hastened to choose (someone) to send to him, in order to obtain what he promised. Discord and argument broke out among them on this subject; finally they agreed to send six people from each of their tribes, their number being of 72 men, who went to him. When they arrived, he received them in a very hospitable way and divided them into thirty-six groups. Their tribes being of differing opinions, he appointed for each group a man who prevented them from meeting, dealt with their business and, once the translation of the books was completed, passed them from one group to another, until the Torah and all the books of the Prophets were entirely finished. He obtained thirty-six copies in Greek, distributed them to all the countries in his empire and sent a certain number of them to Rome, Ephesus and Byzantium. During their stay, thanks to his good relations with them, he learned Hebrew and became more skilful than themselves in the reading of their books.
After the end of their labours, he loaded them with gifts and provisions for the voyage, sent them back to their compatriots and sent his messengers with them with gifts for their governors and clothing for their chief Eleazar, the high priest, and their companions; in his letter he praised their work. The scholar translators asked him for one of these copies so that they could impress their compatriots; and Ptolemy granted them one. This was the action of the Providence of God who, in his eternal wisdom |89 (knew) the future acts of Annas and Caiphas, their high priests and chiefs, and their followers, who acted in an iniquitous way against the Messiah at the time of his appearance, his advent and their participation in his death, according to what is written in the Gospel of the Christians. Then the resurrection of Christ happened. Several of them joined him, counting on His kindness and His mercy towards them, because He raised the dead, cured the leprous and worked miracles, who struck the spirit, disturbed reason, confused intelligence, made real the inexplicable, in support of what was written on this subject in the Books of the Prophets.
The Jews revealed what they had changed in the sacred books.
Then they revolted against the high priests on the question of Christ, threatened their life, proposed to kill them and attacked them. On this, the high priests changed tactics to escape them and switched their attention to inventing evidence in the question of the Messiah thereby to protect their lives.
The libraries were in their hands, as we already mentioned above, so they busied themselves |91 with the Torah with a preconceived intention and observed there that the their own time was very far away from the time of Adam 20; then they cut off 1389 years from the count of years of Adam and his descent to the birth of Abraham, after cutting off a given number of years from the life of each one (among the patriarchs) of the years before the birth of their children, a hundred years from each, and transferred them to the years of their life after the birth of their children, who are not counted from the beginning of time.
They found Kainan, son of Arfaxad, son of Shem, son of Noah, and cut out his name and his years from the book of the Torah. The retrenchment of these years from their place is obvious to anyone who looks at these passages with their own eyes and examines this question according to the Torah; this passage will tell him what they have mutilated and cut out.
When they had done this and arranged it in secrecy, they invited a certain number of those who had revolted against them, because of their manner of acting in the question of the Messiah, and proffered the evidence to them claiming that his time had not arrived yet and that his appearance would take place only at the last days of the world; they said: "We are still in the middle of the space of years of the world." |90
Then they added: "May this Torah be between us and you!" and they brought out the book of the Torah, which had been already mutilated by their reduction of these years; with this they threw them into doubt and diverted them. After that they composed separate copies of this Torah, which they gave in secrecy to the people of confidence in their countries and the neighbouring provinces, so that they recited it and supported their arguments in favour of the corruption and the reduction. Even today this Torah is in the hands of all the Christians who use the Syriac language.
The true Torah, translated by the Seventy, was not shown to them until the reign of Constantine, son of Helen, the faithful one, who reigned 305 years after the advent of Christ. He went to Jerusalem, and asked for the relics of Christ and the books of the Prophets to choose some and benefit from them. The Jews gave him all the books; and among the books that was given to him was the book of the mutilated Torah. Before that, no discord had broken out among them; but there were some of them who were afraid that the truth about the Messiah and what had happened to him might be discovered. Then these plotted with king Constantine and taught him about the corruption of the Torah which the Jews had given him, and their perfidy |92 towards him on this matter 21, they informed him that the copy, made before them by the Seventy commentators, had been hidden, that there were still (copies) similar to this one in Alexandria, Rome and in the cities which were between them.
The emperor sent to the high priests of the Jews, informing them of what had happened. They did not agree and disavowed his information. Then Constantine ordered them to be thrown in prison and sent his messengers to Alexandria, Rome and other cities so that a copy could be brought to him. That happened to the imprisoned high priests, who were in fear of their lives. Then they gave in secrecy this copy to some of their impious chiefs and asked them to inform the emperor Constantine about this business when they had obtained his forgiveness for them. They did so and, a few days after, they gave the copy to him. The emperor ordered the high priests to be set at liberty. The copies from Alexandria, Rome and the other cities arrived, and he compared them and found that they were of one manner and one language only. Then he asked for the mutilated Torah, and he found there clear and obvious alteration, man after man, and their |93 years, century after century, which had been transferred from their early years which count in the chronology of the world, before the birth of their children, to the later years which do not count.
Here is the reason that the emperor Constantine asked for the books of the Torah and the Prophets: previously he had asked them what was found in the Book of the prophet Daniel in the way of information and indications of the time of the advent of the Messiah and his death at the end of the seven weeks and of the sixty-two weeks, after the 70 years during which the Israelites had remained in the country of Babel, and on the speech of the archangel Gabriel to the prophet Daniel on this matter, on his mission, on the command that he gave him to understand his word well, while he was making his speech, on his revelation of the advent of the Messiah and of his death at the end of these weeks, within the limits that archangel Gabriel fixed for the prophet Daniel in the discourse which he addressed to him, and on the exit of the Israelites from Babel and the reconstruction of Jerusalem.
When the emperor Constantine learned of the lie of the Jews and the ruse of their language in their arguments drawn from what their former kings had been called anointed, he said to them: "Which of them was called the Messiah (the anointed) and appeared after the exit of Israelites from |94 Babel at the end of these weeks?" But they did not answer because they were totally inhibited and embarrassed. Then they said that the Messiah announced by the prophets would come in the last days: "We await him later, because we are in the middle of this time." He said to them: "How many years do you count to today?" They said to him: "The complete length of time is 7000 years, and we are still in year 4000 approximately." Then the emperor answered them and accused them of cheating, when he saw their audacity in the lie.
On this he sent messengers in the bishops, to inform them of this, and of his interest in the prophecy of the prophet Daniel about the Messiah, and to tell them what he had seen of the weakness of the arguments of the Jews on this matter. He asked the bishops to clearly set forth the arguments for him on this subject. The bishops asked him for a delay so that they could address this subject, until the time of a special audience. He was astonished by this language and in his desire to know and to understand, he assigned an audience to them; because he took pleasure in their argument with the Jews on this subject and ordered them all to speak. He informed the bishops of the statement of the Jews which confirmed it.
Then the bishops said: "The deviation of the Jews from the word of truth, O king, on the question of the Messiah has been since ancient times, |95 like the heritage of their first (high priests). Their refusal to believe in his mission for fear of changing their religion pushed them into acts worthy only of misleading and impious men. The argument that they plead about the number of the years since Adam, is right only in seeming. You have examined it and elucidated it to the bottom which you understood rightly. We have given you two manuscripts in which we have explained everything to you; we have reported the translation of the Seventy scholars who translated the Torah under king Ptolemy Philadelphus, approximately 300 years before the advent of the Messiah Our Lord and the time of his appearance. The copy of the Torah which is today in the hands of the Jews is made according to that which Annas and Caiphas, their high priests, mutilated at the time of the Messiah and from which they cut off years which they reduced. In addition to this, we have clear arguments that we will bring with evidence and explanation and which will be long to set forth; but if the emperor allows, we will submit the report and will explain the length of the years according to the weeks of the prophet Daniel until the death of the Messiah, date per date, king by king." Then the emperor said to them: "Do so." The bishops said: "(Daniel), the prophet of God, prophesied the destruction of Jerusalem, the demolition of his walls, the captivity of his people in Babylon, their stay over there for 70 years.
When king Bokht-Nassar (Nabuchodonosor) reigned over Babylon, he attacked Jerusalem, and took into captivity |96 most of the population, among whom was the prophet Daniel. Not ceasing to attack it during the 20 years which followed his first invasion, in his last invasion Nabuchodonosor demolished its walls, burned its temple, seized all its people and devastated the country. And after 50 years the prophet Daniel remembered the word of God which the prophet Jeremiah had announced during their stay in Babel. It was obvious for him that this time was already close. On this he was absorbed in prayer with God in fasting, tears, with humility and compunction 22. It is written in the Book of Daniel the prophet: He acknowledged before his Lord the malicious actions of his companions, enumerated their sins and beseeched his forgiveness and his indulgence for them. He fasted for twenty one days, without eating bread, drinking water or lying down. In his prayer he recalled the promise of God to the Israelites to reveal to his prophets the advent of the Messiah to support their goodwill and to bring them to the good; he asked God (to show him) the realization of this hope and to indicate to him the time of their return to Jerusalem. God answered his prayer because of his good faith, the uprightness of his heart and the purity of his intentions in the request that he addressed to him. God revealed to him |97 what he asked, because truth follows sincerity and certainty results; and because of the fidelity of Daniel, He answered his request and raised the veil of what had been hidden from his eyes and that he had not known. God sent the archangel Gabriel to him to explain his request to him. The angel Gabriel said to him: "The vision and the word of the prophets about the Messiah, the Holy of Holies, will be accomplished. Learn and know, O Daniel, the word which is uttered, and which my word has revealed to you, O man of desire: you will return and rebuild Jerusalem. As for the reign of the Messiah, until the time of His advent and His death there will be seven weeks and sixty-two weeks. Then He will be put to death and the Holy City will be destroyed."
Thus began the angel Gabriel; then he said to Daniel: "The vision and the word of the prophets will be fulfilled, i.e. with regard to the return of the Israelites at the end of 70 years, in accordance with the word of the prophet Jeremiah 23. After their return, Jerusalem will be rebuilt and after its restoration the weeks of the Messiah will be counted until his death." God treated the Israelites as Gabriel had said, to attest the sincerity and the truth of his words. The transplantation of the Israelites to Babel lasted for 20 years and was done on different occasions; their return also lasted and was completed in 20 years and was done on different occasions; the total duration of their stay in Babel being 70 years, |98 the equality was perfect, in accordance with the word of the prophet. The first group arrived to Babel the second year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, and remained there during the remainder of his reign until the end of his life, a period of 43 years, then five years under the sovereigns of his house, and, after them, 22 years under the domination of Cyrus the Persian - which makes 70 years, in accordance with the word of the prophet. The other group of prisoners arrived to Babel in the year 22 of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, and remained there for the 23 years of the remainder of his reign, then under the reign of his successors 5 years, after that under Cyrus the Persian for 31 years; under king Cambyses 8 years, under the Magus one year and under Darius, son of Hystaspes, 2 years, - which makes 70 years.
The return was completed at the end of 70 years, as the prophet Jeremiah said. They set themselves to rebuild Jerusalem, in accordance with the word of the angel Gabriel to the prophet Daniel. But they did not finish it at the time that they had intended, because the acts of men, compared to their wishes, are such that sometimes they precede it, sometimes are late, because of the accidental circumstances which prevent them and stop them.
The acts of men are not like those of God, whose words are fixed and time is determined, as He fixed the stay of the Israelites in Babel at 70 years, the time of the advent of the Messiah and the term of his death in a given number of years, because the actions of |99 God in his providence are hidden from men, if he did not want to reveal them to his servants; as far as it is useful for them, He informs his prophets of them so that they announce the good news and exhort men to perseverance in good deeds; if He starts to threaten and announce the punishment who must strike them in punishment of their sins, the prophets announce it and in fixing the time as a warning to induce them to obey Him, to lead them to repentance, to frighten them by terrible signs appearing in the sky and to make them desire the mercy of their Lord and his benevolence towards them. And by deferring the time, God leaves them the possibility of converting and of repentance, as He had done at the time of the flood, the confusion of languages, Sodom and Gomorrha, Nineveh and other events. And concerning this time, the angel Gabriel again determined it in the explanation that he made about it to the prophet Daniel. He said to him: "First the return will take place, then the construction"; then, after that, he determined for him the weeks of the Messiah as from that moment. And the return from exile of the Israelites to Jerusalem occurred 2 years after the advent to the throne of king Darius, son |100 of Hystaspes. At that time they began to rebuild the city and did not cease working there until the time of Artaxerxes Longhand. It is written in the Books of Esdras 24 that in year 20 of his reign king Artaxerxes sent Nehemiah his wine waiter to supervise the construction of Jerusalem; and Nehemiah found that they had already finished it five years before. He found that they were building the Temple in year 46 after the captivity, as the Jewish scholars said to the Messiah: "This temple was built, completed and finished at the end of 46 years, and You, You say that you will restore it in three days." However there is nobody who thinks that the Jews worked without interruption at the construction of the Temple during 46 years; but, as we have already said, its construction was entirely finished in year 46 after the captivity in Babel. Nehemiah went to the king and let him know.
The weeks of the Messiah are counted from the time of the end of the construction of the city, according to the word of the angel Gabriel: first the return; then the construction; then it is necessary to count the weeks from the nd year before the end of the reign of king Artaxerxes, and starting from the end of the construction until the death of the Messiah; then the total is 483 years, which all things considered makes seven weeks and sixty-two weeks of seven (years), as |101 we have already set forth in detail in our book, king after king, with the years of their reign. It is also written that the dignity of the high priests of Israelites was abolished at the time of king Herod, in whose reign the Messiah appeared. The prophecy of Jacob, leader of the Patriarchs, and Moses was realised; they said: "The royal sceptre will not be removed from Judah, nor the legislator from among him, i.e. the prophets, until the one comes who must be its king; and the people will place their hope in him."
We have said that seven weeks and sixty-two weeks make 483 years, because we multiply them by seven. Here is the explanation of the years of the weeks of the Messiah - 483 years, according to the word of the angel Gabriel to the prophet Daniel, the names of the kings and the total of their years, king after king.
The account of the kings of Persia.
Artaxerxes Longhand reigned 41 years; Artaxerxes II, 5 years; after him Sogdian, one year; Darius Nothus, 19 years; after him Artaxerxes, his son, 40 years; Artaxerxes Ochus, 25 years; Faris(Arses), son of Ochus, 4, years; Darius, |102 son of Arses, 6 years. The total of the years of kings of the East is 141 years. After this the count arrives at the years of the Ptolemies, the years of the kings of the West and the enumeration of the blessed Ptolemies.
Ptolemy Alexander reigned 12 years; Ptolemy Logos, i.e. word, 40 years; Ptolemy Philadelphus, i.e. he who loves his brother, 38 years; it is he who had the Sacred Books translated by the Seventy commentators; Ptolemy Ergates (Evergetes), i.e. the do-(good)er, 24 years; Ptolemy Philopator, i.e. he who loves his father, 17 years; Ptolemy Epiphanes, i.e. the Famous one, 24 years; Ptolemy Philometor, i.e. he who loves his mother, 25 years; again Ptolemy Evergetes, i.e. the do-(good)er, 19 years; Ptolemy Soter, i.e. the Saviour, 12 years; Ptolemy Alexander the Second, 10 years; Ptolemy Philippe, i.e. he who loves horses, 8 years; Ptolemy Dionysios, i.e. the noble one, 30 years; Cleopatra, i.e. the Glorious one, 15 years; Herod, king of the Jews, 35 years.
The years of the Messiah Our Lord are 33 years. That gives for the Western kings 342 years. The total of the years of kings of the East and West are 483 years.
Because of the contradictions contained in these books, the emperor Constantine sought for the books of |103 the Torah, had them examined as well as the books of the Prophets and the recollections of the Messiah. Before that time, there was among Christians nobody, except for the scholars, who knew the things kept secret and who knew about alterations and mutilations performed by the Jews. As for the people, they did not know that the Torah had been mutilated. Thus today the Christian people, in the East and West, do not know the cause of the disagreement between the Greek Torah, translated by the Seventy, and the Syriac Torah, copied from the Hebraic Torah, which is mutilated and reduced, which all the Christians read in the churches.
At the beginning we said that the deterioration and reduction go only as far as the birth of Abraham, son of Tarih, and the total of the reduction of the years of the world, from Adam and the beginning of the world until the birth of Abraham, son of Tarih, is 2,389 years. Now the mutilated Torah and all the books of the Prophets in Syriac copies which are in the hands of the Christians, are widespread in all the countries of the earth of the East and West, so that because of that the Christians cannot explain them and give an account of this question. All the scholars and the learned and those who wanted to translate the books of the Prophets from one language to another, or to make an exegesis of what they contained, changed nothing and |104 commented on the Syriac text, which is in disagreement with the translation of the Seventy because the Jews mutilated it and changed it after the Resurrection of the Messiah.
The ending of the history of Abraham.
Now that we have explained and recounted the history of the interpretation and the translation of the Seventy, the efforts and research of king Constantine on the reason of the difference which he had found in the Sacred Books, we will return to the account of the time of Abraham; that is the point where we had arrived before beginning this narrative.
At the time of Abraham, Khoudroun, brother of Tarih, made war on Kisaronos 25, king of Babel, and having fought him and overcome him, he killed him; (he did it), because he wanted to lead the population into captivity and to plunder all the country.
At that time the empire passed from Bebel, whose kings were called Babylonians, to the Assyrians, who reigned over the countries of Mosul, Nineveh and the surrounding provinces. The first of their kings, Boulis (Βῆλος), reigned 72 years and built several cities. |105
Abraham, having lived 100 years, fathered Isaac by Sara; but 16 years before Isaac, he fathered Ishmael by Agar. We start with Isaac, because the years of the history of the world are counted from Isaac.
After the death of Sara, Abraham fathered a great number of strong children by Retura; they were called the sons of Cadir (the Strong) and their children were also called Modar, because of Ishmael. Abraham lived for 75 years after the birth of Isaac and, his life having been 175 years, he died 40 years after the birth of Jacob. At that time king Boulis died and after him reigned Ninos, his son, who built the town of Nineveh, so called after his name. The fifth year after the birth of Abraham, Jerusalem was built by king Melchizedek.
The first king of the Sicyonites was Aglaous 26 who reigned over them 53 years.
In the year 71 after the birth of Abraham wars and conflicts broke out between king Rodollogomor and the five kings of the country of Sodom and Gomorrha; they lasted for 14 years until the 10th year after the departure of Abraham from the country of Ur of the Chaldaeans, which was the country of Canaan, son of Cham, son of Noah. At that time the town of Hebron was built, |106 which is the al-Ladjoun of the Canaanites. In the year 75 after the birth of Abraham, God said to him in the country of Ur of the Chaldaeans: "Get up, leave the house of your father and the place of your birth and go to the promised land that God promised to give you, to your seed and your posterity." Thus God concluded a pact and alliance with Abraham, for him and his posterity, ensuring to him the inheritance of the promised land. From this time, 430 years are counted that God assigned to the Israelites for their slavery with the country of Egypt. Other scholars say that these years are counted from the time when Abraham made the sacrifice of a goat, a pigeon and a dove1. We have done some research on this subject, but have found nothing about it. The total number of years from Adam and the beginning of the chronology of the world until this year is 3,417 years, because the years from the flood to this year is 1,161 years. In the year 77 of his life, Abraham went to Egypt because of the famine and the drought which prevailed in the country of Syria. In the year 85 of his life, Agar the Egyptian woman came to him, and he fathered by her Ishmael. For this reason her children were |107 named sons of Agar. They were also called Arabs because of the blood-link of Ishmael with the tribe of Djourboum, because he married women of this tribe and spoke Arabic. They were named Ismaelites after Ishmael, their father. Ishmael lived for 137 years and fathered by Arab women twelve princes who are named and mentioned in the Book of the Torah. His death took place 63 years after the birth of Jacob.
At that time Lot was made prisoner by king Khodollogomor. In the same period Semiramis reigned in Babel for 42 years; she seized the country of Asia and several cities of Syria, rebuilt Babel for the second time, and she raised artificial hills and a great number of monuments that are allotted to her.
Abraham reached the age of 99, and God ordered him to circumcise himself. He was 100 years old when he fathered Isaac by Sara. At the age of 60 years Isaac fathered Esau, who was hairy, and Jacob, the same as Israel, twins of Rebecca, daughter of Balhuel, a relative of Abraham, of a family of Haran. Isaac lived 180 years until the 31st year after the birth of Levi, |108 son of Jacob. At that time the queen Semiramis built a large temple in a city, at the edge of the Euphrates, to the idol Q.yous (Bel, Baal) and, after having appointed for Q.yous (Bel) seventy sacrificers, she named this city Hierapolis, which means the city of the sacrificers; this was the old town of Manbidj.
When Isaac had reached the age of 16, God said to Abraham: "Get up. Take Isaac, your only son, whom you love, place him on the altar and offer him to God, your Lord, in a holocaust on the mountain of the Amorians (Moriah)."
Later, 1,030 years after the birth of Abraham, Solomon, son of David, built a temple of God on this mountain, the place of the holocaust of Abraham and the sacrifice of Isaac.
We possess the Sacred Books, which tell and indicate that it is on this mountain, at the place of the holocaust of Abraham, that Adam was interred and buried; it is said that the body of Adam was with Noah in the ark; when the flood was over, and Noah with his companions had left the ark, he buried Adam on this mountain. Thus God led Abraham to travel until he indicated to him the place of the tomb of Adam. Abraham offered Isaac (to God): he built the altar above the tomb of Adam and put Isaac |109 on the altar raised on the tomb of Adam, and he was on the point of immolating him to God in a holocaust. But God saved him, substituting for him a lamb, because of his confidence in God and because he knew the sincerity of the intention of Abraham and his confidence that God could return life to his son after the immolation. It is written that at the moment of the sacrifice of Isaac, when Abraham raised the knife, the troops of the angels beat their hands and that God announced in the heavens the holocaust of Abraham; (then) he said: "Stay your hand from the child: now I know that you love God, your Lord, with all your heart."
The first construction of Jerusalem.
After the time when Noah went out the ark and before the installation of Abraham in the promised land of the country of Syria, the high priest Melchizedek built over the tomb of our father Adam the town of Jerusalem. God let him know and indicated to him the place of the tomb of Adam, and he offered two sacrifices of bread and wine to Him.
Here what the Jews report in their book that they call the Mishna: we have heard it said that Hakib and |110 his followers claim that Melchizedek was the same as Shem, son of Noah, and that Joshua, son of Nun, killed him, along with the thirty one kings whom he put to death. But all the Jewish scholars disagree with them about this stupidity and this error. The Christians find in the mysteries of their books that the cross on which the Messiah was crucified, was planted in the middle of the tomb of Adam, on his larynx; it is on this cross that the Messiah was crucified; because of that this place was called al-tarfqah and it is called Golgotha, which means cranium.
In the year 19 of the birth of Isaac, Abraham learned that his brother Nachor, son of Tarih, had several children, and (from the children) of Nachor was born Aram, son of Kamuel; he gave his name to the Aramaeans, who lived in Haran in Mesopotamia and the surrounding country as far as the area of Mosul. We have found books which mention and make known another Aram, resulting from Shem, who lived to the East of Susa (Susiana), i.e. of Elam, and Assur, brother of Elam, from whom the Elamites, Assyrians and their tribes come. The borders of Aram (extended) from the native land of Shem to the country of Misan; it is for that that the population of this country and beyond took the name of Aram their father, the issue of the son of Shem, son of Noah.
In year 37 of the |111 birth of Isaac, Sara died at the age of 127, because she was 90 years old when she brought Isaac into the world by Abraham.
In the year 44 of his birth, Isaac married Rebecca, daughter of Bathuel, cousin of his father Abraham. At that time king Abimelech made a pact of friendship with Isaac; his kingdom was located at Gerar, in the country of the Jordan. At that time the domination of the Philistines started, who are the inhabitants of Philistine (Palestine); their race indicates the origin of their country. Jacob was 89 years old when he fathered Levi; the life of Jacob was 147 years. In year 20 of the birth of Jacob, Esau, his brother, married the daughters of Canaan, son of Cham, son of Noah; one of them was Judith, daughter of Beeri, the Hethaean, the other, Basmath, daughter of Elon the Hethaean 27. When Esau had seen that his father Isaac did not like them, he married Basmath, daughter of Ishmael. It is written that Job the Just drew his origin from the children of Basmath, daughter of Ishmael. It is written that Moses, the prophet, wrote the famous book allotted to Job the Just; in this book, i.e. in the book of Job the Just, there are 1,348 verses. |112
In the lists of the generation of the tribes and the people (of Esau) Job was called Jobab, son of Zerah 28. Job lived 210 years, including 70 years before his misfortunes and 140 years afterwards. We have found among the children of Shem, son of Noah, another Jobab 29; certain people claim that he is the same as Job, because they believed him prior to Abraham. Thus from this people affirm contradictory things on this subject. At that time Hamor, brother of Sichem, built a large city which he named Sichem, according to the name of his brother. Some time after, two sons of Jacob, Simeon and Levi, devastated it and killed three thousand men there to avenge their sister who was called Dina on its population. When Jacob had reached the age of 77 and Isaac, his father, that of 137, Isaac his father blessed him and addressed in his favour the prayers and the blessings which are reported in the Torah; then he sent him to Haran to Laban, his uncle, because he feared that Esau would kill him. Jacob left with his staff in his hand.
Having arrived at Beitaïl, he prayed and putting his head on a stone, he fell asleep. In the night he saw angels of God who went up and down along a ladder of which the top touched heaven and the foot was on the earth. Throughout this night, until dawn had risen, the angel fought with him. And here God appeared to Jacob and said to him: "Jacob, |113 I will not let you go until you tell me your name." When it was dawning, Jacob said: "This place is the window of heaven and the house of God " and he made a vow to devote to God a tithe of what God had granted to him during his absence, to build to him in this place a house of God. After that Jacob crossed the Euphrates with his staff and arrived at Haran 30.
In year 84 of his life, Jacob married Leah, the daughter of Laban, his uncle, and fathered by her Ruben, Simeon, and at the age of 89 years he also fathered Levi, in whose name the chronology of the world was regulated. Then after Levi he fathered Judah, after him Issachar, then Zabulon. Jacob married Rachel, sister of Leah, and fathered by her Joseph and Benjamin. He also fathered (two sons) by Bilhah, the maidservant of Rachel, who gave to Jacob Gad and Asher, and (two sons) by Zelphah, the maidservant of Leah, who gave to Jacob Dan and Nephthali 31. They gave rise to the twelve tribes of the Israelites.
In the year 97 after the birth of Jacob, he went back to Haran to (Isaac), his father; his herds, she-asses, oxen and cows, slaves and utensils were |114 innumerable. After coming to the promised land of the country of Syria, Joseph was sold by his brothers. At the age of seventeen, he was brought into Egypt where he spent ten years as a slave and three years in prison. When Joseph reached the age of thirty, the Pharaoh, king of Egypt, saw in dream seven cows and seven ears of corn. Joseph was brought out of the prison and his hair cut; then he was presented before Pharaoh. Joseph, being thirty years old, explained his dream to him. Everything happened as Joseph had explained to him. The Pharaoh gave him power over the country of Egypt.
In year 39 from the birth of Joseph, Jacob his father, arrived in Egypt with all his children and the children of his children in the second year of the famine and the drought which prevailed in Syria. In fact the Israelites remained in Egypt, as slaves, for 215 years. The number of the Israelites who arrived in Egypt with Jacob was 70 men; moreover, Joseph, his two sons, Ephraïm and Manasseh, and their two sons, (makes) 5 men. Jacob, being 127 years old, presented himself before Pharaoh 7 years after the death of Isaac, his father. The number of Israelites, when they left Egypt, was 603,500 men able to carry the weapons who were counted in the census, i.e. in the census (of Moses). When Moses counted them and separated them, |115 he did not register and did not count those who were younger than 22 years old and those who exceeded 50; the women were not counted either. Jacob lived in Egypt 20 years, and died 13 years after the birth of Kahath. Levi lived 45 years and then fathered Kahath, and Kahath lived 60 years and then fathered `Amran. At that time the Pharaoh the sovereign of Joseph died and Amousiyus (Ἄμωσις) reigned after him in Egypt for 25 years
In year 38 from the birth of Kahath, there reigned in Egypt Kebroun (Χεβρών) for 13 years. At that time Zeus, whose name is translated as Jupiter (Al-Mouschtari), knew Niobé and fathered Apis by her, who was named later Serapis 32 and who started to fight the courageous women (?) who are called Amazons and killed their male children. Zeus reigned over the country of Crete on the coast. The meaning of "Zeus" is "long lived" because it is told that he lived for a thousand years. At that time the town of Eleusina was built.
In year 51 from the birth of Kahath, son of Levi, |116 Amenophis (Ἀμεμφῆς) ascended the throne of Egypt and he was also called Pharaoh; he reigned 21 years and then he started to persecute Israelites. `Amran lived 70 years and then fathered Moses the prophet and, having lived after the birth of Moses for 67 years, he died 13 years before the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. In year 6 from the birth of `Amran Joseph died, at the age of 110. His brothers ordered the Israelites to carry his bones with them, until God called them and made them leave the country of Egypt.
It is written that at that time, under (the king) Agous (Ὤγυγος), the flood took place 33. In year 12 (after the birth of `Amran) there reigned in Egypt Mensis (Ἀμενσῆς) for 12 years.
In the year 24 after the birth of `Amran, Balaios 34 also reigned for 18 years.
In the year 68 after the birth of `Amran, Amenofis (Asfanis, Μισφρῆς?) 35 reigned in Egypt for 43 years; he ordered that the first-born males of the Israelites should be strangled and drowned in the river Nile. |117
The birth of Moses and his history.
When Moses came into the world, `Amran, his father, the very same day was 70. His parents put him in a basket, and exposed him on the river Nile. He was only three months old and was pretty and beautiful. At that time Mary, daughter of the Pharaoh, went out to the river Nile where she found Moses. When she saw that he was circumcised, she knew that he was one of the Israelites. Mary took him, raised him, educated him and taught him all the sciences of the Egyptians, their education and their wisdom. Janis and Jambris 36 were the teachers of Moses, who became, in Egypt, extremely strong and powerful.
In the year 28 of the birth of Moses the prophet, the Pharaoh built the town of Hermopolis on the river Nile which was called also Al-F.r.ma. At that time the Ethiopians fought the Egyptians and devastated several provinces of Egypt.
Then Kenefra, the king, all his companions, his notable and his close relations were envious of Moses, but because of Mary, neither he nor they could do what they wanted about this; then they tried to make him lose his rank |118 and his powerful situation, saying to him: "You have great obligations towards the queen. Look, the Ethiopians are coming down the Nile in boats, thanks to the rising waters, and attacking the country of Egypt; they have devastated already several provinces and reduced their population to captivity. It is your duty to defend the kingdom, because you are placed at its head and that its defense rests on you. The king, all his chiefs and his court are thinking that you will attack the Ethiopians. It is said that all the lands and deserts which are between Ethiopia and Egypt are uninhabited, the country being full of a great quantity of snakes, which prevent people from passing there."
When Moses had learned of their ambushes and what they were weaving against him, he ordered 10,000 riders chosen from among the Israelites and the same number from among the Egyptians; then he ordered them to prepare the greatest possible number of large cranes (ibis), which was called ka`ka`, and to put them in wicker cages, so that their heads appeared out of the cages 37. Moses set out to march with with his companions. He had these cranes fed at the break of day, and when night fell and he had set up camp, he ordered that the cages where the cranes were be distributed throughout the camp. During |119 the night, tormented by hunger, all the cranes made resounding cries. The snakes, having heard their cries, ran away into the earth for fear the cranes would eat them. Moses did not cease doing this until he reached the Ethiopian city of Meroe.
When the inhabitants saw him with his troops, this struck them with admiration and fear, and they were astonished that so many troops had arrived at their home through these deserts. Then God inspired the daughter of the king of Ethiopia and let him know with certainty that Moses would capture the city and its inhabitants and that God, may He be blessed, would make him master of it. So she sent a message to Moses that she offered herself to him in marriage; (in return) she would show him a place from where one could take the city and capture its surroundings. Moses granted her wish. God gave him the victory over the city and his inhabitants, and Moses married the daughter of the king of Ethiopia. This is why the Holy Scripture tells that Mariam, the sister of Moses, and Aaron, while speaking about Moses, slandered him, because he had married a Kushite woman, i.e. of the sons of al-Khabaschat (an Ethiopian) 38. God was irritated against Mariam, who became scabious and leprous, so that the Israelites avoided her. |120
But Moses, the prophet of God, having pity on her, prayed to God for her. And God said to Moses: "If her father had spit in her face, wouldn't she be covered with shame for ten days 39?" Moses remained, after the conquest of the city, in the countries of Ethiopia, with all his troops, until the time of the flood of the Nile; then he brought his troops back to Egypt, by means of boats during the rising of the Nile and the high waters, and he returned to the king laden with riches. On this, the king, all his notables, his courtiers, his ministers and all the inhabitants of Egypt were afraid of him, and the king even conceived the idea of killing Moses, after the death of Mary who had raised Moses.
In the year 37 after the birth of Moses, Joshua, son of Nun was born.
In the year 41 from the birth of Moses, the Pharaoh ascended the throne of Egypt who, according to the Sacred Books, was submerged in the sea, 40 years later, with his troops and his chariots.
According to what is written, Moses, at the age of 40, killed an Egyptian who wanted to put him to death, and he fled into the country of Midian to Raguel or Jethro or Sa`ïb and, having married Sephora, daughter of Sa`ib, he fathered Guerson and Eleazar. |121
In the year 42 of the birth of Moses, Caleb, son of Jephonneh was born. At that time Atlas, son of Prometheus appeared and made himself known, who taught magic (astrology) 40. It is told that, when his magic reached the celestial sphere, he knew all that occurred of its mysteries. Because of this, the name of Atlas was given to the mountain which rises above the clouds. According to his knowledge and his books, Erathosthenes, the scholar, traced the plans of the sphere with all the species of its constellations and their terms. This book was translated from Greek into Arabic by Thahir ibn al-Husein, a clever man 41, with its charts, all its plans and all the kinds of its details. It is a remarkable book and can be obtained if desired.
At that time king Souris was known, who reigned over Dimeschk (Damascus). Where Syria (asch-Scham) is called Souriah, this name is derived from the name of Souris. In the year 80 from the birth of Moses, Joshua, son of Nun being 39 years old, God appeared to Moses at Tur-Sina (in the Sinai) and showed to him the miracles which he worked with its staff and his hand, which became white, and the other things that God did. Then God ordered to him to go to Egypt to work miracles and celestial signs in order to lead the Israelites out. |122
In this year Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt; he struck the sea with his staff and led the Israelites through the sea; when they had passed, he struck the sea again with his staff, and God submerged the Pharaoh and all his troops. Then the word that God had said to Abraham was accomplished, that his posterity would remain in a remote country in a state of slavery for 430 years.
Explanation of the causes and the reasons which led to the introduction of the worship of idols into Egypt.
It is told that all the Egyptians who had not gone with Pharaoh and who had remained in Egypt, having learned the news that the Pharaoh and his troops had drowned in the Red Sea, were struck by this; and they adored the thing and the object which they held in the hand, and each one of them made an idol following the example of the object and adored it, as if it were that which had saved them from immersion. Because of this, the worship of idols in Egypt increased and, at the end of a certain time, the devils spoke to them from the |123 interior of these idols.
In the year 81 after the birth of Moses, when the Israelites had left Egypt, the Amalekites attacked them; but God led a great number to perish via Moses. The hostility between the Amalekites and the Israelites continued until the time of Haman the Amalekite, the minister of king Artaxerxes. We will give the account of this in its place, if God so wills.
In this year, in the third month, Moses went up on the mountain of God, Tur-Sina (Sinai), and received from God the knowledge of things. God granted wisdom, the power of prophecy and knowledge to him, so that he could speak about the origin of the world and explain the universe, so that he made known and explained why the universe was created and had a beginning; it is said that in the space of the centuries passed, from the origins of the world, there had never been as many followers of temporal origin than at the time when Moses, the prophet of God, composed the Torah, in which he discussed the origin of the world, to bring men to the opinion that the world was temporal. And the majority of Israelites adhered firmly to this belief and professed these doctrines; it was their belief and their religious conviction. Moses also spoke about the Tabernacle. From this year, Moses appointed to the Tabernacle the oldest of the Israelites, selected from the twelve tribes, who governed the Tabernacle. |124
The total number of years from Adam and the beginning of the world until the year when Moses went up on the mountain of God Tur-Sina (Sinai) and received the tables of the Torah, i.e. until year 81 from the birth of Moses, - the total years from Adam to that year is 3,847 years. We have set forth all this at the beginning of our treatise and our book; we have corrected it by shortening the calculation and have explained it above. The Jews celebrated the first Passover in Egypt on the Sunday of the ninth cycle; and they did not celebrate Passover for the 40 years that they passed in the desert. Then Moses governed them, after this year, for 39 years and he died at the age of 120. The years from Adam and the origins of the world until the year of the death of Moses are 3,886 years. After that the years are counted, as we have explained, in the history of the world, according to the years of the government of the Judges over the the Israelites.
The explanation is as follows: the total number of the years from Adam to the flood is 2,256 years; from the flood until Ar`û fathered Phaleg, at which time the languages were divided, -- 670 years; from |125 Adam until that year 2,926 years; from the day of the birth of Ar' û until the day of the birth of Abraham 416 years; from the flood to that year 1,076 (1,510) years; from Adam to that year 3,342 (3,766) years; from the day of the birth of Moses to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, i.e. until the year when Moses went up on the mountain of God Tur-Sina and received the tablets from God, - 81 years; from the flood to that year 1,591 years; from Adam to that year 3,847 years, according to what we have said above. After that Moses governed for his life until he died, a space of 39 years, so that the years from Adam and the origins of the world until the year of the death of Moses are 3,886 years. The Jews celebrated the first Passover 40 years after, at the time of Joshua, son of Nun, near Jéricho, in the tenth cycle. After Moses, it was Joshua, son of Nun, who governed them for 27 years; then after Joshua, son of Nun, it was the governors and the judges who governed the Israelites for 556 years; after the end of their government the chronology of the history of the world is evaluated according to the years of their kings. This chronology starts with the year when Saul, son of Kisch, of the tribe of Benjamin, the first king who reigned over the Israelites, ascended the throne. |126 The years from Adam and the origins of the world until the day when Saul ascended the throne are 4,391 years. The life of Moses was 120 years, of which he spent 40 years in Egypt, 40 years with Jethro in the country of Midian and 40 years in the desert. Moses wrote five books, about which we spoke earlier; in these books there are 17,041 verses.
History of the art of alchemy, the work of the hyacinth and other precious stones.
It is written that God endowed Beseleel 42 with intelligence and indicated the manner to him of setting up the Tabernacle; He taught him art and knowledge to work the precious stones and to clean them from foreign substances and impurities. Béséléel made the Tabernacle and embellished it with his talent. He was the first who managed to make a work of art.
In this year Moses sent them |127 spies into the countries of Canaan, i.e. Palestine, the Jordan and the regions bordering, so that they could examined the country and the people. Joshua, son of Nun, and Caleb, son of Jephonne, cut a bunch of grapes and carried it between them on a pole 43. At that time Joshua, son of Nun, was 45 and Caleb, son of Jephonné, 42 (43) years old. When this year had passed, Balak, king of the Midianites, sent ambassadors to Balaam, the magician, so that he would come to him and curse the Israelites 44.
In the year 84 of the life of Moses, Aaron, his brother, became high priest. God made his two sons die because they had offered a profane fire in sacrifice 45. Eleazar, son of Aaron, of the tribe of Levi, to which the Levites belonged, married a daughter of Aminazab 46 of the tribe of Judah. This was the first case of the mingling and family ties of one tribe with another, because the law (νόμος) allowed only marriages between people of the same tribe. Eleazar fathered Phinehas of which it is written that he was zealous for God, was annoyed for Him, struck two adulterers with his lance and hanged them in the air 47.
In the year 118 from the birth of Moses, Aaron his brother died. |128 He had as a successor Eleazar, his son. Moses died two years after Aaron; he was 120. After the death of Moses, it was Joshua, son of Nun, its servant, 83 years old, who started to govern the Israelites in the place of Moses, two years after Aaron. Joshua, son of Nun, led the Israelites in the promised land of Canaan that God had promised to give to the posterity of Abraham. After governing them for 27 years, Josua, son of Nun, died at the age of 110.
In the first year of the government of Joshua, son of Nun, the Amalekites made war; but he overcame them and killed a great number of them, so that there remained only one small troop of them; with his troops he did not cease pursuing them until the 9th hour of the day. In fear of not succeeding in what he intended to do with them, he entreated the sun and the moon and said: "You, O sun, halt over Gabaon, and you, moon, in the field of Aïloun (Ajalon)!" And the sun remained motionless for 6 hours until he had been avenged on his enemies 48.
As for the sun halting where it was, it is not, as people believe who do not examine it and do not know the treasures of books and their mysteries, that |129 the sun and the moon alone stopped, while the sphere continued to move. That is explained by this fact that if, as certain people believe, the sun had stopped and the moon had been frozen, then an upheaval would have occurred in the times and the four seasons, because, once the celestial sphere had crossed three signs of the zodiac in 6 hours, then instead of spring we would have had summer, instead of summer, autumn, instead of autumn, winter and instead of winter, spring. But the books of the scholars indicate that the celestial sphere stopped with all its planets and all its stars without change in the seasons.
From Adam to Joshua, son of Nun, until the death of Moses, there were 27 generations. In the year 10 of the government of Joshua, son of Nun, he divided the land that God had given them as an inheritance between the tribes of the Israelites, except for the tribe of Levi, that of the Levites; he did not give them land, in accordance with what God had instructed him. He said that the Lord was their portion and their inheritance. And God ordered that all the eleven tribes gave each year the tenth of their harvest to that of Levi.
In that time Erichthonius the Greek made the first chariot, harnessed four horses and similar to the moving throne for nine mikdar; ten people were |130 in it and the chariot, drawn by these four horses, ran on wheels. The king took his seat with his most favoured notables; and the chariot went where he wanted. It is said that none exist any more, because there is nobody who can make one; but certain people say that the Greeks do this even now.
In that year the sons of Lot, the Ammonites and Moabites, made war and fought against the Cananaeans, but the latter killed 5,000 of them, and Joshua, son of Nun, himself killed also 7 tribes and 31 kings of them.
After Joshua, son of Nun, it was Kuschan, the deceiver, who was the leader of the Israelites and governed them for 8 years 49.
In this time the Curetes and Corybantes in the town of Knossos made themselves known; they were the first to invent music, dance, song and various kinds of music with various types of instruments. Then Othoniel, son of Kaniz, governed the children of Israel for 40 years 50. In the first year of his government, Cecrops reigned in the town of Athens for 49 years.
It is written in the poems of Homer that |131 Cecrops and his successors who had the same religious beliefs were those brought into existence those evil things and those unpleasant stories received among Greeks; this is what is written in the poems of Homer.
In this year Othoniel killed Kuschan, the deceiver, king of Aram, and freed the Israelites from him. At this time, another flood happened in the time of Deucalion. Some time afterwards, Plato, who was the teacher of Aristotle, gave us an account and history of this flood in his books 51. At this time Zeus is mentioned who, it is reported, was a king of Crete, a maritime country; his lifetime was 107 years; he did all kinds of abominations and was soiled with the vices of the Greeks. At that time, Io, who was called Isis because of her behaviour, went to the country of Egypt.
Then the Moabites, from the posterity of Lot, having overcome the Israelites, governed them for 14 years.
At this time the town of Kourithous 52 was built, which is known by the name of Corinth. At that time the Corinthians made copper (?) which neither quadrupeds, nor reptiles could attack.
Towards the end of the reign of Moabites, there reigned over Athens, after Cecrops, Cronos, whose name translated means Saturn, for 9 years.
At that time, in the town of Athens, the assembly of the Areopagus was established, which means the assembly of the judges and the scholars. |132
It is told that at that time Dionysios, son of Deucalion, started to plant vines and to press wine; and men drank it. But that does not agree with what certain people say in their ignorance: they said that the first who learned how to drink wine and gave indications on this subject, were the devils; but we also found in the Sacred Books that before that time Noah planted vines, pressed wine and drank it.
Ahoud (Ehud, Aod), son of Hara (Gera), governed the Israelites for 80 years. It was he who killed Eglon, king of the Moabites, of the race of Lot; he killed him as follows: he attached to his thigh a sword with two edges; then he was presented before Eglon and said to him: "I have a secret for you; I want to entrust it to you." Eglon ordered all his companions to leave and remained alone with him. Then Ahoud detached his sword from his thigh and stabbed him in the belly, so that his entrails came out, and killed him; after that he left. He governed the Israelites and overcame the Moabites. In year 25 of the government of Ahoud, the fourth thousand of the years of the history of the world was completed. This is clear, because we have already set out and described in a precise way that the space of the years from Adam and the origins of the world until the year of the death of Moses, prophet of God, was 3,886 years. If we |133 add to it, from the day of the death of Moses, the years of the government of Joshua, son of Nun, over the Israelites, i.e. 27 years; --- after him those of Kuschan, the deceiver, 8 years; then those of Othoniel, 40 years; after Othoniel, those of the Moabites, the children of Lot, 14 years; then if we add to it the 25 years of the years of the government of Ahoud, who, as we said, governed them for 80 years, we obtain the number of 114 years, and if we add this figure to the years past from Adam to the day of the death of Moses, i.e. 3,886 years, then that will give the 4,000 year figure of the chronology of the world, just at the end of 25 years of the government of Ahoud over the Israelites, which we spoke about earlier.
At this time Nicomedes built Nicomedia, i.e. Constantinople; but at the end of a period of time this city sank into the earth. Then after that, king Byzas rebuilt it and called it, after his name, Byzantium. At the end of a period of time, Constantine, son of Helen, ascended the throne; he enlarged it, increased it and called it by his name Constantinople (Constaniyniya).
At that time Poseidon married Lysianasse and fathered by her Douk.ntis and Busiris; some time after, Busiris seized the country which is located |134 on the river Nile; he massacred the foreigners who passed, and travellers, and he ate them.
Then (Samgar) governed the Israelites, after Ahoud, for 22 years.
At that time Phrixus was illustrious; it is told that, thanks to his agility and speed, he flew like a bird, and that neither the most excellent horses, nor the gazelles could catch him.
Then Barak, of the tribe of Nephthali, governed the Israelites for 40 years; he made war with Sisara and killed him with all his troops and 500 iron chariots which he had.
At that time Achaeus built a city and gave his name to it.
At that time Sibyl, the prophetess lived, who clearly explained the thoughts of men by her gift of prophecy.
At that time it was a question of prayers and supplications of '¦'¦'¦'¦.. addressed to the gods '¦'¦ Zeus; he knew a slave of the family '¦'¦'¦. on the edge of Lake Triton; she brought Aphrodite into the world, which means Beauty (Venus) 53. At that time Melampus the magician, Tantalus and |135 Tityus are notable, who with their magic revealed hidden things, so that people admired them. It is told that Zeus also knew Leto and fathered on her Apollo and Hercules 54. At that time reigned the kings 55 whose history is in the books of the poems of Homer. After Barak, the Midianites, who were Arabs, governed the Israelites for 7 years; they devastated all their country. [End of PO 5.4 56] |147
At this time 57, Phemonoe the magician was notable; she predicted the future in hexameter verse and disturbed the spirits of people.
In that time, Gideon, son of Joash, saw the angel of the Lord who encouraged him to deliver the Israelites. Then he arose and governed the Israelites for 40 years.
At the same time, Perseus returned to the country of Persia and cut of the head of Gorgon (Gharghou) the courtesan, who, by her beauty and grace, had struck all those who looked at her, so much so that they seemed changed into stones, as Didymus the scholar reports in his books. |148
Gideon governed the Israelites for 31 years, when the daughters of Helios appeared and were made known, whom Klytia had given him; the names of these seven girls were Circe (Qirqâ), Merope (Mirfa), Hirqa (?), Zirqa (?), Qirda (?), Lampétie (?), (Midyâ) and Pasiphae (Basoufiyâ) 58; they were magicians. It is said that a man could see his face in that of each of them, because of the beauty of their colour; and when one of them arose in the darkness, the place shone.
At that time, the towns of Cyrene and Miletus were founded.
At that time reigned Fasouniyous (?) 59 Apollo (Afoulyoun). It is told that he played the cithar; it was he which was made a lute from stone; the wild beasts and the deer gathered to him to hear his voice, without injuring each other, because of the great beauty of his voice, his playing and his song; it is told that sometimes, when he sang, the wild beasts and the deer fell asleep.
It is written that Gideon, having gathered an army of 30,000 men, |149 went out with them against the Midianites. But God did not want the victory to be due to the great number of troops, and ordered him to take with him 300 men; and Gideon delivered the Israelites from the Midianites.
After Gideon, Abimelech, his son, governed the Israelites for three years. When he became king, he killed his seventy brothers by his father Gideon. When Abimelech had gone out against the town of Tebec, a woman threw on him, from the top of the citadel, a fragment of a grinding stone and killed him. Thus God repaid him and rewarded him by promptly punishing him for his bad conduct and the evil which he had done to his brothers. Then Tholag, his cousin, judged the Israelites for 22 years.
In that time, Kora (Proserpine), daughter of Zeus, was abducted. At that time, Marsyas the shepherd (Silenus) was a flute-player and tried to excel Apollo; they made both a contract and a bet. Then Marsyas, having been overcome, was hung from a tree, as had been agreed between them
In the year 21 of the government of Tholag, the town of Tarsus was built by king Perseus. |150
At that time, Apollo married a woman and fathered on her Asclepius. Dionysius captured India, was governor of it and built the town of Nysa there on the banks of the river Indus.
In that time, after Tholag, Jair, of Gilead, judged the Israelites for 22 years; he had thirty sons who mounted with him on thirty foals.
At that time, the town of Cyzicus was built on the shore of the sea. This is the Cyzicus, of which we already said that the temple, one of the seven wonders, had been built there.
Then, after Jair, the Israelites were subjected to the Ammonites, descendants of Lot, for 18 years.
At that time, Linus, the teacher of Hercules announced himself, the first great king who, as we have said, erected in the sea three marvellous statues to preserve sailors from shipwreck; they were one of the seven wonders of which we spoke at the beginning of our book.
In the first year of the victory of the Ammonites, the town of Tyre was built.
As the Ammonites oppressed the Israelites at every meeting, the |151 inhabitants of Gilead went to find Jephte, fifteen years after driving him out and sent away from them. They went to him, brought him back and placed him at their head; then he governed the Israelites for six years. He engaged himself by a vow and an irrevocable oath to offer to God in sacrifice, after his return from combat, the first of his house which he met, if God granted the victory to him. Having gone out and having overcome the enemies, he returned: however, his only daughter came out to meet him; he immolated her and offered her to God in sacrifice, in accordance with the vow which he had made.
Then Ebsan (Abîsan) or Hesbon, of Bethlehem, judged the Israelites for seven years. He had thirty sons and thirty daughters; he married off his thirty sons and, in one day, he acquired thirty daughters-in-law; he married off his thirty daughters and, in one day, he obtained thirty sons-in-law. Then Elon, of the tribe of Zabulon, judged the Israelites for ten years.
In that time, the witch Medea announced herself. By her magic spells she made Creon (Qâroun) and Glaucus (`Alouqa) burn. In an fit of rage, she killed all her sons.
Then Labdon or `Abdon judged the Israelites for eight years. He had |152 forty sons and thirty grandsons who rode with him on seventy foals.
In that time, king Hercules fell seriously sick; he threw himself in the fire and died, at the age of 52.
At that time, Apollo was taken with and in love with Daphne to such a point that he lost his head and became insane.
The Israelites having sinned and their faults having become enormous, God delivered them into the hands of the Philistines, i.e. of the people of Palestine, for 41 years. Then, after the Philistines, Samson, devoted to God by his parents, judged the Israelites; he was of the tribe of Dan, he was a judge for 20 years. In the year 3 of his government, he began a war against the Philistines. In year 5 of the same, the story of Ruth the Moabite took place, i.e. originating from the tribe of Moab. Boaz married her and fathered by her Obed, grandfather of the prophet David. The story of Ruth contains 246 verses; her book is so beautiful, that it was translated from Greek into Arabic. |153
In year 8 of the government of Samson, Alexander Paris, son of Priam, king of Ilion, took some offerings and went to offer them to the god Apollo, in the country of HelIas, at the age of 33, because he said that this was the god who had predicted to his father that he would have a son. When he had left and had been presented to the king of Sparta who was called Menelaus, he saw Helen there. Her beauty and her grace charmed him and he ardently desired her. Her husband being delayed where he had gone, and being far from him, Paris abducted the young woman and brought her to Troy, in the country of Phrygia, to his father, without having presented his offering [to Apollo]. When Menelaus arrived and learned what had happened, he sent messengers and called to his assistance twenty kings with their ships, to the number of 2,250. They went by sea and fought Priam and his son who had abducted the beautiful Helen. They captured Helen and all the country which had made war against them for ten years, until the year 18 of the government of Samson. At this same time, the town of Ilion, described in the book and poetries of Homer, was destroyed.
In year 19 of the government of Samson, Zeus, king of Crete, died |154 and was buried at Aqrathi, i.e. on the shore of the sea. He had lived 780 years. Because of his longevity he was called Zeus; but before he was called Dios.
In that time, after Samson had killed a great number of the Philistines, he was handed over to them; they put out his eyes because of one of their women, whom he had loved passionately. This girl-friend did not cease employing tricks against him until he had let her know that his strength was in his hair. While he slept in the room of this woman, she cut the hair devoted to God from him; his strength disappeared, she strangled him and called the Philistines to him. After Samson the Israelites were without a judge for 12 years.
The book of Joshua, son of Nun, the first book of Judges, contains 1,953 verses; the second book, 2,880 verses.
After that the priest Heli (`Ali) came who judged the Israelites for 40 years; he had become their judge at the age of 38. In year 18 of the government of the priest Heli priest, was born the prophet Samuel, consecrated to God by his parents. In year 20 of the government of Heli, Anne, mother of Samuel, presented him and dedicated him to the Lord, when he was two years old; and he remained with |155 the priest Heli in the temple, for the remainder of his government, without leaving it.
On the death of Heli, the prophet Samuel succeeded him and judged the Israelites for 20 years. When he replaced Heli who had just died, Samuel was 22. This was the year when the Philistines seized the Ark of the Lord; but as they could not endure the pain which took them from behind, when it arrived, they restored it and sent at the same time offerings in its honour. When Samuel had governed the Israelites for 20 years, they requested him to name and appoint a king for them; they asked to be delivered from the government that the Lord exercised over them by the intermediary of the judges and the governors. Consequently, Samuel gave them for king Saul, son of Cis.
The number of the years from the government of Joshua, son of Nun, and from the judges who followed him, until the day when Saul, son of Cis, began to reign, was 505; from Adam to that year, 4391 years. This is explained by what we have set out above.
We have said that from Adam to the flood there were 2,256 years; from the flood to |156 the birth of `Aru, 670 years; from Adam to the year of the birth of Ar`u, 2926 years; from the birth of Ar`u until that of Abraham, 416 years; from Adam to that year, 3342 years; since the birth of Abraham until that of Moses, 424 years; from Adam to the birth of Moses, 3766 years; from the year of the birth of Moses until the year of the exodus of the Israelites of Egypt and the ascension of Moses on the mountain of the Lord, Tur Sina, 81 years; from Adam to that year, 3847 years. Then, after bringing the Israelites out of Egypt into the desert, Moses governed them for 39 years. From Adam and the origins of the world until the year of the death of Moses there were 3,886 years; if we add to this the total of the years of the judges who governed the Israelites, i.e. 505 years, the years of the history of the world, from Adam and the origins of the universe, will be 4,391 years. (This book) is called the book of the Judges.
Saul, son of Cis, of the tribe of Benjamin, reigned over the Israelites and governed them for 40 years, and the years from the beginning of his reign are counted and these years added to the years of the history of the world which, as we said, until the beginning of the reign of Saul, are 4,391. After |157 that the years of their kings are added, one after the other, until the moment when king Nabuchodonosor (Bokht-Nasar) reduced them into captivity. Then, after the period of the kings and the captivity, the work of Nabuchodonosor, by adding them to the era of the world, the total of the years of kings of Persia and the East are counted, one after the other, until the end of the time of the latter; and the total of the calculation reaches the first year of the Ptolemaic kings who were kings of the West and the first was Ptolemy Alexander or Dou' l-Karnein.
We will recount this in our account; we will write the whole story, the events, the news and the wonders which marked these centuries and those times; after which, we will continue the annals from the beginning of the reign of Alexander Dou' l-Karnein until our own times and even to this day; we will tell what happened then and you will set it out in a clear account, if God wills.
The history of the prophet Samuel, last governor and the last judge of the Israelites;
the history of Saul, son of Cis, first king of the Israelites.
It is written that the prophet Samuel governed the Israelites for 20 years. They obeyed, as we said in the beginning, neither Samuel nor |158 their Lord; and they set themselves to demand of the prophet to be exempted from the government of the judges, requesting him to obtain for them from the Lord, following the example of the other peoples, the establishment of a king, thus scorning the worship of the Lord and the government which he exercised over them through Samuel, in order to run after their love of pleasure. Samuel advised them, exhorted them, warned them, told them which would be the conduct of the kings towards them, [of the kings] who would seize their daughters to make of them weavers, tapestry-makers, bakers and cooks, and would reduce them to slavery. Samuel informed them this, hoping to reach them; but they did not obey and did not attend at all to his remonstrances; on the contrary, they came from there to accuse the son of Samuel of lying and to charge them wrongfully. They said to Samuel: "As for you, we want to loosen your yoke." In view of their audacity, their importunity and their manifest impiety, he asked God for permission to give them a king. The Lord ordered him to go out, to anoint for them Saul, son of Cis, of the tribe of Benjamin, and to make him reign over them to punish them.
That took place 545 years after the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, and this figure |159 includes all the time in which they were administered by their governors, their judges and also by their Lord of whom these were the intermediaries.
After Saul, reigned the prophet David and, after him, his son Solomon. To Solomon his son succeeded, and, after him, the son of his son, until the last of their kings and until Nabuchodonosor had taken them into captivity to Babylon.
During the long period of their kings, lived the prophet Elijah, the prophet Abdias, the prophet Eleazar, the prophet Micaiah, the prophet Judas 60 and the prophet Hosea. After his ascension into heaven, the prophet Elijah was replaced by his disciple Elisha. At the time of king Oziah, the prophets Isaiah, Joel and Zachariah, son of Barachiah, prophesied about Christ.
The Jews stoned Zachariah, son of Barachiah, in the temple, because he reproached them for the abominations which they had committed: they killed him between the temple and the altar. The Lord, irritated against them, put them under the yoke of king Salmanasar who took their ten tribes into captivity. According to the Jews these are those who [are] beyond the river Gozan.
The Bible says that Saul, son of Cis, reigned over the Israelites for 40 years. This was the punishment which the Lord inflicted on them to punish them. |160
In the year 3 of his reign, Saul made war on the Amalekites and overcame them.
In the year 10 of the same reign, was born David, son of Isaiah; his mother was Nahas; he belonged to the tribe of Judah.
At that time, the kings of the Lacedemonians and Corinthians began to reign and the town of Nileus was built.
In the year 23 of the reign of Saul, the prophet David was annointed by the prophet Samuel, who was then 65 years old; David was 13. In year 28 of the reign of Saul, David, 18 years old, killed the giant Goliath.
In year 33, a pilgrimage of the prophets to Nayoth took place, a town of Ramah; and king Saul prophesied with them.
In year 35 of the reign of Saul, died the prophet Samuel.
In year 30 from the birth of David, 17 years after his anointing and 5 years after the death of Samuel, Saul died in battle against the Philistines, who are the inhabitants of Palestine. The tribe of Judah was assembled, and took David |161 for its king at Hebron. Then he was annointed again and reigned over all the tribes of the Israelites. He reigned in Jerusalem for 33 years, in all for 40 years.
The complete book of Samuel contains 3,436 verses and the book of David, i.e. the Psalms, 4,830 verses.
David, in year 10 of his reign, gathered all the Israelites and made the Ark of the Lord leave the house of Amminadhab in the Tabernacle which he had designed and constructed for it.
In that time, the prophets Gad, Nathan and Asaph prophesied. Nathan is the one who presented himself before David to say that he would not build the house of the Lord, but that it would be his son Solomon who would build it; it is he also who reprimanded David because of the wife of Uriah. Being in the town of Gabaon, this prophet died there and was buried there. Asaph was of those whom David established to praise God before the Ark of the Lord. It was Gad whom God ordered to tell David to get up and to build an altar to the Lord on the ground of Ornan.
It is said that David united to the dignity of prophet and king that |162 of priest. We do not need to bring testimonies to show that he was a king and prophet, because it is an obvious and manifest fact which every one knows. It remains for us to show and demonstrate that he was also a priest. We are assured that Jesus Christ attested this in the Gospel, saying: David ate the unleavened bread that nobody could eat except the priests alone, that nobody had the right to eat, except them. Moreover, David wore all the time the priestly vestments.
One of the famous men of this time was the high priest Abiathar.
In that year, i.e. in year 10 of his reign, David brought up and placed the Ark of the Lord in the Tabernacle, i.e. the house which he had built to receive it; he established before the Ark of the Lord, in the Tabernacle, cantors who sang psalms, praised and glorified God, we mean Asaph and his companions.
From that time dates the custom of praying at three o'clock, at six o'clock and nine o'clock, without counting the prayers of the morning, evening, before the day and midnight: this makes a total of seven prayers of the day and the night. It is also said that the custom of making these prayers goes back to the time of Enoch, son of Seth, son of Adam, because Enoch, the first, started to name and to call upon |163 the Lord; Adam and Seth already knew the name of God (Allah). But it was Enoch who gave him the name of Lord (ar-Rabb) and made mention of the name of God (Allah). He said: "Allahomma! my Lord and my God!" He was the first to know the name of the Lord (ar-Rabb).
In year 16 of the reign of David, died Nahach, king of the Ammonites. Then David sent his son Hamon (Hamnoun)61 to comfort the Ammonites. When he arrived, an argument broke out between them. Hamon was unjust to him; then he went away. In year 18 of the reign of David, Hamon revolted against his father David; he hired the kings of Harran, Nisibis and Aram for a thousand talents (kikar); the kikar is a great amount of money; he brought them with a numerous army which numbered 32,000 men to make war on David. Joab, son of Zerouya (Sarouyâ), and his brother Abisaï, both son of David's sister and leaders of David's troops, advanced to meet them; they fought a battle with Hamon and his troops, put them to rout, exterminated them and captured Rabbath, a city of the Ammonites.
In that time, David had Uriah the Hethaenn killed and took his wife. |164
At the same period the towns of Magnesia and Myrina were built in Asia.
In year 30 of his reign, David made war on the Philistines; in the battle that he fought with them, he killed the four giants of Gath and destroyed the race of the giants.
At that period the town of Ephesus was built.
In that period, the Greek poet Homer lived.
In year 39 of his reign, David reorganised the families of the Levites, the tribe of the priests; he established 288 priests who were to praise and glorify God, while singing before the Ark of the Lord; he divided them into twenty-four classes; each class, which included twelve priests, was to sing for one of the 24 hours of the day and the night, one group of twelve priests succeeding another, without interruption. He instituted the tribes of the priests, one following another.
After a reign of forty years, David died, aged 70.
From his time, the Jews received part of the Mishna, which is the book |165 of Chema`sa, according to the books of Ananias and others 62, as well as astonishing stupidities which are not good and which it is inadvisable to make known by repeating them in our book. There are yet other stupidities, which the foolish ones believe down to this day, together with their eminent scholars, without speaking of others who also like and want to know these [follies].
To David succeeded his son Solomon, who reigned over the Israelites for 40 years, as it says in the Bible.
In the first year of his reign, he drove out and exiled the priest Abiathar, as well as his brother Adoniah and killed Joab, son of Zerouya (Sarouyâ). In the year 11 of his reign, Solomon completed the construction of the Temple of the Lord, construction begun in year 4 of his reign, at the beginning of the month of Ayar (May), on the ground that David had bought from Oman (Arân) the Jebusaean, on the mountain of the Amorrhaeans. He thus built the Temple in seven years, this |166 construction having been finished in year 11 of his reign, the nd of the month of Tichrin II (November). It is said that God had inspired in David the idea to buy this ground and to order his son Solomon to build the Temple of the Lord there, because, as we told above, it was the place where Abraham had offered to the Lord his Isaac son in a holocaust; we described this place with precise details.
In the place of the priest Abiathar whom Solomon had deposed, the prophet Zadok (Zadeqiyâ) was appointed to his position as priest. It is said that he was the eighth since Aaron. In the place of Joab, son of Zerouya (Sarouyâ), Benaya son of Yoyada was appointed as head of the army.
At that period, Hesiod and Homer, poets of the Greeks, were illustrious.
In the year 24 of his reign, Solomon destroyed Antioch and built Tadmor in a desolate and deserted country.
In the year 29 of the reign of Solomon, the prophet Ahiya the Scilonite prophesied.
It is written that Solomon, in year 34 of his reign, built on the mountain |167 which is opposite Jerusalem, a altar to Kamoch, god of the Moabites, and to Malkoum, god of the Ammonites: he obeyed some of his wives who had made him impious and had misled him.
At that period, Jeroboam, son of Nabat, fled to Egypt to king Sesac (Shishak) and remained there until the death of Solomon and the advent of his son Roboam (Ardjab`am).
The book of the Proverbs of Solomon contains 1,762 verses; the book of Great Wisdom 1,550 verses. The book of Ecclesiastes, which means the sermon of Solomon addressed by him to the Israelites, when he reigned over them and gathered them in order to deliver this speech to them, contains 427 verses. In the book of the Song of Songs there are 256 verses.
Roboam, son of Solomon, was born from an Ammonite woman named Naama, a year before the advent of Solomon. Roboam, son of Solomon, reigned 17 years; he lived 58 years.
In the first year of his reign, not having taken the advice of the old men who had advised to him to act with uprightness and to be gentle towards the Israelites, |168 but having shown to them even more harshness than his father, the Israelites revolted against him, assembled and stoned Adoram (Oudous), the controller of the taxes. The kingdom was divided into two parts, according to the word of the prophet Ahiya.
Jeroboam, son of Nabat, who had fled to Egypt, reigned over ten tribes for 22 years; Roboam reigned only over the tribe of Judah. Jeroboam built Sichem, on the mountain of Ephraim.
In year 2 [of his reign], Jeroboam made two golden calves and brought them out for the worship of the Israelites.
In year 5 of the reign of Roboam, Sesac (Chishaq), king of Egypt, went up to Jerusalem and took all the shields of gold that Solomon had made in the Temple; Roboam replaced them by others made of bronze.
After the death of Roboam, his son Abiah succeeded him for 3 years. In the first year of his reign, he gathered his troops to the number of four hundred thousand to make war with Jeroboam and with the tribes of Israel. Jeroboam on his side gathered his troops which counted eight hundred thousand riders, and they made war. Jeroboam was overcome and fled. Five hundred thousand warriors |169 of the Israelites succumbed. In that time, Abiah took fourteen wives; he had twenty-six sons and sixteen daughters.
After his death, his son Asa reigned for 41 years; he lived 60 years. In year 3 of his reign, Nadab began to reign, after Jeroboam, over the Israelites, and reigned for two years. In year 5 of the reign of Asa, the hight priest Abimelek flourished.
Then Ba`asa (Ba`cha) reigned over the ten tribes of the Israelites for 24 years. Asa, in year 10 of his reign, gathered the idols and burned them; he drove out the public women from all his kingdom and sent away his mother, because she celebrated the festivals of the idols of the grove. In year 29 of the reign of Asa, Ela, son of Ba`asa, reigned over the Israelites and occupied the throne for two years; and after him, Zimri, his servant, for seven days.
Then the kingdom of the ten tribes of the Israelites was divided: one part lined up under the standards of Tibni, another under the standards of `Amri. |170 The troops of `Amri being numerous, Tibni was so afraid and so dismayed that he fell sick and died because of this. `Amri reigned over [only] the [ten] the tribes for six years. In that time, `Amri bought the mountain of Samaria (Chamarîn) which belonged to Samer (Chamîr); he built there a city which he called Samaria (Chamarîn), like the mountain. It became the seat of the kings of the ten tribes of Israel. The seat of the kings of the tribe of Judah was in Jerusalem. `Amri reigned another six years in the royal city which he had built.
In year 30 of the reign of Asa, king of the tribe of Judah, Zarah, king of India, went against Jerusalem, by land and sea, at the head of an army of eleven hundred thousand men; he camped under its walls and besieged it. Then king Asa addressed his prayers to his Lord,... 63 he removed his royal clothing, covered himself with sackcloth and, humbly prostrate on ashes, prayed to God, asking His help and assistance against Zarah, king of India, and against his troops. God, who is powerful and great, answered his prayer, spoke to him and ordered him to assemble his troops and go out at their head against Zarah, in order to show him His power; but He prohibited him |171 from including in his army people who carried swords or who shot arrows. When he went out with his army and came hand to hand with the troops of Zarah, those bent their bows, whose cords made a sound similar to the buzz of hives full of bees. They launched their arrows; but when these arrows reached their destination, God returned them to the hand of each rider of Zarah. The riders wounded by the arrows complained and informed their king of what had happened to them: "It is one of the magic spells which the Israelites have brought out of Egypt, " said the king to his companions. The soldiers took their swords then and set to kill each other, because God had given them, each to the eyes of the others, the appearance of the Israelites: thus they exterminated themselves. Those who escaped death, drowned in the sea; and three days after the sea threw them on to the shore. Then God ordered king Asa to go out with his troops towards the sea to take their skins. May no-one be astonished by my account in which I explain the order given by God to king Asa: any intelligent man knows, indeed, that victory and triumph depend on God. The history of the campaign of Zarah against Jerusalem and the reason which caused him to make war on the Israelites would take a little too a long time to tell.
After Asa, king of Jerusalem, his son Josaphat reigned over the tribe of |172 Judah for 25 years.
In year 2 of his reign, Ahab succeeded his father `Amri and reigned in Samaria over the ten tribes of Israel. He then married a woman, named Jezabel, the daughter of Ethba'al, king of Sidon. He rebuilt the accursed city of Jericho that Joshua, son of Noun, had cursed, when he captured it at the time of the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt; Joshua had cursed also he who rebuilt it. Jericho was rebuilt 700 years after its destruction.
One of the prophets of this time was Elijah, of the family of Aaron. He lived in a town of Gilead. On the day of his birth, his father saw him in a dream, surrounded by flames and going up to the sky. Another prophet was Abdias, of the tribe of Ephraim, who had hidden a hundred prophets for fear they would be killed by king Ahab. There was also the prophet Micaiah who had proclaimed to king Ahab the victory that he would gain over his enemies; the chaldaean prophets, among whom was Zedekiah, son of a Canaanite woman; Eleazar with 400 prophets who prophesied in the city of the queen Jezabel against her whims and passions.
In year 8 of the reign of Josaphat, king of the tribe of Judah, Ahab built |173 a temple and some altars to the idols in the town of Samaria. Josaphat, in year 12 of his reign, made war on the king of Ramah who was called Ben-Hadad (Bar-Hadad) and with 32 kings who were with him; he overcame them and killed 7,000 of their men. Among the prophets of this time, there were Oziel (Hazayyal) and Eleazar.
In the year 24 of the reign of Josaphat, king of the tribe of Judah, Ochozia (Ahaz), son of Ahab, began to reign over the ten tribes of Israel and occupied the throne for two years. Josaphat died at the age of 60 and had as successor his son Joram who reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem for eight years; he lived 40 years.
At that time, the prophet Elijah was lifted up into heaven.
Joram, king of the tribe of Judah, married Athalia, sister of Ahab, king of the tribes of Israel. At the same time, Joram killed all his brothers, the children of Josaphat. After which he fell ill: all his entrails came out of his |174 belly which was thus completely emptied, and he died. Then Ahaziah, son of Joram, reigned over the tribe of Judah for one year; he lived 23 years. That year Jezabel died; she reigned for 36 years, including 15 years after the death of her husband.
It is written that after the death of Ahaziah, son of Athalia, sister (daughter) of Ahab, Athalia seized all the royal princes of the tribe of Judah and killed them, except Joash, son of Ahaziah, whom Josabeth (Yahouchaba`), his aunt, had hidden with her nurse. The policy of Athalia and its goal throughout were to destroy the kingdom of the tribe of Judah and reduce it to just one, by joining it together with that of her brother Ahab, king of the ten tribes of Israel; then to tear off the sceptre with the tribe of Judah of which it was written that the Messiah was to come, as if she wanted of her own will to prevent the advent of the Messiah, while obeying the suggestions that Satan, revolted against God, had thrown in her heart; because Satan would have liked to make empty the revelations made by God to the prophets on the arrival of the Messiah, and this is why he made of Athalia his instrument and the place of his residence.
In year 7 of the reign of Athalia, Joiada the high priest gathered all the |175 tribe of Judah, and they proclaimed king Joash, son of Ahaziah, who was seven years old; he reigned over the tribe of Judah for 40 years and lived 47 years.
At that time, Lycurgus the legislator flourished.
At the same time, Elisha and Zachariah prophesied; this last was the son of the priest Joiada.
Joash, king of Judah, ordered the prophet Zachariah, son of the priest Joiada, put to death, and the prophet was killed in the court of the temple. Joash also killed all the children of Joiada and attracted on himself the anger of God.
In year 25 of the reign of Joash, son of Ahaziah, died the high priest Joiada. This same year, Joachaz, son of Jehu began to reign over the ten tribes of Israel and reigned for 17 years.
In year 30 of the reign of Joash, king of Judah, the prophet Elisha died, who had lived 50 years after the removal of Elijah to the sky and 67 years after annointing.
Joash, king of Judah, was killed by his servants and died a miserable death. Amaziah his son reigned after him for 29 years; he lived 54 years.
In year 2 of his reign, a king, whose name was also Joash, started |176 to reign over the ten tribes of Israel. But he drew his origin from these ten tribes and was not the Joash who had reigned over the tribe of Judah. He reigned over the ten tribes for 16 years.
In year 13 of the reign of Amaziah, king of Judah, Joash, king of the tribes of Israel, made war on him. He drew up balistas against Jerusalem, destroyed the enclosing wall over a length of four hundreds cubits and entered the city; he then took all the vestments from the temple of the Lord, the sacred vessels, and the royal treasures and returned to Samaria, the capital of his kingdom.
In that time, prophesied the prophet Hosea of the tribe of Issachar, and the prophet Amos, of Thecue (Taqou`), who was killed by order of Amaziah.
At that time, prophesied the prophet Younan, who is Jonah, son of the prophet Amathi (Matai). He prophesied against the town of Nineveh and its inhabitants. It is said that Jonah was the son of the widow, that like the prophet Elijah he was resuscitated after his death.
In year 18 of the reign of Amaziah, king of Judah, Jeroboam began to reign over the ten tribes of Israel and reigned for 41 years. When Amaziah |177 had reigned 29 years over the tribe of Judah, his servants killed him, and he died a miserable death. His son Uzziah succeeded him and reigned for 52 years; he lived 68 years.
The books of the Kings, according to which we have written and tell the history of the kings, indicate that Uzziah was son of Amaziah; Amaziah, son of Joash; Joash, son of Ahaziah; and Ahaziah, son of Joram. No-one among the learned is worried about this. But three of these kings are not mentioned in the genealogy of Christ, contained in the Gospel of the evangelist Matthew (on him be safety!) Matthew says, in fact, that Joram fathered Uzziah; and he omits these three kings, i.e. Amaziah, Joash and Ahaziah, father of Joash, and makes no mention of them in the genealogy of Christ.
The astonishing history of Amaziah, of his son Joash, of Ahaziah, son of Joash, kings of Judah,
from whom Christ draws his origin.
We will recount and indicate the reason why the evangelist Matthew did not mention these kings, when he drew up the genealogy of the Messiah |178 in the Gospel, and [we will say] why he omitted them, from Joram to Uzziah. Thus the Gospel begins where Matthew says: "History of the birth of Jesus-Christ, son of David, son of Abraham"; then he adds: "Abraham fathered Isaac. Isaac fathered Jacob. Jacob fathered Judah and his brothers. Judah fathered by Thamar Pharez and Zarah. Pharez fathered Esrom (Hosroun). Esrom fathered Aram. Aram fathered Aminadab. Aminadab fathered Nahson. Nahson fathered Salmon. Salmon fathered by Rahab Boaz. Boaz fathered `Obed by Ruth. `Obed fathered Jesse. Jesse fathered king David. David fathered Solomon, by the wife of Uriah. Solomon fathered Roboam. Roboam fathered Abia. Abia fathered Asa. Asa fathered Josaphat. Josaphat fathered Joram. Joram fathered Uzziah." Matthew draws up a continuous genealogy of Christ to Joseph, promised in marriage to Mary; but he omits kings from Joram to Uzziah, as we said, i.e. three kings, from which Christ draws also his origin according to our calculation. Matthew does not insert them in the genealogy of Christ, and these are: Amaziah, Uzziah and Joash.
The Christian scholars and doctors say that Joram did a thing at which |179 the Lord was angry: he married Athalia, sister of Ahab, king of the tribes of Israel, who had married the Jezabel queen, murderess of the prophets. God was angry against Joram, because he had married the sister of the husband of the queen Jezabel, as if he had massacred the prophets and built temples and altars to idols. It is because of this that king Ahab had undertaken what he did.
The Bible also says about this: After the death of Ahaziah, king of Judah, Joash, son of Ahaziah, alone remained by the care of Josabeth, his aunt, who had hidden him with her nurse. This is why God was angry against Joram, as we have already said, because he had married Athalia, sister of Ahab, the woman who would have liked to destroy the kingdom of Joram and that of the tribe of Judah and its posterity, from where Christ draws his origin; who would have liked to extirpate the descent of the tribe of Judah and his kingdom, to make it hers and that of Ahab her brother, and, if possible, to destroy the descent of Judah from where the Messiah was to come, to join together the two kingdoms, that of Judah and that of the ten tribes, in only one. Athalia, sister of Ahab, husband of Jezabel, also killed all the children of the high priest Joiada. Then Joram was not satisfied to have married Athalia, sister of Ahab: God was angry again against him because he massacred all his brothers, children of his father Josaphat. God thus brought down on him |180 his vengeance: he fell ill; his entrails escaped and his belly was entirely emptied; he died thus a miserable death.
Then his son Joash ascended the throneand killed the prophet Zachariah in the court of the temple of the Lord. He also killed all the family of the high priest Joiada. Then God delivered him into the hands of his servants who killed him; and he died a miserable death.
When his son Amaziah ascended the throne of Judah, he killed the prophet Amos at the end of his reign. Then God was angry against him and delivered him into the hands of his servants who killed him; and he died a miserable death.
It is because of these very striking facts that the evangelist Matthew excluded from his Gospel the names of these three kings, when he made the genealogy of Christ, out of horror of their actions. The most hideous of these stories is that of Athalia which had thought of exterminating the tribe of Judah, because Satan, who lived in this woman, had persuaded her to prevent the advent of the Messiah. We already explained this to you and we are showing it to you now, so that you can understand it. Ask (may God keep you!) who you like among the scholars, the wise ones and the people skilled in learning, about the history of these three kings who are the ancestors of Christ. I have set it forth to you and explained it. It is one of the mysteries of the Gospel which contains innumerable such. |181
We have said that Uzziah, son of Amaziah, reigned over the tribe of Judah for 52 years.
It is written that in year 6 of his reign the dynasty of the kings of the Assyrians ended, i.e. of Mosul, and that their kingdom fell into the power of the Medes, with the country of Babylon (Babil). The first king of the Assyrians was Phoul, son of Sa(?) 64; he reigned over them for 35 years.
In that time, the repentance of the inhabitants of the town of Nineveh took place.
At the same time, Hosea, Amos (`Amoun), Jonah, son of Amathi, and Isaiah who was from Jerusalem and which was sawn with a saw and put to death by order of Manasseh, then buried with the cemetery of Siloe, prophesied. After having prophesied for 35 years, he was deprived of the gift of prophecy for 28 years, i.e. for all the reign of the four kings in question; he lived 113 years. Here is the reason why the Isaiah prophet was deprived of the gift of prophecy for 28 years: Uzziah, king of Judah, was impudent, although he was not a priest, so far as entering (the temple) to offer incense to God. Deterred by fear, the prophet Isaiah did not inform him, |182 did not condemn him, he did not reprimand this audacity and impudence. Then Isaiah was deprived of the gift of prophecy for 28 years, until the death of Uzziah. His entire body was covered with leprosy and scales; his skin became white like snow; and all that, in a wink of an eye. After the death of Uzziah, Joatham, his son, succeeded him and reigned over the tribe of Judah for 16 years. God again inspired Isaiah who again prophesied for 61 years.
Here what is written in his prophecies, according to the Bible: "The year of king Uzziah died, I saw the Lord sitting in the Temple on a throne that was high and lifted up. The chosen Seraphs stood before him, each them having six wings; with two wings they covered their faces, with two others they covered their feet and with the last two they flew, one toward another, saying: Holy, Holy, Holy are the Lord of the armies; heaven and earth are full of his glory and his majesty." The book of the prophet Isaiah has 3,926 verses. |183
In the year 29 of the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, Zachariah ascended the throne of the ten tribes of Israel and reigned for six months. After him Selloum, son of Jabez, reigned thirty days; then Manahem, son of Gadi, reigned 10 years.
At that time, the first king of the Macedonians reigned, i.e. the Greeks (Roum). He was named Qaranos.
Porphyry, the commentator of the book of Aristotle, and deacon of a church in the town of Tyre (Sour), was arrogant before all the deacons, his equals. This is why they threw themselves on him one day in the temple and beat him. Then he revolted, gave up Christianity, disavowed Christ, apostasised and denied the Gospel. This Porphyry claims that the philosopher Homer, composer of the book of the poems of the Greeks at that time, recounted their wars.
In that time flourished Zachariah, son of Barachiah, and Ananie (Anouniya) high priests of the Israelites. It is written that the Jews stoned Zachariah, son of Barachiah, in the temple; and he died. |184
A second time 65: Lycurgus, legislator of the Greeks, flourished at that time.
In the year 23 of the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, Phoul, king of Babylon, made an expedition against Samaria, city of the kingdom of the ten tribes of Israel; he overcame it and captured it. Then the king of Samaria gave him a thousand talents of silver, which makes thousand purses, and Phoul returned into the East.
At that time, Phidon, of Argos, who manufactured measurements and weights, was made known.
In year 40 of the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, Peqachya, son of Manahem, reigned over the tribes of Israel for four years.
King Teglatphalasar reigned in Babylon and Nineveh for 35 years.
At the same time, Ardysus (Ardashir) reigned as the first [king of the Lydians]; the kings of the Corinthians ceased; the first king of the Greeks reigned in the town of Athens or Cecrops, for 23 years.
In year 5 of the reign of Uzziah, leap years began to be counted, one leap year every four years. |185
From that time dates the beginning of the war between the Prasini and Veneti, i.e. between the partisans of the green and the partisans of the blue. The colour was only a pretext which the kings used for themselves to make war break out between the parties. There fell in the fray 500,000 men, more or less, as we find in the books. Their kings employed this trick to prevent them multiplying and from revolting against them. Their history is astonishing, but a little long; if you are ready to hear it, you can hear it. We found that the majority of bishops of these ancient and former times had grasped this [principle] and stuck to it. I have heard one of them say: "If the flocks of a bishop live in peace and prosperity, the bishop will be unhappy, [and that will continue] until the day when the flocks are afflicted." I believe that the majority of them stuck to this principle; this is why they divided their flocks into two parties.
The total of the years from Adam and the origins of the world until the first olympiad are in total 4,725 years; from the flood to that year, 2,469 years; from the exodus of the Israelites of Egypt until the same year, 878 years; from the reign of Saul, the first king who reigned over the Israelites, 334 years. |186
In year 50 of the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah, Peqach, son of Remalya (Roumalya), began to reign over the ten tribes of Israel and he occupied the throne for 20 years. In his time Teglatphalasar time, king of Babylon, made an incursion: he fought the Israelites and took into captivity to Babylon a great number of them.
When Uzziah died, after a reign of 52 years, his son Joatham succeeded him and reigned over the tribe of Judah for 16 years; he lived 41 years.
At that time, the prophets Joel, of the tribe of Ruben (Roubal), and Micaiah, of the tribe of Ephraim, prophesied.
Then also the town of Rhodes was built, which is an island of the sea. Ptolemy tells, in his book of the Canon, that it was in the middle of the fourth climate. It remained for 1,405 years. Then the Arabs destroyed it and took its inhabitants into captivity.
After the death of Joatham, his son Ahaz succeeded him and reigned 16 years; he lived 36 years. He raised himself up against his Lord, served the gods of the gentiles, |187 and worshipped their idols. Then God brought against him Racin, king of Syria, and Peqach, son of Remalya (Roumalya), who massacred 120,000 combatants of the tribe of Judah and took captive a great number. Ahaz, king of Judah, sent presents to Teglatphalasar, king of Babylon, and asked him for his help and assistance. This prince lent him aid and, arrived at Damascus, he fought against Racin, king of Syria, in the country of Esch-Scham, overcame him and killed him; then he took into captivity a great number of the inhabitants of his kingdom.
In year 2 of the reign of Ahaz, Hosee, son of Ela, ascended the throne of the ten tribes of Israel and reigned for 9 years. The following year, he called to his aid Adramelek the Kushite, king of Egypt.
At that time, the sage Thales, the first physician, made himself known.
In year 8 of the reign of Ahaz, Salmanasar began his reign which lasted for 14 years.
This same year, the first king of the Romans (Roum) who were the Franks, not the Greeks of the East (Younaniyoun), ascended the throne. Remus |188 (Roumanaous) and Romulus reigned over the Roman-Franks; they built the marvellous city of Rome. The two brothers reigned together and they called the town of Rome from the name of Remus. (Romulus) reigned for 38 years; he attacked his brother and killed him. It is told that Remus and Romulus were born from a λύκαινα, i.e. a she-wolf. It is what their carved statues which are found to this day in the town of Rome portray. As for the learned, they tell that their grandfather Amulius, thinking that they had been born from an adultery, ordered them immediately thrown in the forest; they were thrown there. The name of their mother was Helen (Aelia, Ilia), who was a priestess of Ares, i.e. of Mars. Their grandfather thought that a rider of the Roman-Franks had commited adultery with her. The learned and the poets tell that Ares made her pregnant, and that she had by him Remus and Romulus; then that, when they had been thrown into the forest, a woman who fed the herds found them, and seized with pity, took them and nourished them with her milk. In the language of the people of this country those who kept the herds were called "Liqouniyous", which means in the Greek language "a wolf": so "Liqouniyous", i.e. "Pastor" belongs to the Frank language and means in the Greek language "a wolf". They were so called, because they always fed their herds in the deserts and the |189 wild places and that they lived there like the wild animals and beasts.
A scholar tells that the husband of Helen (Ilia) having spent the night with her, fathered them both then and that this same night he died, leaving her pregnant. Then when she had brought them into the world, their grandfather Amulius believed that they had been born from an adultery, and this is why he ordered them thrown into the forest, among the wild animals. There is nothing strange that Helen (Ilia) conceived them in one night, since we know already that Thamar conceived by Judah, after he had slept with her at a crossroads, and that she had by him Pharez and Zarah. We are not astonished, either, that the husband of Helen (Ilia) died the same night.
When (Remus and Romulus) had reigned together, as we said, for ten years, they changed to enmity and hatred and came to blows. Romulus threw himself on his brother Remus, killed him 3 and reigned alone. But after this murder, throughout the year, the town of Rome did not cease being shaken by earthquakes, nor its inhabitants from making war and committing suicide. Then Romulus addressed prayers to God |190 to ask him to put an end to the earthquakes. God said to him in a dream: "the earthquakes will cease in your capital only if you place your brother beside you on the royal throne; it is only on this condition that the city will cease being disturbed by war and earthquake and that its inhabitants will find shelter from the punishments." Then Romulus made a statue of gold om the image of his brother; he placed it beside him on the throne, and when he ordered or forbade, he spoke in the plural, saying: "We order, we forbid, we do," and so on, always expressing himself on his own behalf and in the name of his brother. This is why the kings of the Romans stick to this habit of speaking in the name of two people, when they order or forbid, from the time of Romulus until today, for example: "we order, we forbid, we do", and so on. Hardly had Romulus placed the statue of his brother at his side on the throne, when the earthquakes ceased in the city and that the people laid down their weapons.
When he had built the seven ramparts of the town of Rome, had laid out and decorated its streets with art, Romulus made a great festival. He called "March" the month which is the new moon of Nisan (April) and which always corresponds to the month of Adar (March), when the equinox takes place. This month was before called Primus, and |191 the translation (of Martius) is "month of Ares", i.e. of Mars; and Mars means in the frank language (Latin) the beauty of the flowers, because, in that month, the ground shows its beauty and is covered with a multitude of pretty flowers. The Romans celebrate this festival, that Romulus instituted, every year until today, and call it the kalends of Mars; on that day they offer presents to their king and to each other. (This festival) resembles that of the new year (Naurouz) among the inhabitants of the East.
After that, he made an (other) great festival where he distributed many largesses to the Romans. He established the ὕπατοι (consuls?) for them, i.e. the leaders of the public affairs.
Since that time kings have adopted the practice of creating division, war and dissension among their subjects to distract them from themselves, by civil war, and to let them destroy each other. Romulus built a circus, i.e. a marvellous theatre in the town of Rome, to draw aside the opposition, dissatisfaction and resentment which were among the inhabitants of the town of Rome, angry against him because he had killed his brother. |192 Romulus made a festival in the honour of the sun and placed the (four) elements on a chariot drawn by four horses 66, on which he made war. He gave names to these four elements: (he called) the earth "Prasinus", i.e. green, because of its grass; he named the sea "Venetus", i.e. colour of the sky, because the colour of water resembles that of the sky; he made the colour of fire red and that of the air white. These four things have existed in the town of Rome until today. The inhabitants of the city were divided into two parties, and since then war and battles [between them] have continued ever since. This is one of the tricks which kings have invented so that their subjects will destroy each other and cease being dangerous, the king always inclining towards most powerful of the two parties.
In year 17 from the foundation of Rome, the king made a count of them and counted the inhabitants; and their number was 950,000 men 67. Eight years after, he counted them |193 for the second time, and their number was 7,000,000 men 68.
Oenomaus, king of Pisa 69, also instituted and celebrated a festival in the honour of the sun on the 25th of the month of Adar (March); he organized the combat and fighting on land and sea and subordinated these four elements, i.e. fire, the air, water and earth, to the sun 70.
In year 9 of the reign of Hosea, king of the ten tribes of Israel, in year 8 of the reign of Ahaz, king of Judah, in the first year of the reign of Salmanasar, king of Babylon, Salmanasar attacked the town of Samaria, capital of the kings of the ten tribes of Israel; he camped before it and, after having besieged it for three years, captured it; after which he took the inhabitants of the ten tribes of Israel into captivity in Babylon. Then Salmanasar, king of Babylon, sent a great number of inhabitants of the country of Mosul and other cities, to guard the countries where the Israelites had lived. These people were called Samaritans, which means in Hebrew guardians or guards. But the lions and the wild animals were going to attack them and kill them. This was reported to Salmanasar who said: "Perhaps this has happened, because the people that I have |194 sent don't know the worship of the god of this country?" And he sent them a certain number of Israelite priests, to teach only the Torah to them: the wild animals went away. It is for this reason that the Samaritans only accept among the prophets the Book of the Torah. They say that they are the true Israelites, but they are mistaken, because they are only the descendants of the people who came from the East 71.
After the death of Ahaz, king of Judah, his son Hezekiah reigned for 29 years; he lived 54 years. In year 6 of his reign, Sennacherib ascended the throne in Babylon and reigned for 9 years.Then he made a expedition against Jerusalem, and he had Bocht-Nassar as secretary. But the Lord, hearing the prayer and supplications which king Hezekiah had addressed to him, made 185,000 men of his army perish. Its history is written in the Book of the Kings of Israel 72.
When Sennacherib had escaped, his son Asarhaddon, seeing that his troops had been exterminated, captured him and killed him; then he reigned after him for three years. |195
In year 15 of the reign of Hezekiah, Merodach-Baladan reigned for 48 years 73.
History of king Hezekiah.
It is written that king Hezekiah gave satisfaction to God in all his actions: he abolished from the middle of his people the idols and their worship, purified the Temple of the Lord of any stain and impurity, sanctified it and put priests there, in the way in which the prophet David had done.
In his time the prophets Isaiah and Micaiah lived. Isaiah prophesied on the advent of the Messiah. There was [also] the prophet Hosea who, for all his life, exhorted the Israelites, diverted them from the cult and worship of idols and set himself to prayer and supplication to obtain from His Lord to move Sennacherib away from his people: God heard his prayer and broke the anger of Sennacherib, king of Babylon.
God wanted the prophet Hosea to know the hardness of the heart of the Israelites and their obstinacy towards Him. So He said to this prophet: "Go, marry a |196 repudiated woman who prostitutes herself publicly, and another woman who commits adultery in secret." The prophet Hosea was amazed at this order from God and he conceived an overpowering sorrow from it. But God wanted to make known to him his lack of patience compared to that of the Lord towards the Israelites. The truth indeed, according to the prophet Hosea, it is that several of them adored the idols in secret, and others publicly. This is why God ordered him to marry a repudiated woman who prostituted herself publicly, and another who committed adultery in secrecy, so that the prophet would not importune his Lord any more because of them.
It is written that king Hezekiah committed himself to dedicate himself exclusively to the service of God, without marrying, because he remembered the promise and the oath that God had made the prophet David, namely that the race and the posterity of David would not cease occupying his throne until the consummation of the centuries.74 King Hezekiah thought to himself and said: "The blessing that God gave to the prophet David and the promise that He made to him, namely that his race and posterity will not cease to occupy his throne until the consummation of the centuries, - is a perfect blessing by God, who could never withdraw His promises nor His gifts. As my fathers and my grandfathers married and had children, the blessing passed |197 from one to another, from father to son, who thus inherited the throne of the prophet David." And the prophet Hezekiah thought that, if he remained virgin and did not marry, he would reign and would occupy the throne of the prophet David until the consummation of the centuries. He had not understood that it was necessary to interpret differently than he thought, the word addressed by God to the prophet David. But on this God sent the prophet Isaiah to him saying to the latter: "Go and tell king Hezekiah to make his will in favour of his own, because he will die and will not live any more"; as if he said: "People will die and live again at the day of Resurrection; as for him, he will die and will not live again any more, because he thought that it would remain [alive] until the end of time."
And king Hezekiah fell sick, as soon as the prophet Isaiah had told him and reported the word of the Lord. On his bed, he started to weep hot tears, the prey of sadness. He spat against the wall, saying: "Pah for this earthly mud from which I draw my origin! and I believed that I could live until the consummation of the centuries!" Then he recalled to God his actions and what he had done to please his Lord. God approved his prayer and sent to him for the second time the prophet Isaiah saying to the latter: "Go to |198 king Hezekiah and say to him: The Lord has added fifteen years to your life; and here is the proof: ask at your pleasure that the sun, on the sundial of your father 75 Ahaz, should advance by fifteen degrees, or that it go back by fifteen degrees." Then king Hezekiah said himself: "It would not be a wonder that the sun advanced, since it is the way of its course and the law of its movement. Let it rather go back by fifteen degrees!" He thus said to the prophet Isaiah: "I ask that the sun go back by fifteen degrees." However the sun, which was then in the middle of the sky, at midday, at the time when it goes down again, at the end of the sixth hour, retraced its steps towards the East as if it were at the time of its rising, at the hour of the morning prayer.
But for two reasons I do not see what king Hezekiah was thinking, when he asked that the sun go back: firstly, this is not the way of its movement nor the line of its route; in the second place, often people, in their work, their occupations or their discussions, spend several hours of the day without realizing it; but it is when the sun was in the middle of the sky, at the end of the sixth hour, that is when people needed to eat, the workmen, the managers and others, |199 and to rest, that the sun rereturned its steps, at similar hour, and returned to the time of its rising, to the hour of the morning prayer. Then all men had to notice this and note this; even the animals had to realize it, without speaking like men. It is not necessary however that somebody thinks that the sun returned from the degree of the middle of the sky to the place (litt. degree) of its rising without the return of the whole celestial sphere. Also we say that the whole celestial sphere retrogressed, returned with all its stars and its planets — the stars remaining in their places - and returned from the middle of the sky towards the East. And we add that, if the sun returned from the degree of the middle of the sky instead of its rising, the three signs of the zodiac also retraced their steps and the four seasons of the year were changed: if it were the season of spring, it changed into the season of summer; if it were the season of summer, it changed into the season of autumn; if it were the season of autumn, it changed into the season of winter, and if it were the season of winter, it changed into the season of spring; so that the four seasons changed.
You (may God keep you!) must have and indeed possess those things which belong to the depths of learning and the mysterious treasures of wisdom; it is necessary that you have an exact knowledge, when you question on this point |200 the learned and those who plunge into the reading of the books of learning or literature. You will see then if there is only one among them who knows similar mysteries and you will be delighted to have these hidden treasures of learning, that nobody, except you, knows, neither the wise ones, nor the patriarchs, nor the bishops, nor other men.
It is written that Merodach-Baladan, king of Babylon, sent to king Hezekiah presents, gifts and offerings, when he had noted that the sun had returned from the middle of the sky to the East. The Magi worship the sun, fire, water and all the luminous elements; therefore king Merodach, witnessing the return of the sun, said to his companions: "I see that our god has been put to rout; there must be another god more powerful who ran up against it, pushed back and made it move back." Then he informed himself on this. And when he knew what had happened to king Hezekiah and he learned of the prophecy of Balaam the magician who had said: "A star will come forth from Jacob and a leader from Israel," 76 he was seized with fear and was afraid of king Hezekiah; this is why he sent gifts and present to him, in testimony of his veneration, to seek his favour because he feared him. When the ambassadors of |201 king Merodach arrived with king Hezekiah, with their offerings and their presents, he boasted; he spread out all the vases of the temple and all the wonders which it contained, to show them to the envoys. Then God was angry against him and said to him: "In truth, says the Lord: All that you showed and of which you have boasted, will be plundered and carried off into the regions of the East; your sons and your descendants will be led there in captivity 77."
After this king Hezekiah married and fathered Manasseh, who, after the death of his Hezekiah father, ascended the throne at the age of 13. His reign lasted 55 years, and he lived 68 years.
At that time, in the town of Rome, (Numa) Pompilius reigned for 43 years. He added to the months of the Romans Kanoun II (January) and Chebat (February); until that time the Romans had known only ten months; (imagine that!) and each month was of 36 days. He built and set up in the town of Rome the Capitol, the first of the seven wonders; he widened its hall and rooms, because they were narrow 78. |202
Manasseh, in year 18 of his reign, was taken into captivity in punishment for his great injustice, his impiety, his opposition to the Lord and the restoration of the worship of the idols; he remained imprisoned in Babylon for 39 years. He addressed to the Lord prayers and supplications and he returned to his kingdom where he removed the idol with four faces which he had made and placed in the temple of the Lord; he moved this idol from the temple and had it burned. The prayer of Manasseh is beautiful in its sadness and the humble supplication which the king addresses to his Lord; it is inscribed in the books of the Christians and Jews 79.
In year 39 of the reign of Manasseh, Sennacherib the Younger began his reign which lasted 31 years 80.
In year 52 of the reign of Manasseh, king of Judah, Byzantium was built by king Byzos. It was previously called Nicomedia and had been absorbed. Then, 970 years after the foundation of the town of Byzantium by king Byzos, the emperor Constantine the Great, son of Helene, restored it, increased it, built there palaces, theatres and surrounding walls and gave it his name, Constantinople (Qastantiniya) 81. |203
After the death of Manasseh, his son Amon succeeded him and reigned 12 years; he lived 24 years.
At that time, Alcman flourished, who is called Loqman among the Arabs 82.
In year 5 of the reign of Amon, was born his son Josias.
From that time, after 348 years, the prophecy on the Altar was carried out 83.
After the death of Amon, his son Josias reigned in his place for 31 years.
In that year, the Magus ascended the throne of Babylon and reigned 33 years 84.
In year 6 of the reign of Josias, the prophet Sophoniah, son of Kouchi, of the tribe of Simeon, prophesied. [At that time] there lived the priest Hilkiya, father of the prophet Jeremiah. In year 13 of the reign of Josias, the prophet Jeremiah started to prophesy 85.
In year 31 of the reign of Josias, the lame Pharaoh (Nechao) ascended the throne of Egypt and reigned for 6 years. He killed Josias. The son of the latter, |204 Joachaz, reigned after him for three months. Then the Pharaoh, king of Egypt, returned, killed Joachaz also and established in his place his brother Joachim, called Eliakim, who reigned for 12 years and lived 18 years 86.
In year 3 of the reign of Eliakim, Nabuchodonosor ascended the throne of Babylon and reigned for 45 years. In the first year of his reign, he attacked Jerusalem, took into captivity part of its inhabitants and carried off all the utensils and all the vases of the temple, according to the word that God had said to king Hezekiah, when this one was boasting about these [treasures] and had shown them to the envoys of king Merodach. Among these first prisoners that Nabuchodonosor took, that year, there were Daniel with his companions, Ananias, Azarias and Misael. Nabuchodonosor had them thrown into a burning furnace; but they remained healthy and safe, and their clothing was not even smoke-damaged.
In year 5 of the reign of Eliakim, Nabuchodonosor killed the lame Pharaoh (Nechao), king of Egypt, after whom Psammeticus (Samizis) reigned for 17 years.
At that time the Pharaoh devastated the town of Menbidj located on the Euphrates. When it was rebuilt, it was called Hierapolis, i.e. the city of priests 87. |205
In year 8 of the reign of Eliakim and in year 5 of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, Nabuchodonosor attacked Jerusalem for the second time and imposed a tribute on its inhabitants; but Joachim continued to reign in his place.
In year 8 of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, Joachin died, and his son Joachin succeeded him; it is he who is named in the Gospel Jechoniah 88. He reigned for three months. When he had deviated from the obedience which he owed to his Lord, king Nabuchodonosor attacked him and took him captive to Babylon, where he remained prisoner for 37 years, until the time when Evilmerodach succeeded Nabuchodonosor. Evilmerodach took Jechoniah from his prison, made him sit at his table and eat with him; the son of Jechoniah married Suzanne, daughter of the priest Hilkia and sister of the prophet Jeremiah.
When Joachin was taken into captivity, Nabuchodonosor established in his place his uncle Zedekiah, called Mathanya 89; he was called also Jechoniah. He reigned for 11 years and lived 32 years.
In this same year, the prophet Ezechiel was taken captive to Babylon |206 with the Israelite prisoners. In year 5 of the reign of Zedekiah and in year 9 of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, the Prophet Ezechiel began to prophesy.
In the same year, Astyages began to reign over the country of the Persians and occupied the throne for 38 years 90.
The prophet Jeremiah, knowing by his prophecies that the temple was going to be burned and the people of the Israelites taken into captivity to Babylon, took the Tabernacle and the Ark of the Covenant that Moses had drawn up in the desert, and hid them in a cave, of which nobody, to this day, knows the location.91
At that time, Hophra reigned in Egypt for 25 years.
In year 9 of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, Nabuchodonosor undertook his fourth campaign [against Jerusalem] and besieged it until the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, king of the Jews. In this same year, which is the twenty-first of his reign, Nabuchodonosor captured Jerusalem and burned the Temple.
The Temple, since the time when Solomon, son of David, had built it, until the day when it was set on fire, lasted 534 years. |207 22 kings of the tribe of Judah are counted until this date, and they reigned in total for a period of 518 years and six months 92.
When the Israelites were taken captive to Babylon, Nebuzardan seized the high priest Sophoniah and other chiefs and big men of the people as well as Zedekiah, king of Judah, and he transported them to Babylon where he had them killed; he had the eyes of Zedekiah put out and the throats of his sons cut; then he made him turn a mill by hand. He was then 32 years old. After his death his corpse was thrown behind the curtain wall; and thus the prophecy was accomplished which the Lord had made over him by the mouth of the prophet Jeremiah 93.
As for the Jews who remained in Jerusalem, they took the prophet Jeremiah and went down to Hophra, king of Egypt. There, they killed the prophet Jeremiah who died and was buried. He had prophesied for 38 years. His book contains 4,252 verses; the book of Kings contains 1,113 and the book of Paralipomen 3,503.
The Jews who were in captivity also seized the |208 prophet Ezechiel and killed him; he was buried over there, in the tomb of Shem, son of Noah. He had prophesied for 28 years. His book contains 4,376 verses.
A little time afterwards, Nabuchodonosor attacked the town of Tyre. He ordered his troops to pile up stones in the sea to reach the city. But at this sight, the inhabitants of Tyre threw in the sea all that they had and fled on their vessels. Nabuchodonosor took Hiram, king of Tyre, and returned home. Hiram lived 50 years, during the reigns of the 21 kings of the tribe of Judah 94. When the troops of Nabuchodonosor had left the town of Tyre, the country of Egypt fell into their hands. Nabuchodonosor reigned 24 years after the destruction of Jerusalem and the burning of the temple. It is from the year 22 of his reign that we start to count the 70 years of the captivity of the Israelites in Babylon.
In year 37 of the reign of Nabuchodonosor which is year 13 of the captivity, Nabuchodonosor made this great statue of gold, which was 60 cubits high. It is because of this idol that Ananias, Azarias and Misael were distinguished: they |209 were thrown into a burning furnace; but they remained healthy and safe, because God preserved them from the flame.
From this time, among the Greeks, Joseph (Yousifous) was distinguished, i.e. Aesop (Yousfâs) the fabulist 95.
After the death of Nabuchodonosor, his son Evilmerodach reigned for one year. In year 5 of the captivity, Balthasar ascended the throne; and it is in the first year of his reign that the prophet Daniel saw in a dream the beast which came up from the sea 96. In year 2 of his reign, Balthasar made a feast and while he was sitting on a raised seat, he had them bring in the sacred vessels which had been removed from the Temple of the Lord, and drank from them. But hardly he had drunk from these vessels, than a hand appeared on the wall opposite, writing the misfortune which would happen to him and the punishment which awaited him. Here what was written: "He who counts the hair of the head (God) has counted and |210 numbers his kingdom and torn its veil (has deprived it of defense)." The same night Darius the Mede and Persian, entered his place, killed him and annexed his kingdom to that of the Medes and Persians 97...
Darius, son of Assuerus (Ahchirach) 98, began to reign in year 28 of the captivity. In the first year of this reign, the prophet Daniel made a prayer, because he saw clearly that the years were approaching and that the 70 years that God had fixed for their slavery in Babylon was coming to an end. They had started, indeed, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Josias, the time when the prophet Jeremiah made his beginning as a prophet. Having heard the prayer and supplications of Daniel, the Lord sent the archangel Gabriel to him and announced to him concerning the weeks, the destruction of Jerusalem and the kings who reigned at that time and who are mentioned in the book of the prophet Daniel 99. In that time, Daniel was thrown in the lion's den. |211
Cyrus the Persian rose up. He killed Astyages, king of the Medes, and Darius, king of the Babylonians; then he established the empire of the Persians, in year 81 of the captivity of Israelites. He reigned 30 years. In the first year of his reign, he ordered that 50,000 Israelite prisoners should be released and set free and he sent them to Jerusalem. As of that moment he ordered them to rebuild the Temple of the Lord; but they were prevented from doing so by the people who surrounded them, until the end of the sixth year of Darius, son of Hystaspes, which is year 46 of their captivity, as it is written in the Gospel of John 100. Let no-one think in consequence that the Jews took 46 years to rebuild this Temple 101.
In year 2 of the reign of Darius, Daniel was thrown, a second time, into the lion's den because he had frustrated and confused the priests of the idols in their temple and revealed and published their artifices. Daniel killed the Dragon 102.
In year 3 of the reign of Darius, the prophet Daniel fasted for three weeks, that is to say twenty-one days; he started to fast on the th of the first month |212 of Nisan (April). Then God sent the angel Gabriel to him. Daniel collapsed and fell down, seized with fear. This same year, the prophet Daniel died, while the Israelites were still captive, and he was buried in Babylon. Daniel was of the tribe of Judah. His book contains 1,550 verses.
At that time prophesied the prophet Habakuk, of the tribe of Simeon. It was he whom the Angel took by the hair, when, mounted on an ass, he carried their meal to the harvesters. The Angel of the Lord carried him from the country of Jerusalem to Babylon, to the prophet Daniel, who was in the pit. Habakuk gave the prophet something to eat from the collation which he carried with him and which was hot. Then the Angel of the Lord brought him back to the country of Jerusalem 103.
At that time prophesied the prophet Haggai, of the tribe of Levi, and the prophet Zachariah, son of Barachyah.
At the same time, the lived the Magus Zoroaster (Azeradhoucht), author of the doctrines of the Magi, which consisted of the worship of water, fire, of the elements, and other shameful practises, which it is not advisable to describe in this book. |213
At that time, the doctrines of Pythagoras appeared and Simonides and Anacreon were distinguished, inventors of lutes and guitars 104.
In year 10 of the Persian Cyrus, the seventy years of the first captivity were accomplished, which had started in year 3 of Joachim (or Eliakim) 105.
After the death of Cyrus, Cambyses, or, as the Hebrews say, Nabuchodonosor II ascended the throne. He reigned for 8 years 106. At that time, Judith distinguished herself who, by her stratagem, killed Holophernes, king of Babylon. The book of Judith contains 1,268 verses 107.
Among the Israelites there was the high priest Joshua, son of Josedek; and in Jerusalem, Joachim (Ilyaqim) 108.
Cambyses, in year 6 of his reign, invaded Egypt, captured it and killed Amasis (Maqnousiyous), king of Egypt. After which the kingdom of Egypt ceased existing until year 15 of the reign of Darius. |214
At that time, Fansamous (?) 109 cut up the stone which spoke, because he believed he would find the mysteries of magic inside.
After Cambyses, the Magus reigned 3 years and 7 months; after this latter, Darius, son of Hystaspes, reigned 36 years. In year 2 of his reign, the seventy years were accomplished; and in year 6, the rd of the month of Adar (March), the construction of the Temple of the Lord was completed.
At that time, the philosopher Democritus 110 flourished.
After the death of Darius, his son Xerxes 111, i.e. Assuerus (Akhchirach), reigned for 26 years 112.
At that time the painter Zeuxis 113 was famous.
At the same time, there lived the Jews Esther and Mordecai, nephew of the prophet Jeremiah, sons of the high priest Barachyah 114; Mordecai was the uncle d' Esther. They were both prisoners in Babylon. |215
In that time, flourished the prophet Malachi, one of the twelve prophets; he prophesied in the country of Judah. After his death there were no more prophets known among the Israelites. The book of the Twelve Prophets contains in all 3,643 verses. The book of Esther contains 654 verses.
In year 11 of his reign, Xerxes (Akhchirach) captured the town of Athens and many other cities 115. His son succeeded him for two years and half, and had himself as a successor Artaxerxes Longhand, called Ariyoukh 116, who reigned for 41 years
At that time, a stone fell from the sky in the river of Aigos (Augoch); its name was Afsis (Αἴξ?) 117.
In year 7 of his reign, king Artaxerxes ordered the scribe Esdras to go up to the country of Judah and to rebuild Jerusalem; it was under the pontificate of the high priest Joshua, son of Josedek. This was explained and revealed to Esdras. Esdras wrote down all the Torah and the Prophets from memory, because he knew them by heart; he also set to describe and tell how the people |216 had left Babylon. He was the fourteenth high priest after Aaron. The book of Esdras contains 2,808 verses.
At that time lived the wise Empedocles of Sicily. He went to see and examine the fire which spouted in swirls out of a cave. Not being able to understand this mystery, he threw himself into the cave; but he forgot his shoes, outside. Thus he betrayed himself and made known that he did not have the qualities that its contemporaries had allotted to him.
At the same time, Democritus and Hippocrates were famous, who were doctors; Zeno and Heraclites.
It was then also that the Romans sent messengers to the town of Athens: [these messengers] copied [the laws of the Athenians] and wrote the XII Tables based on them.
Artaxerxes, in year 20 of his reign, sent Nehemiah, his wine waiter, to rebuild Jerusalem; Nehemiah remained in Jerusalem until the end of year 25 of the reign |217 (1) ** of Artaxerxes. Then lived the minister of king Artaxerxes, Haman the Amalekite. He remembered the old enmity and the wars which had formerly separated the Israelites and Amalekites; he kept the resentment of it. And he asked the king to kill and exterminate the Jewish people. In this same year, the construction of Jerusalem was completed, with its streets, its palaces, its citadels: it was under the pontificate of the high priest Joiadah, son of Elisee. When Nehemiah had gone up to Jerusalem, the Jews did not have any sacred fire and they did not dare to offer sacrifices to God with a profane fire: at the time where they had been taken captive to Babylon, they had taken the sacred fire of the altar of the Lord and had thrown it in a well which was in one of the suburbs of the town of Apamea; this suburb was called Ashin (?). The wine waiter Nehemiah had a vase and bowl brought from this well, sixty-four years after the fire had been thrown there; he placed this vase and this bowl on the wood of the altar; and the fire ignited.
At that time, Plato was born and the sophist Socrates was famous in |218 (1) the town of Athens. As he perverted the young people, he was made to drink poison, and he died. But he left Plato who revealed his actions as well as his depraved and infamous doctrines.
At the same time, while Haman, minister of the king, employed all the resources of his spirit to seek ruses to destroy and exterminate all the people of Israel, Esther and Mordecai covered themselves with sackcloth and addressed to God their prayers and their supplications. God made the artifices of the Amalekite Haman collapse on his own head: Artaxerxes had him killed and crucified.
The history of Esther, niece of Mordecai, nephew of the prophet Jeremiah,
and Haman the Amalekite, minister of king Artaxerxes.
It is written that king Artaxerxes prepared a great feast where he gathered all the delights; he gathered his notables there, his parents and the leaders of his |219 (1) army. The Amalekite Haman was his Prime Minister and his intendant. At this feast, when the king had enjoyed to satiety all the delights and all the kinds of pleasures that he could wish, he said to himself that there remained nothing any more but only one pleasure at his disposal; it was that the queen Vachti wear her most beautiful finery and present herself to give him things to drink, him and to his companions. Consequently, the king sent to tell the queen to leave the flowers and to hurry herself to come to his banquet and to that of his companions. But she made him a most unpleasant and most crushing answer. The king conceived such a sorrow at this that he forgot all the pleasures of that day and of the years of his reign. Witnessing his sorrow and his sadness, his companions and his friends left him. And it is said that he ordered that queen Vachti should be driven out from his realm, and to choose for him a thousand women, from among all those in his empire. This empire contained 127 cities subjected to his sceptre. So he sent his messengers to choose for him the women most remarkable, as far as possible, for their beauty, their grace and their spirit. When the choice of these women was done, Esther the Jew was among them. |220 (1)
The king then ordered that the hundred most beautiful and most intelligent women be chosen from among them. These hundred women were chosen, and Esther was among them. Among these hundred women, he ordered the ten most particularly remarkable for beauty, grace and spirit to be chosen. Ten of them were chosen, and Esther was among them. Again, he ordered three women to be chosen, from among these ten. Three of them were chosen, and Esther was still among them. Finally he ordered, from among these three, the one chosen who exceeded all the others by her beauty, grace and spirit. And, among these three, Esther, niece of Mordecai was chosen, because no woman exceeded her in beauty, grace and spirit. Then the king ordered Esther to embellish and prepare her ornaments for thirty days, at the end of which she would enter his house. From the day when she was presented and became queen in the place of Vachti, Mordecai remained at the door of the king and did not leave it. Haman, extremely annoyed and concerned about this attitude, employed a trick and a lie to gain the ascendancy over king Artaxerxes; he said to him: "In your empire, O king, there is a people or rather a small troop of Israelites." And he did not cease insisting until he had bought from the king, with the help of a predetermined amount of money, that he offered to him, [the heads] of |221 (1) all the Israelites who were in the towns of his empire. The contract was signed between him and the king and the execution of the clauses were fixed by him for a specific date. Then the governors of all the cities of the empire received, by the messengers of Haman, the order to kill the Israelites who were there on the expiry of the fixed term, when they received the letter. He had a gibbet prepared, 120 cubits high, to hang Mordecai there; and he hid this gibbet in his house.
During that time, two eunuchs of Turkish origin, specially assigned to the bodyguard, one named Bagathan (Ba`thân) and other Tarech (Itnâh), devised a conspiracy and resolved to kill the king the same night. Mordecai, uncle of queen Esther, learned of this project and he discovered clear evidence of it, because he was assiduous and was attached to the palace. So he presented to Artaxerxes an honest report and gave him the evidence of the conspiracy of the two eunuchs. At nightfall, the king had them placed under surveillance. They did not know that the king knew about their actions. Therefore they were taken at the moment when Artaxerxes saw with his own eyes the evidence which had been presented to him. They acknowledged it; then they were put to death by order of the sovereign. |222 (1)
That which concerns the report of Mordecai was written in the Book of the acts of the Kings. It is written that the king, during one sleepless night where he could not find sleep, had the history of the kings read to him. The secretary continued his reading until he came to the history of Mordecai and his report. Then the king said to the secretary: "What reward did we give this man?" - "The king did not reward him at all," he was told. So he ordered him to remind him of this business when morning came, in order to reward Mordecai; and at this moment sleep made heavy his eyelids and he fell asleep.
The day came, and Haman his minister, who was the first to enter to the king, was presented: "What would be, in your opinion, the right reward for a man whom the king wishes to distinguish and honour?" asked the sovereign. --- "Nobody, more than myself, has the favour of the king," Haman thought; and he said: "O king, this would his reward: this man must be mounted on the royal horse, your own crown placed on his head; then he who holds the bridle of his horse, having rolled up his clothing, will lead him around the city, shouting: |223 (1) This is the reward of the man whom the king wants to distinguish and honour!" - "So get up immediately," the king told him, "place Mordecai on the royal horse, place my royal crown on his head with a sign at his neck, take the bridle of his horse and do for him what you said!" Haman went out from the king and did for Mordecai what the king had ordered him. When he had returned home, sad and afflicted, his wife said to him: "What news? Why do I see you sad and sorry?" And he told her the story. "Of which people and which nation is this man?" asked the woman. "He is an Israelite," he answered. The woman remembered that formerly God had granted his help to Israelites against Amalekites; and she said to Haman: "Since this man is of the people of Israelites and you have already started to fall and to humiliate yourself before him, receive thus the humiliations which have happened to you." Then Mordecai remembered that the term fixed between the king and Haman approached, the term when the Israelites were to be massacred according to the clauses of the agreement. He then made a request to the queen Esther to speak to the king and he repeated several times his request on this subject.
The law of the Persian kings demanded that whoever presented themselves before the king |224 (1) without being called, had their the head cut off by the torturers, unless the king touched he who appeared before him with his sceptre 118. It was the sign of [royal] protection. Esther, who remembered this law of the (Persian) kings, feared for her life; but her uncle Mordecai insisted on it. Seeing her slownesses, he had said to her: "If you do not repurchase your life by saving the people of the Lord, i.e. the Israelites, the Lord who is their God will come graciously to their help. Otherwise you will be one of those who are sold by the king, one of those whom Haman must make die. So do not imagine you that you will be able to escape." Then the queen Esther had her uncle Mordecai asked to fast, pray and order all the virgins of Israel to fast at the same time as him, for three days and three nights. The queen Esther fasted and prayed for three days and three nights; then she was covered with sackcloth, prostrated herself on ashes and prayed, begging God with great cries to preserve her from the [anger] of the king and to save his people from the malice of Haman. On the fourth day, when her fast was finished, she dressed in her royal robes |225 (1) and presented herself before the king, while he was sitting on the throne. She was one of the prettiest and most gracious women. The officers prepared to kill her. But the king extended his sceptre to her, which was with the kings of the Persians the sign of safety. He ran towards her, because she fell senseless to the ground. So the king arose from his throne, picked her up, put her head on his chest and started to stroke her face; and to support her, he placed her by his side on his throne.
"Ask of the king what you wish," he said to her. "I ask the king to come tomorrow to dine with me, with his minister Haman," she replied. He agreed to this and, the following day, he dined with her with his minister Haman. The meal finished, the king said to Esther: "Ask what you wish." --- "I ask the king and his minister Haman to return tomorrow to dine with me." The king accepted; and the following day he and his minister Haman dined with her. After dining the king said to her: "Ask what you wish." She answered: "I ask that the king and his minister Haman again dine with me tomorrow." The king accepted, and the following day he and his minister Haman dined with her once again. But a coolness and a feeling of jealousy towards his minister Haman slipped into |226 (1) the heart of the king. After dining he said to Esther: "Ask what you wish." The queen Esther answered: "What request could someone who is about to be put to death and to lose her life make, whose people will be exterminated?" The king, filled with sadness and affliction, said to her: "But who has did this?" She answered him: "It is he who is jealous of you because of me and who does not want you to have a wife like me, --- it is your minister Haman who is here." At that moment the sadness and affliction loosened the belly of the sovereign so much that it had to rush out. Then he went out (of the latrines) and saw Haman prostrate himself before the queen Esther and kiss the end of her feet 119. Seized with jealousy, the king exclaimed: "What! you still want to dishonour us?" Thus God heard the prayer of Mordecai, accepted his fast as well as the prayer of the queen Esther and all the Israelite women. The king gave orders that Haman was hanged; and somebody having reported to him that Haman had had made a gibbet, 120 cubits high, to hang Mordecai on, he |217 (2) ** ordered that his minister should be hanged on this gibbet. Thus God saved the Israelites and preserved them from the perfidy of Haman the Amalekite 120.
After Artaxerxes Longhand, Artaxerxes II reigned for two years 121; after him, Sogdianos reigned for one year, and after him, Darius Nothos for 19 years.
At that period lived Euclid the geometrician.
In year 5 of the reign of Darius, the inhabitants of Egypt revolted against the Persians and, after having been under their yoke for 124 years, gave themselves a king.
At the same period, flames coming from Mount Etna consumed a great number of cities.
In that time, the Greeks acquired twenty-four letters; they had only sixteen before. Cadmus and Agenor, who were from Egypt, came to the town of Athens and brought there the sixteen characters, with which the Greeks wrote first of all. Here are these characters: |218 (2)
Α Β Γ Δ Ε Ι Κ Λ Ν
al-Alfa al-Bita al-Gama al-Delta
Youta Qaba Lambd Nou
Π Ρ C Τ Υ Φ Ω
Bi Rau Sigma Tau
These characters are called Phoenician characters. Then Palamedes, of the town of Argos... 122, invented four other characters which are these: ΖΘΗΧ. Finally Simonides invented four other characters, i.e.: ΜΞΟΨ. It is said that the Egyptians invented the first the alphabet and that Phoenicians (learned it) from them. These were the letters that Cadmus had earlier brought into that country. Then the Greeks (learned the alphabet) following the Phoenicians.
At that time, [the Greeks] had Socrates put to death: they made him drink poison and he died. After him his disciples Plato and Epicurus distinguished themselves, who taught various doctrines. |219 (2)
In year 15 of king Artaxerxes, Africanus (Afriquiyons) invaded the country of Carthage (Carchedona) and captured it; after which this country was called Africa, from the name of Africanus.
Then Artaxerxes II reigned for 27 years.
At that period there took place the enumeration and census of the inhabitants of Rome; this census lasted for three years; and it was halted in consequence of the exhaustion of those who were doing it.
In that time, Nectanebo 123 (Fastou), king of Egypt, fled to Ethiopia, because in the report of the omens, many armies were to founder on him. Some people say that he was the father of Alexander.
The empire of the Egyptians was abolished for 42 years, until the time of Ptolemy, one of the servants of Alexander, son of Philip.
In year 4 of the reign of king Artaxerxes, Aristotle, aged 17, was at the school of Plato. |220 (2)
At that time, Philip, father of Alexander, began to reign in Macedonia; the name of his mother was Olympias. In year 13 of king Artaxerxes, Alexander, son of Philip was born, and Plato died.
At the same period, Manasseh, son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, build a temple on Mount Garizim in imitation of that which was in Jerusalem.
Then Darius, son of Arsaces, reigned for 6 years. In the first year of his reign, Alexander, son of Philip, the Macedonian, ascended the throne. He was 20 years old. He reigned initially over Hellas for 12 years and he lived 32 years. He subjected many regions and, after having made thirty-five kings perish, he captured their States; his army was made up of one hundred twenty thousand men; he had three horns on his head 124.
It was he who made the barrier to stop the invasions of Gog and of Magog. At that time, he gathered and assembled troops at the head of which |221 (2) he invaded [different] countries, making war with the kings of the whole world and seizing their States. So he arrived in the country of Sind and captured it; from there he prepared to invade India. So he sent part of his troops, and at their head one of his lieutenants named Seleucus, to call the Indians to obedience. Seleucus was ordered obtain their willing submission and, if they resisted, to fight them. Arriving at the border of India --- it was at the beginning of the winter --- Seleucus wrote to the Indians what Alexander had ordered him in their connection, and sent his letter by three notables from his army. The reading of this letter caused the Indians fear mixed with stupor; but they answered the proposals of Seleucus negatively, and let him know that he was not in a position to fight their troops. They retained his envoys, until they had arranged their troops; after which they started moving at the head of a multitude so numerous that no similar one has ever been seen. They brought a crowd |222 (2) of elephants, atop which they fought. They met Seleucus, who had not moved from his camp and who did not have time to arrange [his troops] in order of battle. He went out nevertheless with his army, and the two parties came to blows. But the cavalry of Seleucus, afraid at the sight of the elephants, dispersed and returned to the camp. Seleucus wrote then to Alexander to tell him about his situation and that of the Indians, their elephants which had put his cavalry to rout, and to ask him whether the battle should be begun again.
Alexander, having read the letter of Seleucus, convened his philosophers, communicated to them this letter and asked them their opinion in this respect. They said by mutual agreement that it was necessary to abstain from the war for the remainder of the winter, so as to undertake it then himself. Then he wrote to Seleucus, the head of his army, and ordered him to remain where he was, in the country of Sind, for the remainder of the winter. On this news, the Indians, who only asked the Greeks to leave them alone, moved away.
Alexander profited from this delay and immediately made preparations: he gathered the workmen who could work bronze and ordered them to prepare forty hollow bronze elephants, resembling the elephants of |223 (2) the Indians, and to fill them with coal. The feet of these elephants were dismountable and could be assembled [at will]; below wheels were fitted on which they could advance. Alexander appointed guards to prevent anyone from approaching them and seeing them, because he had his reasons to hide them from the eyes of the people. He ordered the guards to follow one another without interruption in their activity and to the workmen to make the feet of the elephants solid and to arrange openings on their backs so that fire could be introduced.
The Indians, seeing that he for a long time did not concern himself with them, hoped to gain his friendship. They wrote to him without allowing anything of their fear appear and started talks by seeing that he had philosophers with him. The king of India made him a marvellous present and sent a letter to him in which he filled with praises the Indian philosophers who were with him. Then Alexander ordered his philosophers to answer. A correspondence began between them and differences of opinions were not slow in appearing in their ranks. The two kings entered into correspondence to organize a meeting of these philosophers. They discussed in their letters what the disagreement between Socrates, |224 (2) as we explained, and Hippocrates, Democritus, Aristotle and their followers, consisted of. The meeting of the philosophers was fixed for a day and an hour, to explain that which was disputed. And they met to this end.
Here is the letter of the king of India to Alexander on this subject:
"To Alexander the greatest of kings, the king of India and all his subjects, greetings. May happiness, O king, enfold you; may your wisdom be perfect; may your health last a long time; may the whole earth belong to you; may your rank be high; may philosophy flower with you; may your people be submitted; may that be open for you what misfortune closes, and that for you be closed what misfortune opens; may all the desirable things of the world come to your hand; may the blows of fortune fall far from you; may you be sheltered from being surprised by evil; may the defense of your kingdom be well organized; may by you the hopes of your subjects increase; may noble children come to surround you; may your life be strengthened in the quietude of the heart as long as you enjoy life and by a plenitude of the intelligence until the end of the world; may your life be prolonged in health and may your troops be victorious to the borders of your empire; may you |225 (2) speak with glory about wisdom; may you enjoy this low world with all its goods; may your capabilities be strengthened by increase of your power; may God help you to find proven assistance; may you succeed in the rightness of your projects; may your worries be overcome by the experience of the government; may you be sheltered from the vicissitudes of fate! We and our subjects make these wishes for you and we inform you of this in our greetings because of our high opinion of you.
It is said that the earth has given you power over his countries; that all peoples obey you; that your power is greater than that of the kings of the earth, your contemporaries; that the result [of your enterprises] appeases the envy of your enemies; that your power cannot be abated; that you reign over the peoples of the four kings; and that you will reign thus until the end of time, [great] as the king who already rose among the Persians, and powerful like Nemrod, son of Chanaan, among all the other kings; so that your empire will shine with the splendour of the kings like a lamp; that its foundations will be solid like the mountains; that its sacrifices will burn like fire, and that its force will be as firm as iron; that it will live among the other kings, until the end of time, like the four elements: water, fire, earth and air."
Such was the content of this letter. |226 (2)
By order of Alexander his philosophers answered, but they shortened part of the title of the king (of India), because their opinion on this subject was different.
Here is the reply of Alexander:
"On behalf of Alexander, the greatest king of the age and the earth, the support of the world, to the king of India. You have received a splendour without stain; you are adorned with the royal dignity and you have arrived at the utmost degree of virtue; you are famous for the greatness of your power. May there be a hand upon you to guard you; may your empire be durable; may the earth be subjected to you; may you get rid of the former kings, and may all power be given to you until the end of time!"
The two kings, while they dealt with their correspondence and abstained from the war, did not scorn to make use of trickery, each against the other, being on their guard, and watching over the state of their business.
The king of India entered into correspondence with the king of China; he let him know that Alexander had attacked him, and told him what had occurred between them; he warned him to take care that Alexander did not attack him, once he had gained the victory over (himself); he asked him for help, assistance and |227 support, thus hoping to have strength and power to compensate for his weakness before the great force of Alexander, to overcome his resistance, to expel him out of his country and away if they fell out of agreement and understood each other.
When the king of China had read his letter, as he knew his manner of thinking, as well as the accuracy of his intentions of which he wrote, and of his request, he sent a favourable answer to him; because he hoped to profit from all this; and he recognized, in his letter, the advantages of this enterprise. He let him know that he was beginning his preparations, that he was ready to start work at once and to employ all his power in this; [at the same time] he asked him to inform him of the moment when he would need his help.
Alexander learned this news, whereas he had already made his preparations and had completed all his work. A few days after announcing that he would set out, he left with his troops, arrived at the country of India and halted at the camp of Seleucus his lieutenant. He wrote to the king of India, to inform him and invite him |228 to make his submission; if not, he would declare war on him. He prepared couriers for the letter; and Alexander himself joined them secretly, because he wanted to see the place with his own eyes, to study it, so he could fight the Indians when he passed through their country, and to learn their position and to understand their situation.
The king of India received them with benevolence and filled them with favours; but he greeted them quickly, as opposed to what Alexander would have wished, and let him know in his answer that he would not await the arrival of Alexander, but that he would come to him with his troops. On this the king of India wrote and let the king of China know the intention that Alexander had conceived, and asked him to come more quickly with help, as he had written to him. Alexander chose an advantageous place for his army, at a distance of 30 parasangs from the residence of the king of India. As soon as he arrived in the camp of his army, he expedited the departure and started marching with a great quantity of provisions and food, camped in that place and forced the king of India to approach him, while he was still awaiting the help of the king of China. Learning this, the king of India |229 wrote a threatening letter to Alexander to intimidate him. Then he went out at the head of his troops and camped at a distance of a mile from the army of Alexander. The site of his camp was lower than that of the camp of Alexander, which was on a height.
Alexander let him know that he wanted to meet him in the morning. He arranged his bronze elephants in order, filled them with coal and, in the night, lit a fire in them. It was not yet day, when the fire produced a heat so intense that nobody could approach the elephants. The day having come, the king of India, who had arisen early in the morning with his troops, was surprised by the stratagem: he approached the camp of Alexander in an improvised way, having at the front of his army several elephants, ridden by warriors. When his elephants had approached and seen the elephants of Alexander, they started a combat with them, because the riders who were on the elephants believed that in fact the elephants of Sind were unaccustomed to combat; and the Indians attacked them imprudently. Then Alexander had his elephants pushed from behind straight against them; they were set moving and ran on their |230 wheels at high speed, because of the height and the slope of the ground. The elephants of the king of India did not delay in throwing themselves on them, as they were accustomed to doing during the engagements, and struck the elephants of Alexander with their horns, but they were burned and they escaped without looking behind them and without it being possible for their drivers to stop them; suffering terribly from their burns, they crushed all the Indian cavalry and foot whom they met; this threw the Indian cavalry into disorder, so that the king of India and his troops took flight. The troops of Alexander pursued them in all directions and killed a very great number of them.
After this the auxiliary troops of the king of China, agitated and drawn out, came to the king of India, with their tired beasts of burden. They halted in the camp of the Indians without movement or resources. Alexander, who was unaware of their situation, thought, after having seen their camp, that this was a trick on their part. So he gathered his philosophers |231 and said to them: "You have already seen with which speed their reinforcements arrived and what a state of exhaustion we are in; [you see] that we have fewer resources than they do. Yesterday, at nightfall, we had massacred them and made them perish. But hardly has the day begun, and their army has returned more numerous than before. What is your opinion on this, our situation and our position?" While they were reflecting, the oldest of their philosophers said: "I believe that we must attack them and fight them next Tuesday." However this opinion was pronounced on Wednesday, seven days before Tuesday.
The king of India was extremely sad for the Chinese help, because of their misery and the fatigue of their mounts. For this reason he gathered his astrologers who examined the same question as Alexander, concerning the suspension of the war and the request which he had made, to examine what was better and easier than war. Their letter and their request agreed with the desire which Alexander had for a suspension of the fighting, because he had seen their situation with his own eyes. Then he called his philosophers and said to them: "Let's go and visit the enemy, listen to them, enter into argument with them and try to learn their intentions; then we will act |232 as seems best." They carried out this order; and after listening to the Indians, they left, inviting them to come to see Alexander. Then the Indian philosophers accompanied them to hear the answer of Alexander on this subject. However he had prepared some of his notables and his cavalry for them, to which he had told his intentions and his words. The meeting took place under these conditions. [The Greeks] told the Indians that they were very sad at the march of Alexander, his arrival on their premises and that he had invaded their kingdom, because the two sides were in an obvious error and a manifest mistake, in massacring each other because of these two kings. They acted as Alexander had ordered them, and gave them his answer.
Hearing these words, the Indians fell into agreement with them and said that it was also their opinion. Other (companions of Alexander) said: "Your king is very powerful in his physical force and his art of drawing up horse; and our king is small in size and weak, and he does not know the art of drawing up horse. If you have the same intentions and the same desires, urge your king to fight in single combat with our king, we will do the same with ours, and one of them will be inevitably |233 victorious. Then we will rest, we and you, from this war and this calamity." The Indians went off after having accepted these conditions and not doubting the sincerity of the Greeks in any way; this confidence filled them with joy, and they said to the Greeks: "Let us set to work, both of us!" Having taken the answer that Alexander had made to their letter, they left, without having obtained an audience of the latter.
When they arrived in their camp, they informed their companions of this project, which had the general approval of the multitude. They did not doubt that the victory would be with the king of India, their Master, if the meeting took place. What led Alexander to this daring enterprise was his conviction that he would die only after his return and his arrival at Rome; he did not have any doubt in this respect: he thus entrusted to himself. The Indians did not cease to pester their king until he had agreed to fight in single combat with Alexander, provided that the empire would belong to the winner. They entered in correspondence on this subject, made their conventions and, by mutual agreement, set the meeting for the seventh day, which, according to their calculation, was a Tuesday. |234
Alexander ordered his companions to prepare a short lance for him, in the handling of which he was skilful so that he never missed. Then he went out with his troops, and the other arrived with his, and the two armies lined up in good order. The two kings came out from the ranks. Alexander, who spoke the language of the Indians, said to the king of India: "You are a giant, while I am small and weak; however you fear me and my position fills you with terror; you have asked others for help against me." The king of India, irritated by these words, said: "What need have I to beseech help against you?" Alexander answered him: "Of the rider which is behind you!" The king of India turning to look behind him, Alexander stabbed him in the nape of his neck with a blow of his lance: thus he struck him a mortal blow, when the former turned his head. He fell dead from his horse and his companions carried him away. The two armies returned to their camps.
Alexander then ordered the Indians to come to him and he gave this speech to them: "I have no intention of either remaining in your country, or taking your goods; I ask you only for obedience. If every year you bring to me, on the same day, a bag of earth from your country, that will be for me the sign |235 of your submission. Go, choose a king and let him reign over you." Then Alexander left them. The Indians, surprised at his language, encouraged and delighted by his speech, returned to their companions, and everyone was delighted by the news which they brought. Then they carried gifts to Alexander, piled up the rarest things of their country for him, sent many sumptuous processions to him and loaded him with presents. They indicated to him the place in their country where the Chinese were camped and asked Alexander to treat them in the same way. They asked him moreover to give them a king of their own sort. He agreed to this and gave them as king the one whom they had chosen. Then Alexander left them, traversed the country around them and behind them, as far as the borders. After which he left for Babylon.
During this march through the desert, Alexander felt weak and found himself ill with sunstroke: he got down from his horse. His companions put him at the shade of their gold-covered shields. But he did not improve. Towards the end of the day, he ordered them to lead him to the nearest village. They did as he ordered, and he spent the night there. At the dawn of the day, the illness had worsened: he asked for the name |236 of this village, and when it was reported to him that he was called Roumiya al-Madaïn (Rome), he lost any hope, persuaded that he was predestined that death was to strike him in Rome in a house of gold.
Feeling overcome by the disease, he spoke to make his will; and as he did not have any heirs, he spoke in favour of Seleucus, his lieutenant, whom he indicated should succeed him in Babylon. Death struck Alexander in this place. He had lived 32 years in this world below and reigned for twelve years. It is told that one of his servants gave him poison to drink in this locality and thus killed him. Ptolemy, who reigned after him, carried him to Alexandria and buried him there 125.
When his officers (litt. his servants) learned the news of his death, each of them seized the region where he had established them as lieutenants: among them, there was Ptolemy, son of Lagos 126, who reigned over Egypt for 40 years; Philip who reigned over Macedonia and Antigonia; Demetrius who reigned over Syria and Asia; Seleucus which marched against Egypt in year 13 of Ptolemy, son of Lagos, who conquered Syria and, having pursued Demetrius to Asia, killed him. He was Master of Asia, Syria and Babylon where he reigned for 32 years. |237
At that time, Antiochus built Antioch and gave it his name.
At that time, Seleucus built Apamea, Aleppo, Kinnesrin, Edessa (ar-Rohâ), Seleucia and Laodicea.
The celebrated Simeon, son of Jechonias, was then the high priest of the Jews; he had as successor his brother Eleazar.
In year 9 of the reign of Ptolemy, Antiochus the Great subjugated the Jews: having come to Judaea where they lived, he made them slaves. In year 11, Ptolemy Epiphanes sent Scopas, one of his generals, besieged the cities of Syria and Judaea and captured them. Antiochus the Great went to meet him, in year 11 of the reign of Ptolemy. Antiochus then made war on the Romans who overcame him and took his son Antiochus Epiphanes as a hostage, in the town of Rome. He was obliged to give them each year a thousand talents of silver. |238
Ptolemy, in year 13 of his reign, made a peace treaty with Antiochus which gave him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, and Ptolemy accepted from him Syria and Phoenicia as a dowry.
In year 17 of Ptolemy, Antiochus the Great was killed in the country of Persia; he was stoned in the temple of a god. After him, his son reigned for 12 years.
At that time, Simon or Simeon addressed a petition to Apollonius, head of the army in Phoenicia, promising to give him much gold. When Seleucus learned by the report from his general Apollonius that there was much gold in the Temple of Jerusalem, he sent an army. But God punished him, and he was put at death.
In year 131 of the Greeks, Ptolemy Philometor ascended the throne and reigned 35 years.
At that time, Aristobulus flourished, who translated the Torah [into Greek] for King Philometor. |239
In year 6 of Ptolemy and 137 of the Greeks, in the indiction when Antiochus, son of Antiochus, began to reign ---- the one who had been hostage in the town of Rome, ---- Antiochus marched to make war on Ptolemy, king of Egypt. Prevented from doing so by the Romans, he returned to Judaea and gave the sovereign pontificate to Jason (Sim`oun), brother of Onias, son of Jechonias. Then he removed it from him and gave it to Onias, called Menelaus. This dissension which broke out between them, was the cause of evils and afflictions for the Jews.
In the year 14 of the reign of Ptolemy and 145 of the Greeks, in the second indiction, Antiochus Epiphanes ascended the throne and reigned for eight years. He sent a general from his companions with a strong army against Jerusalem. Capturing it by trickery, on the 25 of the month of Kanoun I (Dec.), he entered the Temple and defiled it; he set up on the altar of the Temple the desolation and ruin about which the prophet Daniel speaks. It was a statue of Olympian Zeus. He also placed an(other) statue of Zeus Xenios, on |240 Mt. Garizim. He had the Books of the Law burned. He oppressed all the Israelites until they followed the path [of the gentiles] and adhered to their errors.
But Mathathias, son of John, son of Simeon the priest, of the family of Jonadab, who lived in Mod`im, rose up. He had five son: John called Gaddis (Khafis), Simeon called Tarsi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar Haurân and Jonathan called Hîfous (Apphus). They were seized with zeal and ardour to defend the Law of the Lord. They covered themselves with sack-cloth and were deeply grieved. One of them who was near this idol, --- taken there to make him sacrifice, --- he saw a Jew then approaching to offer a sacrifice to this idol. Inflamed with anger, he seized him and killed him. He killed the chief who was obliging them to sacrifice; after which he destroyed the idol and fled into the mountain with those which were zealous for the law of the Lord. Then an old man named Eleazar, chief of the doctors of the Law, was taken; after having endured cruel torments, he died; but he did not sacrifice, because he wanted to observe the law. |241
Also a woman, named Chamouni (Achmounith), and her seven sons were taken; they were brought into the presence of king Antiochus and were each of her sons subjected separately to the various torments: for the first one the extremities of all the members were cut off, then he was thrown into a boiling pot; for the second one they tore off the skin of his head; for the third one they cut off his tongue. As for the fourth, he said to the king: "For me death is good, because I hope to be reborn, and I will not sacrifice to the idols". After the death of these seven brothers, their mother Achmounith died in her turn. They were buried in Antioch. In their memory a great church was built; in their honour also every year a great fair was held, accompanied by a great festival. We have told here their history and their sufferings, because they were the first who suffered martyrdom to testify to their obedience to our Lord Christ.
At that time, the Jews were allowed to transgress the Sabbath, to fight [enemies] who wanted to attack them on that day. |242
In year 148 of the Greeks and 17 of Ptolemy, Mathathias died, and after him his son Judas Maccabeus became governor of the Jews for three years. He was strong and fought for the cause of the people of Israel.
The same year, Judas purified the Temple of the impure idols and iniquities which defiled it.
In year 149 of the Greeks and 18 of Ptolemy, Antiochus Epiphanes died, struck by a cruel disease, in the country of the Persians. Antiochus (Eupator) reigned after him for two years.
The following year, Antiochus sent a large army of 120,000 men to Jerusalem to deport the people of the Jews. Eleazar, called Haurân, saw a large elephant; believing that it carried the king, he placed himself below it and pierced its belly with his sword; the disembowelled elephant fell on Eleazar who died. After the battle, the bodies were gathered and buried in Jerusalem. In collecting them, the gold of these idols was found in the clothing of a man. Then Judas Maccabeus sent three thousand |243 drachmas to the priests of Jerusalem, requesting them to offer a sacrifice for those who had died, and to intercede for them, because he hoped for the resurrection of the dead.
At that time, the Romans and the Jews were linked by a peace treaty.
In year 151 of the Greeks, Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus, having left Rome, came (to Syria) and occupied the throne of his ancestors for twelve years. Because of him (his soldiers) killed Antiochus and Lysias, his confidant.
At that time, after the death of the high priest Menelaus, Alcimus the impious, who was not a Jew, became high priest by simony. At this spectacle Onias, son of Onias, fled to Egypt where he built a city and a temple in imitation of that of Jerusalem. But God struck Alcimus the impious and killed him. In his place Judas Maccabeus was established and, after the death of the latter, Jonathan his brother who was at the same time governor of the people and high priest. He fought against Bachides, general of Demetrius, and overcame him. |244
In year 160 of the Greeks, Demetrius left for Egypt and captured it. Then the king of Egypt gave him in marriage his daughter Cleopatra. Others say that it was the eldest daughter of Ptolemy Evergetes. Anastasius (?) bishop of Rome, says about this that it accomplished the word of the prophet Daniel who said: "The daughter of the city of the south will be given to the north." Theodoret, bishop of Cyr, said: "In her whom Ptolemy Epiphanes gave in marriage to Antiochus the Great, was accomplished [the prophetic word of Daniel 127"], etc. 128.
In year 165 of Alexander, Ptolemy Evergetes ascended the throne and reigned 29 years.
At that time, John (Younân) became high priest and governor of the Jews.
In year 167 of the Greeks and 3 of Ptolemy, Demetrius, son of Demetrius, [called] Siderites 129, was killed, after having reigned for three years. Jonathan the high priest was killed, in year 170, by the perfidy of Tryphon, head of the army of Demetrius. His brother Simon succeeded him for three years. |245
At that time, Ptolemy gave his daughter in marriage to Demetrius, and [with her] the kingdom of Alexander.
In year 174 [of the Greeks], Antiochus, brother of Demetrius, called Sidetes, ascended the throne of Syria and reigned for nine years.
At that time, Simon sent to the king of Rome some gold tablets and made with him a treaty [of alliance] on a bronze tablet.
At the same time, the high priest Simon sent John, his son, against Cendebeus (Qandoubyous), head of the army of Antiochus. When he had overcome him and destroyed his army, he freed the Jews from a slavery which had lasted for 28 years; they were also freed from the tribute. It is certain indeed that since the reign of Seleucus Nicator and the beginning of the Greek era, the Jews had paid the tribute to the kings of Syria.
In this year the second history of the Maccabees finishes. |246
In year 177 of the Greeks and 21 of Ptolemy, Simon, son of Onias, was killed in the month of chebat (February), and his son John succeeded him; but Ptolemy killed him. John was the one called Hyrcanus; he was high priest for 28 years.
From this time date the rulers of Edessa; they fulfilled their functions until the time of the other kings who were of the family of Abgar, king of Edessa.
In year 182 of the Greeks and 17 of Ptolemy, Arsaces, the Parthian, killed Antiochus Sidetes. Demetrius, son of Demetrius, his brother, succeeded him for four years. After the latter [Antiochus] Grypos (ὁ Γρυπός) reigned for 12 years.
After this Antiochus laid seige to Jerusalem, with which he reduced the inhabitants to an extreme embarrassment. Seeing their lassitude, John Hyrcanus opened the tomb of the prophet David, who was richest of all the kings, and took 3,000 talents of gold from it; he gave 300 of the talents to Antiochus who moved away from Jerusalem. |247
At that time, Hyrcanus devastated the town of Samaria; then he rebuilt it and called it Sebastia.
In this year which is year 186 of the Greeks, during which Antiochus ascended the throne and besieged Jerusalem, begins the dating of the Tyrians.
In year 194, Ptolemy Soter ascended the throne and reigned for 17 years. After this Hyrcanus, ruler of the Jews, went with Antiochus to the war, and they killed Indates, the general of the king of the Parthians.
In year 198, Antiochus Cyzicenus ascended the throne of Syria and reigned for 18 years.
At that time, there was a shock and an earthquake in the town of Rhodes; and the Colossus fell.
In year 205, John Hyrcanus died, and his son Aristobulus succeeded him for one year. He was high priest; he was also the first king of the Jews, in the 484 years since the temple had been set afire and their kingdom destroyed. But |248 Aristobulus had a brother called John or Alexander and another called Antigonus; he killed this one by trickery and jealousy. And in the very place where it had shed the blood of his brother, his own blood was shed. John, their father, had prophesied, indeed, that they would not be very good in government. Their father was a veracious man, who spoke with inspiration about God 130.
In year 207, after the death of Aristobulus, John-Alexander reigned for 27 years. He governed the people of Israel with harshness, severity and roughness.
At that time, Ptolemy Soter was driven out by his mother, the queen Cleopatra, who deprived him of power. Ptolemy Alexander succeeded him for 10 years.
In year 211 of the Greeks, the dating of the Ascalonites starts, from the 208th year of the Greeks 131.
In year 216 of the Greeks and 5 of Ptolemy, Epiphanes, head of the troops, killed Antiochus Cyzicenus, after he had burned his presents. Philip reigned after him over Syria for two years 132. |249
After that, in year 217, the kingdom of Syria ceased to exist.
In year 222 of their era, Ptolemy ascended the throne. This is he who lived eight more years.
From his time, a census was taken of the inhabitants of Rome. 470,300 of them (460,300) were counted 133.
Ptolemy, who was over there also, was burned by the Thracians 134.
In year 230, Ptolemy Dionysius ascended the throne of Egypt and reigned for 30 years.
In year 5 of his reign and 234 of the Greeks, John-Alexander died, and Alexandra, called Salina, ruled for 9 years. She observed the precepts of the Law carefully and punished those who transgressed it. Then she made her son Hyrcanus high priest. But when he was raised [to this dignity], rivalries broke out among the Jews. After many disturbances, it was agreed concerning both (sons of Alexandra), that Hyrcanus would be high priest and Aristobulus king. Pompey, general of the Romans, came then, |250 seized Aristobulus and deported him in chains to Rome. He established the high priest Hyrcanus in his place. In the year 14 of Ptolemy and 243 of the Greeks, Hyrcanus started to rule and ruled for 33 years as high priest.
At that time, the Romans devastated Antioch, the city of Syria, made the Jews subject again and imposed a tribute on them; they refounded several cities. Then they gave governors to the Jews, of which the first was called Antipater. This Antipater, who belonged to the gentiles, was the son of a hegemon named Herod.
The Idumeans, i.e. the children of Edom, descendants of Lot, during one of their expeditions, had attacked a temple of Apollo which was close to the ramparts of the town of Ascalon, and had made Antipater captive. And as his father did not have the money to repurchase him and deliver him, Antipater his son remained in their hands and departed with them. This young man, having recovered his freedom, took as his wife the daughter of Arethas, king of the Arabs, whose name was |251 Aritâh; his name for her was Cypris. He then became the friend of Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, fought vigorously in his favour and supported him in his contentions with his brother. Then on behalf of Hyrcanus, he went to find Pompey, the general of the Romans. And this is why he also became the friend of the Romans, who liked him and established him in their name as procurator of the Jews. Antipater had [four] sons by Cypris the Jewess (the Arab): Joseph, Pherorah, Phasaël and Herod, and a girl who was called Salome. As for Phasaël and Joseph, they became, a little time afterwards, procurators of the Jews. As for Antipater their father, he died, poisoned by one of his wine waiters. His son Herod went to Rome and after receiving there the royal power over the Jews, he returned. It is this Herod who lived at the time of Christ Our Saviour; we will speak soon about him and his family.
In year 259 of the Greeks and 30 of Ptolemy, those who are called ὕπατοι (consuls) took up their duties; they were named Caius Julius and Marcus Antonius.
This same year, after the death of Ptolemy, Cleopatra in Egypt reigned for 22 years. |252
In the nd year of the reign of Cleopatra, Pompey, general of the Roman army, was killed in battle.
Then the deeds of the Maccabees finished. The Jews concluded a treaty with the Romans and made them an act of submission. The first book of the Maccabees includes 2,766 verses, the second 5,600.
From the beginning of the Maccabees, i.e from the 93rd Greek year, until the end of their history, 168 years are counted.
In year 5 of the reign of Cleopatra and 264 of the Greeks, the dating of the Antiochians starts. This year began on the Monday after the leap year.
From Adam to that year there were 5,461 years
In this same year, the Romans considered it convenient to convene their senate (σύγκλητος) which numbered 320 men, and whose meeting |253 was called βουλή. They made one of these consuls of which we spoke, emperor: this was Caius Julius; [he reigned] for four years. He was also called Caesar, in the language of the Romans, because his mother died while he was still moving in the womb; the entrails of the mother were opened and he was taken out; then he was raised until his majority. He reigned over the Romans, in Rome, and he rose above the kings, by saying that he had not been born as they had been born, and that he had not come out where they had left, wanting to imply that he had not come out by the way that modesty hides.
The month Quintilis, which is the month mesori (?) i.e. tammouz, was also called since that time, Julius (July), because it was in this month that the emperor Julius started to reign.
After the death of Julius, in year 268 of the Greeks, Augustus Caesar succeeded him for 56 years and six months.
Concerning the two days which are missing in the month chebat 135, it is written |254 that at the time of [Manlius] Capitolinus (Qabiton), general of the Roman army, a troop of cavalry having invaded his country, he made war on it and overcame it. But one of the Roman Generals who was called Februarius (Frourious) and other depraved men made opposition to Qabiton and removed the power which he had over the Romans from him. The enemy cavalry, having heard and learned that Qabiton had been just removed, advanced and seized Rome during the night. The generals fled with Februarius and took refuge in the Capitol, the temple of the idols; then they sent to Qabiton: "We have done wrong and we are guilty. Gather the Romans on the side where they will be able to seize the Capitol. Deliver us, and we will make you king." He then gathered an army of Romans and, during the night, (attacked) the town of Rome on three sides and confined the attackers in the middle; then having killed them, as well as the head of their troop, he reigned over the Romans. Februarius, who wanted to deliver the city to the enemy, was seized; he was put in a net, made to ride an ass, and struck with blows of sticks and rods, while saying to him: "Agba, Frourié!" which means: "Get out, O Chebât (February)!" Then he was thrown in the sea. The king ordered that |255 this month should bear the name of Februarius, so that, each year, his evil memory would be an object of contempt.
As for these two days during which the unexpected attack of the enemy expedition had taken place, which had gone against Rome, they were rejected, because this event had taken place on the 28th of the month; but one of these two days was added to the month of phibin (?) 136, which is Temmouz (July), and the other to the month of Kanoun II (January), so that each of these two months had thirty one days. After some time, another king reigned over the Romans and said: "It is not appropriate that the month of chebat, i.e. February, is in the middle of the year." He thus removed it and placed it at the end of the year before March, which is Adhar. It was he who called one month Julius, after his name, and the other Augustus, after the name of his uncle. For this reason Chebat has two days less. Since this time, the Romans have not ceased to believe in bad omens in the month of Chebat and to believe that the demon appears in this month and that the malignant spirits dominate then.
In year 8 of the reign of Augustus Caesar 137 and 275 of the Greeks, in the 146th Olympiad, the kingdom and the priesthood of the Jews were abolished. |256
Herod, son of Antipater, who, as we have reported, was of the race of the gentiles, reigned over the Jews for 37 years. As for Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews, he was taken into captivity in the country of the Parthians; on his return, Herod had him killed with his son Jonathan. Then the word of Jacob was accomplished, the chief of the Patriarchs, who had said: "(The sceptre) will not be removed from Judah, nor the legislator from among his feet, until he comes to whom the kingdom belongs and whom the people await."
And in truth, it is at that time, after a short delay, that the advent of Christ took place. And in the same way the prophecy of Daniel was accomplished which the archangel Gabriel had revealed to him about the seven and the sixty two weeks which make 433 (483) years and which were completed [in that time; the first year was] the sixth of the reign of Darius, son of Hystaspes, in which the Temple of the Lord was finished, in the th Olympiad. From that time until Herod started to reign, all the rulers of the Jews were called Messiahs (anointeds), i.e. high priests. Then the existing priesthood ceased to exist and also the government formerly which they chose themselves in their own land 138. |257
When Herod had accepted the kingship from the Romans and had arrived in the country of the Jews, they opposed him. Then he made war on them without mercy, destroyed all the walls of Jerusalem and made a great number of Jews in the city perish; he seized the sacerdotal insignia which the high priest alone could wear. Herod took them to his own house and put them under seals; and he did not allow anybody to be high priest for more than one year. A little time afterwards, he established Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus, brother of his wife, as high priest; then he had him killed and established Hananiel in his place.
In the year 14 of the reign of Augustus Caesar and 7 of the reign of Herod, the emperor Augustus marched against Antony 139, the general of his army, who had risen against him and who was under the domination of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. Augustus vigorously made war on both of them, overcame them, seized the two sons of Cleopatra who were called Sun and Moon and put them to death. It is said that these two sons, being unable to escape him, killed themselves with their own hands. The kingdom of Egypt then ceased to exist and fell under the domination of the Romans 140. |258
At that time, there was a census in the town of Rome; the inhabitants were counted and four million hundred sixty-four thousand were found.
Augustus, in year 18 of his reign, sent Tiberius, general of the Romans, into Armenia, who also subjected the Parthians and gave freedom to the inhabitants of Samos.
At that time, the Romans started to call the day which arrived every four years 'bissextile'; i.e.: idus πρὸ ἕξ καλανδῶν Μαρτιῶν. As for the Greeks, they call it Βίσεξτον.
In year 28 of the reign of Augustus, Herod built cities, walls, many fortresses; he also built a city and called it Caesarea, in honour of Caesar. Previously this city bore the name of "Strato's Tower".
At that time, Sextus the Pythagorean philosopher was illustrious. [Judas] the Galilean and Sadoc, of the town of Gamala, were impostors. They revolted, and said: "In truth, it is not allowed to pay the poll-tax and to give us mortal masters." |259
In year 42 of the reign of Augustus Caesar, 35 of the reign of Herod, 46 of Antiochenians, 309 of the Greeks, in the first indiction, the nd year of the 19th Olympiad, Our Lord and Saver Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem, town of Judaea, προ ̀ ὀκτω ̀ καλανδῶν̓Ιανουαριῶν, on the twenty-fifth day of Kanoun I (December). From Adam to that year there were in total 5,566 years. The beginning of this year fell on a Monday. According to the calculation of the Greeks, it was the twelfth day of the moon, and according to the calculation of the Romans it was the sixteenth day. The previous year in which Christ was conceived, the 25th day of the month of Adhar (March), had begun on a Sunday. According to the lunar calculation of the Greeks, it was the first day of the year, and according to the calculation of the Romans, the fifth day. In this year, the moon was intercalated.
The year before the birth of Christ, Cyrinus, ἡγεμω τῆς συγκλέτου (president of the senate), an assembly which governed the empire, was sent to count the population of Judaea subjected to the capitation tax. In fact he was ὕπατος (consul) |260 and belonged to those who gathered in the βουλή (senate). However, when everyone was going to enroll in his city, Joseph, husband of Mary, also went up to register in the town of Bethlehem; and at this point in time Christ was born.
The Greek scholar Longinus, who also reports [the events of] this time in the third part of his book, where he treats of the war and victory of the Romans over Antioch, a town of Syria, wrote to Caesar: "Some Persians who have come from the East entered your States and offered presents to a little child born in Bethlehem; we have not yet learned who he is, and whose son." Then Augustus sent to Longinus the following letter: "Herod, the satrap (governor), whom we set up over there, over the Jews, will write to us and will make everything known to us."
As for the king of the Persians who had sent the Magi, he was called Pharansoun. In year 44 of Augustus, these Magi came to the Christ who, |261 according to some, was then two years old. But Cyril and Africanus along with others tell that Christ was seven days old at the time of the arrival of the Magi. This opinion is more probable, because in the images and the effigies of many churches, we have found the Magi and the pastors represented beside Christ and of her mother Mary 141. We have also showed that Christ was born in year 35 of the reign of Herod who reigned for 37 years. If Christ had been two years old, Herod would have been dead. Then the Gospel tells of the escape of Joseph with Christ into Egypt and his two years stay in Egypt, until the death of Herod and the advent of his son Archelaus, who succeeded him.
Herod, seeing that the Magi had not kept their word, then sent to kill all the children of Bethlehem and the surrounding region, who were two years old and below, according to the indications provided by the Magi 142. |262
When pure Mary gave birth to Christ Our Saviour, she was thirteen years old; she died aged 51 years and five years after the Ascension of Christ.
In year 307 of the Greeks, the 24th of the month of Eloul (September), John, son of Zachariah, was conceived; he was born on the 24th of the month of Haziran (June), in the year 308 of the Greeks.
Mary received the message on the 25th of the month of Adhar (March), six months after the conception of John.
Nine months after, in year 309 of the Greeks and the 25th of Kanoun I (December), Christ was born in Bethlehem and he was circumcised there, at the age of eight days. At the end of forty days he was carried to the temple, and it is there that the old man Simeon took him in his arms. It is from there [also] that Joseph fled with him into Egypt.
We already told that at the time of the death of Herod, Christ was two years old; we stated that Christ was born in year 35 of the reign of Herod who reigned thirty-seven years. So if, at the time of the arrival |263 of the Magi, Christ had been two years old, Herod would have been dead. It is said that the year when the Magi had their vision, [Christ] withdrew into Egypt, where he remained for two years; that after this Joseph, learning of the death of Herod, left Egypt when Christ was already four years old: this is the opinion of a certain number. But here the truth: Christ withdrew into Egypt, at the age of forty days, because we have already showed that Herod died two years after the birth of Christ; and that proves that he remained in Egypt only for the two last years of the life of Herod, because the Gospel says: "Joseph, having learned that Herod had died, left Egypt and went to Nazareth, where Christ was raised." The Gospel says [also] that the Magi came to Jerusalem and learned about the birth of Christ; that the Jewish scholars told Herod, when he questioned them on the same subject, that the Christ was to be born in Bethlehem; that Herod sent the Magi to obtain information on Christ. The Gospel says [finally] that the Magi returned to their country by another way and did not return again to Herod. That proves that the Magi did not come to Christ in Jerusalem.
So we say that Christ was born in year 35 of the reign of Herod, two years before the end of his reign; that the same year when Christ |264 was born, Joseph and his Mary mother took him and went away into Egypt, where he remained for two years until the death of Herod; that Herod, after having lived 70 years and reigned 37 years, died in year 44 of the reign of Augustus Caesar, which is the 311th year of the Greeks.
This is one of the proofs that Christ 143 remained in Egypt for two years and that Joseph took him there immediately after he had been carried in the arms of the old man Simeon, who had said by an inspiration of the Holy Spirit that he would not taste death before he had seen the Christ Our Lord. At the temple he thus took Christ in his arms and requested the Lord to let him die, saying: "It is now, Lord, that You may let Your servant die in peace, because my eyes have seen the salvation that You have prepared for all the people, like the light which will illuminate the nations, and for the glory of Your people of Israel."
There are other accounts about which the Gospel says nothing. Simeon, being upright, with the Christ in his arms, rendered up his spirit. The people who saw this wonder, Simeon dead and standing with Christ in his arms, told that of which they had been the eyewitnesses. |265
The news came to Herod after the departure of the Magi for Bethlehem. If Christ had been two years old before his escape into Egypt, Herod would be dead and could not have said to the Magi: "Go and inform yourselves about the child; and when you find him, return here and let me know it, so that I may worship him."
Consequently the account of those which believe that the Magi saw Christ 144 in Jerusalem is lacking in truth. The Gospel did not need to tell the stories about which we spoke. From these considerations and other similar ones, it results that the Magi and the shepherds arrived at the time of the birth of Christ, as our ancestors represented it in the churches 145.
Herod died of a bitter and cruel disease. It is said that first he killed his wife, following an argument which he had with her in the bed where they slept together; finally his wife quarrelled with him so much, that Herod arose, took her pillow, placed it on the face of his wife and remained sitting until she died. He then killed his daughter and several of |266 his close relations, because he was in the grip of a strong access of madness. His entrails were covered with ulcers which caused him violent pains; his feet were swollen with gout; his pubis and his testicles broke up and swarmed with worms; terrible and persistent ulcers covered his body. Tortured by the pain and the suffering, Herod took a knife and an apple; he started to cut apple, hoping to benefit from the carelessness of those who surrounded him, to strike himself in the heart with a blow of the knife. But they realized it and did not let him do it. Then he also said to his sister Salome and to her husband: "I know that the Jews will make a great festival after my death and that they will be delighted much by it. So let us gather all those who are joined together here, put them in prison and kill them, so that the Jews, when they gather, weep for me, out of liking or perforce." It was thus that Herod died in atrocious suffering, and that God punished him to avenge the massacre of the innocent children, [a massacre committed] in spite and bold enmity against God, who is powerful and great 146.
We have written this according to what the scholars say who lived at that time. But [others] say that all these trials struck him before the massacre of these children, before his unjust and daring acts against God. |267
Herod had nine wives and [eight] sons: by Doris, he had Antipater who killed his brothers and was finally killed by his father; by Mary, daughter of the high priest Hyrcanus, whom Herod had killed, Aristobulus and Alexander, who lost their lives by the intrigues of their brother Antipater, and another Herod, called Antipas 147, who married Herodias, the wife of his brother, and killed John the Baptist, because the latter exhorted him and condemned him for marrying the wife of his brother. Herodias hated him and did not cease inventing tricks to make him die.
On the anniversary day of his birth, Herod made a feast for all the important people of his court and Herodias sent her daughter, who danced before king Herod. He with all the guests were charmed at her dance. He had agreed beforehand with her that she would ask for the death of John, promising to give her his head in a dish. Herod thus promised to give her anything she asked, be it half of his kingdom; and when Herodias asked for the head of John from him, he sent |268 into the prison one of his torturers, who cut off the head of John the Baptist and brought it. Herod then gave it to the girl, who took it and carried it to her mother.
Herod Antipas 148 had by Malkous 149 the Samaritan Archelaus, who reigned after him; by Cleopatra the Jerusalemite another Herod who lived as a private man and Philip who was put to death by his brother, the kidnapper of his wife; by Pallas, he had Phasaël 150. (Herod) had then three grandsons: Aristobulus, brother of Alexander; Herod who was king of Chalcis 151; Agrippa called Herod, who had James, the brother of Christ Our Lord, killed with a sword, and who was eaten by worms; it is also he who seized and took away the kingdom of his uncle Herod. His children were Agrippa, who succeeded him, and two girls: Berenice and Drusilla. Drusilla married the procurator (ἡγεμών) Felix of whom the Acts of the Apostles (αἱ Πράξεις) speak.
Now we go back to tell that, after the death |269 of Herod, who was struck by the punishments which we have described, his son Archelaus succeeded him in the 45th year of the reign of Augustus Caesar, which is the 312th year of the Greeks. At the same time, Augustus named also Herod, called Antipas, brother of Archelaus, tetrarch of the Jews; he named Felix governor of Trachonitis and Lysanias governor of Abilene.
At that time, a census was made in the town of Rome; the inhabitants were counted and four million hundred one thousand of them were found.
It was then also that, for several reasons and for his failures, Archelaus was sent in exile to Vienne, a town of Galatia (of Gaul). After him Herod the tetrarch reigned over the Jews for twenty-eight years.
Augustus Caesar died in year 54 of his reign, at the age of 75 years. Tiberius Caesar was his successor for 23 years and lived 78 years. |270
At that time, there was a great panic and many earthquakes, during which 13 cities were overturned 152.
In year 7 of the reign of Tiberius, Philip the tetrarch built a city, which he called Caesarea Philippi. Herod also built Tiberias, to which he gave the name of Tiberius Caesar.
In the year 14 of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, which is the 357th year of the Greeks, Pilate who from the town of Pontus (Bontos), in the country of Euxine 153, was sent [to Judaea] and started to drive out the Jews from the country of Tiberius Caesar.
The following year, which is the year 5,535 from Adam and the origins of the world, year 75 of the Antiochians, at the end of the 201th Olympiad, in the 15th indiction, which is year 15 of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Christ Our Lord, thirty years old, was baptized by John the Baptist, son of Zachariah, in the river of the Jordan, on the th of the month of Kanoun II (January), a Sunday. Christ was born on a Tuesday. |271
Christ, Our Lord and Master, starting from his baptism and after having fasted for forty days and forty nights in the desert where He was tempted by the impostor, started to work wonders and miracles, for three and a half years. The first miracle of Our Lord Christ took place at the wedding at Cana in Galilee, when He changed water into an exquisite wine. Then He gave the ten Beatitudes; He taught the prayer to His disciples; He purified the leper; He cures the sick, delivered the possessed, opened the eyes of the blind, returned speech to the dumb and revived the dead.
With the assistance and the help of Christ, the stories, the accounts and the tales of the Old Testament are finished; finished is the first part of the book of the origins of the world, which tells the stories, the tales and the accounts of the world for the first centuries and the ages passed, age by age; [which tells] of the happy or unhappy events of all the times, i.e. the news, facts and descriptions from the beginning of the world and Adam to the end of the Old Testament, until the accomplishment by Christ of all the figures which relate to Him in the |272 Books of Prophets and finally until the time, the month and the day, where Christ Our Lord went up to heaven: which took place on Thursday, rd ( nd) of the month of Iyar (May), because the Passover had fallen, that year, on Saturday, the 24th of the month of Adhar (March), and the day of Resurrection Sunday 25 154 of same month 155.
From here we will begin the second part of the History of the New Testament, from the time of the Rise of Christ Our Lord; we will recount and set forth all the accounts of the New Testament; we will report the opposing opinions, the events and the facts which took place in the whole world from this time until our own days.
Then we will recount, point out and describe certain things which exist and which must happen; we will continue our account until the end of the world and until the consummation of the centuries, according to what the Prophets and the revealed Books of God say on this subject, because that gives satisfaction to the reason and allows it to follow the rules of the analogy, --- if God so wills!
Selected footnotes
1. This seems to mean the Venerable Bede, "Bedae cui tribuitur septem miraculorum ordo". H. Schott, De septem orbis spectaculis quaestiones, Onoldi, 1891, p.5; see appendix, p. ii-iv.
a. Compare this to a passage from Eusebius Ecclesiastical History concerning a statue at Panneas / Caesarea Phillippi:"But since I have come to mention this city, I do not think it right to omit a story that is worthy to be recorded also from those that come after us. For they say that the woman who had a haemorrhage, and who, as we learn from the sacred Gospels, found at the hands of our Saviour relief from her affliction, came to this place, and that her house was pointed out in the city, and that marvelous memorials of the good deed, which the Savior wrought upon her, still remained. For that there stood on a lofty stone at the gates of her house a bronze figure of a woman, bending on her knee and stretching forth her hands like a suppliant, while opposite to this there was another of the same material, an upright figure of a man, clothed in comely fashion in a double cloak and stretching out his hand to the woman; at his feet on the monument itself a strange species of herb was growing, which climbed up to the double cloak of bronze, and acted as an antidote to all kinds of diseases. This statue, they said, bore the likeness of the Lord Jesus. And it was in existence even to our day, so that we saw it with out own eyes when we stayed in the city." (Note contributed to the online text by David Blocker).
2. Cf. Josephus, Antiq. Jud. I. iii. 5.
3. George Syncellus, I. 54-5. Ksis = Ζίσουθρος. Michael the Syrian, I, 14.
4. George Sync., I, 83: ἕως Γαδείρων.
5. G. Sync., I, 82-83. Mich. the Syr., I, 15. Bar-Hebr., Ch. Syr., p. 7.
6. Luke, iv, 37.
7. Eratosthenes lived before Ptolemy. Perhaps he means Timosthenes? See de Goeje, VIII, 30.
8. The scorched earth or the scorched way is the space located between the 19th degree of Libra and the rd degree of Scorpio. See for example Geography of Aboulféda, vol. II, st part. Paris, 1847, p. 6, n. 1.
9. For the description of these terms see Van Vloten, Liber Mafâtih al-Otûm, p. 235, 7-9.
10. Instead of Qinnesrîn the manuscript gives Salamiyyah and Hamat.
11. Instead of these two names which are in A, mss BC give Afrathi.
12. Mich. the Syr., I, 22-23.
13. This is Serendib (Taprobane, Ceylon). See Masûdi, Kitâb at-Tanbîh, p. 26, trans. Carra de Vaux, p. 43.
14. Instead of these two names ms. A gives Haleb and Salamiyah.
15. Here the Mss. again add the country of Al-Djezîreh.
16. Cf. Georg. Sync., p. 98 et 170; also p. 100. Michael the Syrian, I, 20: Panouphis.
17. Son of Haber. Genesis, X, 25 (= Yokthan).
18. Cf. Mich. the Syr., I, 23-24.
19. I Macchab., i, 7-9.
20. Here the explanation of the copyist is: (the author) understands what is not known to the majority of men, because it was so long ago.
21. According to ms. A it was Helene who went to Jerusalem and asked for the relics. Instead of the passage of ms. B. starting from the words "The Jews gave him", we find in ms A: "The Jews gave to Helen all the books; among the books which were given to her, there was the book of the mutilated Torah. The queen Helen carried them to king Constantine, her son. Then a certain number of Jews were sent to the king to teach him all that the Jews had mutilated in the Torah and the books of the Prophets."
22. Comp. Daniel, ix. Jerem., xxv, 11 sq.; xxix, 10.
23. Jerem., lxv, 11 sq.; xxix, 10.
24. II Esdras, ii.
25. Cf Michel the Syrian, I, 25.
26. Αἰγιαλεύς. See G.Sync, I, 183.
27. See Gen., xxvi, 34.
28. See Gen., xxxvi, 33-34.
29. See Gen., x, 29.
30. Genesis, xxviii, 10 sq.; xxxii, 24 sq.
31. Here our author is mistaken; cf. Genesis, xxx, 3 sq.; xlvi.
32. See George Sync, I, 237.
33. See G. Sync. I, 280 and 132.
34. See Michael the Syrian, I, 37.
35. Compare the same, I, 38.
36. Comp. Michael the Syrian, I, 39.
37. Cf. Josephus, Antiq. Jud., II, x, 2 (ed.Niese, I, p.134-136).
38. Comp. Numbers, xii, 14.
39. See Numbers, xii, 1.
40. See G. Sync. I, 283.
41. Literally "the owner of two right hands "
42. See Exodus, xxxi, 2.
43. Numbers, xiii, 24.
44. Numbers, xxii, 1-6.
45. Leviticus, X, 1-2; Numbers, iii, 4.
46. Exodus, VI, 25 and comp. vi, 23.
47. Numbers, xxv, 1-8.
48. Joshua, X, 12-13.
49. Judges, III, 8.
50. Judges, III, 9-11.
51. Plato, Timaeus, 22.
52. Cf. Georg. Sync, II, 288: Ἐφύρα.
53. This passage is obscure to me.
54. George Sync. I, 305.
55. B.l.msin = Βασιλεῖς? Cf. G. Sync., I, p. 294-295.
[56. Note to the online edition. At this point the first fascicle of the Patrologia Orientalis edition ends. This was published in PO 5.4. The remainder of part 1 was published last in PO 11.1. Unfortunately the page numbering in the latter is confused, because the printer numbered introductory pages in the fascicle with the [] numbers. The table of contents on pages 7-8 (numbered as 145-6) indicates the correct numbering; that page 9 of the fascicle should be p. 137 of the text. It is, instead, p.147. Since the purpose of placing the page numbers in this translation is to allow ready reference to the pages of the PO edition, I have followed the erroneous numbers printed, not the numbers in the table of contents.]
57. The preceding fascicle (P. O., t. V, fasc. 4) ends with: "The Midianites devastated all their country"; the manuscripts then continue: "with their many troops".
58. These are the terribly disfigured names of the Heliades: Merope, Helie, Aegle, Lampetia, Phoebe, Aetheria, Dioxippa. Ex Perseide, Oceani filia, Circe, Pasiphaë.
59. Perhaps is necessary to see here "at Thebes"?
60. Perhaps "Jonah"?
61. The author confuses Hanon, son of Nahach (II Sam, X, 2), with Amnon, son of David (ibid., xiii).
62. For these names cf. the passage of Maçoudi, Al-Masûdi, Kitâb at-Tanbîb, Bibl. geogr. arab. ed. de Goeje, VIII, 1894, 11218-1132. Macoudi, Le livre de l'avertissement, trad. Carra de Vaux, Paris, 1896, 159. P. Kokovzoff drew my attention to this passage of Maçoudi. Cf. P.O., VII, 599, the Jewish sects of the Achma`at and Anâïat (Caraïtes?).
63. Two words which I do not understand.
64. Phoul = Poul (Pul) = Tiglathpileser IV = Βῆλος in the Greek chronicles. See II Kings, xv, 19; I Chron., v, 26. Perhaps is necessary it to read "Phoul father of Ninus"? Cf. Mich. the Syr., I, 77: Belus, father of Ninus.
65. See earlier.
66. This is about a race of the quadrigae.
67. A adds: "without counting the women". On all this legendary history of Rome, see John Malalas, 171-180. Chronicon Paschale, coll. 289-300 (Migne, t. 92). Cedrenus I, 257-259. Michael the Syrian, I, 79-85. Pseudo-Dioclis Fragmentum, ed. J. Guidi (Corpus scriptores christianorum orientalium, Scriptores Syri. Versio, Chronica Minora, III, Parisiis, 1903, p. 288-291).
68. A adds: "without counting the women".
69. Ms.: "king of Persia".
70. See J. Mal., 173: Chr. Pasch., col. 292. Mich. the Syr., I, 84.
71. Mich. the Syr., I, 85-86. See II Kings, xvii.
72. See II Kings, xviii-xix.
73. See II Kings, xx, 12.
74. II Sam., vii, 11-13.
75. Mss.: of his father.
76. Numbers, xxiv, 17.
77. II Kings, xx, 17-18.
78. See G. Sync, I, 398: 1-8 (Eus. Chr., II, 82 Hs). Mich. the Syr., I, 86.
79. The prayer of Manasseh is one of the Apocryphal books of the Old Testament. See G. Sync., I, 403-404. Mich. the Syr., I, 86, 87, 88.
80. Mich. the Syr., I, 88.
81. Mich. the Syr., I, 88.
82. G. Sync., I, 403,14 (Eus. Chr., II, 90 Hs). Mich. the Syr., I, 92. See the Koran, Surah xxxi, 11-19.
83. This is about the prophecy of Jeremiah.
84. Under the name of "Magus" we must see Cyaxares here. See Mich. the Syr., I, 90.
85. Mich. the Syr., I, 90. G. Sync., I. 405.
86. Mich. the Syr., I, 91-92.
87. Mich. the Syr., I, 93.
88. Matthew, 1: 11.
89. II Kings, xxiv, 17.
90. Mich. the Syr., I, 96.
91. Ibidem, I, 97.
92. Cf. Mich. the Syr., I, 97.
93. See Jeremiah, xxii, 24-28; cf. 18-19.
94. Cf. Josephi Flavii Contra Apionem, I, 21 (Hiram = Εἴρωμος). Eusebii Chronicon, I, 51-54. M. the Syr., I, 99.
95. G. Sync, I, 454: 7 (Eus. Chr., II, 94 Hp). Mich. the Syr., I, 100.
96. Cf. Dan., vii, 1-3.
97. The text of the end of this sentence is obscure. Perhaps is necessary to translate: "because, in origin, he belonged to these two families" (= to the Medes and Persians)?
98. G. Sync, I, 438: 16: Δαρεῖος Ἀσσουήρου. See Mich. the Syr., I, 105: Darius, i.e. Assuerus.
99. Dan., viii, 17-27; ix, 21-27.
100. John, ii, 20.
101. Mich. the Syr., I, 102.
102. Mich. the Syr., I, 101.
103. Daniel, xiv, 33-39 (according to the LXX and the Latin Vulgate). This episode belongs to the deuterocanonical part of the book of Daniel.
104. Mich. the Syr., I, 105.
105. Cf. Mich. the Syr., I, 103-104.
106. G. Sync, I, 457: 14-15 (Eus. Chr., II, 98 IIi). Mich. the Syr., I, 102-103.
107. See Mich. the Syr., I, 103.
108. lbid., I, 105.
109. Ms. B: Qasmous?
110. G. Sync, I, 471: 44 (Eus. Ch., II, 100 Hi). Mich. the Syr., I, 106.
111. In the text, rather "Chosroes".
112. See Mich. the Syr., I, 105.
113. G. Sync, I, 470: 6 (Eus. Chr., II, 102 Hd). Mich. the Syr., I, 105.
114. Cf. Zachariah, i, 1: Zachariah, son of Barachya. Isaiah, viii, 2. See above.
115. G. Sync, I, 4761C. Mich. the Syr., I, 105.
116. Cf. Mich. the Syr., I, 107: Arovik.
117. G. Sync, I, 483 (Eus. Chr., II, 104 Hc).
118. See Jos. Flav. Antiq. Jud., XI, 226.
119. The text adds once again: "The king saw this, when he came out".
** Note to the online edition. Here the page numbers in the printed text suddenly go from 226 to 217 -- i.e 10 is subtracted.
120. For the history of Esther and Mordecai cf. Jos. Flav. Ant. Jud., XI, 184-268. See also the Book of Esther.
121. We must read "two months".
122. I omit [ arabic phrase] that I do not understand
123. This is Nectanebo II.
124. On the legendary history of Alexander the Great see Pseudo-Callisthenes, III, 1-4; ed. C. Mäller, p. 94-99 (Arriani Anabasis et Indica, Parisiis, 1846. Scriptorum Graecorum Bibliotheca, t. XXVI). H. Meusel, Pseudo-Callisthenes. Nach der Leidener Handschrift herausgegeben von H. M. Jahrbächer fur classische Philologie. V. Supplementband. Leipzig, 1864-1872, p. 769-772 (the correspondence of Alexander with Porus which differs from that of Agapius; the anecdote of the elephants; the single combat; there is no mention of the help sent by the Chinese). See also the texts of the Russian chronographers, Moscow, 1893, p. 194-198; 309-313. Examples drawn from the Arab authors in T. Noeldeke, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans. Denkschriften der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, T. 38 (1890), p. 38, 40 (episode with China). The Syriac version in W.Budge, The History of Alexander the Great, Cambridge, 1889, p. 87-92; 109-112 (episode with China). The Ethiopian version in W. Budge, The life and exploits of Alexander the Great, London, 1896, p. 107-125; 172-180 (relations with China); 367-371.
125. Mich. the Syr., I. 115.
126. In the text: "son of a hare" i.e. "son of Lagos".
127. See Theodoreti Explanatio ad Danielem, cap. xi, 6. Migne, Patr. Gr., t. LXXXI, coll. 1505-1508.
128. Mich. le. Syr. I, 129-130.
129. In the ms, probably the mutilated name of "Alexander". See G. Sync., 1, 552.13.
130. Mich. the Syr., I, 127-128 and 132.
131. M. the Syr., I, 128.
132. On this passage, cf. Jos. Flav., Ant., XIII, 366-369 (Eus. Chr., II, 132-133 Hl et 1920-1923). G. Sync., I, 553.18-19. Mich. le Syr., I, 134.
133. Mich. the Syr., 1, 130 or rather 134.
134. I believe that it is necessary to read "by the inhabitants of Alexandria". This is all about Ptolemy-Alexander II, who was killed by them. See Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire des Lagides, II, p. 119-120.
135. On this legend see J. Malalae Chronographia, 183-187 (ed. Bonn.). Georgii Monachi Chronicon, ed. de Boor, 1904, Lipsiae, I, 23-24. Cedr., I, 263-264. Mich. the Syr., I, 141-143.
136. Perhaps the coptic month "epiphi"? Cf. supra, p. 253.
137. From here on the events are also described in the beginning of the second part of Agapius; but the editing of the Florence ms. is different.
138. Agapius, II (1), p. 3-4 (P. O., t. VII, p. 459-460); the corresponding texts are indicated. [Note to the online edition; I have not troubled to transcribe all these; the reader may find them easily enough in the PO edition]
139. In the ms. "Antiochus".
140. See Agapius, II (1), p. 4-5 (P. O., t. VII, p. 460-461).
141. The Ms A says: People say that Christ was two years old. As for the scholars, philosophers and the author of this book, they say that at the time of the arrival of the Magi, Christ was seven days old. It is the obvious truth, because we have found and seen in the images, i.e. the icons, and the effigies which are in the holy churches, etc.
142. Agapius, II (1), p. 9 (P. O., t. VII, p. 465).
143. Here there begins a gap in the ms. C.
144. A adds: "two years old".
145. Here the gap in ms. C finishes.
146. Agapius, II (1), p. 11-12 (P. O., t. VII, p. 467-468).
147. The ms. says "Antigone"
148. In the mss. "Antigone".
149. Μαλθάκη,. See, for example, genealogy of Herod at Jos. Flav. Ant. Jud., XVII, 19-22; De bello Judaico, I, 562. Mich. the Syr., I, 140. Chr. Min., 46.
150. It seems to me that the litteral translation of this passage is this: "Phasaël gave him by Pallas three [grand]sons who were in truth Aristobulus," etc.
151. In the mss. is the disfigured name "Qabdhâfrâ"?
152. See Agapius, II (1), p. 13 (P. O., t. VII, p. 469).
153. In the ms. the name is very mutilated.
154. Here the ms. A finishes; it is probably missing some leaves.
155. Compare the calculation of Severus ibn al-Moqaffa`, P. O., t. III, p. 222-225.
This text was turned into English by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: agapius_history_02_intro.htm
Agapius, Universal History (1909) part 2. Translator's Introduction
Agapius, Universal History (1909) part 2. Translator's Introduction
KITAB AL-`UNVAN
UNIVERSAL HISTORY
WRITTEN BY
AGAPIUS (MAHBOUB) OF MENBIDJ
EDITED AND TRANSLATED INTO FRENCH
BY
ALEXANDER VASILIEV
Professor at the University of Dorpat
SECOND PART (I)
PATR.OR. T. VII. F. 4.
NOTICE
The edition of the text of the second part of Agapius is based on the unique manuscript of Florence which is unfortunately incomplete at the end and stops in the middle of a sentence in the course of the th century of our era. There are also in this manuscript some pages which, because of moisture, are completely illegible; these are all indicated in the text. The lack of manuscripts in general and the bad condition of the manuscript of Florence in particular may perhaps excuse us for certain passages which have not been deciphered, nor sufficiently interpreted.
For this edition I have at my disposal the copy of the manuscript of Florence which I made in 1903, and the photographs of this manuscript that M. Graffin had kindness to get for me in 1909.
This manuscript has the shelfmark at the Library of Florence CXXXII 1.
We have carefully reported in the apparatus all the readings of this manuscript which we have thought necessary to correct in the text; it appeared useless to us to put a siglum before each one of these readings, since they refer to only one manuscript.
In the apparatus we faithfully reproduce the omissions of the diacritical points. These omissions are also very frequent in the proper names.
1. Assemani, Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae et Palatinae Codicum MSS orientalium catalogus. Florentiae, 1742, p.213.
This text was turned into English by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: agapius_history_02_part .htm
Agapius, Universal History (1909) part 2. pp.1-287.
Agapius, Universal History (1909) part 2. pp.1-287.
[Translated by Alexander Vasiliev]
THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF MAHBOUB, SON OF CONSTANTINE,
OF MENBIDJ, BISHOP OF THE CITY OF MENBIDJ,
Copied for himself by Sa`id, son of Abu-l-Bedri John, son of `Abd al-Mesih - may God have mercy on him, his parents, his ancestors and on all Christians.
In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, one God.
Julius Caesar 1 reigned for four years and four months, and Caesar Augustus reigned for fifty-six years and six months. In the year 8 of his reign the kingdom of the Jews was destroyed, which had belonged to them, and which became a |4 dependency of the Romans and their priesthood was abolished. Herod, son of Antipater, who, as we reported, was of gentile race, ruled them for thirty-four years, he imposed a poll tax on them and had Hyrcanus, the high priest, and Jonathan, his son killed. All the high priests of the Jews, before Herod ruled them, were called Messiahs (anointed ones), but from the time when Herod reigned over them, their prophecy and kingship ceased at the same time. Then was fulfilled the word of Jacob, [the chief of the Patriarchs], who said: "Kings and prophecy will not be removed from Judah, until he comes to whom everything belongs and it is he who is expected by the people." 2 And likewise was fulfilled what Daniel said, when the Archangel Gabriel appeared to him, about the seven weeks and the sixty-two weeks 3, the total of which is four hundred and eighty-three years and which were completed at that time, the first year of which was the sixth of Darius, son of Hystaspes, in which the Temple of the Lord was completed.
Shortly afterwards, when Herod had received from the Romans sovereignty over [the Jews], the Jews revolted against him and would not have him rule them. He completely destroyed the two walls of Jerusalem and killed many of its inhabitants, he took the priestly insignia |5 and would not permit anyone to be high priest for more than one year. The same measure was taken by those who ruled the Jews after him. Then he brought from Babylon and set up Hananiel as high priest over them for a year; after one year he instituted Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus, the brother of his wife, for one year. Then he killed Aristobulus, son of Hyrcan, and restored Hananiel over them.
In the fourteenth year of Augustus Caesar and the fourth year of Herod, Augustus marched against Antonius, his lieutenant, who had revolted, had resisted, had refused obedience to him and had protested against Caesar, because he was in love with Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. Augustus fought the people of Egypt, seized the two sons of Cleopatra, who were called Sun and Moon, and killed them and he captured (also) Cleopatra and Anthony, who killed themselves overnight. From that day the kingdom of Egypt ceased to exist and it fell under the dominion of the Romans.
In the eighteenth year of his reign, Augustus sent Tiberius his general in Armenia who subjected it and captured it. |6
It was on this day that the Romans instituted the leap month, which was every four years, ie: idus πρὸ ἓξ καλανδῶν Μαρτιῶν. As for the Greeks, they called it βίσεξτον.
The twenty-eighth year of Augustus, Herod built a city called Caesarea, after Caesar.
At that time the scholar Sextus, Pythagorean philosopher, and Judah the Galilean were distinguished.
In the thirty-second year of Herod and the three hundred and ninth year of Alexander, was born our Lord the Messiah, may He be glorified on Wednesday (Tuesday), the twenty-fifth day of Kanoun I; according to the calculation of Greeks, today was the twelfth day of the month. From Adam until then there is a space of 5,506 years.
Prior to that year, the Romans had sent the judge (legate) Cyrinus to count the population subject to tax. Everyone [went to register] in his hometown, and now Joseph, husband of Mary, went up |7 to register... then. After the birth of Our Lord the Messiah, may He be glorified, the Magi came from the East with their presents, they offered to Our Lord the Messiah, may He be glorified, --- gold, myrrh and incense. The learned Greek Longinus introduces this event in the third part of his book, which [treats] of the Roman wars against Antioch, a city of Syria, i.e. as-Schâm, when he said to Caesar: "The Persians from the East have entered your empire and they have offered presents to a child born in Palestine; who he is and whose son he is, we have not yet learned." He wrote about this to Augustus and sent him a letter. And Augustus wrote to Longinus in response to his letter: "I have read your letter and the information you have given about the child born in Palestine among the Jews, and about the Mages, who have come from the East and have given him presents; and you do not know who he is or whose son he is. I will learn the truth and act according to justice: Herod, our governor in Judea, will let us know who he is, his condition and history."
And Augustus wrote to Herod, his governor in Judea, the following letter: "From the king of kings Augustus to Herod, the son of Antipater, governor of Judea, greeting. Longinus, the scholar, has let me know that |8 among you is born a child to whom the Persians made gifts and presents; inform yourself carefully about him and about the Magi, who came to him --- what is the cause of their coming, who sent them and what were the presents they offered him? Hide nothing about this, so I may obtain knowledge, if great God wills it. "
Herod had an interview with the Magi and said to them: "What are you doing?"
The Magi said: "The giant (Nimrod) composed books for us in which he prophesies as follows: A child will be born in Palestine in a few centuries, he will be great and the whole universe will be subject to him, and as a sign of this, you will find, as we know, a star of such and such aspect; you will look for it, and when you have seen, carry myrrh, gold and incense, go and find the child, give him all this, love him and come back; if you do not do this, a great misfortune will happen to you. And we have not ceased to keep this prophecy in our memory, we and our forefathers, until this star appeared to us. When we found there the signs that our great leader had given us, we obeyed him: we brought these things and have come to see him and adore him." |9
And Herod said: "Your approach is correct. Go and find exactly where the child is, and when you have found him, please let me know so that I may also worship him. "
The Magi, departing, saw a star that went before them and led them to the cave where the child was; when it arrived with them at this place, it stopped and did not move. When the Magi had seen this, they entered the cave, found the child and his mother, felt a great joy, opened their travel bags, offered him the presents and worshipped and then they went another way and did not return to Herod.
Herod, having seen that the Magi did not pay attention to him, went into a great rage and sent to kill all the children of Bethlehem two years old and below, because the Messiah was at that time the age of two years.
But by inspiration of God, Joseph and Mary took the child and left Bethlehem.
His mother Mary was thirteen years old; the duration of her whole life was fifty-one years, she lived six years after the Ascension of Our Lord Christ. It was the forty-fourth year of Augustus Caesar. |10
Caesar wrote to Herod, king of the Romans, in response to the letter he had received from him: "To Caesar, King of the Romans, from his servant Herod, greeting. The King of Kings required me to inform myself about the child of whose birth in Judea he had learned, and of the Magi who came to him with gifts. I stopped the Magi and forced them to confess to their affair, and they made me know that in ancient times Nemrod (the giant, the Great) gave them and left a will in which he said: After some time, in the land of Judea, will be born a child, who will reign over all the earth, and the sign of this is that you see in the sky a star, which differs from ordinary stars, and he indicated the signs; he ordered them, when they saw this star with these signs, to take myrrh, gold and incense, to go to the child, to worship him and to offer these presents; he also told them that if they did not, they would fall into a great misfortune. And their ancestors have not ceased, nor they themselves, to inquire into this matter, until the star appeared to them today, and they did what Nemrod ordered them: they took gold, myrrh and frankincense and went to him to adore him. I sent envoys with them to ascertain where the child was, and to return the Magi to me, so that I could send them to the king of kings, Caesar. But they gave my envoys money and escaped. So I have sent to Bethlehem to kill all the children aged two and |11 below, and with them I have killed the child. May the emperor be informed. Greeting."
Augustus Caesar read the letter of Herod and was content and... of his thought.
Elizabeth, whom we have already discussed, became pregnant before this, and gave birth in the month of Haziran. The Annunciation of Mary took place on 25th of the month of Adar, six months after the conception of Elizabeth, and Mary gave birth on Wednesday (Tuesday), 25 of Kanoun I. After eight days, (Our Lord) was brought to the place of circumcision, and forty days after his birth, was presented to the Temple and the old man Simeon carried Our Lord Christ in his arms. Two years after his birth, he was transported to Egypt at night when the Magi came to him, and he stayed in Egypt; He was then aged four; then he returned to his hometown of Nazareth and lived there.
Then Herod died, having lived in his city seventy years, he reigned thirty-four, in the year 44 of Caesar. Before his death, he killed his wife and children. His intestines were swollen and his feet were too; his intestines swarmed with worms and his breathing was difficult. Prey to the disease and tortured by pain, Herod, who had |12 an apple in his hand and a knife with which he cut and ate, tried to kill himself with the knife because of the sorrow and grief that tormented him; then he lay down on his side, his stomach burst and he died. (Before that) he said to Salome, his sister and to her husband: "I know that the Jews will be have a big party because of my death and will rejoice at it greatly. So let us take those who are gathered here and put them to death so that when the Jews come together, they will beat their hands and shout laments at my death against their will. " Herod had nine wives and thirteen children.
After the death of Herod, Archelaus succeeded him in the year 45 of Augustus Caesar in the year 312 of Alexander; and Archelaus ruled for 9 years.
Then Augustus handed their affairs over to Herod, brother of Archelaus, and appointed Philippe governor of Filan, Trakhuma and.... 4
Augustus then banished Athroudis to exile in Alania, within Armenia, and gave him Herod as successor who reigned twenty-eight years. |13
Augustus lived seventy-five years and died after having reigned for fifty-six years and six months.
Tiberius Caesar reigned for twenty-three years and lived seventy-eight years.
The first year of his reign, there was a great earthquake, and several cities were knocked down and many men and animals killed.
In the year 7 of his reign, Herod built a city and called it Tabariye (Tiberias) in honor of the Emperor Tiberius. In the year 14 the procurator (ἡγεμών, ἐπίτροπος) Pilate was sent to the Jews (in Judaea).
In the year 15 (of Tiberius), Our Lord Christ, may He be glorified, was baptized by John, son of Zechariah. He had returned... our Lord Christ, may He be glorified, was thirty years old, and his baptism took place on [6 of Kanoun II]... 5.
[The first miracle was that] of the water changed into wine at Cana 6; he healed the paralysed, opened the eyes of the blind, expelled spirits..., forgave sins and worked other (miracles) that the Holy Gospel relates. |14
In the year 19 of Tiberius Caesar, and in the year 342 of Alexander, Our Lord Christ was crucified...
On the same day that Adam had been driven out of Paradise, Our Lord Christ died, may He be glorified, and he was buried, then rose from the dead and ascended into heaven. That year the Passover took place on 21 Adar, on Thursday, and the Passover of the Christians, the people of our Lord Christ, may He be glorified, took place on Sunday, 24 of Adar; the Ascension on Thursday, 3 of Iyar, and Pentecost on the Sunday, the 13 of Iyar.
From Adam until that time there were 5,539 years, according to what is H.r.l... s (?) says. [But writers do not agree] 7 on this subject, and each of them says whatever [does not] exceed the limits of his knowledge. The first of them, Eusebius, says that from Adam [to the Passion of Our Lord], may He be glorified, there are five... years... [2 lines illegible]... 5,350 years. As for the Hebrews, they count only 4,000 years, the Samaritans, 4,365. The philosophers in their books tell that the days of the Passion of Christ, |15 may He be glorified,... in the volume... [three lines illegible]... kings, that, during the reign of Caesar, the sun was darkened, and it became night at the ninth hour and the stars appeared: there was a strong earthquake at Nicaea and in all the surrounding cities, and extraordinary things happened. The philosopher Ursinus says in the fifth chapter of his book on the wars and expeditions of the kings: "We were in great grief and long anguish. The sun was darkened and the earth shook, and we learned that extraordinary and terrifying things were happening in the country of the Hebrews, and we know the cause of this from the letters which the Governor Pilate wrote from Palestine to Tiberius Caesar, when he said that from the death of a man whom the Jews had crucified, these things happened." On learning this, Caesar sent orders to Pilate and dismissed the government of Judea, because he had surrendered to the Jews, and he threatened and intimidated the Jews who had crucified Christ.
Josephus the Hebrew spoke of this also in his books which he wrote about the wars of the Jews: "At that time there was a wise man named Jesus, whose life was perfect, his virtues were recognized, and many Jews and Gentiles became his disciples. And Pilate condemned him to death on a cross, and those who had become his disciples, preached his doctrine. They claimed |16 that he appeared to them alive three days after his passion. Maybe he was the Messiah, about whom the prophets had spoken of miracles." This is the story of Josephus and his coreligionists concerning our Lord Christ, may He be glorified. 8
It is also said that the life of our Lord Christ, may He be glorified, and his preaching (or pilgrimage) happened in the pontificate of Hannan and Caiaphas, because they were high priests in those years, i.e. from the pontificate of Hannan to the beginning of the pontificate of Caiaphas; as for the time between them, there was no time for four years because, when Herod was appointed governor, he burned the books of the tribes of the Hebrews, because they knew only that he belonged to a race which was little valued by them; and he took the priestly vestment, put it under seal and allowed each high priest to serve only for a year. Because of this there were four priests from the pontificate of Hannan to that of Caiaphas: Hannan was removed and Ishmael, son of Yachya, succeeded him; a year later, Eleazar, son of Hannan, succeeded him as high priest; when his year was over, Simeon, son of Qamihoud, succeeded him. He was succeeded by Caiaphas, at which time and under whose pontificate Our Lord Christ, may He be glorified, |17 was crucified. There were between Hannan and Caiphas less than four years, according to Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea. 9
In the year 17 of Tiberius Caesar, and in the year 341 of Alexander, one year before the crucifixion of our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, Abgar the Black, king of Edessa, sent messengers to some towns on business. On the way back they entered Jerusalem and there were eye-witnesses of certain actions of the Jews towards our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, and of their preparations to crucify him. They preserved an account of the actions of our Lord the Christ and of that which they learned of his miracles and the cures of incurable illnesses carried out by him.
When they arrived at Edessa, they told their master all that they had seen and that they had learned of the actions of our Lord the Christ, may be he glorified, and of the injustice of the Jews towards him, and how they were plotting against him. When Abgar learned this, he was filled with admiration and wanted to go to Him and see himself His divine miracles; but he could not go outside his kingdom for fear of enemies. So he sent Hannan the painters and charged him with a letter, where he said: |18
"From Abgar the Black to Jesus the physician, who has appeared at Jerusalem. I have heard of you, of your knowledge of medicine, of your spiritual knowledge and that you heal pain and illnesses without drugs or remedies. My astonishment at this was great, and my joy at it extreme. And I am telling myself that you must certainly be God, or the son of God, since you do such things. I ask you and invite you to come to me. Perhaps you may heal the painful illness from which I suffer. I have heard that the Jews want to kill you and crucify you. I have a town, pleasant and pretty, which would be enough for me and for you to live there. There you would be in tranquillity, good health and safety; and if you pleased to grant my wish, do so, and you will fill me with joy because you have."
Our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, received his letter, read it, and wrote to him.
"Be blessed, because you have believed in me before you have seen me. It is written of me that those who see me will not believe in me. As for your request for me to come to you, it is necessary that I complete the work for which I was sent; and when I have completed it and ascended (to heaven), I will send one of my disciples who will heal your pains and illnesses and will convert those with you to eternal life."
Hannan, who was a painter, after receiving the response of our Lord the Christ, |19 may he be glorified, took a square board and painted our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, on it in bright and attractive colours. He set himself to look at Him and to paint his image on this board. Then he went with it to Edessa and gave it to his master, Abgar the Black. Abgar received it with great honours and placed it in one of his treasuries, and it can be found there to this day.
When our Lord the Christ had ascended to his Father, he sent the apostle thomas, one of the Seventy (disciples) to Edessa. When he arrived there and Abgar the Black saw him, he prostrated himself before him, because a divine light shone from his face. And the apostle Thomas said to him, "If you believe in He that sent me, you will find what you need and obtain what you ask."
And Abgar the Black said to him, "I have already believed in Him. And if it were not for the treaties that exist between the Romans and myself, and the confidence they have in me which I cannot break, I, because of my admiration and my love for Him, would leave with a great number of my men, make war against the Jews who crucified Him, and destroy them."
Then (Thomas) approached him and healed him of his illness: and in this place he worked many miracles, so that Mousa, king of Athour heard about him and wanted to see him. |20
Then Abgar wrote to Tiberius Caesar, emperor of the Romans, a letter where he said:
"From Abgar, sovereign of Edessa, to Tiberius Caesar, sovereign of the Romans. Know, o king, that the Jews that are in your empire have crucified the messiah, although he did not deserve this, and had done nothing that they could condemn. When they had crucified him, the sun was darkened, the earth shook, many of the dead came back to life and rose up (from their tombs) and extraordinary things happened which have never before been seen."
Tiberius Caesar wrote to him, in response to his letter, a letter where he says:
"From Tiberius, master of the Romans, to Abgar, master of Edessa. Know that I have already learned all that the Jews have done to the man of whom you speak; and I want to punish them; but I cannot, because of the wars that I was undertaking against the inhabitants of Spain, who have risen up and revolted against me, and I was busy fighting against them; but when I am a little more free, I will carry out my vengeance against them and will inflict on them an exemplary chastisement. As for Pilate whom I named as their judge, I have already deposed him with great humiliation and scorn, because he gave way to them and did what they wanted; and I have sent another in his place."
After reading this letter, Abgar rejoiced at it and was content. A little time later, he learned that Caesar had put to death the chiefs of the Jews: and he rejoiced greatly at this. |21
After the death of Thomas the apostle happened on the 14th May, (the apostles) sent in his place Addai, the silk-maker.
After the ascension of our Lord the Christ, may be he glorified, the eleven apostles chose Matthias in the place of Judas Iscariot. Fifty days after the resurrection and ten days after the ascension, they received the Holy Spirit in the assembly: they laid hands on James, son of Joseph, who had fathered James by another wife, and made him bishop of Jerusalem, where he ruled for thirty years. They established the seven deacons. One of them was Stephen, whom the Jews stones; Philip, who preached to the inhabitants of Samaria; Nicanor; Timon; Prochoros; Parmenas; and Nicholas of Antioch.
At this period the emir of Ethiopia, the eunuch, was baptised by the apostle Philip.
The apostle Paul was converted in the year that Stephen was stoned, at the end of the reign of Tiberius and at the same time that Cornelius was converted in the town of Caesarea by Simon Cephas (Peter).
The names of the thirteen apostles, including Matthias, the place (of their apostolate) and of the death. |22
Simon Cephas (Peter), originally from Bethsaida, of the tribe of Nephthli; he went first to Antioch, where he built a chapel in the first year of the reign of Claudius. Then he passed to Rome, where he was bishop for 25 years, until the 13th year of Nero Caesar. Nero had him killed, and Paul with him. Peter was crucified with his head at the bottom.
Andrew, his brother, went to the land of the anthrophages, and preached there. Then he went to Nicaea, to Nicomedia, and into Achaia which he entirely converted. He was the first to be enthroned at Constantinople, made proselytes there and baptised them.
James, son of Zebedee, of the tribe of Zabulon, of Bethsaida, whom Herod Agrippa had killed.
John, his brother, went to Ephesus and to the land of Asia. Domitian exiled him in one of the islands of the sea in the year 9 of his reign, but at the end of his reign he called him back to Ephesus, where he died and was buried.
Philip, the apostle, of the tribe of Aschir (Asher), of Bethsaida, went to Carthage and preached to its inhabitants. Then he went to Phrygia where he died and was buried.
Bartholemew, of the tribe of Issachar, went to Armenia Major, where he was crucified and died. |23
Thomas, of the tribe of Judah, went to Sind and to India, where he died. His embalmed body was carried to Edessa.
Matthew the evangelist, of the tribe of Issachar, of Nazareth, went to the land of the anthropophages and preached there. Then he returned to preach to the Hebrews and composed the gospel for them. Then he went to India, where he died and was buried. This... 10
Simeon the Chananean, the Galilean, the Zealot (Ζηλωτής) of the tribe of Ephraim, died at Hemath.
Judas, son of James, called Thaddeus, of the tribe of Simeon. He was called Labbai, because he was wise. He died at Beirut, where he was buried.
James, son of Alphaeus, of the tribe of Manasseh, was stoned at Jerusalem.
Judas, son of Simeon, the Iscariot, of the tribe of Dan. When he realised the price and horror of his perfidy, by which he sold our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, he strangled himself; all his intestines fell out. Matthias was chosen in his place.
Matthias was of the tribe of Reuben. The disciples chose him in the place of Judas Iscariot. |24
The names of the Seventy (disciples) and their origin.
Here is the list of the Seventy (disciples).
Addai of Phamas (Paneas); Severos son of Abgar killed him. Ananias was killed at Damascus. Milia (Malea, Ἀμπλίας) was stoned at Alexandria. Capha (Κηφᾶς) was stoned at Antioch. Barnabas (Βαρνάβας, Βαῤῥαβᾶς) died on the island of Cyprus. Sontanis (Σωσθένης) was thrown into the sea. Qeisqous (Κρήσκης, Κρισκής) died of hunger at Alexandria and was buried there. Joseph of Arimathea, who was converted to Christ and died in the prison of Jerusalem. Nicodemus the Welcome; this was he who was converted to Christ after he came to find Him and spoke with Him. Nathaniel, chief of the scribes. Justus, whom Paul mentions. Judas, brother of James, brother of Christ. Silas (Σιλᾶς), of whom Paul also speaks. Judas, son of Barsabas. Marcus, whome Luke mentions in the Πράξεις with the others. John, called the Black (?). Jason, Manaël, Herod, Rufus, Alexander, Simon the Cyrenean, Cleophas, brother of |25 Joseph the husband of Mary, Simeon, his son, whom became bishop of Jerusalem and was crucified. Joses, son of Joseph, James, son of Joseph, James the elder, Judah, called Simeon. Those who were with Cleophas on his voyage: Tourmis and Fastourius [Termus and Castorius?], the slaves whom the apostles ordained. Those of whom Paul speaks: Andronicus, Titus, Hermas, Phlegon, Patroba, Asyneritus 11. Hermas called the Pastor. The six people with Peter at Caesarea; Crescens, Milichas, Kiriton (Crito), Simeon, Gaius, Apollos (Ἀπολλώς). The two who did not believe in the divinity of Christ; Cerinthus and Cleon (?), who were heretics. They were replaced with Luke the evangelist and Urbanus. Istichaus (Στάχυς), Aristobulus, Stephen, Herodion, Mark, Rufus, Olympas, Maris (?), S.m..lu...s (?) M.rula. (?) Hymenaeus, Alexander,... rus...laoun.
The false apostles: Simon r. k. r. bn d. la..
Now the apostles gathered together and established canon directed against those men who appeared in their times and did not agree with them. The apostles were men who did not allow them to... nor to proclaim |26 as the truth what each of them had invented themselves. When they gathered, they baptised a great number of men in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, taking them from impiety and error to make them ready for the true worship of God.
Matthew wrote the gospel in Hebrew for the Hebrews; Mark wrote the gospel in Latin (Frankish) for the inhabitants of mighty Rome. Like wrote (the gospel) in Greek for the inhabitants of Alexandria. John wrote his gospel in Greek for the inhabitants of Ephesus. Then Luke wrote the Πράξεις, that is the Acts of the Apostles. Paul wrote fourteen letters.
In the year 22 of Tiberius Caesar, Herod Agrippa went to Rome to intrigue against Herod the tetrarch and he remained there until the reign of Caius. Tiberius died at 78, and Caius reigned four years, from the year 347 of Alexander.
In the first year of his reign, Flaccus the Prefect of Egypt made an expedition against (the Jews) and oppressed them for 7 years. He filled their synagogues with statues and offerings to idols. Ambassadors were |27 sent to Caius to let him know. One of them was Philo, the Hebrew philosopher, who composed many treatises on the calamities which were happening to the Jews in his time. He wrote a satire against the emperor Caius where he criticised his ignorance and his folly. He wrote a eulogy of the faithful who were living in Ehypt. He interpreted the first book of the Torah. He records that... when he was waking up and surrounded. He composed 5 treatises on the Exodus of the Israelites and 4 on the things which are told in the Law. His treatises were read in the assemblies of the Romans in the time of Claudius and were borrowed; and (his treatises) were placed in the library of the emperors at Rome.
In the first year of the reign of Caius, Herod Agrippa was made king of the Jews and reigned for seven years.
In that year Pilate committed suicide. This was Pontius Pilate, mentioned in the Creed of the faith.
In the th year of his reign, Caius ordered the Prefect of Syria to erect idols in the synagogues of the Jews and in all their temples. And he erected the statue of Zeus, which the Romans worshipped at Jerusalem. Then |28 the word of the prophet Daniel was fulfilled, who said, "the sign of the abomination is found where it should not be." 12
At this time the Jews were enduring great misfortunes. Petronius, who was governor of Judaea, wanted to set up idols in the synagogues and their chiefs gathered and asked him not to do this, saying that, if he did, all the Jews would perish. Petronius wrote to the emperor Caius to tell him that all their tribes were prepared for death and that they would not violate the laws of their ancestors. Caius sent a letter to the governor Petronius in which he ordered him, with menaces, to carry out his order concerning the Jews. Petronius informed them of this, and was using violence against them, when the news arrived that the slaves of Caius had attacked him and put him to death. At the same time the messengers bearing the menacing letters arrived. Then the Jews threw themselves on the idols and removed them from their synagogues.
Claudius reigned for fourteen years, In the first year of his reign Agrippa, governor of the Jews, put to death James, son of Zebedee, and put Simon Cephas in prison. But then the angel delivered him from prison and he went to Antioch, where he laid the foundations of the church which is named |29 after Cassian and established a shrine there. In year 3 of Claudius, Simon Cephas arrived at Rome. He became bishop there and governed this church for 23 years.
A woman of the imperial family named Protonice, a patrician lady, went up to Jerusalem and discovered the cross of our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, which was found in the hands of the Jews, who would not let the Christians near it. Then Protonice went to them and took the cross from them, and the position of the Christians to it was reaffirmed. She left the cross in Jerusalem and departed.
The apostles revealed the wicked actions of Simon the magician, unmasked him, and made his imposture known to the whole population of Samaria. He went to Rome, and Nicaea. He presented himself to the Jews as being God the Father; to the Samaritans as being God the Son; and to the gentiles as the spirit of God. When he had arrived at Rome, that city gave him a good reception; and the inhabitants of Rome erected his statue, because he had led them astray with his sorceries, and they wrote on it, "this is the statue of Simon the holy god." 13
Simon Cephas had arrived in Rome in year 3 of Claudius, and he went to the house where Simon was living and found a dog lying at his door. News of |30 the arrival of Simon Cephas at Rome had already come to Simon. Simon Cephas ordered the dog to go in and announce to Simon that Simon Cephas was at the door, and "that he was calling him." The dog went in and said to Simon, in front of all the company that was with him, "Simon, Cephas the Hebrew, who is at the door, is calling you." Seeing the dog speak, the population of the town was seized with astonishment. Then Simon the magician said to them, "Don't be astonished; I myself also ordered this dog to talk." He then commanded it in these terms, "Go and say to Simon to come in." The dog went out and said to him, "The man says 'enter'." And he went in.
Then Simon had a living bull brought, went up to its ear and said something; and the bull burst. Everyone was seized with astonishment at this. While they were admiring this, Peter approached the bull, prayed, pressed it with his foot; and the bull got up, alive and well.
Then Simon flew in the air, by the power of the demons that were with him. Peter chased them away, and Simon fell to the ground and broke his limbs.
Then Simon (Cephas) brought dead men back to life before the whole population of Rome. Then he healed illnesses and worked miracles publicly. When the population of Rome had seen this, they doubted the work of Simon and moved away from him: and many of the inhabitants of Rome were baptised and believed |31 in Christ, the Son of God. The first of these was Cyprian, father of the dead man brought back to life by Simon Cephas: he was baptised, became a Christian, received Peter into his house, treated him as his guest, and honoured him.
The wife of Claudius, the lady patrician, of whom we have already spoken, was converted, was baptised, went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and enquired after the cross of our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified. It is said that James, the brother of Christ, was bishop of Jerusalem, and that the Jews were involved in these matters. She ordered the chief Jews to come and see her; among them was the High Priest, Onias 1, Gedaliah, son of Caiaphas, and many others as well as those two.
She said to them, "Deliver over to the bishop James (the land of) Calvary, the tomb, and the crosses on which the Christ and the two robbers were crucified." When she had given this order, she went to the tomb of Christ; but when she went in, her daughter fell down before her and died. She was profoundly sorrowful and afflicted at this. Then one of her slaves said to her, "This matter is no accident, nor without importance; it will demonstrate the power of Christ, God our Saviour." Listening to the slave speak thus, the woman |32 was comforted a little, accepted her words, and gave orders for the crosses to be brought to her. Then she placed the first and the second crosses on her daughter, but she did not stir. But when she placed the third cross on her, her daughter stirred, revived and got up. The woman confided this cross to bishop James, built a church there, returned to Rome, and told this story to her husband, and to the people there.
Then the emperor Claudius set himself to oppress and persecute the Jews, especially after they stoned the martyr Stephen.
Other apostles went to Antioch and there converted many people. It is there that the supporters of Christ were called Christians.
At that time there was a famine. And the disciples bought a great quantity of food and distributed it to the faithful, men and women.
Agrippa, governor of the Jews, died, and his son Agrippa succeeded him, and reigned fro 26 years. He had no successor in the government, because Jerusalem was destroyed and its inhabitants were deported.
At this time Herod Agrippa took a census of the Jews whom he found in his realm. They were counted, and their number was 6,944,000. |33
At this time a man named Cerinthus appeared. He said that the kingdom of God would appear on earth, and that there men would eat, drink, and cohabit with women.
At this time the Egyptian mentioned in the Πράξεις also appeared; he led many people astray and wanted to overrun Jerusalem by force. Then Felix, a Roman patrician, marched against him and killed many of those who had accepted his teaching. This happened in year 8 of Claudius Caesar.
In that time, the Jews were divided into seven sects. The st sect was the scribes, who were called scribes and doctors of the Law. The nd was that of the Levites, who followed the tradition of the ancient priests. The rd included those who believed in the resurrection and said that there were angels and spirits; they took their name from a priest named Sadoc, who was of their party. The th was that of the baptised, who purified themselves daily and said that no-one would live unless they washed themselves with water every day. The th was that of the Nazoreans, who ate no animal food and did not accept the books of Moses nor of any of the |34 prophets but invented strange books for themselves. The th was that of the Jews who believed in God, observed the Law, and received the books of Moses and the Prophets. The th was that of the Samaritans who, out of the sacred books, only received the Torah of Moses and followed an allegorical commentary of Holy Scripture.
One day the apostles gathered together at Rome and composed canons about divine things which, thanks to Clement, are at the disposal of the faithful. And there they fixed the number of the divine books that must be received and read in the churches, and they prescribed that no others should be admitted. Among the ancient books which must be received, they listed those which we call Torah, i.e. the 5 books of Moses; the book of Joshua son of Nun; the book of Judges; the story of Ruth; the story of Judith; the 4 books of Kings; the 2 books of Chronicles (Paralipomena); the 3 books of Maccabees; the book of Esdras; the story of Esther; the book of Job, the truthful; the book of Psalms of the prophet David; the 5 books of Solomon, son of David; the 16 books of the prophets: one book of the son of Sirach. The new books were the gospel, composed of 4 books; the 2 letters of the apostle Peter; the 14 letters of Paul; |35 1 book of the Acts of the Apostles (Πράξεις); the 3 letters of John, son of Zebedee; 1 letter of James, son of Zebedee; the one of Juda; the 2 letters of Clement; the 8 books of Clement. Then Clement also described in 8 books all the story and the acts of the apostles, what they had allowed and what they had forbidden. The apostles ordered that all his books should be received.
At this time the apostle Andrew died, who was bishop of Byzantium, after 2 years of episcopate. Stychus was bishop there for 15 years. After him Onesimus for 13 years.
Then Claudius Caesar fell ill and died, after living for sixty-five years, of which he reigned for fourteen. Nero, son of Claudius, reigned after him for fourteen years.
In the year 2 of the reign of Nero, Felix, governor of Judaea, died. He had as successor Festus, under whom Paul baptised and who brought him before his tribunal.
At this time there was a great earthquake at Rome and an eclipse of the sun. The Jews revolted at Jerusalem and Caesarea, and the High Priest of the Jews, Jonathan, was killed. |36
In the year 5 of Nero, Festus governor of Judaea died; he had for successor Albinus.
In the year 8 of Nero, the Jews at Jerusalem threw themselves on James, the brother of Christ, and killed him. He was a pious man, living in poverty, obedient to God. The Jews took him, placed him at the highest point of the temple, and said to him, "Speak to the people. Renounce the faith of Christ." When he would not agree to their demand, they threw him down. He fell face down, and said, "God, don't punish them for this sin, because they don't know what they are doing." Then they stoned him. One of them, who was a fuller, took the stick with which he beat the fabric, and struck him with it. He died, and was buried near the temple. Then they destroyed the church, seized the cross of Christ and the two crosses of the robbers, and hide them underground. Then they went back to the Torah and shortened the years of Adam, Noah, Abraham and others, by two thousand years, cutting a hundred years from period from the birth of each of them to the birth of their son, in such a way that they didn't shorten the total life of each. In this way they sought to prove, against the Christians, that the Messiah had not yet come. They likewise changed the names of towns and places signalled, according to tradition, by each action of the Lord the Christ, as well as the name of the place of crucifixion and other places. |37
At this time Nero violently persecuted the Christians. After the death of James, his successor was Simon, son of Cleophas, who was his cousin, and he governed the people for forty-two years; ten years before the destruction of Jerusalem and thirty-two years after the destruction, from the ninth year of Tiberius Caesar until the second year after the death of John the evangelist.
It is recorded that John the evangelist did not die, but, being pursued by the inhabitants of a certain town, he went up on the mountain, and hid from their sight, and no-one knew what happened to him.
Then Nero cut off the heads of Simon Cephas and Paul. As for Simon, there are those who claim that his head was not cut off, but that his beard was cut off, and that he was crucified head down. Paul had his head cut off at the same time as Simon, who is the same as Peter, was crucified head down, in the year 13 of his reign.
At the moment when the Jews killed James, brother of the Christ, may he be glorified, Albinus, prefect of the Jews, was absent and at Rome. When on his arrival he heard what the Jews had done to James, he deposed Anianus (Ananos), the High Priest, who belonged to the Sadducees, and established Jesus son of Danai in his place. |38
Peter Cephas sent Mark the evangelist to Alexandria and made him bishop of that city. He lived there for 2 years and died. He had as successor Anianus, whose episcopate lasted twenty-two years.
In the time of Nero the philosophers Musonius and Plutarchus flourished.
Then madness struck Nero, and his reason was disturbed. He had his mother killed, his aunt and many of his relatives. He had Peter and Paul killed by crucifixion, head down, as we have related. This happened on Thursday the 28th of Temouz, in the year 377 of Alexander.
At Rome, Peter had as his successor Linus, of whom Paul speaks in his second letter to Timothy, and he governed the people for eleven years.
Paul established Timothy as his successor at Ephesus, and ordained Titus in Crete. Like, who was then a physician at Antioch, was a companion of the apostles.
In this year Nero Caesar sent Vespasian, chief of his soldiers, with Titus his son, to make war on the Jews of Palestine, who were revolting and had risen up. He went (to Jerusalem), stopped there, and besieged it for a long time. When he was on the point of capturing it, he learned the news of the |39 death of Nero, who, in the course of his madness, had killed himself. The Jews wanted to fight Vespasian, but he returned to Rome. Earlier he captured the town of Aeliya (Yotapata) because he heard it said that Joseph son of the priest Matthai was there. Some scholars claim that this Joseph was the same as Caiaphas, who had prophesied about the death of Christ, may he be glorified, and in whose pontificate He was crucified. The town was taken and he made Joseph prisoner, but did not kill him, because he was the general, and he had predicted to him that he would be emperor after Nero.
At Antioch, Evodius was bishop for twenty-five years. After his death Ignatius succeeded him and his episcopate lasted thirty-eight years, until the tenth year of Trajan. The beasts devoured him at Rome.
Vespasian reigned for nine and a half years in the year 381 of Alexander. The st year of his reign, he invaded Egypt and captured it. Then he returned by sea to Rome. He sent Titus his son with numerous soldiers to Jerusalem, in year 3 of his reign. The latter besieged it, make 60,000 men perish, and made prisoners of more than 100,000. A great number of people died of hunger. He destroyed Jerusalem, set fire to its temple, burned the books of the Jews and dispersed them to the four corners of the world. |40
Thus all the Laws of Israel were abolished, and the prophecy of Jacob was fulfilled, who said, "The sceptre shall never pass from the tribe of Judah, nor the prophecy from its race, until he comes, to whom belongs the victory, and the peoples will obey him." 14 On the other hand see what Daniel says at Babylon, "After the death of Christ, may he be glorified, Jerusalem will be destroyed and its laws abolished." 15 Our Lord the Christ, may he be glorified, says in the gospel, "The days will come when your enemies will besiege you, and the children at your breast will be killed and die." He says also, "There will be great anguish and a great calamity on the people". 16
All this was fulfilled thirty-nine years after His crucifixion and death. The people were reduced to such misery that women ate their children.
It is said that those who perished in the battles in Jerusalem and died of hunger during the invasion of Vespasian and the siege of that city for 3 years were counted; and the number of dead was about 1,200,000; 110,000 were made prisoners, according to what Josephus says.17
The cause of such an agglomeration of people in Jerusalem was that, when Vespasian had sent his son Titus to battle the Jews, the latter had |41 arrived at Jerusalem for the feast of the Passover; and people were gathered there from every city because of the feast. And what happened, happened.
From Adam to the year in which Jerusalem was destroyed there were 5,570 years. From Adam to the year 50 of Abraham, when Jerusalem was built, 3,376 years. From its first construction to its final destruction in the time of Vespasian Caesar, 1,191 years.
Josephus the Jew tells in his book on the destruction of Jerusalem that before the ruin of this town, there appeared signs and prodigies, various and extraordinary, which presaged the destruction. For example, there was seen above the town a long star, resembling a sword of fire, which shone. -- While (the Jews) were celebrating the feast of the Passover, a cow was brought for the sacrifice, and it gave birth to a lamb in the middle of the temple. -- The doors of the Temple which were of solid iron and that 20 men together could hardly close and open, opened of themselves at midnight. During the whole year, in the temple various voices were heard, saying "Let's get out of here." -- There happened many things like these, which announced the destruction of Jerusalem.18 |42
Those who want to know how many men perished have made a calculation according to various books. One of them reports that at the festival of the Passover which fell on the 12th of Nisan (April), the Jews offered 240,000 sheep; for each sheep there were 10 men purified, ignoring unpurified men and the children among them.
When the Romans possessed themselves of Jerusalem, -- Josephus had warned his countrymen before the destruction of Jerusalem and said to them, "Obey the Romans and submit to their emperors and you will praise yourselves for the result of your conduct." -- but they treated him with contempt and insulted him so much that they struck him several times and stoned him. He came to the Romans who, having made him prisoner, obliged him to remain at the court of the emperor. He composed 20 books on the organisation of the Jews, their emigration, their High Priests, the wars against the Romans and the siege of Jerusalem. Agrippa wrote 62 letters in which he praised the books of Josephus and the understanding and depth of his knowledge. After his death, the Romans erected a statue of him at Rome in his honour.
At that time Vespasian persecuted the Jews and ordered that all the descendants of David should be killed. |43
There was a great plague at Rome.
Vespasian died after having lived seventy years, of which he reigned ten. (After him) reigned Titus, son of Vespasian, for two years and three months, in year 389 of Alexander.
In year 2 of his reign, Anencletus (Anacletus) succeeded Linus on the throne of Rome, and his episcopate lasted 12 years.
In that year a mountain split into two and a great flame came out of it, which set fire to several cities. At Rome, there was a great fire.
Titus fell ill and died at the age of forty. (After him) reigned Domitian, son of Vespasian, for sixteen years, in year 391 of Alexander.
In year 4 of his reign, at Alexandria, after Anianus, Aemilius sat for thirteen years.
The emperor Domitian built a temple, without any part of it of wood.
He ordered that all the philosophers and magicians should be expelled from the city, and he completely forbade anyone to plant vines at Rome. |44
In year 9 of his reign, he carried out a great persecution against the Christians and banished John the evangelist to an island of the sea, which is called Yafa (Patmos). Irenaeus, Bouttius, and Hippolytus record that great prodigies happened, which John attests in his book which he composed after the gospel.
In that time, Dionysius the Areopagite, who was the disciple of Paul, became bishop of Athens, the city of the philosophers. He wrote a letter to John the evangelist in which he says, "May anguish and sorrow not overcome you, because your stay there (at Patmos) will not be very long, and Christ will hasten your deliverance. Learn patience in your heart, and praise Christ."
In that time a great number of Christians who believed in Christ were put to death. |45
At that time Apollonius, master of talismans, became celebrated. He opposed the disciples of Christ by his works, which thwarted those of Christ, and he said, "What a misfortune for me, that I was preceded by the son of Mary!"
At the same time, the philosopher Patrophilus said to his master Ursinus, "I have intended to speak, master, of this man in whom all the peoples and the nations of different languages believe. According to what is said of him, he was crucified, died; then he came back to life and went up to heaven, according to the testimony of his companions, who believe in him. And we see that Theodore, chief of the sages of Athens, with Africanus of Alexandria, Martianus (Martinus) of drourousah (?) and Mark (?) gave up their gods in order to worship Him and call upon Him. They were freed from the business of this vile world, they have neither riches nor goods, and they are powerful in word and work." Ursinus responded to his disciple, "All the people have become his disciples and worship the Galilean of Nazareth. We quote the names of eminent scholars who after seeing him renounced their gods and worshipped Him. As for me, I think that all the peoples and their posterity will become his disciples. You say that his |46 disciples live a good life; what is also good, is that they do not abandon themselves to the evil hidden in the flesh."
In year 12 of Domitian, at Rome Clement became (bishop) and his pontificate lasted 9 years. We have found that the apostle Paul says, "Clement and my helpers."19 He wrote many books and letters, and he wrote a letter to the Corinthians, because of the enmities that had broken out among them, and this letter is received among all the books (of the church).
In that time Domitian Caesar was killed on his carpet in his palace. Nero (Nerva) the Little reigned for a year, in the year 407 of Alexander. He ordered the recall of all those who had been exiled, and John the evangelist returned to Ephesus after sixteen years of exile.
In that time Justus of Tiberias, a Jewish scholar, was illustrious.
Then Nerva died and in year 408 of Alexander Trajan Caesar began to reign, whose reign lasted nineteen years. The first year of his reign, the episcopal seat of Alexandria fell to Cerdon, who occupied it for eleven years. |47 In year 4 of his reign, Rome had Evaristus as bishop, who sat for eight years. At Byzantium, Als.midis (Polycarp?) having been bishop for seventeen years, had at that time for successor Plutarchus, who sat for fifteen years; and then Cedekion for eight years. In the sixth year of the emperor Trajan bishop Mar-Diogenes was established whose episcopate lasted fourteen years. In that year John the evangelist died at Ephesus. He had lived seventy-one years after the ascension of Our Lord Christ, may he be glorified... He wrote the gospel after those of Matthewm Mark abd Luke. When their copies were brought to him and he had them read, he said, "What they have written is good; but they have shortened the account of the acts of our Lord Christ, may he be glorified, before the imprisonment of John, son of Zachariah." This is why, the people having asked him to write a gospel which told the acts which had taken place before the imprisonment of John, he says that this was the first miracle worked by our Lord Christ, may he be glorified, and that John had not yet been placed in prison.
In year 9 of Trajan, Simon, son of Cleophas, bishop of Jerusalem, suffered martyrdom at the age of 120. He fulfilled the functions of bishop |48 for forty-two years; ten years before the destruction of Jerusalem and thirty-two years after the destruction. Then he had Justus as successor for five years; after him Zachaeus for two years; after him Tobias for three years; after him Benjamin for one year; after him John, for three years; after him Matthew, for two years.
In year 10 Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, suffered martyrdom at Rome. He was devoured by the beasts. Then Heron (Eros) occupied the seat of Antioch for 18 years.
In year 12 of Trajan, Alexander was bishop of Rome for 9 years, and at Alexandria, Primus for 12 years.
At this time there lived at Menbidj (Hierapolis) an eminent scholar (Papias), author of several treatises. He composed 5 treatises on the gospel. He records the following in a treatise which he composed on the gospel of John: In the book of John the evangelist there is an issue about a woman who was an adultress. The Jews brought her to our Lord Christ, may he be glorified, and he said to the Jews that had brought her, "Whoever among you is certain of being innocent of the sin of which she is accused, bear witness against her with the |49 proofs that he has!" When he said that to them, no-one among them answered him, and they went away.
In year 15 of his reign, Trajan expelled all the foreigners from Rome, because they were the cause of an increase in prices (of food) for the inhabitants. He also expelled the foreign Christians who were there, and these decided to leave and asked the emperor to allow them to take the bones of Peter and Paul with them, as they too were foreigners in Rome. He allowed them this, and they tried to carry them away. But the earth was rocked by an earthquake, the whole city was shaken, and darkness covered it, until the foreigners were called backed. And (the earth) calmed down.
At that time Menander the magicians made himself known. He was from a city in the land of Samaria, a disciple of Simon the magician. He baptised people and said that those who received baptism at his hands would be greater than the angels. Until that time the church of our Lord Christ, may he be glorified, was free of impure knowledge and the stains, the weeds of the demons and the follies of the heresies.
At that time a certain Saturninus appeared at Antioch and Basilides at Alexandria. |50
Saturninus said, "Seven angels gathered together and created the world; and it is to them that God addressed his word, 'Let us make man with our resemblance and in our image'. It is these which gave the Law." He said, "Marriage is the work of Satan; the demons ensnare the bad men and lead them to evil, and the Saviour came to save the good."
Basilides said, "We must honour and venerate the serpent, because he commanded Eve to sleep with her husband; if he had not existed, the world would no longer exist." He also said that there are 360 heavens, so that every day a new heaven appears, and affirmed many other proposals which he had invented.
But an account of all this will not be given because of its hideous character.
Then another man of the name of Cerinthus appeared, of the city of Corinth. He said that the world is the work of angels, and that the Messiah came from the union of the flesh. The scholar Irenaeus said, "Two years before his death, John the evangelist went into the bath; but on finding Cerinthus the heretic there, he went out without washing himself and said that the building and himself were in danger because of Cerinthus the heretic." 20
In the last year of the reign of Trajan, the Jews of Egypt, Syria, |51 Palestine and Mesopotamia (al-Djezireh) revolted and set up a king named Lucua. Trajan sent soldiers against them, pursued them everywhere and killed several thousands of them.
Then the emperor Trajan died, aged sixty-six.
In year 4 of Hadrian (?), in year 427 of Alexander, Adrian reigned for twenty-one years.
In year 3 of his reign, Xystus occupied the seat of Rome for 10 years; at Alexandria Justus sat for 11 years; at Jerusalem Philip for 4 years; Seneca succeeded him and sat for 2 years; Justus succeeded him for 1 year; then Ephraim sat for 1 year. At Antioch Cornelius sat for 17 years. At Byzantium, Eleutherius sat for 6 years: he had Polycarp as successor whose episcopate lasted 6 years. Then at Rome, Telesphorus sat for 11 years; at Alexandria Eumenius sat for 13 years. At Ephesus, after Timothy, Onesimus sat; after him, Gaius; after him, Philologus; after him, Lucius; after him, Apollonius; after him, Posidus. |52
In year 4 of Adrian, the kingdom of Edessa was abolished and Roman governors administered the country.
Adrian built a house called Bas.lul 21 in the city of Athens. He gathered there many scholars and gave them the laws of Solon and Draco.
At that time, Sophia and her 3 daughters underwent martyrdom.
In year 18 of his reign, Adrian was infected with elephantiasis. He sought throughout his empire for someone who could heal him, but he was unable to find anyone; and he went to Egypt to find such a man there. He took with him his companion Aquila the astrologer, magician, prognosticator, and diviner, a pacific man. Adrian left Antioch, passed into Syria, and arrived at Jerusalem 47 years after its destruction. After examining the location of the city, and how much of it had been destroyed, he saw that nothing was inhabited except a church of the apostles, and he commanded his companion to rebuild the city. When Aquila undertook this, he believed in the miracles that the disciples (of Christ) had worked, wished to embrace the Christian religion, was baptised and was made a Christian. But he |53 did not renounce magic, astrology and superstitious practices. His disciples prohibited him doing this several times, but he did not obey. Then they excommunicated him and separated him from the church. Then anger, fury and shame led him to copy the (sacred) books which Bartholomew and Judas had composed; he wrote carefully some Syriac and Hebrew books and introduced errors into them in order to show the futility of the advent of our Lord Christ, may he be glorified. These books that he wrote are found in the hands of the Jews even today.
In that year the Jews of Jerusalem revolted. A man called Bar-Kuba came among them and led them astray; he claimed to be descended from heaven, like a star, to deliver them. Many among them followed him, and, as for those who did not, he made war on them and put them to death. At this news, Adrian sent soldiers against him; they attacked Jerusalem, destroyed all the Jews and demolished Jerusalem for the last time. Then another city was built there, called Aelia, in honour of the emperor Adrian, and foreigners were established there. Those of the Jews who remained and had not been killed in the battle had their ears cut off; and were forbidden irrevocably to turn their eyes towards the richness of their mother country. |54
The bishop Mark sat at Jerusalem for four years.
Then Adrian fell ill of dropsy and died, aged sixty-five. (After his death) Titus Antoninus, surnamed the Pious (?), reigned for twenty-two years and three months, in the year 448 of Alexander.
In the first year of his reign, bishop Hyginus sat at Rome for four years; after him, Pius for fourteen years.
At Alexandria, Marcianus sat for ten years; after him, Celadion for fourteen years.
At Antioch, Orthus (Orus, Eros) occupied the episcopal seat for sixteen years; after him Theophilus for fifteen years.
At Byzantium Athenodorus sat for thirteen years.
At Jerusalem, after Marcus, sat Cassianus, first of the gentile bishops, for three years; then Publius sat for four years; then he had for successor Maximus who sat for five years; then Julianus, for six years; then Gaius had an episcopate of two years, and his successor Matousous (? Symmachus) sat for four years.
At Rome Anicetus also sat for ten years. |55
At that time, there appeared at Rome a man named Valentinus, and another named Cerdon, who were the teachers of Marcion. Valentinus said that the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, brought a body with him from heaven, and that it was found in Mary the virgin like water in a river-bed, taking nothing from her.
Cerdon said that several divinities gathered together and created the world; and he denied the resurrection.
Then at Rome there appeared a man named Marcus who said that 360 gods existed from all eternity; they all gathered together and created the world, and each of them governed it in turn; power belonged to each of them for one day a year during which he was the sole master of it; among them, some loved good, the others evil. But united they had the ability to do good and evil, and they could choose in this regard. The chief of the gods sent the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, who was a part of his nature, in order to get men to worship him alone and obey him. Learning of this, the gods stirred up mankind against him, and these crucified him. |56
The history of Marcion
Then there appeared a man named Marcion, who was the son of a certain bishop of the land of Pontus. He found there a pious girl who stayed day and night at the church; she was a virgin. Marcion seduced her and corrupted her. When his father learned this, he excommunicated him and expelled him from the church. He went to Rome; but the faithful of that church would not receive him and scorned him. Returning to Asia, he attached to himself a bishop of that land named Aristinus. Marcion went out in public, proselytised, and discoursed on religion. When the bishop died, Marcion was not there. When he arrived, he was given the testament which bishop Aristinus had written, and where he was given (his last wishes). Marcion took it and read it, but, seeing nothing favourable to himself, he left in anger and corrupted all the people that he had captured for his purposes by his teaching.
The Lord Christ, may he be glorified, he said, was not the son of the Creator, as I told you until now; on the contrary, he is a stranger to him. There are 3 divine beings; one the Good, which is on high; the other the Evil, which is below; the third the Just, which is in the middle. The just god |57 formed the matter which was in the depths and called the wicked being, there manifested his acts, and created the sky, the four elements, paradise and the stars of heaven. Then he took from the mud of paradise, fashioned from it [the body] of man, placed a soul of his own substance and nature in him and... like him. Then he created from the dregs of matter Tartarus, the earth and its larger inanimate objects; he created all the animals of the earth and placed in them a created soul. Then he finished by creating Adam; and he married him off; they multiplied and their descendants were numerous. While the earth was being filled with men, he gave them the books of the Torah and all the ancient books which contained his commandments, his prohibitions, his promises and his threats. Then, as the good God watched this, he stirred from his inertia and was jealous of the Just Being, the creator, and was envious of him; and he sent his son, who was of his nature and substance, to be with the creatures of the Just to recall them to the worship of his Father and to redeem them by his blood. He traversed his regions and passed, with the Just being knowing it, until he came down on to the earth where the fundament of matter was found. He saw the corruption of the creatures and their estrangement from religion and he led them to worship his Father. When the Creator learned this, he stirred up his servitors against him, and the Son himself gave to companions of the Creator the power to kill him and redeemed them by his power and his blood; then he returned from death and converted them to the worship of his Father. Embracing the worship of the good God, |58 they reduced the Just being, the Creator, to impotence. The Good God gave them new books which did not agree with those that the Just Creator had given them with his commandments, his prohibitions, his promises and his threats. He took paradise from the Creator; he established there those who were obedient to his order; but those who disobeyed him. He threw them into hell and made them remain there for ever. Of the evangelists he only accepted Luke.
Marcion published this impure teaching and the bishops exhorted him for a long time to return to the truth; but as he persisted in his error, they excommunicated him and expelled him from the church.
All this took place in the time of Titus Antoninus, the first year of his reign, which is the year 449 of Alexander. In year 470 of Alexander Marcus began to reign, with his two sons Antoninus and Lucius, for 19 years.
In year 8 of his reign at Rome bishop Soter sat for 8 years; his successor Eleutherius sat for 30 years.
At Alexandria Agrippinus sat for 12 years; after him, Julianus for 10 years. |59
At Antioch Maximus sat for 18 years.
At Byzantium Protonicus (Pertinax) sat for 10 years; after him Olympianus for 12 years.
At Jerusalem Gaius sat for 3 years; after him another Gaius for 4 years; then Symmachus for 3 years.
In year 12 of the reign of Marcus, Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, was illustrious, who composed several books.
In year 16 of Marcus, there was agitation against the Christians, and they were persecuted extremely; many bishops underwent martyrdom and Justus the philosopher was also crowned with martyrdom at Rome.
At this time appeared a man named Tatian, who was a disciple of Justus, the philosopher of whom we have spoken as being crowned with martyrdom. After leaving his teacher he abandoned orthodoxy and was the author of a great heresy. There exists, he said, several divine beings and several invisible aeons; everything is a mixture of good and evil, because everything lives in pairs (Syzygy). He altered and reversed the order of the tribes (genealogies) which had been fixed; he said that the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, |60 [is of the race of] David 22. He composed a gospel which differed from that... He said that after death, eating... his errors (produced) several difficulties.
Then there appeared [a man] named Montanus who claimed to be the Paraclete. The Lord Christ, may he be glorified, [he said], sent him into the world; some disciples gathered to follow him, and he set himself to teach a doctrine of impiety and error. Then he was excommunicated and expelled; but he made some proselytes and had some followers who remained attached to him until his death.
Then at Rome appeared another heresiarch named Florinus, who was a priest. He was the object of public indignation and was deposed from the priesthood. Then he left the church, full of anger, and attracted some disciples.
He said that there were three divine beings who agreed among themselves: one of them was established on high, the second below him, in the middle, and the third below the latter, at the bottom. Each of the last two honours, respects and considers as superior to himself those above him. The god which is in the middle calls the god who is above him the Father; and the god at the bottom likewise gives the name of |61 Father to him who is above him, so that each of them is like the Son to him that is above him. Together they created the world. (In the beginning) they formed and created a subtle substance; then they created man and placed him in the region located between heaven and earth; they embellished this location with fires and lights, making for him a paradise where they planted different species of pleasant trees, and established him in the newly created world. A certain angel, seeing this, envied the man; without the permission of the gods he came down and established himself with a certain number of his companions. He set himself to oppose the man and wanted to expel him from paradise; and he didn't stop opposing him and fighting him until he was expelled from it; then he possessed himself of Paradise. The man multiplied and his descendants were numerous; but they were unable to return to Paradise. When the gods saw this, they sent to him someone to get him to return to his place, and so that the man and his posterity might reenter Paradise; but (the angel) refused to do it. Then the gods were annoyed with the angel and his companions. Then the bottom god was himself entrusted with it. By a ruse he transformed himself into a man and appeared before Satan who was disobedient and before his companions; he didn't stop fighting against them until he expelled them from Paradise and had restored the first man to his place. Florinus denied the resurrection of the dead. Apart from that, he advanced some impious propositions which he had put forward. |62
At this time at Menbidj (Hierapolis) there lived a wise man, Apollinarius, who was bishop of Menbidj. He battled against the sectaries of this heresy, refuted their opinions and composed several books on this subject.
History of the damned Ibn-Daisan (Bardesanes)
In year 15 of Souhouq son of Narses, king of Persia, which is the year 465 of Alexander, a certain number of the inhabitants of his empire conspired against Souhouq, king of Persia, and wanted to kill him. He was informed of this, and had them arrested. There he found a man named Nouhama with his wife who was called Nahsiram. Learning what the king had ordered in this matter — he lived in the middle of the people — he and his wife left the city of the king and went to Edessa, where they settled. His wife Nahsiram was then pregnant. Then Nouhama was afraid that one of the Persian merchants who came from time to time to Edessa would notice him and have him arrested with his wife.
So he left Edessa and travelled towards the Euphrates, while his wife was |63 already on the point of giving birth. When he had left Edessa and come to the river, just below the town which is called Daisan, on the bank of the river his wife Nahsiram gave birth to a son, to whom they gave the name of Ibn Daisan, from the name of this river where she gave birth. They fled again, he and his wife, into a cave close to the road, where they settled and stayed for 25 days. Then he left that place, crossed the Euphrates and came to Menbidj (Hierapolis), where he settled. He found himself at Menbidj an old pagan priest, who had no children at all. The priest... Nouhama and lived with him; his son became attached to the priest and the latter adopted him. When the child began to walk and was larger, he set himself to learn from the priest the teachings of the pagans and their mysteries, and he so arrived at the age of puberty. Then the priest who was instructing him sent him one day to Edessa so that he could bring back certain objects and certain things that he needed for the cult of the gods whom he worshipped. In walking in the streets of Edessa, he passed a church built by the apostle Addai; he heard the voice of thebishop of Edessa, who was preaching to the people from the sacred books. Ibn Daisan reflected in his heart and decided to learn the mysteries of Christianity. He went into the church, frequented it, and made known to the Christians that which had struck him. Then (the bishop) explained to him the truth of Christianity, baptised him, made him a deacon, and gave him a job at the church. |64
The young man bowed, went out, abandoned his family and his mother and began to make some treatises in which he refuted the false opinions that were current in that place; and he didn't stop doing this until the pagans had had a particular conference with him. So they corrupted him and sowed their weeds into his heart. He took up again the mysteries of paganism that the priest of Menbidj had taught him, adopted the teaching of Anathousois (or Scuthinus?) 23 and became the author of a heresy in which he had no predecessor. There are, he said, seven elements of which three are the principal ones, and the other four are less important. The three principal elements are: Intellect, Force and Spirit; the other four are Fire, Water, Light and Air. These seven elements are associated with one another, and from this union come 360 worlds. Man is likewise created from these seven elements: his soul is formed from the three principal and spiritual (elements); in another book, he admits that the body of man is composed of the four inferior elements. He affirms also the existence of seven and twelve (principles); he says: the brain of man comes from the sun; his bones from Saturn; his veins from Mercury; his blood from Mars; his flesh from Jupiter; his hair from Venus, his skin from the moon. |65
According to this teaching, man consists in these seven things. (Ibn Daisan) says: As the moon increases and then diminishes through thirty days, so the Mother of life removes her clothes each month and goes into the Father of life; he is united to her, and she gives birth to seven children. So, each year, her children number 84. (Ibn Daisan) denied the resurrection of the body. He said that carnal copulation with women is a purification for them and a dimunition of the sin which is in them, and that in this way they may become better.
This happened in the time of Marcus and his two sons, Lucius and Antoninus.
Commodus, son of Antoninus, reigned for thirteen years, in the year 489 of Alexander.
The first year of his reign, at Alexandria the bishop Julianus sat for ten years; his successor was Demetrius who sat for forty-two years.
In the year 10 of Commodus, at Rome sat the bishop Victor for ten years.
At Antioch sat the bishop Serapion for twenty-one years.
At Byzantium sat the bishop Pertinax for eighteen years. |66
At Jerusalem sat the bishop Maximus for four years; after him, Antoninus for three years; after him Valens for four years; after him Dolichianus for four years.
The emperor Commodus died and Pertinax succeeded him and reigned six months, and he was killed in his palace.
In the year 502 of Alexander, Severus reigned for eighteen years.
In the year 9 of his reign, at Rome sat the bishop Narcissus.
In the year 10 of his reign there appeared at Rome two men, one called Artemon and the other Theodotus. They said that Christ was an ordinary created man and that he wasn't God at all; but that the Holy Spirit was of the substance of God and of his naturtem and that he had created the Son from nothing.
In the same year Severus stirred up a great persecution against the Christians and forced them to embrace paganism and to sacrifice to idols.
At this period the philosopher Origen was famous, who was a learned man of Alexandria where he was a professor. He had many disciples among whom |67 were: Gregory Thaumaturgus, Theodore bishop of Tarsus, Heracleas who became bishop of Alexandria and others.
In the year 13 some difficulties arose between the Jews and Samaritans: they went to war and a great number were killed on both sides.
In the year 520 of Alexander Antoninus Q.ntus 24 began to reign (Caracalla); his reign lasted seven years.
In the first year of his reign at Antioch the bishop Asclepiades sat, whose episcopate lasted 12 years.
At Byzantium the bishop Marcus sat for 3 years.
At Ephesus sat Onesimus for 10 years; after him, Lucius; after him, Proclus.
Narcissus occupied the episcopal seat of Jerusalem. He left his seat and retired to the desert. His successor Dius sat for 3 years; after him Germanus for 7 years; after him Gordius for 2 years. Then after 12 years Narcissus reappeared. (The bishops) asked him to return to his see (seat) and take up his ministry again, but he refused because he could not move because of his great age and his very advanced years. So they established Alexander in his place. |68
Macrinus reigned for one year.
At this period at Rome sat the bishop Calixtus for 5 years.
In the year 528 of Alexander Antoninus (Heliogabalus) began to reign; he reigned four years.
In the first year of his reign the city of Nicopolis was constructed in the land of Palestine, which the Holy Scripture calls Emmaus.
In the year 532 of Alexander, Alexander son of Mamma began to reign; his reign lasted 13 years.
In the first year of his reign, bishop Urbanus occupied the seat of Rome for 8 years; after him Pontianus for 6 years.
In the year 8 of his reign, at Alexandria after Demtrius sat Heracles for 16 years.
At Antioch sat Philetus for 9 years; his successor Zebina (Zebennus) sat for 12 years.
At Byzantium Cyrillianus sat for 15 years. |69
In the year 9 of the reign of Alexander Severus, Ardashir, son of Babek, the first king of Persia of the line of the Sassanids, came to the position of king and reigned for 14 years; this year was the 541st of Alexander.
Then reigned Maximianus (Maximinus) for 3 years. The inhabitants of his empire (the soldiers) attacked and killed him. He stirred up a persecution against the Christians and killed Sergius and Bacchus, the martyrs, and many other martyrs.
In the year 548 of Alexander Gordianus came to empire and reigned for 6 years.
In the first year of his reign, at Rome there sat the bishop Anterus for a month; after him, Fabius (Fabianus) for 14 years.
At Byzantium sat Constantine (Castinus, Kistinus) for 6 years.
At this period appeared at Caesarea of Pontus (Neocaesarea) Gregory Thaumaturgus.
At Antioch sat the bishop Babylas. He opposed the governor of Antioch in his time, and forbade him to enter the churches and mock them. So the governor killed him with three young folk, his disciples. |70
At this period Africanus was famous, author of chronicles who composed many books on the eras and the dates of kings and others.
At that time Africanus was illustrious, author of the chronicles, who composed several books on the times and the lives of the kings and others.
In the year 554 of Alexander, Philip became emperor and reigned for seven years; he professed the doctrines of Christianity. When he wanted to go into the church, the bishop forbade him and said to him: "You cannot go in there, so long as you will persist in your sins; you are a sinner; you must confess your sins to God for a definite and given time; then you will go into (the church) with the believers." And (the emperor) remained outside with the penitents.
In the first year of his reign, there reigned over the Persians Sabour, son of Ardashir, for thirty one years
In year 3 of his reign, there sat in Alexandria the bishop Dionysius for eighteen years; he was one of the disciples of Origen.
In this year, a sect of heretics appeared which said: "He who apostasises with his mouth, refuses to recognize God and hides his faith in his heart, is not an infidel, because his faith is in the thoughts of his heart and his desire; it is the same for incredulity." They put about on this subject a book where they tell that he who reads it and listens to it, receives the forgiveness of his sins. They did not accept any of the prophets and apostles. |71
At this time, the convents and the communities of monks were founded; they were established by Antonius, an Egyptian monk, and Paul the monk, the first of whom instituted the use of woollen clothing (the cilice) and the solitary life in the desert.
In the year 561 of Alexander, Decius became emperor and reigned for one year and three months. He conspired against the life of the emperor Philip, and he killed him because of his inclination for Christianity. Decius was an enemy of the Christians and he persecuted them cruelly; many of them suffered martyrdom, and Fabianus, bishop of Rome, was put at death; his successor Cornelius, in Rome, had a pontificate of three years.
In Antioch, after Babylas, Flavianus (Fabius) sat for four years.
Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, was also put to death; Mazabanus succeeded him and sat for fifteen years
At that time, there appeared in Rome a priest called Novatus the heretic. He said that there is no forgiveness for those who sin after baptism, because those who are baptized must resemble Christ, may he be glorified, and be pure like him. He was excommunicated and driven out. Dionysius, bishop |72 of Alexandria, wrote letters to him, where he informed him and requested him to give up his personal opinion and to return to the catholic doctrines; otherwise he would be in revolt and would leave the Church. But he did not accept his remonstrances. Then sixty bishops met in council to deal with him and they excommunicated him.
At the time of Decius, the story of the young men happened, i.e. the sleepers of the cave. Here is what happened to them: Decius made a search for them, and they fled and hid in a cave. Having learned this, he ordered the entrance of the cave to be stopped up. It was done. But God sent a sleep on them which lasted until the day of their awakening.
In the year 562 of Alexander, Gallus and Valusius (Valusianus) reigned for two years. In the first year of their reign, Origen the philosopher died.
In this year, in Rome, the bishop Lucius sat for eight years; after him, Stephanus for two years.
In Antioch, Demetrianus sat for two years.
In Byzantium, Titus the bishop sat for thirty years.
At that time, in Egypt, a man named Sabellius appeared. He said |73 that the Father and the Son, may he be praised, are the names of only one essence and of several qualities with which it is provided; Our lord Christ, may he be glorified, appeared in the Old Testament with the attributes of the Father; then he took (?) a body in which he appeared in the world; he instituted the New Testament, where he was given as the Son, and he spoke to the Apostles as the Holy Spirit; but nevertheless, he is only one essence, only one person, only one God, who appeared under three aspects. Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, refuted him. The fathers excommunicated him and drove him out.
In the year 564 of Alexander, Valerian with Gallienus, his son, became emperor and reigned for fifteen years. He acted against the Christians and excited a great persecution against them; and holy Cyprian underwent martyrdom.
In the year 9 of his reign, Sabour, son of Ardashir, son of Babek, king of Persia, made war against Valerian. Sabour fought him, put him to flight, took him captive and took him back to Babylon. His son succeeded him as emperor. When Gallienus saw what had happened to Valerian, he put an end to the persecution against the Christians, had confidence in them and asked them to help him in matters of government.
At that time, in Rome, Xystus (Sixtus) the bishop sat, who governed for four years; (after him), Dionysius, disciple of Xystus, for nine years. |74
In Antioch, sat Paul of Samosata for fifteen years.
In Jerusalem, Hymenaeus sat for twenty-four years.
Paul of Samosata said that God, alone and solitary, did not generate and was not born; one speaks about the Father and the Son only as a parable; Christ, may he be glorified, did not exist before Mary; he was an ordinary man, and not God. Several bishops met in council about him and excommunicated him.
In the year 2 of Gallienus, Gar...ous was converted.
In this year, in Alexandria, Maximus sat for eight years. At the same time, the heretic Nepos the wicked made himself known, and this Nepos taught...
In the year 579 of Alexander, Claudius came to the empire and reigned for one year and nine months.
In the first year (of his reign), in the sky four stars appeared which formed a crown of fire.
In the year 580 of Alexander, Aurelian became emperor and had a reign of six years.
At that time, Paul of Samosata was excommunicated. A synod had been convened against him previously. He had made a show of repentance and of |75 conversion (to God). But when the synod had broken up, he returned to his first opinion. Then in this year, (the bishops) met (again) against him and excommunicated him; but he refused to leave the Church and had recourse to the emperor. The Christians also sought the help of the emperor Aurelian, who ordered him driven out of the Church. He was expelled in spite of himself and he remained in exile until his death.
The history of Mani (Manes) the damned.
The father of Mani was a man of Susa, named Foutbaq, from Al-Ahwaz; his wife was called Yousit; she gave him a son whom he called Qourbiqous. When he had grown and reached seven years of age, he was |76 taken into captivity and was led into Egypt. A woman of Africa, named Susannah, bought him. Her husband was called Sakousi. The doctors of Egypt attended him, and he shared the ideas of Pythagoras and of Empedocles and he had a disciple named B.rdourous, who was previously called Terbintos. Sakousi the woman's husband having died, his disciple, of whom we spoke and whose name was Bardourous, married her. He took along the woman and the young man whom she had bought, and, after having travelled, he arrived at Babylon. He said to the Persians that he had been born from a virgin and that he had been raised up in the mountains.
He composed four books; he called one the "Book of the Mysteries", another the "Gospel", the third the "Book of the Treasury," and the fourth the "Book of the chapters". He did not cease misleading people by his magic, insolence and perfidiousness, until he had amassed much money and had died in a miserable way. Susannah, his wife, after burying him, dealt with the young man; she was given to him; and she gave him the money of her husband, |77 about which I spoke above, and the books which her second husband had made; and she was united to him, i.e. to the young man Qourbiqous, who was her third husband. The young man informed himself from these books and applied himself for a long time to the study of the letters. Then the woman died and left the money and the books to the young man. He carried off the money and the books and arrived at Susa, his city and the place of his birth. He gave himself the name Mani and claimed to be the author of these books.
As he professed Christianity, the bishop of al-Ahwaz made him a priest; he taught at the church and explained the Scriptures and started to talk against the pagans, the Jews, the Magi and all the followers of the heretical doctrines in contradiction with Christianity. He chose disciples, of which one was called Addai, another Thomas, the third Hermeas (M.radi). He sent his disciple Addai to Yemen to invite people to embrace his doctrines; and he sent Thomas to India. Hermeas remained near him in Susa. The two disciples returned and let him know that (the people) had not complied with their word and had not received them. He was extremely irritated at this, abandoned the doctrines of the Christians which he had seemingly professed, and became the author of an absurd heresy.
He represented himself as the Paraclete whom the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, promised to send to his disciples. He gathered twelve disciples; and he blew on them, |78 as the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, did to his disciples. They separated, he and they, to lead the world astray.
He said: "I did not speak seriously when I said that the one God subsists in three person." Here in addition is what he wrote and did not cease inculcating: There were always two Beings of which one is God, source of Good and source of the Light and Kindness; the other is Matter, the substance of Evil and source of Ignorance, Darkness and Corruption. God is sublime and without limit; as for the two substances of the middle, they are limited, palpable and corporeal. One fine day, the Evil substance, having been disturbed, stirred up its children against each other; its children are the devils, demons, fire and water. They did not cease to make war against each other until they came to the place of the Good, and they stole its Light. They came then and said: "Let us attack it; if it is something edible, we will eat it; and if Good is a drink, we will drink it." And they resolved to attack it. When God, who is the principle of Good, had seen this, he took a piece of himself and threw it to them. The Evil Being absorbed this piece of God, whodrank him, was involved in him and was merged with him. And from this mixture the world was created. The most high God placed his two beloveds 25 at the end (of the reign) of the principle of the Evil. |79 And God recover this piece, which passed to the Evil principle, and will join it little by little to his substance; and he will be secure against the principle of the Evil so much so that the latter will not be able to fight against him a second time.
He denied the resurrection of the dead and he said that the Lord Christ is by essence and by nature, the Son of God; God sent him to the pieces which had passed from his substance to the principle of the Evil, to announce to them that they would be delivered from the Evil Being and that they would return to him with those who were on the side of Evil and did not know it. (Mani said:) All the substance of Christ is only a phantom. He said that he had not been really crucified and had not died; but that his crucifixion and death were only an appearance, because the Evil Being stirred up against him its demons, which killed him and crucified him seemingly; but actually that did not take place. He was saved and reunited with the divine whole. He said that souls are transmitted. He said that he was the Apostle of Christ, that he is of the pure essence of God and that the body in which he appeared, is only a phantom.
Sabour, son of Ardashir, king of the Persians, had him killed, skinned his body, impaled him and thus crucified him.
In the year 6 of Aurelian, Hormizd reigned in Persia for one year.
In this same year, was born the emperor Constantine. |80
(At that time) Eusebius, bishop of Laodicea, was known among the learned.
Then Aurelian wanted to stir up in all his empire a persecution against the Christians; but while he was thinking of it, lightning fell..., and struck him.
Tacitus reigned for six months and was killed.
Florianus reigned for six years and was killed in Tarsus.
Probus reigned for seven years, in the year 586 of Alexander. In the first year of his reign, Varahran, son of Varahran, reigned in Persia and occupied the throne for three years; he had as a successor his son Varahran who reigned for seventeen years.
In the year 4 of his reign, sat in Rome, after Felix who had governed for six years, Eutychianus for one year; Gaius succeeded him and had a fifteen year pontificate.
In Alexandria, Theonas sat for nineteen years.
In Antioch, Timaeus sat for fifteen years.
In Byzantium, Domitius (Domitianus) sat for twenty-three years. |81
In Jerusalem, Hermanus sat.
Then the emperor Probus was killed in a war.
After him, Carus, with his sons Carinus and Numerian, reigned for three years, in year 593 of Alexander; they were killed, all three, in a war.
In the year 2 of his reign, the martyrs Cosmas and Damianus were put to death.
Diocletian reigned for twenty years, in the year 596 of Alexander; the era of Diocletian starts from that year.
In the first year of his reign, the bishop Marcellinus occupied the see of Rome for fifteen years; after him, Eusebius for five years.
In Antioch, Cyrillus sat for eleven years; his successor (in Rome) Marthis (Maltiades) had a five year pontificate
In Alexandria, Peter sat for eleven years
After him (in Antioch), Tyrannus sat for ten years
In Byzantium, Probus sat.
Peter (of Alexandria) was succeeded by Archelaus (Achillas), according to what is in the diptych; it was a pontificate of eleven years. |82
In Jerusalem, after Hermanus who governed for twenty-four years, sat (Vitalius (?)) for eight years, and his successor Heraclius for nine years.
At that time there were four co-emperors: Diocletian; Maximianus, son-in-law of Diocletian; Maxentius, son of Diocletian (Maximianus), and Constantine. Diocletian and Maximianus governed the East, i.e. Armenia, Egypt, Syria and Mesopotamia as far as Palestine; and their administration was separate. As for Maxentius, son of Diocletian (Maximianus), he only reigned in Rome and over the neighbouring countries and the regions. Constantine reigned over Constantinople, which is Byzantium.
At that time, the inhabitants of Egypt and Alexandria revolted; and Diocletian sent against them many troops of soldiers who destroyed them.
In the year 11 of Diocletian, there reigned in Persia Narses for seven years; after him, Hormizd reigned for five years.
In the year 19 of his reign, Diocletian ordered the churches of the Christians to be destroyed, and they were ruined, totally, from floor to roof; and he started to persecute the Christians violently; that lasted for eight years, and a great number of them were put to death. |83
In this same year, Peter, bishop of Alexandria, suffered martyrdom. He was the first to uncover the heresy of Arius, and he anathematised him, because Arius disturbed his time and claimed that the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, is only a man and is not God. Peter died, without lifting (the anathema). After Peter had been put to death, Archelaus (Achillas) succeeded to him for one year; after him, the patriarch Alexander occupied the seat for twenty-three years.
There was, that year, a terrible famine, so much so that a modius of wheat was sold for 2500 dirhams.
Then Diocletian abdicated power, withdrew to his house and remained insane all the time until the moment of his death. His son-in-law Maximianus did the same. They had as successors one Severus and the other Maximianus, who persecuted the Christians and killed a great number of them.
After a reign of one year, Severus was killed.
Constantine the Great reigned for thirty-three years, in the year 627 of Alexander. He was the first of the sovereigns of the Romans and the Greeks who accepted baptism and converted to Christianity.
In the year 3 of his reign, he ordered the walls of Byzantium to be built, called it Constantinople and made it the capital. |84
(At that time), the bishop Mitrophanus occupied the see for thirteen years; after him, Alexander for twenty-three years.
In Antioch, Vitalius sat for six years; after him, Philogonius for five years; after him, Eustathius for eight years; after him, Paulinus for one year; after him, Eulalius for six years.
In Jerusalem, Macarius sat for twenty-four years; after him, Maximus for fifteen years
At that time, Father Pachomius, a monk of Egypt, started to found the communities and convents in Egypt.
In the year 5 of Constantine, Sabour, son of Hormizd, reigned in Persia for seventy years.
In the year 7 of his reign, Maximianus was killed.
In this same year, Constantine prepared to make war against Maxentius, son of Maximianus, son-in-law of Diocletian, because he had revolted (against him), had seized Rome and the neighbouring countries and had started to maltreat and persecute the inhabitants. Constantine reflected and thought that, if God helped him in this combat, he would worship him. While he was thinking about this, he raised his eyes to heaven in the middle of the day and saw there the image of a luminous cross on which was written: "In this sign and this image you will conquer." All those who were with him were also witnesses of this extraordinary |85 vision. The following night, he saw the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, who said to him: "Go to a goldsmith and say to him to make you (an image) of gold in the resemblance of that which you saw in the sky; and with this sign you will conquer and overcome your enemy and you will triumph over all those who are opposed to you." When morning came, (he did what the vision prescribed). It is because of this wonder that the emperors of the Romans were from now on preceded by the cross in their armies and their wars.
Then Constantine marched against Rome. Maxentius, son of Maximianus, went out to meet him; but he was put to flight, fell into the river and drowned... Rome for twelve years. On this day the emperor Constantine captured Rome and entered there. The Christians who were there, were fleeing in fear of him. Bishop Eusebius (Silvester) had also fled.
Constantine had married a daughter of Diocletian, who was called Maximi.
Constantine being leprous in his body, certain pagans came near him and said to him: "If you want, O emperor, to be purified of your leprosy, kill the children who are in this city and wash yourself in their blood." He ordered that the children should be taken to kill them. Then great clamours were heard in the city and its surroundings. When he had heard this, he had pity on them and ordered them let go and returned them to their parents. During the night |86 he saw in a dream two men who said to him: "If you want to be purified of your leprosy, send to seek out the bishop of Rome, Silvester, who, to hide from you, is in flight in the mountains, and make him come here; it is he who will cure your leprosy." In the morning he sent to seek out the bishop; he was found and brought back. When he came to the emperor, the latter said to him: "Explain to me, O man of God, who are the two pious men whom I saw this night in a dream." The bishop said to him: "O emperor! Those whom you saw, are not gods, but men like you: it is Peter and Paul, disciples of the Lord Christ, may he be glorified." And the bishop sent to seek out their image from the church. Seeing them, the emperor said: "In truth, these are those that I saw in dream." Then the bishop preached to the emperor and explained the principles of Christianity to him. The emperor believed and accepted baptism. At the moment of his baptism his leprosy disappeared and fell like scales from a fish.
Having received baptism, he ordered that the churches of the Christians destroyed throughout the country should be rebuilt; and they were restored. He established for them good and useful laws. At that time, approximately 12,000 pagans and Jews accepted baptism, without counting women and children. They praised the Great God and prayed for the emperor and the bishop. |87
That took place in the year 11 of Constantine, which was the year 628 of Alexander.
When the Jews who did not accept baptism saw this, envy misled them, and they said that it was not Christ who had cured the emperor of his leprosy, but the God alone whom the Jews worshipped. Having heard this, the emperor was disturbed by it, because of his desire to know the truth; he gathered twelve heads of the Jews and twelve bishops and ordered to them to discuss in front of him; and he did not cease listening to them greedily and acting as referee between them until they had finished their discussion. He made them go home and stuck to Christianity.
Then his mother Helena converted to Christianity, accepted baptism and went to Jerusalem on pilgrimage to beseech the protection of the Lord Christ, may he be glorified. She built churches of Great God in Jerusalem and in all the country. That was done with the assistance of Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem. She took the nails with which the hands and the feet of the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, had been nailed, carried them to her son Constantine, who made some into a bit for his horse. He also took half of the cross, according to what certain people claim, and brought it to Constantinople. The other half remained in Apamea. She covered with gold the half that she had brought, and placed it at Constantinople in a church. There are some |88 people who believe that she did not leave anything of it at Apamea and that she brought the complete cross to Constantinople.
The history of the damned Arius.
In the time of the emperor Constantine, there was in Alexandria a man named Arius. Peter, bishop of Alexandria, ordained him deacon; but having learned that Arius moved away from the truth, he excommunicated him. Then Peter was put to death and had as a successor Archelaous (Achillas) as bishop. Arius interceded with the latter and had recourse to the intervention of people close to him. Then Achillas lifted the excommunication that Peter the martyr, had pronounced against him, and made him a priest. But after a little time, he showed his hypocrisy and expressed what had been hidden in his heart. Arius envied Alexander because of his knowledge, his high culture and his influence. Alexander ordered in another message: Alexander was mistaken, because Achillas, who was after Peter... Achillas the year... (Alexander allowed?) Arius one day to preach at the time of a festival. When he had gone up into the pulpit, he began his sermon by quoting the passage where Solomon, son of David, says in his Book: "The Lord created me |89 before his creatures." One of those present asked him to interpret this passage. Arius answered him: "I understand only (by this passage) that the Lord Christ, the Son, was created before all the creatures." Then, one day, Arius went up into the pulpit and preached for the second time; he treated in his sermon the same idea and asserted that the Son is created. After that day he was forbidden by the priests to preach in the pulpits of Alexandria. The people wanted to know his opinion, so he taught them his doctrines and taught that the Lord Christ, may he be glorified, according to his opinion, is a created man, that the Son has a beginning and that he created the Holy Spirit. When Alexander had been informed about his doctrines, he assembled nearly one hundred bishops of Egypt, who anathematised him and all those who shared his ideas. Then bishop Alexander bishop informed the Patriarch of Constantinople about this. Arius also wrote to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomédie, requesting his help, and he let him know that several bishops shared his doctrines; among them: Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine; Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea; Paulinus, bishop of Tyre; A.m.s, bishop of Menbidj (Hierapolis); Athanasius, bishop of Anazarbe, and others. Then Arius went to Rome, was presented to the emperor |90 Constantine and complained to him about the way in which Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, had treated him and his followers; and he explained to him why his doctrines were the truth.
Then the emperor Constantine wrote to Alexander, requesting him to lift the anathema on Arius. But Alexander refused to do it. Then the emperor, wanting to know the truth, to inform himself and to understand, sent to all the bishops the following letter:
"On behalf of the emperor Constantine to the bishops and monks who receive our present message, greeting! You know already what I expressed in an absolute way, that I have nothing more at heart and that there is nothing better in my eyes than the fear of God and the veneration which is due to him, with that brings us closer to God. The first synod had already gathered in Ancyra, town of Galatia. Now we have judged it good to convene another synod in the town of Nicaea for several reasons: the first is the convenient situation (of this city) for the bishops of Antioch and other cities; the second, the stability and softness of the climate; the third, that I will be in the vicinity of the Synod and that I will attend the meetings which will take place there. This is why I let you know, my brothers, and I order you to prepare yourselves and to arrange to travel to |91 the said town of Nicaea; — so that each one of you reflects on my order and regards it as his duty; arrange to arrive quickly, without sloth or negligence. Let each one of you attend the council of Nicaea as we have said. May God keep you and his grace be fulfilled in you. Greeting!"
The meeting of the council required a long time. Constantine charged those around him to organise the council and the bishops and the metropolitans who arrived successively at Nicaea, so that each got the residence which was appropriate for his rank and dignity until all the bishops of all the cities were brought together. And (those close to the emperor) carried this out.
When the council was assembled, they wrote to the emperor to notify their meeting to him. The emperor entered, placed himself in the middle of the company and assisted at the actions from beginning to end. Their first session took place on the 9 of Haziran (June) in the year 636 of Alexander, which is the year 19 of Constantine.
Here are the names of the most famous prelates at this council:
Viton and Vicentius, two priests, representatives of the pope of Rome. |92 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria. Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem. Germanus, bishop of Samaria (Schamrin, Neapolis). Eusebius, bishop of Damascus. Anatolius, bishop of Hims (Emesa). Eustathius, bishop of Antioch. Zinabius, bishop of Seleucia. James, bishop of Nisibis and with him holy Ephraim the doctor. Theodore, bishop of Tarsus, and others. They anathematised Arius and formulated the symbol (of Nicaea) received by all (the members). They said:
"We believe in one God only, the Father, the almighty, maker of heaven and earth, (of all things) visible and invisible; and in one Lord only, Jesus Christ, the Son of God, alone, begotten of the Father before time, light of light, true God of true God; begotten, not created, consubstantial with the Father, by whom all things were made; who for us men, and for our salvation came down from heaven, became incarnate by the Holy Spirit of the virgin Mary, was made man, was crucified for us in the time of Pontius Pilate, suffered, died, was buried, rose again on the third day, as is written, went up to heaven, sat on the right of the Father; and he will return in glory to judge the living and the dead; and his reign will have no end. And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father. |93
"As for those who say: He was and he died; he did not exist before being begotten; he was made of nothing or another substance or essence or another οὐσία; he is changeable or mutable; or that who represents the Son of God by one of these qualities, — that one is anathematised, excommunicated and wicked."
They also settled several questions about the Easter calculation, which was changed, and they wrote 20 canons. Some of these bishops had met before in Ancyra of Galatia, had written 24 canons, then they had gone to Nicaea. Then they met in Caesarea, after their meeting at Ancyra and before that of Nicaea, and also wrote 20 canons. Then 90 bishops gathered in Antioch and wrote 25 canons. Then (bishops) met (in Gangres) and wrote 20 canons. Then they gathered in Laodicea and wrote 19 canons.
All these events took place in the time of the emperor Constantine and of his house.
When Arius was anathematised at the council of the 318 bishops, who wrote his excommunication, there were there a certain number of bishops and other personnages who shared the doctrines of Arius and who refused to sign the excommunication of Arius. As the council inspired them |94 with fear, some of them repented and returned (to God); as for those who did not return, they were excommunicated, anathematised and banished. Among those who were anathematised and banished, were Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia; Theognis, bishop of Nicaea; Mari, bishop of Chalcedon, and Secundus, bishop of Akka (Ptolemaïs).
Then some of the bishops rose and presented to the emperor a letter wherein there were recriminations against other bishops. When the emperor had read it, he ordered that it should be burned and said: "If I find a certain priest suspected and afflicted, I will cover him with my clothing."
Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, was charged to formulate what had been halted by these synods.
The emperor sent a letter to all the provinces wherein he said that all the questions of this synod were finished and completed with the assistance of the Holy Spirit, his inspiration and his power, and that the question of the Easter Festival was appropriately settled. He ordered all the bishops to be zealous in the construction of churches; he ordered Eusebius to write to him the titles of the books that were read, and he ordered the books of Arius burned. He also sent another letter to all his governors in which he said: "On behalf of the emperor Constantine to the bishops, the metropolitans, the priests, |95 the governors and all the people who will receive our letter, greeting! Arius the liar resembles the devil, wicked and malicious, and he has separated himself from the faith; this is why he contradicted the people and became the author of a heresy without precedent. Thus misfortune has seized him and the testing happened to him. It is necessary to burn his books, so that there remains no memory of him and nothing of his words; and I order those who have something of his, to burn and destroy it all; if not, they will be tainted with the misfortune which happened to Arius; and none of them will find for his soul the way of salvation, God willing!"
Then, after these matters, the emperor made war with certain enemies who surrounded him, overcame them and made captive a great number of them.
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, died 5 months after the meeting of the council of Nicaea; and he had as successor Athanasius, who sat for 46 years
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, Théognis and those who shared their doctrines did not give up their opinions, their revolt and their error and they persisted in their impiety; they went, convened a council at Antioch and drove out Eustathius, bishop of Antioch; they stripped him of everything and defamed him. They hid at his house a woman who was pregnant by a certain blacksmith; and she started to shout and say: "I am pregnant by a man who is called Eustathius." They deposed Eustathius and wanted |96 to establish in his place Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea; but the latter did not accept it from them. Then the people were divided into parties; discord reigned and the see of Antioch remained vacant for eight years.
Then, after that, sat the bishop Eulalius for one year; Euphronius succeeded to him and sat for six years.
When the inhabitants of Antioch had driven out Eustathius, they acclaimed Arius and declared in his favour. At the court of the emperor there was a follower of Arius, like a secret agent; he was attached to their doctrines, helped them and protected them. He requested the emperor to write to Arius and to enable him to come to him. The emperor acceded to this and ordered Arius to come to him. When he received the letter, he went to the emperor with a deacon, who had been anathematised with him. The emperor ordered them to explain their faith in a report and to present it to him. When he had examined it, he found there nothing which deviated from the truth.
The emperor wrote to Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and asked him to receive them and to restore them in their rank. But Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, refused to receive them. On this the followers of Arius gathered and, in their deliberations, they resolved to calumniate Athanasius to the emperor and to bring the most serious charges against him. And they acted accordingly. |97
But at the court of the emperor, there was one of the disciples of Athanasius, who apprised the emperor of the trickery of Arius and his followers, their jealousy for Athanasius, the falseness of their calumnies and their charges. Then the emperor ordered that Arius and his followers should be separated and he wrote to Athanasius to come and find him. When he arrived, the emperor questioned him on several points that Arius and his followers had taught, and he explained all that to him. Then the emperor restored him to his place with great honor.
These events took place in the year 30 of Constantine. And we have judged it good to give here the order of the kings who reigned from Adam to this time, according to what the authors of annals report, who wrote and laid out clearly the times and the years. We will join together (information) on the kings of various peoples and various nations as far as we are able, to show what difference exists between them about the increase and of the reduction in the years (of the reign of such or such king), if God the Almighty allows it.
Africanus says in the book that he composed on the times:
Adam governed the world from the beginning for 930 years. Seth, his son, governed the world for 128 years. After him, Alak.r.dis.(Alasparus) |98 for 920 years and 7 months; after him, Amelun for 128 years and 3 months; Alorus king of Medes (?) for 98 years, 9 months and 20 days; after him, Amenon for 168 years and 7 months and half; after him, Metalarus for 157 years and 6 months; after him, Daonus for 98 years and 7 months and half; Evedorachus for 117 years and 6 months and half; Amphis for 98 years and 7 months and half; after him, Otiartes for 28 years and 7 months and half; after him, Xisuthrus for 157 years and 6 months and half. The total number of years from Adam to the flood is 2,242 years In the detailed calculation he misses out 3 months and 10 days.
That agrees with the true Torah, according to the translation of the Seventy which was translated under Ptolemy, king of Egypt, in an irreproachable manner.
After the flood: Noah governed the world for 310 years; Sem, his son, for 130 years; Arphaxad, Khamite, for 33 ans;... hraus |99 (Evechius) for 21 years; Akoumasthous (Chosmasbolus) for 35 years; Kourous (Porus) for 30 years; Nachoubous (Nachoubes) for 33 years; Nabius for 40 years; Osanous (Oniballus) for 35 years; Findirous (Zinzirus) for 41 years; Mardocentes for (44) years; Mardafbus (Mardacus) for 40 years; M.r.d (Sisimordacus), his son, for 45 years; thius (Nabius) for 37 years; Parannus for 40 years; Samouanbous (Nabonnabus) for 28 years; Belus the Assyrian for 15 years; Nabius for 52 years; Semiramis for 42 years; Ninyas, called Zames, for 38 years; Arius for 30 years; Aralius for 40 years; Xerxes for 30 years; Armamithris for 30 years; Malaeus (Balaeus) for 52 years; Athadaus (Sehos) for 32 years; Mamythus for 30 years; Machalaous (Aschalius) for 28 years; Sphaerus for 22 years; Mamylus for 32 years; Asthatharas (Sparthaeus) for 28 years; Amyntes for 45 years; Ochsous (Belochus) for 25 years; Balatoris for 30 years; Lamprides for 32 years; Sosares for 20 years; Saqadataous (Ascadates) |100 for 40 years; Saphranous (Saqranous) for 40 years;.faris (Lampraïs) for 30 years; Phanyas (Panyas) for 45 years; Sousarmous (Sosarmus) for 22 years; Snaraous (Mithraeus) for 27 years; Toutoumaous (Teutamus) for 32 years; Teutaeus for 40 years; Arabilus for 42 years; Kalaous (Chalaus) for 45 years; Anabus for 38 years; Babius for 37 years; Thinaeus for 30 years; Darqoulous (Dercylus) for 40 years; Eupacmis for 38 years; Laosthanis (Laosthenes) for 45 years; Pertiades for 30 years; Arphiathous (Ophrataeus) for 21 years; Ephouthais (Ephecheres) for 50 years; Acraganis for 42 years; Kounthoulaous (Concolerus) for 20 years; 2 Arbacus for 28 years; Mandaous (Mandauces) for 20 years; Sousarmous for 30 years; A.tha.s (Artycas) for 30 years; Deioces for 54 years; Aphraartis for 24 years; Cyaxares for 32 years; Astyages for 28 years; Cyrus Perse for 32 years; Cambyses for 8 years; Darius for 36 years; Xerxes for 21 years; Artaxerxes for 41 years; Darius II for 19 years; Artaxerxes |101 for 46 years; Ochus for 21 years; Arses for two years; Darius III for 6 years; Alexander the Great for 6 years; Ptolemy, son of Lagos, for 39 years; Ptolemy called Philadelphus for 38 years; Ptolemy Evergetes for 25 years; Ptolemy Philopator for 29 years; Ptolemy (Epiphanes) for 24 years; Ptolemy Philometor for 35 years; Ptolemy (Evergetes II) Physcon for 16 years; (Ptolemy) Auletes for 9 years; Ptolemy Alexander for 3 years; Ptolemy Philadelphus II for 8 years; Ptolemy Dionysius for 29 years; Cleopatra for 22 years; Augustus the Romain for 43 years; Tiberius for 22 years; Gaius (Caligula) for 4 years; Claudius for 14 years; Nero for 14 years; Vespasian for 10 years; Titus for 3 years; Domitian for 15 years; Nerva for one year; Trajan for 20 years; Hadrian for 21 years; Titus Antoninus for 23 years; Marcus for 19 years; Commodus for 13 years; Severus for 18 years; Antoninus (Caracalla) for 7 years; Antoninus II (Heliogabalus) for 4 years; Alexander for 13 years; Maximianus (Maximinus) for 3 years; Gordianus for 6 years; Philippus for 6 years; Decius for 2 years; Gallienus for 3 years; Valerian, son of..., for 14 years; Claudius for 2 years; Aurelian for |102 6 years; Probus for 9 years; Carus for 2 years; Diocletian for 19 years; Constantine for 20 years: That made 5,816 years.
Chrysostom says in his treatise that he wrote for Acacius, bishop of Melitene: "You have asked me to explain to you the chronology of the kings who reigned from Adam to Constantine the Great, the pious emperor; and I will explain it to you.
"Adam, at the birth of Seth, was 230 years old; Seth, at the birth of Enos, was 205 years old; Enos, at the birth of Kaïnan, 290 years; Kaïnan, at the birth of Mahalalaïl, was 170 years old; Mahalalaïl lived, before the birth of Jared, 165 years; Jared, before the birth of Hénokh, 122 years; Hénokh, before the birth of Mathusaleh, 165 years; Mathusaleh, before the birth of Lamec, 107 years; Lamec, before the birth of Noah, 88 years; Noah, before |103 the birth of Sem, 105 years; Sem, before the birth of Arphaxad, 102 years; Arphaxad, before the birth of Sçaleh, 135 years; Sçaleh, before the birth of Haber, 130 years; Haber, before the birth of Phaleg, 134 years; Phaleg, before the birth of Ar`û (Rahu), 130 years; Ar`û, before the birth of Sarûg, 132 years; Sarûg, before the birth of Nachor, 130 years; Nachor, before the birth of Tarih, 79 years; Tarih, before the birth of Abraham, 70 years; Abraham, before the birth of Isaac, 100 years; Isaac, before the birth of Jacob, 60 years; Jacob, before the birth of Lévi, 86 years; Lévi, before the birth of Kahath, 46 years; Kahath, before the birth of Amran, 60 years; Amran, before the birth of Moïse the prophet, 73 years. The prophet Moses governed the Israelites in the desert, for 40 years.
"Joshua son of Nun governed the people for 27 years. Othoniel and Eglon the Moabite, for 40 years. The Moabites and Ahod, for 80 years. The Cananites, Debora and Baraq, for 40 years. The Madianites and Gideon, for 40 years. Thola, for 23 years. Abimelek, for 3 years. Jaïr, for 22 years. Jephthah (Jephte) and the Ammonites, for 6 years. Hesbon, for 7 years. Abdon, for 8 years. The Philistines and Samson, for 20 years. Heli, |104 the high priest, for 40 years. Samuel and Saul, for 40 years. David the prophet, for 40 years. Solomon, for 40 years. Roboam, son of Solomon, for 17 years. Abia, for 3 years. Asa, for 41 years. Josaphat, for 25 years. Joram, for 8 years. Ochozia, for one year. Athalia, for 7 years. Joas, for 40 years. Amasia, for 29 years. Azaria, called Ozia, for 52 years. Joatham, for 16 years. Achaz, for 16 years. Hezechiah, for 29 years. Manasseh, for 55 years. Amon, for 12 years. Josiah, for 31 years. Joachaz, for 3 months. Joachim, for 12 years. Jechoniah, for 3 months. Zedekiah, for 11 years. The Israelites remained in Babylon for 70 years.
"Darius (reigned) for 36 years. Xerxes, son of Darius, for 20 years. Artabanus, for 7 months. Artaxerxes Longhand, for 41 years. Xerxes II, for two months. Sogdianus, for 7 months. Darius, son of his mother (?), for 19 years. Artaxerxes Mnemon, for 40 years. Artaxerxes Ochus, for 27 years. Arses, son of Ochus, for 4 years. Darius, son of San (Arsam), for 6 years. Alexander, son of Philip, for 6 years and 7 months. Alexander tells in his book that he reigned for 16 years. |105
"Ptolemy Lagos, for 40 years. Ptolemy Philadelphus, for 38 years. Ptolemy Evergetes, for 26 years. Ptolemy Philopator, for 17 years. Ptolemy (Epiphanes), for 26 years. Ptolemy Philometor (mother-lover), for 35 years. Ptolemy Physcon, for 27 years and two months. Ptolemy Alexander, for 10 years. Ptolemy, who was driven out of the kingdom, for 8 years. Ptolemy, for 30 years. Cleopatra, for 22 years.
"Gaius Caesar, for 4 years and 4 months. Augustus Caesar, for 56 years and 6 months. Tiberius, for 22 years and 3 months. Gaius, for 3 years and 10 months. Claudius, for 13 years and 3 months. Nero, for 13 years and 7 months. Vespasian, for 9 years and 11 months. Titus, for 2 years and 2 months. Domitian, for 15 years and 5 months. Nerva, for one year and 4 months. Trajan, for 19 years and 6 months. Hadrian, for 20 years. Titus Antoninus, for 22 years and 3 months. Marcus, for 19 years. Commodus, for 13 years. Pertinax, for 6 months. Severus, for 18 years. Antoninus Caracalla, for 7 years. Marcianus (Macrinus), for one year. Antoninus (Heliogabalus), for 4 years. Alexander, son of Mammea, for 13 years. Maximinus, |106 for 3 years. Gordianus, for 6 years. Philip, for 7 years. Decius, for one year and 3 months. Aurelian, for 5 years and 3 months. Tacitus, for 6 months. Probus, for 6 years and 4 months. Carus and Carinus, for 2 years. Diocletian and Maximian, for 18 years. Constantine, for 20 years. All that made 5,460 years."
Jachya, son of Adiya, the grammarian, says in his chronicle which he made on... of Constantius (?); he begins and says: Adam governed the world for 230 years; Seth governed the world for 205 years.
History of Oudhi and his work. 26
In year 30 of the reign of the emperor Constantine a man named Oudhi of Edessa appeared; he was a Syrian and archpriest and had always aspired to the episcopal see. Seeing that he would not reach it, he attacked the truth |107 and fought it so as to obtain by this means the dignity (of bishop) outside the Church; he was the author of a great heresy in contradiction to Christianity, and he invented nonsense in which he had no predecessor. He affirmed that there were several gods: the father of life, the mother of life, several different sons and several Spirits. He said: Life is linked with the mother of life, and several gods were born from it. The father of life created an angel; then he ordered him to create all the angels. He believed that the father of life had an enemy; and the father of life created Eve. Then he said to her: "Conceive by me before the god who is below me makes you pregnant." She conceived by him, gave birth, and the race resulting from her multiplied. The body is made from matter, the soul from the substance of the father of life.
When the malicious adversary had seen the father of life, he envied him and wanted to usurp its rank. He detached a piece from him, called it Christ and created a body for him. Having crossed the region of the gods, he went down without any of the gods or spirits seeing him, to call men to the worship of his Master. While he preached to them, he violated the order of his Master; and the father of life set himself in anger against his Christ, killed him and crucified him. Oudhi told that the angels committed adultery with the daughters of men, and some of them had children. Evil is natural to men. The father of life will disappear and vanish, and the gods who are below him will also disappear; the mother of life will be also destroyed with the whole world, and there will remain nothing any more. |108
We cannot report many things about which he speaks, because our book would become too long thereby.
Many bishops united against him, anathematised him and drove him out of the Church.
Then the emperor Constantine concluded an agreement with his three sons and shared his empire between them before his death; he made each of them Caesar and started with his eldest son: he called him by his name Constantine and established him in Constantinople and the neighbouring countries on the side of the Occident. He established the other, who was called Constantine (Constantius), in the East, Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Armenia and the neighbouring countries. He established the third, who was called Constans, in Rome and the neighbouring countries. This took place in the year 30 of his reign.
When he was about to die, none of his sons being present, he gave his will into the hands of the bishop Eusebius, who was attached to the person of the emperor, and ordered him to give it to his son Constantine.
The emperor Constantine died in the year 642 of Alexander, on Sunday, the 22nd of ab (August); he lived 65 years of which he reigned 33 years. His three sons reigned after him for 25 years. Then Constantius went to Nicomedia, |109 took the body of his father, embalmed it, put it in a coffin of gold and transported it to Constantinople.
In this year, Sabour, king of the Persians, rose up and moved against Nisibis, when he learned that Constantine the Great had died; he besieged it for 30 days, but, not having managed to seize anything, he returned to his empire.
Then he persecuted harshly the Christians who were in his empire, and he did not cease treating them this way until his death.
In this year, James, bishop of Nisibis died; Babou succeeded him and Vologeses succeeded him.
In Rome, after S.t.r.s (Silvester) who had governed it for 24 years, sat the bishop Marcus for 3 years; Julius succeeded him for 15 years; and after him, Liberius for 8 years
Athanasius occupied the pulpit of Alexandria.
In Antioch sat Mr.ris (Euphronius?) for 4 years; Stephanus succeeded him for 5 years; his successor Leontius sat for 6 years; Lucius succeeded him for 3 years. They professed the doctrines of Arius. |110 Then Meletius sat for 2 years, his successor Dorotheus (?) sat for one year; Paul (Paulinus) succeeded him and his episcopate lasted 6 years.
Then, in Constantinople, Alexander had as a successor Paul; then he was driven out, and Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, occupied the see for 5 years; the heretic Macedonius succeeded him and sat for 5 years.
In Jerusalem, Cyril succeeded Maximus, sat for 12 years and was driven out.
At that time, several learned Christians were illustrious: Athanasius, Mar Ephrem and Eusebius of Emesa (Homs).
At that time, in Mesopotamia, lived great men, virtuous, pure and strong: the old man Julian, Abraham Qidounaya and others.
At the same time, the Persian Sage 27 was known who composed several books and various histories.
At the beginning of his reign, Constantius sent to seek out the bishop Athanasius whom his father had exiled, made him return and restored him in his dignity, having granted a rescript to him that nobody had obtained. |111
In the year 3 of the reign of these three (brothers), Constantine the Younger was killed.
When the followers of Arius saw that Athanasius had been restored to his rank, they were disturbed and excited. A priest, attached to the person of the emperor Constantius the Great, started to tell impure things (?) and to say that the doctrine of he who says that the Son is the substance of his Father, is the cause of misfortune, discord, the corruption of the people and their doubt; that there is nothing in this respect in the Holy Scriptures and that none of this is known according to the authentic sources; there is only Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, who affirms it.
Then Constantius, son of Constantine, emperor of the East, having a certain inclination for the followers of Arius, allowed himself to be led astray by their words and he sent some of his satellites to Egypt to drive out the bishop Athanasius from the city and to depose him. When Athanasius learned this, he fled, went to Julius, bishop of Rome, and let him know all these matters. Julius, bishop of Rome, ordered the followers of Arius to come to him to discuss with them and to deliver their opinions. They did not do so at all and did not reply; but they assembled in Antioch, to the number of 70 bishops, and anathematised any who say that the Son is substance of the Father; they confirmed that he had been created before the world and that God created the world. They wrote 25 canons.
At that time, at Antioch, sat the bishop Meletius. |112
This took place in the year 653 of Alexander.
Then the Arians raised up in Alexandria, in the place of Athanasius, Eusebius of Emesa, originally from Edessa. But the people refused to receive him, because he shared the ideas of Sabellius; and he returned to Emesa. Then the Arian Gregory was put in his place as bishop.
Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, died and had as a successor a man named Paul, who sat for 2 years.
Constantine the Younger having learned this, drove him out, because he had been instituted without his permission, and put in his place Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia.
In the year 4 of Constantine the Younger, Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, died and he had as successor Acacius, his disciple.
In the year 5 of his reign, Eusebius, his disciple, bishop of Nicomedia, died, who had been put on the seat of Constantinople, and Paul returned to his place.
Then the Arians met and established a bishop, in Constantinople, a man named Macedonius. A violent dispute burst out between them and the opposite party, and many people on both sides were killed. |113
In the year 6 of Constantine the Younger, there was in Antioch a violent earthquake; and the earth did not cease trembling and being agitated for all the year; but this continued without causing damage.
Then the Arians who were in Alexandria attacked Gregory, bishop of Alexandria, drove him out and put another in his place. They drove out (also) Paul of Constantinople and established another in his place. Then Paul and Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, went to Julius, bishop of Rome, and let him know the misfortune which had happened to them, and the conduct of the Arians. He wrote letters to them and restored them to their places. Having learned this, the emperor sent to Paul and drove him out; and Macedonius was put into his place by violence and constraint. Athanasius, having learned of their threats against him, fled and hid for two years. The Orientals who supported the doctrines of Arius wrote to Julius, patriarch of Rome, and deluged him with injuries and insults, because he had restored these two exiled bishops — Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and Paul, bishop of Constantinople. Then Julius, bishop of Rome, ordered (the Arians) to assemble in Rome, and 400 bishops gathered.
But when they learned that Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and Paul, bishop of Constantinople, were in Rome, they moved to another city, opposed the patriarch and anathematised |114 whoever said that the Son was of the same substance as the Father. In this manner, the bishops of the East who supported the doctrines of Arius overrode the bishops who supported the opposite doctrines, made themselves masters of the council and made their thesis that the Son is created by the Father before all ages prevail. All the Western bishops learned this and did not go to this council; they anathematised and condemned the Eastern bishops, assembled in their turn, established that the Son was of the substance and the nature of the Father, excommunicated those who said that the Son had been created, and restored their rank to Paul and Athanasius.
Then Constans, emperor of Rome, sent a letter to his brother Constantine by the intermediary of one of his patricians; he requested him to receive Athanasius and Paul and to restore them in their places; if not he would declare war on him. Having read the letter of his brother, Constantine convened a certain number of bishops and consulted them on what his brother had written to him on either the re-establishment of the two bishops in their places or the declaration of war. They advised to him to restore them in their places and declared to him that their re-establishment was more expedient than war. This decision lessened the calamities. Constantius accepted them and ordered that they be restored in their rank.
Then Constantius required Athanasius to concede a church to him in Alexandria. Athanasius said to him: "I myself have something to ask of you." The emperor said to him: "Ask!" Athanasius said: "Give me |115 in each city where the Arians are in possession of the churches, a church to belong to our followers."
In the year 15 of the reign of the children of Constantine, Constans, emperor of Rome was killed, in the year 663 of Alexander. This was the cause of his death: He marched against an enemy who had revolted against him, and was killed during the campaign.
Then Constantine the Younger proclaimed Gallicus (Gallus), brother of Julian, his brother-in-law, emperor of the East in the place of his brother Constantius, and marched against the enemy who had killed his brother.
The emperor Constans, master of Rome, having been killed, the Arians gathered, accusing Athanasius and Paul to the emperor Constantius after his return from the war and led him into error on their subject. The emperor ordered Athanasius killed and Paul exiled. Athanasius, having learned this news, fled and hid. Paul was taken and given to those which were to accompany him in exile in Armenia interior. When he arrived at the border of Armenia, the messenger sent with him to exile him, strangled him; he had sat in Constantinople for two years. Macedonius II succeeded him. In Alexandria George (Gregory) and in Antioch Leontius sat.
In the year 18 of Constantius and year 3 of Gallus, the Jews of Palestine |116 revolted, attacked various cities and there captured and killed many people. Then Constantius sent Gallus against them, who destroyed them and demolished their cities and their residences. When Gallus had seized these cities, pride, vanity and the pride seized him, and he became arrogant. He seized two of the principal patricians among his companions, and killed them without the permission of the emperor. Constantius learned this and sent troops against him, killed him and established his brother in his place; the name of his brother who was substituted for him, was Julian.
At that time Julius, patriarch of Rome, died after having sat for fifteen years; and Liberius succeeded him.
In the year 20 of Constantius, at Nicomedia a great earthquake took place, and the city was engulfed.
In this same year, the discords between the Arians and the other party burst out. Cyrillus, bishop of Jerusalem, were deposed; it was the same for S.r.n.s (Ursinus), bishop of Rome. In their place M.ttis was set up. But the people did not accept him, deposed him and put Eudoxius in his place (in Constantinople), after he had sat at Antioch for three years. In Antioch, after Eudoxius, sat Meletius of Sebaste, who had been bishop of Haleb. The Arians took him from Haleb and set him up in Antioch. Going up (into the pulpit) |117 to preach, Meletius showed them, during his sermon, his three fingers; and he said to them: "All three are one." Arians, seeing that he did not agree with them, deposed him, after he had governed (the Church) for two years, and established in his place Euzoius, who was an Arian from Egypt.
Then the people of Antioch were divided: among them there was one party with the priest Marina, the other with Euzoius.
In Jerusalem Arranius sat for nine years; after him Heraclius.
Macedonius, who had been driven out of Constantinople, said that the Son is different from his Father by his substance, and that he does not have any link (with him). After teaching this, he was exiled to the country of Pontus, and he had Eudoxius as his successor, who used hypocrisy near the emperor and gave himself a deceptive appearance. He was driven out (?). It was he who had driven out of Cyzicus Eleusius, bishop (of that place), and had established in his place Eunomius de Cilicia. Eudoxius ordered him not to let his doctrines appear immediately.
He began by seizing all the churches, because the Orientals contradicted the doctrines that he preached to them. Then they sent |118 someone to Constantius to speak for them. The emperor ordered Eudoxius to punish him; but he agreed with Eunomius and had sympathy with him, which was reciprocated, and they carried on the business at length. But Eudoxius started to blame Eunomius for making their doctrines known so quickly. Having learned that, the emperor ordered Eunomius to give up his seat. He left after an obstinate resistance, went to Eudoxius (and said): "You've acted badly towards me and my master Aetius."
Then he assembled a party, and they were called Eunomians. Eunomius and his followers said: God, eternal, alone, is unbegotten and does not beget. He is the creator of the Son and he created him like a spiritual soul; then he sent him into the world, and the Son took a body without linking himself with it, this body remaining the location of the soul. The Holy Spirit is created by the Son. Those who receive baptism are baptized only in the death of Christ; they baptize only the head of the child to the chest, and they do not baptize the lower parts of its body, saying that it is impure. In their baptism, they do not soak the child in water; but when they want to baptize a man, they move towards him and wrap the lower part of his body, from the feet to the chest; then they put him on a table, take water and pour some on his hands, chest and his head. |119
This Eunomius believed that he had resolved all questions and that he had from the substance of God the same knowledge as God himself. He was anathematised and exiled in the time of Constantius, son of Constantine, in the year 20 of his reign, which is the year 668 of Alexander.
The History of Apollinarius.
Then a man named Apollinarius appeared, from Alexandria, where he had studied the knowledge of the pagans. From Egypt he came to Beirut and was ordained priest there under Theodotus, bishop of the place. His son learned there (Greek) literature, and the father astronomy; and they both went to see the philosopher Epiphanes from time to time. When the bishop Theootus saw this, he prohibited them doing this, so that they did not deviate from the truth or lean towards paganism. They obeyed him and were obedient until the death of the bishop Theodotus. The latter had George as successor. They then started again to visit the philosopher and made (pagan) sacrifices with him. Bishop George endeavoured to lead them away from him, |120 and discord burst out between them and him (bishop George); but he could not succeed. As they refused to give up their practices, he excommunicated them and drove them out. As for Apollinarius, he invented, with his knowledge of philosophy, a new heresy and founded a sect. He went to find excommunicated bishops, who ordained him bishop. He and his son agreed to create a perverse doctrine and they imagined a trinity of degrees and ranks.
Apollinarius said that the Father is immense, that the Son is great and that the rank of the Holy Ghost is less than either (of the Father and the Son). He reports that the Son borrowed our animal soul and body, that he did not take the reasoning soul, but that the Divinity takes its place. Apollinarius wrote several books: in one, he said that the body of Christ comes from heaven; in another, that he took a false body for us; in the third (book), he said, like Sabellius, that God is only one substance and only one hypostasis. He only said: (the expressions should be understood) "the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost" according to the actions of God in creation. He made a great error, in saying that in the future life one would eat, one would drink and one would join oneself with women; that Christ is only a form made up of the divine elements and the animal body; and that the substance of the Son is created. He said that his psalms, that he had composed himself, were better than |121 those of the prophet David. The bishops of Constantinople met against him, excommunicated him and exiled him.
Then the emperor Constantius, who was at Antioch, learned that Caesar Julian, having fought the Barbarians, had put them to flight and that his subjects had proclaimed him emperor. Constantius was baptized by the bishop of Antioch, raised troops among the Romans and went against the rebel. While he was on the way, he was seized by sorrow and concern and died of apoplexy, after having reigned with his father for thirteen years and alone for twenty-five years. Julian the Apostate succeeded him, and reigned for two years; he was the cousin of Constantine.
When he began to reign, he ordered that everyone should make public profession of their doctrine and practise their religion.
Then the pagans attacked the Christians because of the hatred which was between them, and about which has been spoken previously; this hostility caused a great misfortune. This took place in Alexandria, and many people there were killed. They were thus punished for what they had done, as we reported above. They seized Gregory the Theologian, struck him and dragged him face down through all the city. |122
Then Julian prohibited the Christians from studying the knowledge (of the pagans) and said: (Otherwise) they would fight us with our own weapons. He ordered that the sacred vessels be taken from the churches, the convents and the oratories and his treasure stored in them.
Julian the Apostate had an uncle who was called Thouphili; the latter came to Antioch to take the vessels of the churches which were there. He entered the church, lifted his clothing and urinated on the altar. Euzoius sought to prevent him, but did not succeed.
Then the emperor ordered that food and drink should be sprinkled with magical and impure water; and the Christians refused to do so. Then he made search for those who did not obey him; and the Christians, in their turn, made use of stratagems. He laid out money on a table, also filled with meats coming from the sacrifices of the pagans; then he declared: "Here: whoever wants money, must throw incense on fire, enter and eat the pagan offerings; after which he will receive that which he needs." Many Romans refused the invitation and said: "We are Christian, and we will not obey you in what you want!" Then he ordered a great number to undergo martyrdom. |123
John the Great addressed a command to the cantons of.... And he said to them that the idols of the peoples were merely silver and gold, the work of human hands. That those who make them and all who have confidence in them are no better.
The emperor, having learned this, ordered them to be beaten and imprisoned. But the lightning burst out and set fire to their god Pythius, and his temple sank into the earth. The people attached to the oracle of Apollo and the priests, guardians of the temple, said to the emperor: "We saw our own eyes fire coming down from heaven and setting fire to the idol and the temple."
Then when Julian conceived the project to make the war against the Persians, he wanted to know whether or not his expedition would succeed. So he went into the (temple) of the oracle of Apollo with Valentinian the Christian; they found a priest who was sprinkling the idols with impure water; and some of this impure water fell on the clothing of Valentinian. Then he struck the priest with his whip and said to him: "You soiled me, O impure one!" That day, the oracle answered him nothing; but it said to him: "The bones, deposited in my vicinity, prevents me from saying anything to you. They are those of Babylas the Martyr." Then the emperor ordered them removed from the place where they were; and the people of Antioch went out, took the bones and, having put them in a |124 coffin, transported them into the city. Then the oracle declared in his favour and said to him: "You will come down and overcome your enemy on the Tigris."
When the oracle had decided in his favour in this way, the emperor became arrogant, entered an extreme fury and wanted to imitate Alexander the Macedonian; he reprised the same plan and went against the Persians. Arriving at Harran, he visited the oracle which was there and again asked him what he would say; and the oracle predicted victory for him. At the time when he was prepared to leave Harran, his head was disturbed, and he worshipped Sin, god of the Harranians; his crown fell from his head, and his horse, on which he was mounted, fell on the ground and died. The oracle said to him: "It is the Christians who are with you, who have attracted this misfortune to you." He then dismissed 20,000 men (of his troops). He did not raise the cross which was carried before him; he hid it and said: "If we obtain victory, we will say that we overcame not by the cross, but by our force; if we are overcome, we will say that we are overcome because of the cross which was with us."
Before arriving at Harran, he remained a few days at Tarsus. The Jews which were there, came to him and presented him with a crown of gold of seven mithqals for the idols which they adored. Julian said to them: "Why |125 do you not sacrifice according to your law?" They answered him: "We cannot sacrifice outside Jerusalem." Then they threw in front of him incense, spread perfume in front of the idols and offered sacrifices to them. The emperor made them presents and sent them home; he ordered them to rebuild their temples and to sacrifice according to their customs. When they had prepared materials for the construction which they needed, Cyrillus, bishop of Jerusalem, said: It is the time of which Our Lord Christ prophesied, saying: "The days will come, where there will not remain one stone on another which is not overturned."
During the night, a violent wind rose and destroyed all that they had built; then a great earthquake occurred, and 22 cities were engulfed.
In the same year, Julian was killed in the war, after a reign of two years and four months; he had lived thirty-one years. Here is how he was killed: During the war which he made against the Persians, at the moment when he was marching in the ranks of his soldiers to stir them to combat, a Persian launched a spear at him and struck him in the side; and the emperor fell from his horse. While he suffered, he filled the hollow of his hand with his blood and threw it in the air |126 towards heaven, saying: "You have overcome me, Son of Mary!" and he died. He was transported to Tarsus and buried there.
The Roman army remained without an emperor; and (soldiers), according to the council of Sabour, elected Jovian who was the head of Julian's vanguard. But Jovian refused, saying that he was a Christian. They said to him that they were also Christians and that the fear of Julian had prevented them from expressing their faith. Jovian drew the cross from the treasure and drew up it in front of them in the camp; and everyone worshipped it, except the pagan priests. Peace was restored between him and Sabour. Sabour conducted him back to Nisibis, and Jovian ceded it to him, after having transplanted the Romans who lived there to Amida.
From his time, Basil the great, Julian the elder and Didymus were illustrious.
Jovian reigned for one year, in the year 675 of Alexander. It is said that, while he commanded the vanguard of Julian, he went to Nisibis and left his troops to seek out the monks there. Mar Eugenios appeared to him then and ordered him to return to his troops and told him that his Master had been killed; that he would achieve empire; that king Sabour would come, at a time that he would reveal to him, in the camp of Julian to get informed about the situation; |127 that he was to go there to find him at this time, and that after having seized him, he should treat him with honour and respect and to let him leave. Jovian left, as Mar Eugene had ordered him. Sabour came into (the camp) at the time that Mar Eugenios had indicated to him; and Jovian found him during the night in the camp, though Sabour had disguised himself and put on the clothing of a merchant. Jovian took him, brought him into his tent and, finding himself alone with him, told him that he had already recognized him, and that no trick threatened him neither personally nor on behalf of all his entourage. He ordered that food be brought, and they both ate. Then they sailed on the river at night, and Jovian did not leave him before he had led him to his camp; after which Jovian withdrew. For this reason Sabour advised that he should be invested with the imperial power.
Hardly had he started to reign than he sent a delegation to Sabour, king of the Persians, made peace with him and gave him Nisibis. Since that time Nisibis, with the surrounding area, has belonged to the Persians.
In leaving the East, Jovian recalled all the bishops from exile. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, reappeared and took again possession of his see.
Then the emperor wrote to the patriarch Athanasius, asking him to write out for him the true creed of the faith in its real sense, to explain it to him in a letter and to send this to him. Athanasius gathered some |128 bishops, who wrote to the emperor that he should follow the symbol of the law of the 318 bishops who had met in the town of Nicaea.
Then Jovian died at that time after having reigned for one year. After him, Valentinian and Valens reigned for 15 years. It was this Valentinian who had struck the priest and had said: "You soiled me with this water!" He fixed himself in Rome and made his brother Valens emperor of the East. That took place in the year 676 of Alexander.
Valentinian adhered to the true faith and approved the symbol of the 318.
As for Valens, he leaned towards the doctrines of Arius, because he had been baptized by Eudoxius, bishop of Constantinople, who was an Arian. It is told that Valens, having been baptized by Eudoxius the Arian, wanted to take communion; but the latter refused him and did not give him the Eucharist until he had sworn to him to communicate only according to the doctrines of Arius and to be opposed to those which opposed these doctrines. When he began to reign, he fulfilled his oath: he exiled all the bishops who did not agree with the doctrines of Arius, acted against all the bishops who did not adhere to his ideas, and persecuted them. |129
Eusebius bishop of Samosata pretended that he was of the party of the Romans; he occupied his see all his life and, dressed in a (bournous) for fear of the Romans, he travelled and traversed the cities and ordained in secrecy priests and deacons (of the Orthodox party).
In this same year, a rebel named Procopius revolted against Valens, in Constantinople; and Valens put him to death because of his treason.
The same year, hail as big as stones fell: there were earthquakes in Constantinople, where several districts were engulfed; and part of the town of Nicaea was also overthrown.
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, hid in a tomb, without seeing anything for four months, by fear of Valens. When this difficult situation ended, he came out and remained in his rank until his death.
At that time, in Edessa, there appeared a man named Eusebius and surnamed Euchites (?), who had five disciples. Here is his doctrine: God is alone, but he has manifested himself in the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. He said that the body of Christ was only an appearance, because God had created it from a fine and spiritual substance, and that his crucifixion was also only an appearance. He prohibited common prayer; he claimed that all his visions came |130 from the Holy Spirit: that communion is useless and unprofitable; that the Holy Spirit lived in whoever was attached to his doctrine; that adultery is a permissable thing; that after Christ there is neither sin nor error. He said that that which is thrown to the ground in an epileptic fit is thrown by a movement of the Holy Spirit. They were designated by the name of Messalians. They said: "Whoever has prayed and fasted for 12 years can order the mountain to transport itself from the place where it is; and it will be transported." Then all those who adhered to his doctrines after this time, left and said to the mountain: "O mountain! I order you to be transported from the place where you are." As it was not transported, they renounced his doctrine of which they thus knew the corruption.
At that time, Diodorus (of Tarsus) and Theodore (of Mopsuestia) were known. Among the doctors Athanasius and Mar Ephrem the Syrian and another (?) with Zenobius, priest of Edessa; Basil the Great; Gregory, his brother; Malchus; and Arsisius were illustrious.
In same time, Macarius the Pious the Egyptian and Macarius of Alexandria who was transported to paradise were known, as is reported. Valens exiled them to an island of the sea. |131
Likewise known were r.ou.s (Evagrius?) the monk, a disciple of Basil.
In the year 7 of Valens, Abraham, bishop of Nisibis died. In this year Julian the Old died at Tour-Sina (Sinai).
In this same year, Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria died, to whom succeeded Peter... who had been his companion in all his tribulations.
Then Euzoius, bishop of Antioch, who belonged to the sect of Arius, asked Valens for permission to go to Alexandria. He allowed him. Euzoius there went and took along with him a certain number of Greeks. He seized Peter, imprisoned him and set up in his place Lucius de Samosata. A few days later Peter escaped from the prison, went to Rome to Damasus, patriarch of Rome, and advised him how Valens had treated the people.
Then Valens carried out a great persecution against the followers of Sabour (?); he made many perish and exiled a certain number. Then a group of priests, 80 in number, and other personnages met, went to Valens and asked him to grant them peace, the safety of their lives and freedom from persecution. Valens ordered one of his chiefs to put them in |132 a boat at sea, like exiling them to an island; and they rejoiced. While they were in the middle of the sea, the Patrician sent with them, with his companions, passed in another separate boat; then he set fire to the boat where the priests were, and burned them with the boat.
Then Valens went to Edessa to see the church of the apostle Mar Thomas and found that the population did not agree with him; then he ordered that the recalcitrant ones and Barsê, bishop of Edessa, be sent to the island of Roudis (Aradus); and he banished eighty inhabitants of Edessa, the chiefs and all the bishops who did not adhere to the doctrines of Arius, except Basil and Gregory the Theologian whom he could not proscribe.
Then Valens sent for Basil and had him brought to Antioch to reprove him. His son being sick, Valens said to him: "If your doctrine and belief are true, pray for this child, so that he recovers from his disease." Basil said: "If the child is baptized by those who adhere to the truth, it will heal and be in good health." When the emperor was told what Basil required of him, Eudoxius, the Arian bishop, ordered the Arians to baptize the boy. Hardly they had baptized him, than he died. The afflicted emperor entered |133 the church to pray; and he called Basil and said to him: "What proof do have you that the truth is with you and your followers?" Basil explained the true faith to him and conversed with him a long time. Then the emperor treated Basil well and dismissed him safe and sound. A few days later, the emperor changed his mind and ordered Basil into exile; then he again changed his mind on what he had ordered in his connection, and left him alone.
The emperor Valentinianus, having lived as emperor for 13 years, died.
Valens reigned, and his anger only became more violent against those who did not agree with him; and he persecuted them. Then a philosopher came and said to him: "O emperor! you should not fret to see several sects among the Christians. The pagans are divided into eighty beliefs. God allows this to glorify him and likes to be praised and described (in his qualities). This is why he is represented in various ways." On these entreaties Valens calmed himself a little and renounced his cruel conduct.
In the year 14 of Valens, Euzoius, Arian bishop of Antioch, died, after having governed for 17 years; he was the seventh bishop of the Arians. |134
Then Peter, bishop of Alexandria, returned from Rome to his city; after 6 years of episcopate, he died. His brother Timothy succeeded him and sat for 7 years
Then Valens prepared to make war against the Goths. When he was preparing to leave, a monk who was a hermit, named James the monk, said to him: "O enemy of God! if you wish to have success and to succeed, order that the bishops whom you exiled return to their seats; if you do not do it, you will not overcome and will not succeed." Valens said: "I will overcome, I will return and will kill you." James said to him: "If you return, does not leave me alive." And all the monks who were there said him the same thing. But Valens paid no attention to their words and left for his expedition.
He met the enemy. While he was in the battle against them, he entered a nearby village, where he hid with his companions. His enemies learned that he was there under a disguise. One of his enemies also disguised himself; he traversed the troops, entered the village where Valens was hidden, and set it on fire. So Valens with his companions, was burned to death, after having reigned for 15 years; he was 50 years old. |135
Gratian reigned with his brother Valentinian for one year, in the year 690 of Alexander.
In this year died Sabour, king of the Persians, after having reigned for 70 years; and he had as a successor his brother Ardashir who reigned for 4 years.
Gratian ordered all the bishops and other people that Valens had exiled to return home. He ordered that each man should stay in the religion that God let him profess, except Eunomians and Manicheans.
Then Gratian associated a man named Theodosius in the empire; and he was baptized in Constantinople. Gratian died; and after him reigned Theodosius the Great for 17 years, — others say for 19 years, — in the year 691 of Alexander. He ordered that everyone might practise his own religion, and allowed all the exiles to return home. ** |139
When the bishops, (the followers) of Macedonius, saw this, they gave up their business, wrote several letters to Damasus, bishop of Rome, and stuck to their religion.
This is why Meletius, after his return to Antioch, said to Paulinus, bishop of that town: "All the people are favourably disposed to neither you or me: one is for you, another for me. Here is how we could arrange things: reunite my followers with yours: if the (episcopal) power stirs up hate between us, we will place the Gospel in the centre of the room; you would put yourself on one side, me on the other, and whichever of us two survives, will occupy the see." But Paulinus refused.
At this period Meletius took notice of Diodorus and learned that he well understood how to oppose heretics and refute them solidly; and he made him bishop of Tarsus.
Then Meletius and several bishops undertook to transfer |140 Gregory the Theologian from his place at Constantinople, because of his great spirit and abundance of learning, and they did that. Many people began to assemble near him, in the poor and small house that he was living in, with a man named Anastasius; and he instructed them. Two years later they abandoned him, disliking him for his merits, and he left the place.
Timothy, bishop of Alexandria, ordained in his place Maximus the cynic, who was a man who was conceited in his heart and proud and one who shared the ideas of Apollinarius.
Then Theodosius started to persecute the Arians, who had been masters of the country and the churches for forty years; and he stirred up a violent persecution.
Then he convened a council at Constantinople, and 150 bishops met there. This took place in the second year of his reign, which is the year 692 of Alexander, on the third of the month of Ab (=August).
At this period Damasus was patriarch of Rome, Timothy of Alexandria, Meletius of Antioch, Cyril of Jerusalem. With these were united |141 Basil, Gregory the Theologian, (Diodorus) bishop of Tarsus, who said that the Holy Spirit had been created, Maximus, bishop of Constantinople, and Nectarius.
They supplemented and confirmed the creed (of Nicaea) and added that the Son is of the substance of the Father and that the Holy Spirit is God and Lord, the giver of life, proceeding from the substance of the Father and the Son. They anathematised Eustathius, who shared the ideas of Macedonius.
They drew up four canons. In the first they pronounced an anathema against the Eunomians, Arians, Sabellians, Apollinarians (?), Photinians and Macedonians. In the other three canons they defined that bishops should not pass from one place to another and that each should occupy his see until his death or until he was exiled after committing some misdeed. They ordained that the see of Constantinople was first after that of Rome, and that an accusation of a heretical bishop against an orthodox bishop would not be received.
In the fifth year of Theodosius, Vahran (Fahran), son of Sabour, mounted the throne of Persia and reigned eleven years. |142
In that year a rebel named Maximus revolted at Rome. Theodosius sent his troops against him and he was killed.
In the sixth year of his reign, a son was born to Theodosius, who named him Honorius.
In the same year, Timothy, bishop of Alexandria, died. Theophilus succeeded him, for twenty-eight years.
Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, died and John succeeded him, for twenty-two years.
John, priest of Antioch, was one of the famous scholars of this time.
In this year, Theodosius ordered that the wise people should define and profess their religious ideas in writing and present that to him. When they had done so and had presented it to him, he arose and prayed. Then he ordered that these (written) opinions be put on the altar; and God inspired him that only one was true, the statement of those which said that the Son is of the substance and essence of the Father. |143 Then he ordered all these opinions to be burned, and exiled their followers from the city; he expelled from holding command in his army, his council and his entourage all those who shared the ideas of Arius.
He ordered that the churches of the Arians and the temples of the idols throughout the country be destroyed; and he had many pagans killed in Alexandria.
In that year, a column of fire appeared in the sky and remained for thirty days.
In the same year, a terrible darkness took place at midday.
Then Theodosius fell sick and sent for Honorius, his son. When he arrived, Theodosius had him proclaimed (emperor) and sent him into the west; he had Arcadius, his other son, proclaimed and sent him into the east. Theodosius died in these circumstances, after reigning seventeen years and living sixty years
Arcadius, son of Theodosius, reigned thirteen years, in the year 708 of Alexander.
In his time, among the scholars, Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, and Acacius, bishop of Aleppo were illustrious. |144
At Rome, after Damasus, who occupied his see for eighteen years, came Siricius.
In that year, after Nectarius, John Chrysostom became bishop of Constantinople. He was originally from Antioch and, at the age of twenty-eight, he had composed the Commentary on the Gospel as well as the Commentary on the Epistles of Paul.
When he became bishop of Constantinople, he prohibited the priests from many acts of corruption. They envied him and set out to find some fault against him with which to accuse him. At that time, he read the books of Origen. Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, sent to Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and to all his bishops, and they anathematised the books of Origen. John paid no attention to this. Then everyone became hostile to him; among his enemies was Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and Antiochus, bishop of Acre.
The empress, wife of the emperor Arcadius, also was resentful against him, because he took down her statue, which was close to the church, and because he had insulted her, one day, in a sermon and had compared her to Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, who had taken the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite. This is why she departed one day with twenty-nine bishops, to which were joined seven other bishops who were stirred up against John, and they came to where Theophilus was. |145 Being in agreement about John, they sent an order to him to come to them; but he did not come. Then they excommunicated him and deposed him.
After the excommunication of John Chrysostom, the population of the city was disturbed and divided. The emperor, witnessing their division, sent for John and restored him in his dignity. After his return, he composed some sermons on his exile. In one of his speeches, he designated, one day, the empress under the name of "Herodias." Outraged, she sent for Theophilus, Epiphanius and other bishops, whom she gathered in Constantinople; they excommunicated John and exiled him. This took place in the year 8 of Arcadius, which is the year 716 of Alexander. He was exiled in an island of the Euxine Sea, where he died, at the age of forty-six years; he had been a bishop for four years.
A little time after him, the empress died. Arsacius, brother of Nectarius, succeeded John, for fourteen months; after him, Atticus, originating in Sebastia in Armenia came.
Flavianus, bishop of Antioch, died, and Porphyrius succeeded him. |146
Then disorders broke out among the Greeks, in Egypt and the East concerning the remains of John Chrysostom; they were brought back thirty-three years after his death; they were buried in Constantinople, and his name was consigned for always in the book of life (in the diptychs).
In the year 5 of Arcadius, Yezdegerd, son of Sabour, started to reign in Persia and reigned for twenty one years
Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, died. Jewish by origin, he had become a Christian and received baptism. It was he who baptized Arcadius and Honorius, both the sons of Theodosius.
Then Arcadius died, at the age of thirty. He left the throne to his son Theodosius, eight years old, who reigned for forty-two years, as from the year 721 of Alexander.
In the year 3 of his reign, Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, died; and Cyril, his nephew, succeeded him for thirty-three years.
In Rome, Anastasius was bishop for four years; after him, Bonifacius for three years, and after him, Celestinus for nine years. |147
At Antioch, after Porphyrius, who occupied the see for five years, Alexander was bishop for ten years. He restored the peace between the Easterners and Westerners, which had been disturbed in consequence of their discord about Paulinus, who had been bishop of Antioch at the time of Novatius(?) the impious. After a ten year episcopate, he had Theodotus as successor for thirteen years, and the latter had John as successor for thirteen years
At that time, the Christians were multiplying in the empire of Persia and Christianity became very strong, thanks to Maroutha, bishop of Mayafariqin, who, by the order of Theodosius, went among the Persians.
Then Yezdegerd reigned; he was unjust and an oppressor; and his subjects revolted against him, feared him and reviled him. But on a certain day, a nimble horse (ran), of beautiful colour and so beautiful to see that the like had never been seen; it started to run and stopped close to the door of the palace of Yezdegerd. All those who saw it, were amazed at it. The servants entered and told Yezdegerd, their Master. He went out in haste to see the horse, found it beautiful and halted to stroke it with his hand. When he walked behind the horse to stroke its back, the horse struck him with its two (back) feet and killed him; then it started to run and disappeared; and no-one knew from where the horse had come. |148 Thus the people were delivered from his persecutions.
Then Varahran (Bahram), his son, who succeeded him, persecuted and oppressed the Christians.
In that year, there was an eclipse of the sun.
In the same year there was a battle between the Greeks and Persians, and many were killed on both sides; the Persians were put to rout, and the persecution against the Christians ceased.
In that time, among the scholars there flourished Mar Isaac, disciple of Mar Ephrem; he lived in Antioch and composed several sermons on the festivals, the martyrs, the wars and the invasions which took place at that time; he was originally from Edessa.
In the same time, there were many Jews living in Alexandria. One fine day, several of them were baptized; so they took a statue, crucified it and said: "This is the Messiah!" A great discord broke out between them and the Christians and many people were killed. |149
In the year 6 of Theodosius the Younger, there were found, in Jerusalem, the bones of Stephen the martyr, and a church under his name was built there.
In the year 10 of Theodosius, in Antioch, Simeon Stylites was illustrious, who did miracles and wonders.
Among the scholars were Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, Theodoret of Cyr, and Acacius of Aleppo.
Having sat for twenty-two years, John, bishop of Jerusalem, died, and Praylius succeeded him for five years; the latter had as successor Juvenal for forty years
In the East there was a man called Nestorius; he was educated and studied the books of Theodore (of Mopsuestia) and Theodoret. Then he came to Antioch in the time of Theodotus, bishop of the city, and settled in a convent. As he was assiduous in reading of the Sacred Books, Theodotus ordained him priest. Then Theodosius made him come to him and made him patriarch in Constantinople.
He made many sermons to the people. |150 Once, while he was giving a sermon, instead of saying that Saint Mary is the Mother of God, he said that she was the mother of a man. (The people) did not hear any mention of his divinity. Anastasius, his disciple, who had come with him from Antioch, said also the same thing. When the people were disturbed and agitated by this, he went up in pulpit and said the same still more. The people listened, were irritated and disturbed.
This business spread, and news of it came to the bishop of Rome. He sent letters to Nestorius in which he exhorted him and told him not to give more sermons like this. Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, also sent letters to him in which he prohibited him from repeating what he had done. John, bishop of Antioch, wrote the same thing to him.
Three years passed in the hope that he would recant and would return to the truth. When they saw him persevering in his business, they submitted a report on this to the patriarch of Rome. Then the patriarch wrote to Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, asking him to be his representative and to gather an assembly of bishops who would excommunicate Nestorius, if he did not retract his opinions. He wrote this (also) to the emperor.
Theodosius the Younger convened at Ephesus a council of 200 bishops, who excommunicated Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople. In this synod were Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, John, bishop of Antioch, |151 Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, Memnon, bishop of Ephesus, and Acacius, bishop of Meitene. After studying his books and epistles carefully, they excommunicated him and found that he had moved away from the faith of God and deviated from the way of truth.
After his excommunication, Nestorius said to them: "Myself, I will not call that God which was two or three months old, and I will not adore it as God." Then Nestorius gathered the bishops who were of his opinion, and these excommunicated Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, and Memnon, bishop of Ephesus.
None of the bishops of the East had attended the council. When John, bishop of Antioch, and, with him, the bishops of the East arrived, they found Nestorius already excommunicated, and they waited. Cyril several times sent his companions to them; but they did not come to him. Then Cyril excommunicated them, and they, they excommunicated him (likewise). When Nestorius saw that, he understood that the business would lead them into serious dissension; and he started to proclaim and to say: "No! Let it be said that Mary is the Mother of God!" The disorder calmed, and Nestorius returned to his convent to Antioch. |152
Then eight bishops from the followers of Cyril and eight bishops from the followers of John went, because of this business, to the emperor Theodosius. When they arrived there, he ordered them to say nothing of the business of Nestorius before him. Then each of them returned to his country.
The hostilities between the Easterners and the population of Egypt did not stop. Theodoret, bishop of Cyr, and Andrew, bishop of Samosata, were sent the decisions established by Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, defined in his third epistle to Nestorius.
In Constantinople, a priest of good conduct called Maximianus succeeded Nestorius.
Theodosius the Younger wrote to the patriarch Cyril about the hostility which reigned between the population of Egypt and the population of the East. When the letter reached Cyril, he wrote to the bishop of Aleppo and requested him to restore peace and security. Acacius, bishop of Aleppo, had gathered a council of many bishops, who sent a letter to Cyril in which they expounded the true faith; they sent this letter via Paul, bishop of Emesa, |153 after saying to each other that "peace between us and him had already existed before this".
Coming to Cyril, they gave the letter to him. He read it and approved their proposal. Then he ordered Paul, bishop of Emesa, to deliver a sermon to the people in the church; and the people listened to his speech.
Then Cyril sent a letter to the Easterners in which he recognized the truth of the faith about which they had written to him; he thanked them and excused past errors to them. He gave the letter to Paul and dismissed him. Thus, peace was made between them
From the convocation of the council of Nicaea to the day of the council of the 150 bishops in Constantinople, there were fifty-six years; from this council to that of the 200 bishops at Ephesus -- fifty years; from the council of Ephesus to the council of Chalcedon - twenty one years.
In the year 763 of Alexander, James the Mutilated underwent martyrdom.
Maximianus, patriarch of Constantinople, died, and Proclus was instituted in his place. |154
When this peace was restored between the peoples, they started to dispute about the bones of John Chrysostom; and Proclus brought back his bones, which were deposed in the great church of Constantinople.
In that time, among the Jews, a man appeared who was called Moses and who said to them: "I am come down from heaven to deliver you like Moses, son of Amran". This took place in an island of the sea which is called Crete. One fine day those who went with him, as well as their wives and their children in great number, at the sea-side, arrived in a place which overhung the sea; then he said to them: "I will make you able to cross the sea, and I will go first." Several of them threw themselves into the sea and drowned. When the others had watched the spectacle given by their companions who had drowned, they did not throw themselves in and wanted to seize Moses; but he fled (far) away from them, and certain impure spirits (devils) accepted him. (Because of this) many of them became Christians.
In that time, in Edessa, Rabboulâ was bishop. After his death, Hiba succeeded him. |155
In the year 29 of his reign, the emperor Theodosius the Younger remembered Nestorius and ordered that he be exiled in Egypt where he remained until his death.
Then the emperor sent to Antioch to seize all those which would not excommunicate Nestorius, and to exile them. Then eighteen metropolitans with many of the bishops, priests, monks and laymen were sent into exile.
The emperor ordered that the corpse of Odris (Diodorus? Theodore?) should be burned. There were in the East many people who were resigned to die, but none of them were burned; the population was unhappy and said: "It is not necessary to burn a man who is already dead."
In that year, the companions of the cave awoke from the sleep which had overcome them in the reign of the emperor Decius, 182 years ago. The emperor Theodosius went out with bishops, priests, metropolitans and the leaders of the city; they saw them, and (the confessors) spoke to them. Then they died in their own countries. |156
In this year, there was a great earthquake at Constantinople. Many people fled out of the city, and several places were levelled.
Celestinus, patriarch of Rome, sat for nine years and died; Xystus succeeded him for eight years and had Leo for successor.
Cyril of Alexandria sat for thirty-three years and died; Dioscorus succeeded him.
In Antioch, after John who sat there for thirteen years, came Domnus.
In the year 33 of the emperor Theodosius, Varahran (Bahrâm), king of Persians, died, after having reigned for twenty (twenty one) years; after him Yezdegerd reigned for eight years
That year, some people of Edessa arrived at Constantinople with their bishop (Hiba) and said that on a certain day he had given a sermon in which he had said: "I am not envious of what the Messiah did, because in all that happened to him, I am like him."
In the same year, some people went to Alexandria and said in front of Dioscorus about their bishop that, when he gave sermons, |157 he did not say that Mary had given birth to God, but that she was the mother of a man and that she had given birth to a perfect man, which resembled God, according to the doctrines of Nestorius.
At the same time, a man appeared who was called Eutyches. He said that the eternal Son did not take anything from Mary, but that he was changed, transformed, became flesh and blood and passed through Mary without having taken anything from her.
A council was gathered against him, and (the bishops) excommunicated him and sent him into exile. 130 bishops met because of him at Ephesus, Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria, was head of the council; he drove out several bishops from their sees at the same time as him (Eutyches).
In the year 41 of the emperor Theodosius, the head of John the Baptist was found at Emesa.
Theodosius died at the age of fifty. (After him) Marcian reigned for seven years, in the year 762 of Alexander.
He married Pulcheria (Qloudhiqiyah), sister of Theodosius the Younger, who felt resentment towards Dioscorus because he had exiled the bishop of Constantinople along with all the bishops and others whom he had excommunicated at this council; she started to press the emperor to be avenged for them. |158
Then the emperor and the empress wrote a letter to Leo, bishop of Rome, and to all the bishops, where they ordered them to meet to examine the theological questions and the conduct of Dioscorus at the second council of Ephesus. They expressed the desire that the council should take place at Nicaea, so the emperor ordered that the council met at Chalcedon because of the distance to Nicaea and in the vicinity of Chalcedon. It was in the year 2 of the emperor Marcian, the 25th of the month of Tichrin I (October), in the year 763 of Alexander, that the council met there. There were 630 bishops there.
They excommunicated Dioscorus and wrote many canons. They declared that the Son took a nature without hypostasis, because nature differs from the hypostases; that there was one hypostasis and two natures; that he is endowed with two substances, two actions and two wills; but that the hypostasis is single and that the substance of God does not have three hypostases.
After having reigned for seven years, Marcian died at the age of sixty five and named Leo emperor, who reigned for sixteen years, in the year 769 of Alexander.
In this first year, Peroz, son of Yezdegerd, started to reign over the Persians and he reigned for twenty-seven years. |159
In the same year, in Antioch, a town of Syria, there was an earthquake, and several places there were levelled.
After having governed for twenty-two years, Leo, (bishop) of Rome, died. Hilarius (Ilarous) succeeded him for seven years; after him was Simplicius (Simblous) for sixteen years
In Antioch, after Paulinus (? Basil) who sat for three years, there was Acacius for five years; after him Martyrius came.
At Constantinople, Anatolius which sat for twenty and one years, Gennadius succeeded him for fifteen years.
At Jerusalem, to Juvenal who sat for forty years, Anastasius succeeded.
In the year 9 of the reign of Leo, there was an eclipse of the sun and the stars appeared (in broad daylight). In the year 10, in the East, a great food shortage happened and there were many locusts.
In the year 12 of his reign, the Persians moved against Amida, besieged it and devastated it. |160
In this same year, Balas started to reign over the Persians and reigned for four years. In the year 16 of the reign of Leo, Qabad, son of Peroz, started to reign over the Persians and reigned for twenty one years
Martyrius, bishop of Antioch, sat for thirteen years and had Julianus as successor for four years; Peter the Fuller succeeded him, who was later excommunicated and exiled.
In the days of Leo, Simeon the Stylite died; he was the first who went up on a column.
Zeno reigned for seventeen years, in the year 785 of Alexander.
We will tell the history of Peter the Fuller. This Peter had retired from Chalcedon into a convent, and he was the superior of it. Zeno made war against the emperor Leo; he attached Peter to his person, made him his companion and went with him to Tarsus, a town of Cilicia. When Peter had entered there, he said to the bishops of the country: "Leo sent to me to you with Zeno so that you can make me bishop of Antioch; if you want to attract his favour, make me bishop before Leo orders you to." The population approved his words and made him bishop without the knowledge of the emperor. On this news, Leo excommunicated him and sent him into exile. |161
Then, in Antioch a rebel appeared who was called Basiliscus. He restored Peter to his rank by force, without asking the assent of the bishops who were in the country; he wrote a letter in which he confirmed him in his episcopal dignity, ordered the bishops to receive it and to countersign the letter with their hands. As the bishops did not agree to this, he ordered them put to death. Then part of the bishops and many of the monks fled and hid in the church of Mar Thomas which was in Antioch. Peter sought for them; he found them and killed them all.
After the rebel had been killed and Zeno had become emperor, he wrote to the bishop of Rome and to all the bishops and informed them of the business of Peter and his crime. Learning this, the bishop of Rome excommunicated him, he and all the bishops who shared his ideas.
Then Zeno sent him into exile to Euchaita. This Peter altered the Sacred Books by interpolations; he rejected the word of John the Evangelist, where he said: "Everything is in his power and without him there is nothing." he also rejected the word of he that said: "He was crucified for us."
After the excommunication of Peter, at Antioch, John succeeded him for six years; then Calandion was (bishop) in Antioch for three years. |162
Then the emperor Zeno wrote to all the bishops to consult them: "Is it permissible to restore Peter to his rank; if you believe it possible, do it." When Peter had learned that the emperor had written about this business, he returned, without any permission, to his see and occupied it again for five years.
At Jerusalem, Anastasius, who occupied the episcopate for eighteen years, had Martyrius as successor for eighteen years. After him Sallustius governed for eight years.
Zeno died at the age of sixty one, and Anastasius reigned for twenty-seven years, in the year 806 of Alexander.
In the year 6 of his reign, the sixth millenium since Adam came to an end.
After nine years of episcopate, Felix, (bishop) of Rome, died, and Gelasius succeeded him for five years; after him came Anastasius for one year, then Symmachus for fourteen years.
At Alexandria, to Peter Mongus who occupied the seat for nine years, Athanasius succeeded for four years; after him, came John the monk for six years; after him, John the hermit for seven years; after him, Dioscorus the younger for two years; |163 after him Timothy for fourteen years
After the sixteen years of the episcopate of Acacius, Euphemius was bishop of Constantinople for seven years. The emperor exiled him into an island of Pontus. Macedonius succeeded him for fourteen years, and the emperor Anastasius sent him into exile, because he had criticised him and had said to him: "You are a Manichaean and you share the ideas of the Manichaeans." Timothy succeeded him for six years; and after him John was (bishop) for two years.
At Jerusalem, to Saul (Sallustius) who occupied the seat for eight years, succeeded Elias for twenty years; after him John governed for fourteen years.
In the first year of his reign, Anastasius killed the children of several women as well as some boys, who were studying reading and the writing.
In year 3 of his reign, the town of Dara was built, which was above Nisibis, at the place where Darius, (king) of Persians, had been killed. |164
Then the emperor Anastasius wanted to remove from the creed and the church the phrase: "You were crucified for us." All the population of the city rose up and took up rocks to stone him. This business frightened him; and, being afraid of them, he removed the crown from his head and said to them: "I will act according to your order in all that you wish." Then the people left him alone.
In year 11 of the reign of Anastasius, in the country of the Greeks there was a cruel famine and it came from many locusts which devastated all their harvests. The same year, there was a violent earthquake.
In this year, James, bishop of Batnan was famous, who composed some treatises on the famine, which happened in the country of the Greeks at that time. Then Marinus the monk, who came from Apamea also flourished, who composed many works at Emesa. |165
In the year 22 of Anastasius, in the month of Hazirân (June), at midday, there was an eclipse of the sun.
At that time, Severus, bishop of Antioch appeared who wrote several books against his adversaries; and he shared the ideas of Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria.
Then Justinus reigned for nine years, in year 829 of Alexander; he was originally from Rome. He reconciled all the churches, drove out the gentiles and freed the bishops of the East.
In the year 7 of his reign, the Greeks and Persians fought a battle on the bank of the Euphrates, and many Greeks drowned.
In this year, there was heavy snow and a hard frost, which destroyed the trees and the vines. In year 8 of this reign, the rains become rare, the harvest was small, and water lacking in the brooks. Then many locusts came and a terrible plague which lasted for six years.
The same year, the emperor sent a delegation to Mondhar, king of the Arabs, to make peace with him, because he had raided the Greeks, destroyed their houses and taken the population into captivity. |166
In this year, the Persian, i.e. Chosroes the Persian, made an expedition against Edessa where he killed many people.
A comet appeared in the sky and remained for forty one nights.
The emperor Justinianus (Justinus) associated with himself in the empire a man who was also called Justinianus; he was the son of his brother and he reigned for thirty nine years.
There was a violent earthquake, and several places were levelled.
A disagreement broke out between the followers of Severus and the followers of Julian, (bishop of Halicarnassus). Julian said that the body of Christ is corruptible. The followers of Severus said that this is impossible and can never be.
In year 3 of the reign of Justinianus (Justin) and his associate, the Arabs attacked the Greeks.
At this same time, some causes of great misfortunes occurred between the Greeks and Persians; many Greeks perished and a great number of them |167 drowned in the Euphrates. The war between them lasted for four years. The head of the Greek forces was called Basilides (Belisarius).
The Jews of Palestine revolted and rose against the Greeks, and chose a king for themselves. The Greeks marched against them and killed both them and their leader.
Then the emperor Justinianus ordered that pagans should no longer be allowed in the Greek empire; they should be made to be baptized and convert to Christianity; if they refused, they would be killed and their goods confiscated. Many of them converted.
In the fifth year of his reign, he ordered that the bishops in favour of Severus and of Dioscorus should hold a council in Constantinople. When they were gathered, he exhorted them with authority and requested them to accept the doctrines of Leo, bishop of Rome, and the council of Chalcedon, namely that the Lord Christ has one person and two natures. But they did not accept his proposal. Severus, patriarch of Antioch, who was present, and all the Eastern bishops shared the same doctrines, said that the Divinity is identical with the hypostases and that the Lord Christ is only one person and only one nature of formed two persons and two natures, --- one divine, the other human. |168 So the bishops of Severus did not accept the proposal of the emperor, who returned them to their sees laden with honours.
In year 6 (of his reign), the Persians attacked (the Greeks) and conquered (their country). The same year, Qawad (Qabad), king of the Persians, died, and the Greeks made peace with the Persians.
The same year, the Samaritans revolted. Justinianus sent against them soldiers who fought against them and killed a very great number of them.
In year 8 of his reign, there was an eclipse of the sun, the 29 of Nisân (April), at two o'clock in the afternoon.
In this year the barbarians captured Rome.
John, patriarch of Rome, died, after having governed the Church for three years, and Agapetus succeeded him.
At that time, Epiphanius, patriarch of Constantinople, died, after having occupied the see for seven years; Anthimus succeeded him for ten years
In Alexandria, Timothy who had sat for seventeen years, was succeeded by Gaianus for three months, to whom Theodosius succeeded. |169
In this year, there was an eclipse of the sun which lasted for one year and two months, in all fourteen months. This was in the year 846 of Alexander. The sun only gave a weak light; the astronomers and all the people said that an accident had happened to it which would never cease, and that the sun would never return to its first state.
In this year, locusts appeared throughout the country. In the same year, the winter was rigorous and with much snow, and many people died in it. In the year 10 of Justinianus, an extraordinary sign appeared in the sky; the heat of the sun was cooled, and the fruits did not mature that year.
In this year, Sergius of Ras`ayn was celebrated, who was a philosopher, translator and interpreter of books, author of many works, and moreover a doctor. He came to Ephrem, patriarch of Antioch, and remained (some time) with him. Then Ephrem sent him to Agapetus, bishop of Rome, about the matters which had happened to him over there. Sergius died in Constantinople. |170
The same year, on the order (of the emperor), 72 bishops met in Constantinople and condemned Petrus and Origen and their books.
The same year, a sign, similar to a lance of double size, appeared in the sky and remained for forty days.
In this year, Chosroes, son of Qawad (Qabad), marched against Antioch, took it and took its inhabitants into captivity whom he led to Babylon, for them built a city that he named Antioch, known today under the name of Al-Makhuz Al-Djedid, and settled them there. Thereafter he treated them with benevolence and protected them. They paid him tax so that he would leave them alone. After that he marched on Rakkah and captured it.
However the Greeks had business with the Barbarians (Berbers) and the Slavs (Saqalibah), located on the borders of the empire. When they had finished fighting with them, they turned against the Persians, and this war lasted without stopping for four years. |171
In the year 16 (of his reign), a great plague occurred throughout the earth, which lasted three years. Ulcers appeared on people in the armpits, buttocks and kidneys, and a very great number of them died suddenly.
In this same year, Belisarius, commander of Justinianus, made an expedition against the Persians.
The same year, an Arab, Harith-ibn-Gabala, marched against the Persians. While Chosroes was struck with these ulcers, Harith attacked the Persians with his forces and put them to rout, destroyed several of their cities and took many prisoners. But one of the satraps of Chosroes then went out against the Arabs, defeated them and recaptured all the prisoners.
At that time, a sign of fire, the shape of a sword, appeared in the sky and was transported from the East towards the West; it remained (visible) for all the winter.
In the year 17 of Justinianus, Chosroes, son of Qawad, went up against Kafartoutha and Ras`ayn. But Basilius (Belisarius) went out with some Greek forces against the Persians and pushed back Chosroes before he had captured these cities. |172
In year 18 of Justinianus, Chosroes went up against Edessa, besieged it for two months and, unable to take it, returned home.
In the year 20 of Justinianus, a great famine prevailed in the East, so much so that the bushel (modius) was sold for 13 dirhams.
In the year 26 of Justinianus, a great plague occurred which killed many people.
The oxen were also affected, so that men plowed with asses or horses. War was declared between men, who did not cease to kill one another, and many left their native land.
In this year Justinianus ordered Theodore and his books to be condemned; also the chapters composed by Theodoret and that the chapters composed by Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, should be accepted. 164 bishops met and condemned Theodore, Theodoret, their books and their doctrines, and Hiba, bishop of Edessa, and his doctrines. But Vigilius, bishop of Rome, refused to affix his signature to this judgment and said: "Anyone who died without being excommunicated cannot properly be excommunicated after their death." But Justinianus insisted; then Vigilius excommunicated them and signed their condemnation with all the other bishops. |173
In the same year, there was a violent earthquake, which destroyed several localities.
In the year 28 of Justinianus, the Greeks made peace with the Persians, and peace between them lasted until the sixth year of Justinus the Younger.
The same year, there was an earthquake in Constantinople, in the month of Kanun I (December), and a great plague occurred in Rome and in the surrounding countries.
In the year 35 of his reign, Justinian wrote to all the bishops ordering them to celebrate Christmas on the 24th of Kanun I (December) and Epiphany on the th of Kanun II (January), because many people had celebrated Christmas and the Epiphany together, on the same day, i.e. on the day of Epiphany, th of Kanun II.
In the year 39 of Justinianus, a sign, like a lance of fire, appeared in the sky and remained for four months and started to move from one place to another.
At that time John the grammarian was illustrious in Alexandria. He was a philosopher and wrote many books on grammar, philosophy, logic, religion, etc. |174 He shared the ideas of James and Severus; he then abandoned them and claimed that the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost are three hypostases and three natures but only one substance.
In that time, the followers of Julian of Halicarnassus announced themselves. Some said that the body of Christ had not been created, but that it was descended from heaven with him; others said: "On the contrary, the body was created, but it is subtle and spiritual. Christ could not undergo sufferings unless he was associated with sin; but Christ was never involved with sin; he was thus not really crucified, he did not suffer, he did not die; all that was only seemingly."
Then the emperor Justinianus died, after reigning alone for nine years and with Justinus, his associate, for thirty-nine years. After these thirty-nine years, Justinus, his associate, reigned alone, in the year 788 of Alexander. |175
In the first year of his reign, there was an eclipse of the sun, on Sunday the first Ab (August).
In year 8 of his reign, a sign of fire was seen in the sky, which began in the north and remained in all the sky.
A darkness occurred which wrapped the whole world for nine hours of the day until the night, so that nothing could be seen; and it fell from the air like wisps of straw and ash.
In this year, the emperor sent one of his lieutenants to Apamea to take from there the cross of Our Lord Christ that Helena had placed there. The population rose and refused to let him take it. The lieutenant wrote to the emperor to inform him of the events; then the emperor ordered the cross divided into two, to bring half to him and to leave the other in the city; the lieutenant did so.
In year 3 of Justinus the Younger, the rains became rare, and the winter was similar to the summer. There was a violent earthquake and a great plague.
In the year 6 of his reign, a column of fire appeared in the sky, in the area of the West, and remained for the whole year. |176
In the year 7 of his reign, the king of Persians marched against (the fortress) of Abaran, plundered it, set fire to Apamea, captured the wood of the Cross which was there, and sent it to Persia.
The same year, a sedition broke out in Constantinople, and there was discord between the Armenian patricians. They wrote to the emperor Justinus to request him to send somebody to them who would put them in agreement. The emperor sent (somebody) who reconciled them.
In year 8 (of the reign of Justinus), Chosroes, king of Persians, made a expedition against Dara, besieged it for a few months, but could not take it. Then he sent (one of his generals) to Antioch, who invaded its neighbourhood and returned to Apamea. The population of Apamea, relying on the peace which reigned between the Greeks and Persians, opened the gates of the city. The Persians entered and spread out. Then their leader ordered them to put the inhabitants to the sword; and they plundered the city and killed a very great number of its inhabitants. It was while he besieged Dara that Chosroes sent one of his marzbans (satraps) to capture these places; the latter returned to him with many prisoners, riches and horses. Chosroes besieged Dara for six months and captured it on the 11th of Tichrin (II) (November). |177
Then Justinus prepared to make the war on the Persians, but he became dangerously sick, fell into insanity, and the campaign did not take place.
In this year, there was a violent and great plague in all the country and particularly in Constantinople. A strong disease struck the people, and many of them became blind.
Justinus recovered from his illness; he was cured, and his reason returned to him. He gathered his patricians and the leaders of his forces and proclaimed as Caesar to reign after him a man named Tiberius, who belonged to the notables of the empire and was always close to the emperor.
In year 11 of Justinus, the Samaritans revolted. The emperor sent (an army) against them which fought them, plundered their country and killed a very great number of them.
Tiberius reigned for four years, (from) year 889 of Alexander; he was heir apparent to the empire for six years. |178
During his reign, the truce which had been concluded between the Greeks and Persians expired, and a violent war broke out between them. Tiberius, emperor of the Greeks, wrote to the king of Persians to ask for peace or tell him to declare war. The king of Persians refused to make peace with the Greeks and promised Tiberius to come to fight him in a place that he indicated to him. The Greeks gathered for the battle and arrived in this place, where they awaited the Persians. But Chosroes tricked them and did not come to the agreed place. The Persians attacked Ras`ayn, Al-Khanurin (?) and Kitharizon (?). Then Tiberius sent against them forces under the command of one of his patricians named Maurice, who met Persians and put them to rout. Then Tiberius rejoined Maurice and his troops, made 40,000 prisoners whom he deported and settled in the island of Cyprus.
In this year, there was a violent earthquake in Antioch which overthrew two towers on the walls. In the same year, the summer was very rainy and very cold. The atmosphere tarnished and was darkened; many locusts appeared which devoured the harvest of grain, grasses and vegetables. There was a great plague. |179
At that time there were found some people who worshipped idols; and they were killed.
The th year of his reign, Tiberius gave his daughter in marriage to Maurice, the most remarkable of his generals, and proclaimed him (Caesar) to succeed in future. Tiberius died and Maurice reigned for twenty years, (from) year 894 of Alexander.
Maurice was a good man, with a gracious manner, and very charitable; he gave food sixty times a year to the indigent and poor; ignoring their status, he and his wife served them food and drink and gave them abundant alms.
In year 4 of Maurice, a great plague prevailed at Constantinople and carried off 400,000 of its inhabitants.
In year 11 of his reign, Maurice ordered the banishment of the Jews who were in Antioch, and they were driven out of the city. This is why: a Christian had rented a house to live there. When he left it, an image of Mary was left behind there; after him, a Jew rented this house, |180 and when he entered there, he found this image and urinated on it. This matter came to the emperor, who ordered the expulsion of the Jews of Antioch and made them shave the middle of their heads so that they could be recognized by this mark.
In year 6 of Maurice on the 29th of Tichrin I (October), there was an earthquake at Antioch which devastated the whole city; the great temples, most of the walls and markets and all the houses were toppled.
It is said that it was there a merchant originating in Apamea, who, for all its life, had helped the indigent and the poor and was very charitable. The night of the earthquake, he went out to seek in the streets and the markets of the city someone to help; but he did not find anybody. He then went out to look outside of the city and saw two angels. When he saw them, they told him that they would overturn the city, and warned him to leave there, he and his family. He did so in all haste and escaped safe and sound with his fortune.
In this year, the Persians attacked Mayafariqin and captured it.
The same year, the Greeks of Syria revolted and put at their head one of their own. Maurice then wrote to Gregory, patriarch of Antioch, to request him to pacify the Greeks. The patriarch succeeded in this, and all the Greeks accepted the governor whom the emperor had sent to them, |181 and departed for Mayafariqin; but they found that the Persians had already captured it; being unable to retake the city, they built a village close to it which they called Maurice, and camped there, while waiting to capture the other, and killed the Persians who were there.
At that time Qourya (Qoura) the philosopher, author of many works, was illustrious.
In the year 8 of Maurice, the Persians attacked Hormizd (Hormiz), their king, put out his eyes and then killed him. They divided into two parties: one was for his son Chosroes, the other for a marzban (satrap) named Bahram. The party which was for Chosroes, son of Hormizd, took the initiative and proclaimed him king. But Bahram the marzban was conducting a war with the Deilemites and was absent when Chrosroes was proclaimed. The war with the Deilemites finished, and he wrote to Chosroes: "I do not know you. Give up power or take this as a declaration of war!" Bahram had many soldiers. Chosroes, son of Hormizd, was young; he was afraid to enter into combat with Bahram and thought of asking help from the emperor of the Greeks. |182
Then he called one of his private servants and announced his resolution to him. When the latter heard the words of the king, he left in secrecy and set out for the camp of the Greeks; he entered, met an Arab chief named Djafnah, who had asked protection of the Greeks, and informed him. Djafnah went along to Constantinople and acted so that he came to the emperor.
The emperor exclaimed and said to him: "What do you want?" Djafnah answered: "I want to communicate to the emperor a secret that I possess, and I will thus share with him something extraordinary." The emperor feared that Djafnah might wish to do him harm, and ordered his clothing removed. Djafnah was thus presented in front of the emperor in trousers only and said: "O emperor! I want to be sent to the king of the Persians so that he submits and obeys you." The emperor said: "I believe that you are insane." Then Djafnah brought out the letter that Chosroes had written. The emperor read it, understood it and was delighted at it.
Then the emperor ordered him to make Chosroes come to him so that he could give him all he needed, and help him against his enemies. (At the same time) Maurice wrote a reply to the letter of Chosroes. Djafnah took it and returned with the servant to Chosroes; he gave the letter to him and told him of the good disposition of the emperor towards him. |183
When Chosroes read the letter, he left his kingdom, disguised as a beggar and so traversed the empire of the Persians; he passed by Nisibis and arrived at Edessa, where he entered. He presented himself before the governor and told him who he was. The governor embraced him, treated him with distinction, provided him all the necessaries and wrote to the emperor about him.
Then the emperor wrote to Chosroes to tell him to go to Menbidj and to await there the arrival of the troops with all the necessaries. There, he would be close to his empire and could strike at his enemy, before he had captured his kingdom. Chosroes felt great joy on reading this letter by Maurice.
Then he sent a letter to him thus: "To the blessed father, Master of the victorious sword, Maurice, son of the Master, on behalf of Chosroes, son of Hormizd, his son, greeting. I inform the emperor that Bahram and his followers, slaves of my father, did not recognize my authority, united against me, their Master, forgot the benefits from my father, revolted against me their lord, and wanted to kill me. Then I decided to have recourse to you, to seek protection near your grace and to submit myself to you, because to submit oneself to a king like myself, although he is an enemy, is better for me than to fall into the hands of rebellious slaves; to die at the hand of kings is nobler for me than to die by the hand of another; I regard that as less ignominious. I take refuge with you, trustful in your kindness, in the generosity that |184 God has inspired in you, and in your clemency. I ask you to have pity on me, to show me mercy, to treat me with kindness, since I have recourse to you and humbly I beseech your help. I am come into your empire to place my fate between your hands. Hasten to help me and to help me; be not insensitive to the fate of a king like yourself, whom slaves overcame and drove out of his kingdom. If you have acted thus in my connection, I will be to you a docile and obedient son, with all my family, my entourage and the subjects of my kingdom, if this pleases God Almighty."
Having read this letter, Maurice gathered the commanders of the Greeks, the patricians, the warriors and the leaders of the city and had it read to them. The reading finished, each one required his opinion of his neighbour. The emperor took note of their answers, and he found himself alone in his opinion. He decided to answer favourably him that had taken refuge with him, and to help him who had beseeched his help. He ordered the troops to prepare to go on campaign and to take with them the money necessary (to Chosroes). The army, to the number of 40,000 soldiers, departed to Chosroes with the materials of war and much money.
Maurice wrote the following answer to him: "From Maurice, servant of Jesus Christ, may he be glorified! to Chosroes, king of the Persians, my son and my brother, greeting. I have read your letter and I learned from it the conduct |185 of the slaves who raised themselves against you, their disobedience, the contempt which they made of the benefits of your fathers and your ancestors, and their rebellion against you whom they have driven out of your kingdom. I have felt more sorrow at this than I can express, and sympathy leads me to feel sorry for your fate and to help you, as you ask. Since you say that it is preferable to hide under the wings of an enemy king and to be put in the shade of his protection, than to fall into the hands of rebellious slaves; that to die at the hand of the kings is better than to die at the hand of the slaves; but that you prefer a very noble friendship and that you beseech it from us, we believe your words and approve your language; we will strengthen your power, will achieve your desire and will satisfy your needs; we support and approve your finer feelings. We thus send troops and money to you, because you are thrown down and dispossessed of your rank and your dignity. I make you my son and I will be your father. I will not be niggardly of my money nor my troops and I will not refuse to send them to your help. Take the money, may it profit you, and go with the blessing and the help of God. Also take the troops, and feel neither distress nor fear! Quickly run to your enemy, without negligence or slowness! Hope that God will give you the victory over your enemy, will throw him |186 at your feet, will make his tricks useless and will restore you in your rank, if God so wishes."
When the troops and the letter of the emperor had reached Chosroes, son of Hormizd, and he had accepted the money, he marched against the enemy. Bahram, learning of Chosroes' flight to the Greeks, had allied to Al-Makhuzah, had seized the riches contained in the treasury, the weapons and effects, had burned the whole city, destroyed the palaces of Chosroes and had prepared for war. Chosroes, son of Hormizd, went to their encounter with the Greek troops and met him between Al-Madain and Wasit. Bahram was put to flight; all his men were killed and his riches and his camp delivered over to plunder. Chosroes returned to his kingdom where he went up (on the throne), and all the people gave oath to him.
After a short rest, he called the Greeks, loaded them with presents, returned them to their Master and turned over to the emperor Maurice twice the money and gifts that he had received. He started then by restoring Dara to the Greeks, taken seventeen years before by the Persians, and similarly Mayafariqin from which he transported all the Persians elsewhere. Chosroes |187 kept with him a troop of Greeks and charged them with keeping his treasures, built two churches for the Christians, one, at Al-Madain, dedicated to St. Mary, and the other to St. Sergius the martyr; then he arranged for Anastasius, patriarch of Antioch, to come who dedicated them and established priests and deacons there. Chosroes rewarded him largely, and he (Anastasius) returned from there. That occurred at the end of the 902nd year of Alexander.
In this year, there was a great plague among men; then a powerful disease struck them. The following year, which was the 903rd year of Alexander, in the month of Adhar (March), in the middle of the day, there was an eclipse of the sun, and the same day an earthquake occurred. In the year 14 of Maurice, excessive heat burned the trees, grapes, vines and all the greenery. In the year 16 of his reign, the rains were so abundant that many cities with their population and their cattle were drowned in water. Then there was a swarm of locusts such as had never been seen and which remained all year to devour and to destroy (the harvest). In year 17 of his reign, there was a strong earthquake and much snow fell.
At the end of the 20th year of Maurice, the magnates and patricians of the Greeks |188 were assembled in the town of Heraclea. Among them was a patrician named Phocas whom they wanted to proclaim emperor. But they had previously intended to proclaim Petrus, brother of Maurice, when Maurice, after concluding peace with the Persians, had removed them from leading the troops and had removed their (names) from the role. They let Petrus, brother of Maurice, know that they wanted to make him king, but he fled from them and left for Constantinople.
Then Maurice fled to Chalcedon. The Greeks caught up with him, as he was dressed in rags like a beggar, and killed both him, his sons and his followers, and proclaimed Phocas emperor. Phocas reigned for eight years, from the year 914 of Alexander; he did not belong in any way to the imperial family.
Chosroes, on the news of the murder of Maurice, cancelled the treaty concluded between him and the Greeks, broke the peace which linked them, marched on Dara and captured it.
In year 8 of Phocas, a sign appeared in the sky similar to a large resplendent star of which the rays looked like blood which was coloured the major part of the sky and the air; and this sign remained (visible) from the month of Tichrin I (October) to the month of Nisan (April). |189
In the same year, a great misfortune occurred in Syria. Here is the cause: the Jews which were there and in Mesopotamia, intended to kill the Christians in all the cities and to ruin their churches. While they were preoccupied with this, they were denounced to the authorities. Then the Christians threw themselves on them and killed a great number of them. Learning this, Phocas was annoyed with the Christians and laid heavy taxes on them at Antioch, Laodicea and in all of Syria and Mesopotamia.
The same year, the Persians went up against Amid and captured it; then they turned against Qinnesrin and returned to Edessa.
In this same year, two rebels rose against Phocas, emperor of the Greeks: one of them was Heraclius, other Gregory in Africa; they sent troops with two of their followers and ordered them, i.e. Heraclius, son of Heraclius, and Nicetas, son of Gregory, their followers, to kill Phocas. They agreed between them that the empire would belong to the first to arrive in Constantinople and kill Phocas. Heraclius, son of Heraclius, went by sea and found it favorable and calm, and Nicetas went by land. Heraclius preceded Nicetas, entered the city and killed Phocas. Heraclius reigned thirty and one years and five months, from the 922nd year of Alexander. |190
In the first year of his reign, Heraclius sent ambassadors to the king of the Persians to make peace with him; but he refused completely. When the Persians learned that Heraclius had ascended the throne, they attacked Antioch, killed its patriarch and took along his population into captivity. Then Nicetas, son of Gregory, left for Alexandria and captured it. The Persians went up against the Greeks and took Antioch; then they turned against Apamea and captured it; then they went to Emesa (Hims) and captured it. All this took place in the month of Tichrin I (October). The Greeks assembled and fought the Persians close to (the river) of Halys; but the Greeks were put to flight and many of them drowned in the river. Then the Persians captured Caesarea.
In this year, among the Greeks, there was a great famine, so that men ate corpses and the skins of animals.
Then Nicetas, son of Gregory, went out against the satrap (marzban) called Kesrou`an, who had captured these cities, fought him and put him to flight; and on the two sides there were 20,000 dead.
In this year, many locusts appeared. |191
In year 4 of Heraclius, the Arabs began their conquests, i.e. in year 935 of Alexander.
In year 5 of Heraclius, the Persians left Caesarea, set out to march on Jerusalem and captured it. In year 8 of Heraclius, the Persians took Alexandria and the surrounding countries, striking as far as Nubia, attacked Chalcedon and captured it.
In year 10 of Heraclius, the Arabs set out to move on Jathrib, in year 931 of Alexander.
In year 15 (of Heraclius), the Persians made a raid against Rhodes and captured it. In this year, Chosroes, son of Hormizd, ordered the marble of the churches in all the cities which it had captured to be taken, and carried to al-Madain and al-Makhuzah; and this caused great suffering to men and animals. |192
In this year, Heraclius made war on the Persians, captured the town of Kisri, took many prisoners and departed. Three years afterwards, he made peace with the Persians, i.e. in year 17 of Heraclius.
At that time, there was an eclipse of the sun, and this eclipse lasted from Tichrin I (October) until Haziran (June), i.e. for nine months; half of the disc was eclipsed and the other was not; and only a little of its light was visible.
In the year 18 of the emperor Heraclius, Chosroes, son of Hormizd, king of Persians, was killed, after reigning thirty-eight years; then Qawad (Qabad), his son, succeeded him; he made peace with the Greeks and restored the cities to them which his father had taken. In year 19 of Heraclius, Qawad, sons of Chosroes, died, after having reigned one year, and Ardechir, his son, succeeded him. Then the satrap Chahrabaz who had made all these conquests, killed him, made peace with the Greeks and restored to them the cities that he and the others had taken, as far as Dara, which was located beyond Nisibis.
In this year in the sky a comet appeared, in the area of the west.
Then Heraclius ordered the Greeks to leave the country (of the Persians) |193 and to come into the country of the Greeks, because the Greeks and Persians had made peace. Chahrabaz ordered all Persians to return to their countries, each one to his city and family, and not to sow disorder in the country. But they did not accept his words. At the end of year 20 of Heraclius, the Persians made a raid on the banks of the Euphrates, and Chahrabaz made captive many troops of Greeks; a great number of the leaders of the Persians (of the Greeks?) and their followers were killed.
In the year 21 of Heraclius, Chahrabaz, who had usurped power over the Persians, died, and Bouran, his daughter, began to reign and made peace with the Greeks; then she died, and her sister succeeded her.
In this year, the fame of the Arabs spread and terrified many among the Greeks and Persians.
In the year 22 of Heraclius, the Greeks met with the Arabs on the banks of the Yarmuk; and the Arabs killed such a quantity of Greeks that (their bodies) formed a bridge on which to pass. That took place in year 943 of Alexander.
(In that time), Abou-Bekr-`Atiq, son of Abou-Qouhafah, was recognized as their leader; he remained in Yathrib in the country of Farous (Qarous?) and he sent troops in all directions under the command of four generals: |194 one (was sent) into the country of the Persians, another to Aleppo and Damascus. A Greek patrician, whose name was Sergius, resided at Caesarea and was governor for the Greeks. He met the Arabs who put him to flight and killed his men.
In this same year, there was a violent earthquake and a sign appeared in the sky, in the shape of a column of fire, which started to move from the East to the West and from North to South and then disappeared.
Heraclius sent his brother, who was at Edessa, against the Arabs; but he did not dare to oppose them; then Heraclius went to Constantinople, left Syria and sent against the Arabs some troops which put them to flight and plundered their camp.
In this same year, Omar, son of Khattab, moved towards Syria and arrived at Jerusalem. The patriarch went out before him and admitted him into the city. Omar looked at the city and the temple which was there, and prayed there. After remaining there for forty days, he arose and went to Damascus where he remained a long time; then he returned to Yathrib.
Heraclius, emperor of the Greeks, died, after reigning thirty one years and five months.
In this same year, the Arabs captured the town of Caesarea, and Palestine. |195
Then Constantine, son of Heraclius reigned for four months, in the year 953 of Alexander, and was killed. (After him) Heraclius, son of Heraclius, and his son reigned together for eight month; then they were dethroned. Then Constans reigned for twenty-seven years from the year 954 of Alexander.
In year 6 of his reign, the Arabs took Cyprus and conquered it. In year 7 of his reign, the Arabs and the Greeks divided the island of Cyprus into two halves. At the end of the twenty-seventh year of his reign, the Greeks killed him, i.e. Constans, in the bath, in Sicily.
From Adam to the flood there were 2,242 years; from the flood to the construction of the tower, the confusion of languages in Babel and the time of Ar`u, 650 years; from the confusion of languages until the birth of Abraham, 413 years; from the birth of Abraham to the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt, 506 years; from the exodus of the Israelites out of Egypt until the first king, Saul, reigned over them, 696 years; from the reign of Saul until Nabuchodonosor took them into captivity, set fire to the Temple and destroyed the city, 505 years; from Zahab (Zedekiah), |196 king of the Israelites, lieutenant of king Nabuchodonosor, and the kings of the Persians to Alexander, 2,239 years; from Alexander until the kings of the Greeks started to reign, 280 years and five months; from (the beginning) of the empire of the Arabs until now, i.e. until the 1,273rd year of Alexander, there are 330 years and eight months 28.
We will report the years of the Arabs and their kings, king by king, and how long each of them reigned, as far as possible, if Great God wills.
History of the Arabs.
In the year 933 of Alexander and year 11 of Heraclius, king of the Greeks, and at the end of the 30th year of Chosroes, son of Hormizd, the Arabs were stirred up in Yathrib and established as their leader a man who was called Mohammed, son of `Abdallah. He became their leader and their king and governed them for ten years. His family, his parents and his tribe gathered around him, |197 and he made them believe in only one God who has no associate; he made them reject the worship of the idols and to worship only one God. He ordered to them to practise circumcision, not to drink wine, not to eat pig, nor animals that have been strangled, nor blood; to pray and to pay the tax (zakat). He who accepted this was safe and sound; and if somebody refused and made opposition, he made war on him. He killed several Arab chiefs of his tribe and others and captured many cities of the neighbouring peoples.
The Arab Christians and the others came to him, and he protected them and gave them safe conduct. All the people who did not agree with him, i.e. the Jews, the Magi, the Sabaeans and the others, did the same thing; they gave oath to him and accepted his protection, with responsibility to pay a poll-tax and a tax on land.
He ordered his people to accept the prophets and the apostles and what God had revealed to them; to believe in Christ, son of Mary, and to say that he is the messenger of God and his Word, his servant and his spirit; (to believe) in the Gospel, paradise, hell and the day of the last judgement. He said that in paradise there is food and drink, marriage and rivers of wine, milk and honey, and black-eyed girls (houris), untouched by men or genii. He prescribed the fast and the five prayers and other things of which I will say nothing for fear of being too long 29. |198
In the first year of his reign, Chahrabaz, satrap of the Persians, went against the Greeks, besieged Ancyra, and captured, killed or made captive all the inhabitants. He also captured, at the end of this year, the island of Rhodes and took its inhabitants into captivity.
In year 2 of his reign, Chosroes, son of Hormizd, tyrannized the populations of his kingdom who did not share his religion, because he was seized by pride and vanity because of the many conquests which he had made, and because of the extension of his power. He imposed heavy taxes on them, doubled their contributions and ordered the demolition of the churches of Syria and Mesopotamia and the marble from them to be carried off into his kingdom, as we already mentioned above, with all the vessels of gold, money and wood.
In year 3 of Mohammed, son of `Abdallah, in the year 14 of Heraclius and year 35 of Chosroes, son of Hormizd, Chahrabaz directed a expedition against Constantinople with a numerous army of Persians and besieged it; then he made an assault on the city, but could not take it and withdrew, after a long siege.
This same year, Chosroes persecuted those of the inhabitants of Edessa who held to the doctrines of the Melkites, and ordered them to follow the doctrines of the Jacobites. |199 This is why: There was a Jacobite man called Younan, who was a doctor for Chosroes, son of Hormizd. He was a relative of an inhabitant of Edessa named Qourrah, who was a Jacobite. Chosroes, son of Hormizd, had charged Qourrah of levy the land tax in Edessa. The inhabitants of Edessa hated him, denounced him to Chosroes and calumniated him to him, so that he was relieved. When Chosroes' doctor had seen the conduct of the inhabitants of Edessa towards Qourrah his relative, he felt anger at it. One day when he was alone with the king, he said to him: "O king! The inhabitants of Edessa should not be allowed to keep their religion, because they are bad people. But oppress them, as long as they remain in your empire, because their faith is that of Heraclius and of his followers and their doctrine on God is similar to his doctrine. They are in correspondence with him and they are sent messages. Order them to embrace the doctrines of the Jacobites or Nestorians: if they embrace one of the two doctrines, enmity will ignite between them and the Greeks; but if they believe as the Greeks, they will be always in favour of the Greeks."
Chosroes approved his words and wrote to the satrap, the governor of Mesopotamia, and ordered him to go to Edessa with his troops, to force the population to embrace the doctrines of the Jacobites or Nestorians and to put to death whoever refused. When the letter of Chosroes |200 reached the satrap, he set out to march and arrived at Edessa; he assembled the inhabitants in a church and said to them: "You are the enemies of God and enemies of Chosroes. You are spies who keep his enemies informed of his business. Now choose one of these two things: make yourselves Jacobites or Nestorians. If you embrace one of the two doctrines, (you will remain) in your native land with your manner of living; if you refuse, I will put to you to death and I will send you to the court of the king with your families, your goods and all your fortune. I grant to you for this a delay of a few days: reflect on this subject, before misfortune comes to assail you."
Then they said among themselves: "Let us choose one of these two things: to either eat the strangled ox or the swollen ass." They meant by the strangled ox Nestorianism and by the swollen ass Jacobitism. The people chose Jacobitism and did not leave their homes and native land. All the inhabitants of Edessa became Jacobites and took for leader a man called Isaiah.
A few months afterwards, Chosroes ordered the inhabitants of Edessa transported into Persia and wrote on this subject to the governor of the city. The governor, who was a merciful man, gentle and benevolent, |201 delayed in carrying out (this order) and did not deport them all in one go; but he sent them little by little; he hoped that the heart of the king would in the end have pity on them, and he hid their wrongdoings. On these events the emperor of the Greeks attacked the Persians and invaded Iraq. Chosroes forgot the inhabitants of Edessa, and the remainder of the inhabitants escaped captivity. Nobody appeared to resist Heraclius; he killed, took into captivity and returned to Syria.
In year 7 of Mohammed, son of `Abdallah, there was an eclipse of the sun, and the stars appeared in full daylight.
Chahrabaz camped before Constantinople up to that moment; then he recognized emperor Heraclius of the Greeks, and made obeissance to him. The cause of this was that certain people had denounced Chahrabaz to Chosroes and had said to him that he was little by little decreasing the royal power and said: "It is I who made all these conquests;"; (it was said) that he attacked the king, scorned him, he and all his men, and that he affirmed that, without him, the empire of Chosroes would not exist. Chosroes was irritated and wrote to the satrap — there was a man called Mardif which was with Chahrabaz — and ordered him to seek to cut the head of Chahrabaz and to send it to him; and he charged him to take command of the troops and to continue the war. |202
When the envoy of Chosroes was travelling to the army of Chahrabaz, the Greeks captured him, when he arrived at their borders, and presented him to the emperor Heraclius. That took place after the return of Heraclius from Persia. The emperor took the letter and imprisoned the envoy.
When he had read the letter, he sent a message to Chahrabaz and requested him to come to him; he said to him to fear nothing for his person, goods and family and let him know that he wished him well. Chahrabaz entered Constantinople and presented himself at the court of the emperor Heraclius. The latter had the letter of Chosroes read to the satrap and brought the envoy to him, whom was put before him. Chahrabaz recognized him, spoke to him and questioned him about this business, and the envoy told him.
When he understood the business clearly, he immediately took an oath to Heraclius. Then he composed a letter on behalf of the emperor, gave it to Mardif and ordered him to read it to all his chiefs and satraps; and he wrote to the satrap: "Do you believe it possible to do this?" Then the satraps and the nobles were full of irritation and anger against Chosroes; they thus came to Heraclius, took an oath to him and made obeisance to him. Heraclius ordered that those who were in their troops should be allowed to depart freely into Persia, without causing them any nuisance. And they left with their Master.
Then Heraclius prepared for war against Persia and sent to |203 Khagan, king of the Khazars, a letter where he asked him to send auxiliary troops to him to the number of 40,000 riders, and that he would take him as his son-in-law and would give him his daughter. Heraclius left for Syria, and started to take, one after the other, the cities which belonged to the Persians, and established governors in them.
When Chosroes learned of the conduct of Chahrabaz and his companions, their submission to Heraclius and the preparations for an expedition that Heraclius made against him; when his situation and the conquests of Heraclius were confirmed to him, he was frightened and disturbed and repented of what he had done. All the troops of the Persians were dispersed in Syria and Mesopotamia, and Heraclius, in his triumph, destroyed them, one after the other.
Syria, Egypt, Mesopotamia and Armenia belonged to the Persians. Then Chosroes ordered one of his satraps, called Rouzbahan, to take some Persian troops and to go against Heraclius, emperor of the Greeks. Rouzbahan left and arrived in the area of Mosul. Heraclius had already conquered Armenia, Mesopotamia, Egypt and Syria; he had beaten all the Persian troops which were in these countries, and the majority of the inhabitants and majority of the Armenians had given oath to him.
Heraclius set out on the march with 300,000 soldiers, and 40,000 men |204 arrived from the Khazars. When they had advanced as far as Azerbaidjan, Heraclius sent a letter to them in which he ordered them to remain there until he came to join them. After capturing Armenia, Heraclius continued his march, arrived at Nineveh and halted on the great Zab. Rouzbahan went before him; the two armies met and fought a tough battle in which Persians were put to flight; they lost there more than 50,000 men, and Rouzbahan their leader was numbered among the dead. Heraclius delivered their camp to plunder.
Chosroes, at the news of the disaster to Rouzbahan and his troops, fled to al-Makhuzah and al-Madain. Heraclius arrived there, captured him, seized the treasures of the king and carried off everything there. Then he set fire to al-Madain, destroyed the surrounding villages and took the inhabitants into captivity.
Chirouyah, son of Chosroes, had been imprisoned by his father. He came out of the prison, sought his father and, when he found him, put him to death and reigned after him. Chosroes had reigned thirty-eight years. His son Chirouyah started to reign in year 7 of Mohammed, son of `Abdallah, year 18 of Heraclius and the 940th year of Alexander. |205
Then Heraclius retraced his steps and camped at a village which was called Thamanin. This is the village where the ark stopped at the time of the flood, in the time of Noah. He climbed the mountain which is called al-Djoudi, examined the place of the ark, looked at the world, while turning to the four cardinal points, and went then over to Amid where he remained for all the winter.
Chirouyah, son of Chosroes, sent messengers to Heraclius to ask for peace. Heraclius accepted his proposals, provided that he restored all the cities to him and all the villages his father (Chosroes) had captured and which had belonged to the Greeks; and Heraclius would return to Persia all the Persians who were in his empire.
In that time, among the philosophers Stephanus was illustrious, a sage of Egypt and of Alexandria, who was the disciple of the philosopher Olympiodorus and of Theodore, a philosopher of Constantinople.
Then Heraclius resolved to leave for Mesopotamia and Syria; he ordered his brother Theodore to come to him and ordered him to allow the Persians who were anywhere in Mesopotamia and Syria, to leave his |206 empire and go to Persia. Theodore left with the vanguard, and Heraclius visited successively each city, established his governors there, omitting none and returned then into his kingdom to Constantinople. Concerning Theodore, brother of Heraclius, he arrived at Edessa and ordered the Persians who were there, to leave there and go into Persia. But they refused to obey this order and said: "We do not know Chirouyah, son of Chosroes, and will not leave our fatherland." Then he drew up against them machines of war, put stones in them and launched them on them; he launched thus on them more than 40 stones and killed many of the inhabitants. Seeing themselves too weak to resist, they made submission; he granted mercy to them, and they left the city and went away into Persia.
Theodore ordered that the Jews who were in Edessa should be killed, because they had helped the Persians to persecute the Christians. When he started to massacre them, one of them left, came to Heraclius, told him what occurred, and requested him to forgive them and to be benevolent towards them. Heraclius agreed to this request and sent to Theodore a letter where he ordered him to save the Jews and to close his eyes to their faults. When the letter came to him, he did not trouble them any more.
Then, Heraclius arrived at Edessa and ordered the Christians who were there, to embrace the Melkite doctrines again. |207 Then they abjured Jacobitism, except for some families, who have remained faithful to the Jacobite doctrines to this day.
Heraclius passed a whole year at Edessa and exiled Qourrah, bishop of Edessa, to the island of Cyprus, because he realized that Qourrah could not read the Gospel very well. Then he said to him: "O man, how did you become a bishop, if you cannot read the Gospel very well! Go now to this island, fix yourself over there and learn to read and the other questions of the church."
Chirouyah, son of Chosroes, died, and Ardashir succeeded him. But Chahrabaz killed him. Here is how: After the death of Chosroes, Chahrabaz and several satraps employed a ruse, escaped from the camp of Heraclius and arrived in Persia because of the letter that Chirouyah, son of Chosroes, had sent to them. Then Chirouyah died, and his son Ardechir succeeded him. But Chahrabaz killed him and gathered troops of the Persians. Mardigan (Mardif) also gathered many troops, and the Persians were divided in two parties.
We have already reported that after the conversion of the emperor Constantine with his mother Helena to Christianity, the latter marched on pilgrimage to seek out the tree of the Cross in Jerusalem. She gathered the Jews and oppressed them until they produced the Cross; and she found it broken into two halves. |208 She took one half which she placed at Apamea, and brought the other to Constantinople. The Greek emperors wanted to take the other half which was in Apamea. But the inhabitants opposed this and only gave them part of their part... 30 At the time of Justinianus, the Persians made war against the Greeks, plundered... 31 to Apamea, took [the remainder] of the tree of the Cross and carried it [into Persia]. Heraclius requested Chahrabaz to return it, and [Chahrabaz] agreed to his request and sent the Cross to him. Heraclius took it and carried it to Constantinople, [added it] to the remainder of the Cross and covered it with gold. The Cross has been there until the present day.
In this year there was a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened... 32
[Mohammed being dead, Abu-Bekr] succeeded [him and reigned for two years... He sent] four generals... with troops: [one in Palestine, another] in Egypt, the third in Persia and the fourth against the Christian Arabs. |209 As for the one that Abu-Bekr sent to Palestine, he met a Greek patrician named Sergius, killed him with all his companions and plundered their camp. The other three (generals) were victorious and returned to Yathrib.
In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine; for thirty days the ground trembled. In the same year, there was a strong epidemic in various places.
Abu-Bekr died; and after him reigned Omar, son of Khattab, for twelve years, from the 946 year of Alexander and the thirteenth year of the Arabs.
In the first year of his reign, he sent troops against al-Balqa, captured Basra, many cities and large fortresses and then returned to Yathrib.
In year 2 [of his reign], Khalid, son of al-Walid, [went] with many troops on al-Balqa and... 33 in Persia. Khalid encountered... troops of the Greeks and destroyed them.... (Heraclius) went out from Menbidj and |210 sent... against Khalid and he killed... Arabs... Damascus. Then Heraclius left Menbidj.... Souriyah, which is Syria (ach-Cham), and learned with certainty that the Arabs had conquered it.
In the year... of Omar, the Arabs left Damascus with Khalid, son of al-Walid. The Greek patrician, who was at Antioch, learned of the sortie of Khalid with the Arab troops. Fear and disquiet seized him, and he gathered many troops and marched on Damascus with 70,000 warriors. Then Khalid moved towards Damascus and captured it by granting quarter to the inhabitants, and he went against all the cities of Syria which he took and to which he showed mercy.
Sa`d-ibn-Abu-Waqqas left Yathrib, marched into the desert of Qadas and arrived [at Qadisiyah (Kadisiyah).....] Koufah at the distance of five parasangs and remained there. When [Yezdegerd learned] of the invasion of the Arabs, he gathered many troops and sent.... (The Persians) camped on the Euphrates opposite Koufah. Then they met and [engaged in combat to] Qadisiyah (Kâdisîyah); and the Arabs put the Persians to rout and pursued them [to al-Madain], the town of Chosroes, which is on the Tigris.
Then Yezdegerd left with his satraps and his warriors, took position |211 on the Eastern bank of the Tigris and engaged in combat with the Arabs there. The Arabs threw themselves in the water, passed through with their horses, charged the Persians and put them to flight; then they captured al-Madain, [the town of Chosroes], and its surroundings and they removed the treasures of the king and other things.... Yezdegerd [fled to] Holwan where he gathered many troops. The Arabs [pursued him, caught up with him] at Holwan, put him to rout and killed all his soldiers. [Yezdegerd] fled and arrived at Nihavend; but the Arabs pursued him and put him to flight. (After that) Yezdegerd fled to Khorasan.
When Heraclius, who was [at Antioch], saw the rout of the Greeks and learned what the Arabs had done to the Persians, he was seized with anger and indignation and was very upset. He wrote to Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and Armenia, ordering them not to engage in more combat with the Arabs or to oppose more the will of God; he informed them that Great God had sent this misfortune on men, that he was not opposing himself to the will of God, [who had promised] Ishmael, son of Ibrahim (Abraham), that several kings would come from him.
Sa`id and Amrou, son of al-`Asi, marched on Egypt and entered there. Cyrus (Qourrah), bishop of Alexandria, [went out to meet them] and made peace |212 with them on condition that he paid [each year] 200,000 dinars; their troops would not enter [Egypt and] would not pass its borders; he was preparing the money and would send it to them... (Sa`id and Amrou) made a pact with him on these conditions. And Cyrus, bishop [of Alexandria], did not cease to govern firmly for three years, and none of the Arabs entered there.
[Then], a certain number of inhabitants of Egypt [went] to the emperor Heraclius and accused Cyrus [of taking] the money of Egypt and giving it to the Arabs... and giving them the tax on land from Egypt that he [should give to the emperor].
Heraclius [was irritated] at this and sent to Egypt a patrician [named Manuel], ordered him to relieve Cyrus of the administration of Egypt, to invest himself (Manuel) with the administration and to defend its inhabitants.
The following year, when the Arabs, according to custom, [came] to Egypt to ask for gold, they found Manuel encamped in Egypt with Greek troops. They were captured and brought before him. Manuel asked them for the purpose of their mission, and they made it known to him. When he heard that they were asking for gold, he drove out them with great anger and sent them back with scorn, saying: |213 "I am not the bishop Cyrus who gave you gold from fear of you, because he is a monk dedicated to the worship of God, but I am a man of arms and war and courage; you must understand that by seeing me. I have only contempt and scorn for you. Leave the country and do not return here any more; if you do, I will kill you. What has happened previously is considered excused."
The envoys returned to their Master, and told him this. Then Amrou-ibn-al-`Asi arose, advanced and arrived in Egypt where he met Manuel. Amrou put him to rout and killed almost all his soldiers; (after that), Manuel arrived at Alexandria with the remainder of his troops. Then the Arabs captured Egypt.
At this news, Heraclius wrote Cyrus, bishop of Alexandria: "Some people calumniated and wrongfully accused you to me. Hurry to agree to the request of these Arabs and grant to them what they ask. You know already that they are sent like a plague on men; that God promised Abraham concerning Ishmael that several kings would come from him; that the promises of God are true and that one cannot be opposed to them nor to evade them. If you can pacify the Arabs and get them away from Egypt by any possible means, do so; if you can make them accept the first conditions that you dictated to them, and make them accept, do so. |214 I put you at the head of Egypt and confide to you its government. Do as well as possible for its interests!"
The letter of the emperor Heraclius came to Cyrus, and he said: "How can I move the Arabs away? I already pass for a liar among them; and above all, they have already captured Egypt. However I will do all that I can and then I will await events." Cyrus went out from Alexandria and went to the camp of the Arabs. He was presented to Amrou-ibn-al-`Asi and, after having made excuses before him, made known him that he was not the cause of the transgression of the treaty which existed between them, but that the emperor Heraclius had treated him with violence and had made him change direction on this subject; he thus requested him to make peace again on the terms of the first treaty.
Amrou-ibn-al-`Asi answered him that under no circumstances would he accede to his request. "I do not have confidence in you," he added, "because you have misled me once; moreover, you request an impossible thing, because we conquered Egypt by our weapons and we will never give up it." Cyrus thus returned to Alexandria, without having obtained anything.
Then Omar-ibn-al-Khattab removed the command of Syria from Khalid-ibn-al-Walid and named in his place Abu-`Obeidah-ibn-al-Djarrah. This was in year 15 of the Arabs and 26 of Heraclius. |215
Omar started from Yathrib, arrived in Palestine and camped there. Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, went out to meet him and obtained from him safety for Jerusalem and all the towns of Palestine. Omar gave him safety and passed an act for him, and in this act it was specified: every Jew that we find in Jerusalem will be deprived of the protection of the laws, as from this day; the Jew that we find there will be punished for it in his hair, his appearance and his money.
Then Omar entered Jerusalem and prayed there; then he entered the very large temple that Solomon, son of David, had built, and ordered a mosque built there where the Moslems would make their prayers. Then the patriarch, having seen that the woollen clothing of Omar was dirty, requested him to accept of him (other) clothing. But Omar refused. The patriarch persisted. Then Omar said to him: "Do me the honour, please, to take these clothes, give them to the launderer and lend me these clothes that you brought to me, so that I can wear them until my clothes are washed; then I will return them to you." The patriarch did so, took Omar's clothes and gave them to the launderer; after washing, he brought them back to him. Omar put them on and returned his clothing to the patriarch. |216
Then Omar left Jerusalem, went to Yathrib, and invested Abu-`Obeidah with the command of Egypt and Syria. Abu-`Obeidah sent `Abbad-ibn-`Asim with many troops to go through all the towns of Syria; and he gave them safety and occupied them all. Then he returned to Mesopotamia, captured all the cities and gave them safety, after they had treated with him, stipulating that they would pay him each year 100,000 dinars, and that no Arab would pass the Euphrates, for whatever reason, so long as the treaty was closely adhered to. Then the inhabitants of Mesopotamia brought to `Abbad-ibn-`Asim the annual tribute. This (treaty) was concluded by the patrician Paul who was the governor of Heraclius, emperor of the Greeks, over Mesopotamia.
On this news, Heraclius, emperor of the Greeks, relieved Paul, sent him into exile in Africa and named (in his place) in Mesopotamia a man named Ptolemy, one of the patricians.
Then the Arabs captured Antioch and took the inhabitants of its suburbs and fields into captivity. |217
Then Omar removed the command in Syria from Abu-`Obeidah and named Mo`awia-ibn-Abu-Sofyan in his place. That took place in the year 6 of Omar, year 18 of the Arabs and year 29 of Heraclius.
`Abbad crossed the Euphrates and marched on Edessa, because the Edessans had not brought in the second year what they had promised to him. When he arrived there, the inhabitants went out to meet him and asked him for mercy for them and for Ptolemy, their governor and patrician. `Abbad entered Edessa, made Ptolemy leave and returned him to Greece; in a few days, he then made them pay 100,000 dinars.
`Abbad then left Edessa and arrived at Mawzan, because this city had not capitulated yet like all the other towns of Mesopotamia. When he arrived there, the Greeks who were there, resisted him. He was irritated at this, drew up balistas against the city and remained at this city with the (besieged) Greeks, until he had captured it; and he killed the Greeks who were there. `Abbad made the towns of Mesopotamia capitulate, to which he gave the aman, except for Dara; he took it by storm and killed the Greeks who were there, named governors over all the towns of Mesopotamia and returned Mo`awia-ibn-Abu-Sofyan who was in Syria. |218
Then Omar ordered his governor to hit all the regions of his empire with a tribute. The rolls were drawn up and the tribute was imposed on each area, each province, each city and each village; this tribute consisted of corn and money.
Heraclius, emperor of the Greeks, died, after reigning thirty one years. He died Sunday, February 7, year 952 of Alexander, 19 of the Arabs and the 7 of Omar. Constantine, son of Heraclius, reigned after him for four months. One of the women of his father killed him, and Heraclius, son of Heraclius, reigned for eight months.
In this year, Mo`awia captured Caesarea, a town of Palestine, and massacred 7,000 Greeks there.
The Greeks augured ill for the reign of Heraclius, son of Heraclius; they deposed him. Then Constans, son of Constantine, grandson of Heraclius, reigned twenty-seven years, from the year 954 of Alexander.
In year 10 of Omar-ibn-al-Khattab, the Arabs attacked a town of Cilicia, captured it and took many prisoners from there into captivity. |219
In year 11 of Omar, the sun was darkened, on Friday 1, Tichrin II (November).
In year 12 of Omar-ibn-al-Khattab, a man named Abu-Loulouah went to Omar and did not cease observing him with attention, while he prayed; and when Omar bowed deeply, he struck him several times with a knife and killed him. Omar died after reigning twelve years. Othman-ibn-`Affan reigned (after him) eleven years, from the 958 year of Alexander and the fifth year of Constans.
In this year Gregory, the Greek patrician who was in Africa, revolted.
The Arabs attacked Alexandria where Manuel, the Greek patrician, was. He fled with his soldiers; they left by sea and arrived in Greece. The Arabs captured Alexandria and destroyed its walls; they occupied this city and the coast between Alexandria and al-Farama (Pelusium). Then, the same year, they invaded Africa and fought a battle there with Gregory, the Greek patrician; they put him to flight and massacred his troops. Gregory arrived in Greece and made peace with the emperor. |220
In this year there was a violent wind: large trees were uprooted; harvests and vines were destroyed, and many towers (of the stylites) collapsed.
In year 3 of Othman, Mo`awia took to sea, arrived at Cyprus and captured it. He was accompanied by 1,700 ships full of weapons and riches. He took a great number of people from this island and neighbouring islands into captivity. Then when he learned that Greek troops had been sent against him, he returned to Syria and besieged Aroud (Aradus), employed all his efforts there, but could not take it. He then sent a bishop called Thomas who asked the inhabitants of the town to leave the island and to go away to Greece, so that the Arabs could settle there. When the bishop arrived there, they imprisoned him, did not let him return to Mo`awia and did not pay any attention to his message. Then Mo`awia returned to Damascus, because winter was arriving and that it was to the sea.
After the winter and at the beginning of spring, Mo`awia returned to the island of Aroud with troops stronger and more numerous than the first. He besieged it and treated the inhabitants with harshness. |221 When the inhabitants of Aroud saw the difficult situation in which they were, and the troops that were pressing them, they asked for mercy on condition of leaving for Syria and of establishing themselves where they liked. Mo`awia-ibn-Abu-Sofyan agreed to their request, and they left the city. After they left, Mo`awia ordered the destruction of its walls. They were destroyed, set on fire, and burned.
In this year, Othman-ibn-`Affan sent his son Sa`id with many troops to the pursuit of Yezdegerd, king of the Persians, who was in that time in Sedjestan. Having learned that Sa`id was coming to seek him, Yezdegerd fled from Sedjestan to Merv where he remained for two years. Sa`id took all the towns of Khorasan, and giving the aman, established there his governors and arrived at Merv where Yezdegerd was. When Yezdegerd learned of his arrival, he feared that the population, i.e. the population of the city, might hand him over; he thus left in the night and hid in a mill which was on the river, to the gate of the city. The owner of the mill recognized him, cut off his head and carried it to Sa`id. Sa`id captured Merv; he took the crown and the head of Chosroes, who was called Yezdegerd, and carried them to his father. Othman-ibn-`Affan put (the head) on a pillar and placed the crown in the Kaabah where it is to this day.
Constans, king of the Greeks, sent ambassadors to Mo`awia to ask peace of him. Mo`awia was in Damascus and the envoy Manuel, |222 who was in Egypt, was sent with a certain number of Greeks. Mo`awia agreed to his request provided that a certain number of the members of his house would be left with him as hostages.
In year 4 of Othman, the inhabitants of Armenia revolted against Constans, emperor of the Greeks, and submitted themselves to the Moslems. Their governor, one of the Greek patricians named Pasagnathes, wrote to Mo`awia and sent his son as a hostage to him. Learning that the Armenians had revolted and risen up, Constans left with Greek troops and went to Caesarea in Cappadocia to go into Armenia. While he was on the way, this news came to him and saddened him; he had intended to recover Armenia, but then he returned from there, despairing of recovering it.
Then Mo`awia sent troops to the island of Rhodes, who captured it, reorganized the administration there and made it an observation post for the Arabs. In this island, there was a statue which had been standing for approximately three hundred and sixty years. Its height was fifty cubits. The Arabs removed it and threw it into the sea. That took place in year 8 of Othman. |223
In this year, the (Arab) leader entered Armenia with many troops, captured it and killed all the Greeks who were there.
In this year, Othman-ibn-`Affan directed the pilgrimage.
It is necessary that you know, for the reading of our book, that the years of the Arabs do not agree with the non-Arab years, because there is a difference between them: thirty-two non-Arab years make thrity-three Arab years; but I will not omit to make the agreement; I will give this (33rd) additional year, as the Arabs count it; I will add it to the Arab years to keep their calendar in line with that which was already in use before their reign.
Then, in year 9 of Othman, 34 of the Arabs and 13 of Constans, emperor of the Greeks, Mo`awia-ibn-Abu-Sofyan prepared a expedition by sea against Constantinople. Mo`awia equipped many ships in the town of Trabulus (Tripoli) located at the seaside and embarked a great quantity of weapons there. When the ships were ready and that he was thinking of going on campaign, there were two brothers in Tripoli, (sons) of a man named Boukinator, who were in the service of the Arabs. Having seen the preparations of Mo`awia, they were seized with irritation and anger; they came to the prison, opened it and released all the Greeks who were there; they threw themselves on the governor of the city and killed him; |224 then they set fire to the ships and to the military equipment, went on a vessel and arrived in the country of the Greeks.
Learning this, Mo`awia equipped many troops against the Greeks, who captured the country of Bazantiyah and of Malatia, pushed to Hisn-al-Mourrah near the gate of Malatia and made 100,000 of its population prisoners. (At the same time Mo`awia) sent a man named Abu'l-`Oud with many troops; he entered Phoenix which is on the coast of Lycia, and entirely devastated it.
Then Constans marched against him with Greek troops and sent his brother Yaqout (Theodosius?) by sea with many ships. (The Greeks and Arabs) met and came to battle. In the first shock the Greeks were put to rout, and Constans was about to drown; he was saved because so many people died that the sea was turned bloody. Then the Arabs returned victorious and Constans returned to Sicily.
In that year, the inhabitants of Egypt and Iraq went to Othman-ibn-`Affan, surrounded him on all sides and killed him on Friday 19th of the month of Zou'l-qa`dah. |225
The same year, `Abdallah-ibn-al-Abbas directed the pilgrimage.
In that year, Talhah and az-Zobair went out from Mecca in the month of Rab'i II and agreed to march against Basra. Then `Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib went out from Medina to fight them, moved towards Feid and left Sahl-ibn-Hanifah in Medina as his lieutenant. He wrote to him then ordering him to rejoin him and conferred the administration of Medina on Abu-Hasan-al-Mazani. (The two forces) met and engaged in combat, and, near Basra, `Ali gained the victory. He prevented his troops from massacring the fleeing or maltreating the casualties; even he who had closed his gates, would be in safety. After remaining at Basra for fifteen days, `Ali went to Koufah and left `Abdallah-ibn-al-Abbas in Basra as lieutenant.
`Ali conferred the administration of Egypt on Qais-ibn-Sa`id (Sa`d) who resided there and governed it, but Mo`awia intrigued against him and had him relieved. Then Mo`awia and Amrou-ibn-al-`Asi went to Mohammed-ibn-Hazifah (Houzeifah) who was in Egypt and whom `Ali had made governor. They deceived him and made him go out to `Arich. Then `Ali named Hakam-ibn-as-Salt in Egypt. Mo`awia and Amrou went against him and drew up balistas against him; then he went out against them with thirty of his companions, and they killed him. |226 After that `Ali sent Qais-ibn-Sa`id to Egypt (as governor) (for the second time). Hasan-ibn-`Ali took the oath in the year 41 of the Arabs. Then Mo`awia went to Iraq, and Hasan-ibn-`Ali [followed him there]34. They met at Meskin in Sawad, a province [of Koufah], and made peace in writing, on certain conditions and in front of eyewitnesses.
Mo`awia went into [the mosque and] preached there, and the population took oath to him. Then, he left as lieutenant at Koufah [Mogair-ibn-Chou'bah and left for] Syria where he established Fadalah-ibn-`Abd as judge. Hasan-ibn-`Ali went to Medina. It was said to him: "What have you done?" He answered: "I have... taken in hate the inhabitants of Koufah, in which nobody can have confidence: my father had met... but he had not been able to get any profit at all from them, and they are good for nothing..... `Atabah-ibn-Abu-Sofyan." 35
The power of Mo`awia was reaffirmed; he dominated from Yathrib to Damascus and captured the whole world, after being sole ruler for twenty years. That took place in year 972 of Alexander, 41 of the Arabs and 19 of Constans, emperor of the Greeks. |227
(In that time) was born the sect of the Harourites... 36; (they claimed that they were the best) of all the Moslems, that their adversaries were in error and that they were entitled more to the empire than anybody. The master of the power, Mo`awia preferred the inhabitants of the West to those of the East because of the submission which the inhabitants of the west showed and because of the antagonism of these...
In year 8 (of his reign), a raid of Alans came out of Armenia, where the Greeks had suffered a terrible defeat. The leader of this campaign was Bechr-ibn-Artat who killed a great number of patricians. The Moslems made captive and plundered.... They were the first prisoners that they took.... 37
Mo`awia gave the government of the sea to... - ibn-Marwan.... ibn.... and he invested him with power over all... and was called Bechr-ibn-Artat. In this year, he named... and conferred the role of judge on `Abdallah-ibn... In this year, Bechr-ibn-Artat went... Rahman and Qathim, sons of `Abdallah-ibn-al-Abbas-ibn-`Abd-al-Mouttalib... Abu-Laila the rebel in the... suburb of Koufah.
In that year, `Outbah-ibn-Sofyan directed the pilgrimage. |228
In year 3 of Mo`awia, Bechr-ibn-Artat made for the second time a raid against the Greeks and took many prisoners. The Greeks fled to Constantinople.
In this year, Mo`awia ordered Marwan-ibn-al-Hakam to take the direction of the pilgrimage. The festival arrived, and he directed it.
In this year, [Amrou-ibn-]al-`Asi died in Egypt the day of the ending of the Fast, after ruling Egypt [under the caliphate of Omar-ibn]-al-Khattab for four years, under the caliphate of Othman for three... years and ten months... two and a half years. (After his death) Mo`awia named (in... Egypt) his son `Abdallah-ibn-Amrou-ibn-fal-`Asi]... God... to Mo`awia... `Abdarrahman-ibn[- Khalid-ibn-al-Walid... he pushed as far as] Aklouniyah... (Koloneia) in the country of the Greeks and returned.... Marwan-ibn-al-Hakam... 38
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... The eunuch (Andreas) cut off the testicles of (Sergius) and ordered them attached to the end of a lance with this inscription: "This is the revenge of Andreas, the eunuch of the emperor, on the envoy of Sabour the rebel." |229
Learning how the eunuch had treated the rebel envoy and that the troops of Mo`awia went to his help, Constans sent a patrician named Nicephorus with Greek troops to make war on Sabour, who was at Awdina. Sabour learned of the approach of these troops and each day went out to practise for the combat. One day he went out as usual and arrived at the door of the city, and he gave a blow of the whip to his horse which bucked and was carried off. Sabour ran his head against the gate of the city and fell down unconscious; he remained ill for a few days and died. Mo`awia had sent many numerous forces to him. When they arrived at Malatia and they learned of his death, (their leader Fadalah) stopped in Malatia and told Mo`awia, requesting him to send reinforcements to him so that he could attack the Greeks. Mo`awia ordered his son Yazid to take the Arab cavalry and to join the army. Yazid hurried there; thus increased, the Arab troops arrived at Chalcedon which they plundered and from where they took many prisoners and much spoil.
In this year, there was a strong rising of the waters of the Tiger, the Nile and Euphrates; all these rivers overflowed and ruined several places; the rising of the river of Edessa especially was such as to flood the city, demolish its walls and drown many people and innumerable animals. |230
In year 9 of Mo`awia, Constans, emperor of the Greeks, was killed after his return from the expedition against the Slavs. He had gone to the bath in Sicily where he had his residence. This is why he had fixed himself in Sicily: he had transferred the seat of the empire from Constantinople to Rome, after the murder of his brother, because he feared the fury of people indignant against him because of this crime. So he had transported himself to Rome and from there to Antakiyah (?); then he had established himself in Sicily, an island of the sea, and resided there with his generals and soldiers. He then sent to bring his family to him. But the inhabitants of Constantinople did not allow them to go to join him and said: "They are our emperors; and we will not allow our emperors to leave us." When Constans entered the bath, one of his servants took a vase with a handle in which he mixed mush with soap, and then poured it over his head. The emperor had the eyes full of mush and soap and he could not open them. Then the servant took the vase, struck him on the head and killed him; he left the bath in all haste and fled, without anybody seeing him.
However the servants waited for the emperor to come out; they waited a long time; time passed and (the emperor) did not leave; then they entered to the bath, found him unconscious and carried him out; he was still alive that day and died, after reigning twenty-seven years. |231
Then the Greeks met and made Mizizi(us), emperor an Armenian by origin. He was wise, robust and courageous.
When the son of Constans learned at Constantinople of the death of his father, he embarked and left for Sicily. He arrived, captured Mizizius and slaughtered him; then he seized those who had taken part in the murder of his father and had proclaimed another emperor; he killed the first, imprisoned the others and sent others of them into exile. Then he returned to Constantinople. Constantine and his brothers reigned for sixteen years, from the year 981 of Alexander and year 50 of the Arabs.
In that year, the Arabs made an expedition against the Greeks in Africa and took 100,000 prisoners.
In that year, much snow fell and there was a rigorous frost; and many people and animals perished.
In year 12 of Mo`awia, Bechr-ibn-Artat made a campaign against the Greeks; he killed (many) of them and took a great number of them into captivity.
In year 13 of Mo`awia, there appeared in the clouds a complete rainbow. Fear and credulity overcame the people, and many (of them) said that the hour of the end of the world had come. |232
Mo`awia took several ships, attacked the Greeks, and killed them and took prisoners.
In this year, the plague prevailed among the populations of Egypt and Palestine
In the year 14 of Mo`awia, the Arabs made a campaign by sea against the Greeks and arrived in Lycia. Three patricians went to meet them and caught up with them, and the Greeks killed 30,000 Arabs; the survivors embarked there. When they were on the open sea, a Greek found them with his ship, threw fire on their fleet which was completely burned. That year the Greeks were favoured with victory. They were the first to make use of (Greek) fire, and they usually made use of it.
In this same year, rats were numerous in Syria, and a great famine resulted from this.
In year 17 of Mo`awia, the Greeks equipped a fleet, took to the sea, arrived at the shore of Tyre and Sidon and unloaded there; then they captured the mountain of Lebanon where they established themselves. The people called them al-Kharaniqah. The Greeks, masters of the mountain of Lebanon, |233 stretched from the holy mountain to the black mountain. Constantine had stationed them there to divert the Arabs from their raids.
In this same year, there was an earthquake in Beisan, and Qatnan, one of the villages of Seroudj, subsided and its walls and all the houses collapsed. A similar thing occurred in Edessa where several localities were damaged. Mo`awia ordered that they should be restored and the churches of Edessa which had fallen rebuilt. He acted thus because he had remained in Edessa while going to fight `Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib.
Then Mo`awia died, after reigning for twenty years and being before that emir for twenty more years. He died Sunday th of the month of Iyar (May) (the year) 991 of Alexander and was buried in Damascus. After him Yazid-ibn-Mo`awia reigned three years and five months.
In the first year of his reign, a council of bishops, 189 in number, met by order of Constantine, in Constantinople. This is what is called the sixth council. Agathon, bishop of Rome, wrote to expound the agreement of his doctrines with that of 120 bishops who did not attend the council. |234 Canons were written which the Melkites alone accepted, to the exclusion of all the other Christian communities.
Then Constantine dispossessed his brothers of the empire and reigned alone. The Greek patricians gave him their approval, because he had satisfied them. However a patrician named Leo did not approve of him, showed dissatisfaction and said: "It is wrong that the people who reigned over us for so long have been dispossessed." Then Constantine ordered that his tongue, hands and feet be cut off, and exiled his brothers to an island of the sea.
Then Yazid-ibn-Mo`awia died. Already before the death of Yazid, Mouhtar the deceiver had appeared in Koufah; he claimed that he was a prophet, and he gathered (around him) many people. Yazid died without having an adult son to succeed him, and disorders broke out and the Arabs divided themselves into many parties. Those who were in Yathrib, in Iraq and in Mesopotamia proclaimed `Abdallah-ibn-az-Zobeir; those of Syria and Palestine remained faithful, by spirit of party, to the family of Mo`awia and spoke for them. Then Dhahhak-ibn-Qais gathered many troops, arrived at Damascus and declared that he would make war on `Abdallah-ibn-az-Zobeir. However the Arabs of Mesopotamia had already spoken for `Abdallah-ibn-az-Zobeir; |235 each one thus started to have a province which he was defending and for which he made war. Mouhtar was victorious at Koufah.
Then Marwan-ibn-al-Hakam left Yathrib, took his children with him and marched on Damascus. On the news of his arrival, the children of Yazid-ibn-Mo`awia were assembled, with their followers and those of the Arabs and the freed (maoulah) who wanted to subject themselves to his rule. Marwan said to them: "O people! I am an old man; my body is weak and shrivelled; my bones are broken; but when I learned your discord, my heart engaged me to expose my life and to use my credit to make peace between you. I thought that it would be neither worthy nor right before me, nor before God to abandon my people, when I see them divided, not to pacify him, not to calm their discords, not to engage to recognize as leader one of them, to obey him and to subject ourselves to him. If you approve of me, do what I say to you: Go and seek three arrows, write the names of three men among you; then give them to a foreign man at this assembly and order to him to scramble them well. Then draw one of them and give it to the assembly; he whose name comes out, will reign over us."
The people, hearing these words, approved them; they accepted his counsel and consented to his judgement. Thus Hasan-ibn-Malik was chosen, of the family of Mo`awia, one of their leaders, who was a governor of Palestine and the Jordan. |236 He agreed to this and accepted. Then Marwan-ibn-al-Hakam, Amrou-ibn-Sa`id-ibn-al-`Asi and other Qoreichites met and wrote their names on three arrows which were given to Hasan-ibn-Malik. He took them in his hand and stirred them up much; then he took one of them and launched it into the middle of the assembly. On inspection it bore the name of Marwan-ibn-al-Malik. Then the empire was given to him
When Dhahhak-ibn-Qais had learned that Marwan-ibn-al-Hakam was king, he went in disguise with a troop of his tribe and his followers and entered the army of Marwan to inform himself about him. When he was in the middle of the troops, one of the companions of Hasan-ibn-Malik recognized him and made him come to Marwan, to whom he gave oath unwillingly. When night fell, he fled and rejoined his troops. In the morning he was pursued, but it was impossible to catch him. Then Marwan left with his troops against Dhahhak and met him in a meadow (mardj) called Mardj-Rahit. The combat began, and Marwan killed Dhahhak with a very great number of his companions; the remainder took an oath to Marwan.
Then he returned to Damascus where he was based; he married a wife of Yazid-ibn-Mo`awia and lived in his room. Then Marwan resolved to go to Egypt to the inhabitants take an oath to him. |237 But a disease seized him, and he died, after reigning nine months. His son `Abd-al-Malik-ibn-Marwan reigned after him for twenty-two years, from the year 65 of the Arabs, year 996 of Alexander.
In this year, the people were struck by a great famine and plague.
The same year, `Abd-al-Malik made peace with the Greeks.
The same year still, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, died, and Justinianus reigned after him for ten years.
Then `Abd-al-Malik wrote a letter to ask peace. Justinianus agreed to make a ten years truce: he engaged to recall the Greeks who were in the mountains of Lebanon and make them return to the Greek country; on his side, `Abd-al-Malik would pay every day to Justinianus a thousand dinars, a horse and a slave in exchange for the recall of the Greeks who were in the mountains of Lebanon; the island of Cyprus would be divided in half between the Greeks and the Arabs... 39
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... to Khagan, king of Khazars, and all were drowned. Khagan, on this news, sent to Justinianus a letter where he said: |238 "O dimwit! If you had sent a person in your confidence to me, I would have sent your wife to you and the son that she gave you. That would have been better than to make all these people who drowned perish. Or could you have believed that I send them only after a war or a battle, that I would be miserly towards you and would deprive to you of her? If you want your wife and your son, sends a messenger, and we will give them to him." Justinianus read the letter and sent a servant who brought back his wife and his son for him. He called his son Tiberius and made him reign with him. This was in the year 22 of `Abd-al-Malik-ibn-Marwan. Tiberius reigned for seven years.
In this same year, `Abd-al-Malik-ibn-Marwan died, and Walid his son reigned after him for nine years and six months, from the year 1018 of Alexander.
The first year of his reign, he started to destroy the churches of Damascus, and especially the great church; he demolished it and built in its place a great mosque. He ordered that Greek should no longer be used in correspondence in his offices, but Arabic, because all the Arabs who were in Syria (ach-Cham and Souriyah) were writing in Greek.
In the second year of Walid, Maslamah-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik made a raid against the Greeks and entered the town of Tyana where he remained nine months. |239 A Greek patrician went out against him and fought him. The Greeks were put to rout and lost 40,000 dead. The Arabs ruined the town of Tyana, took the inhabitants captive and burned them.
This same year, Abbas-ibn-al-Walid made a expedition and brought back many prisoners from there. The same year, Othman-ibn-Hayan made a raid into Cilicia, forced many fortresses there to capitulate and took the inhabitants into captivity in Syria.
This same year, a Greek patrician named Philippicus, who was on an island of the sea, revolted. Justinianus then sent a certain of his patricians to fight him; but when he had arrived there, the latter took an oath to him and joined with him. The emperor, learning the news, went towards the coast of the sea of Pontus. The rebel Philippicus and his followers arrived at Constantinople where the Greeks accepted him and proclaimed him emperor. Tiberius, son of Justinianus, and his patricians were killed. Then Philippicus made the troops march to pursue Justinianus; they caught up with him. Justinianus was killed and his head was brought to Philippicus. That took place in year 93 of the Arabs, year 7 of Walid.
In this same year, Maslamah-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik made a raid against the Greeks and captured the town of Amasea and many other fortresses. |240
In this same year, Philippicus, emperor of the Greeks, ordered that all the Armenians be driven out of his empire into Armenia. They left and ventured themselves among the Arabs. Walid installed them in Malatia and Samosata.
In this same year, Abbas-ibn-al-Walid made a raid against the Greeks, captured Antioch (of Pisidia) and took the inhabitants into captivity.
In that year, there was a violent earthquake, during which many dwellings were destroyed in Antioch.
Then the Greeks threw themselves on Philippicus their emperor, put out his eyes, dethroned him and proclaimed Anastasius emperor. Philippicus had reigned for three years.
In year 7 of Walid, Maslamah made a raid against the Greeks and took many prisoners.
Walid died and Soleiman reigned after him for two years and four months.
In the first year of his reign, Maslamah made a raid against the Greeks, penetrated into Galatia, captured many fortresses and took the population into captivity.
In this same year, Anastasius, emperor of the Greeks, sent troops |241 against the enemies who surrounded him. The Greeks threw themselves on his patrician, killed him, and proclaimed another emperor. Anastasius, on this news, feared that he would be attacked by the population of Constantinople and went away to Nicaea. Then he sent messengers to Maslamah, requesting him to ask Soleiman to help him with Arab troops. The rebel learned that the emperor Anastasius was in Nicaea, and marched against him. On his arrival, Anastasius left in his place a patrician to bar the way to him. But the rebel entered Constantinople where the inhabitants accepted him and proclaimed him king.... 40 Then the emperor ordered him sent into exile on an island of the sea, after one year and seven months of his reign.
In year 2 of Soleiman, Maslamah directed a expedition against Constantinople; he established Soleiman-ibn-Ma`adh and Bakhtari-ibn-al-Hasan as commanders of its vanguard with many troops, which went by land. He (also) sent `Amr-ibn-Houbairah with many ships; he himself came then and took many prisoners at Nicaea.
Then a patrician, named Leo, went to Soleiman-ibn-Ma`adh and promised him to help him to enter Constantinople. |242 Soleiman introduced him to Maslamah, who made many promises to him. Leo went out and went to Nicomedia. Theodosius, emperor of the Greeks, sent troops against him; Leo put them to rout and killed the son of the emperor Theodosius. Then the Greeks consulted to make the rebel Leo ascend the throne and proclaimed him king. He gathered troops, attacked Constantinople and captured the empire, after Theodosius had reigned for one year and seven months.
Leo began to reign over the Greeks, and Maslamah awaited the accomplishment of his promises throughout the summer. Learning that Leo had already become emperor of the Greeks and that he had tricked him, he moved towards Constantinople and besieged it for a whole year. When he learned of the death of Soleiman, he ceased making war and remained in his place.
On the death of Soleiman, Omar-ibn-`Abd-al-`Aziz succeeded him and reigned for one year, four months and six days. He wrote... to Maslamah-ibn-Mohammed... 41
In this same year, there was a violent earthquake, and many places were damaged.
Omar-ibn-`Abd-al-`Aziz showed his devotion and fear of God; he drove out of his empire corrupt people, forbade the Moslems... (wine?) and fermented drinks and showed exemplary conduct. |243 He wrote to the emperor Leo in order to get him to become a Moslem; and in his letter he attacked the Christian religion. Leo answered him by refuting his arguments; he proved to him the perversity of his doctrines and showed to him the light of Christianity by the evidence drawn from the revealed Books, of the laws of reason and the testimonies of the Koran.
Then a certain Greek patrician sent to the exiled emperor Anastasius a letter where he disparaged the emperor Leo and said that the empire should not belong to him; "the empire should belong to you more." He said that this letter expressed the unanimous feeling of the inhabitants of the empire on the advent of Leo and the exile of his rival; that Anastasius should act accordingly and look for ways to return. Anastasius read this letter and was seduced. Then (the patrician) wrote to him in the name of other patricians, requesting him to come back. Then Anastasius fled during the night, arrived at the king of the Bulgarians, claimed his protection and asked his help. The Bulgarian (Nubian) helped him with many troops. (Then Anastasius) left and arrived at Constantinople. But the Greeks would not accept him at all. When the Negros (= the Bulgarians) saw that the Greeks did not accept him, they delivered him to the Greeks and to Leo their emperor, who put him in irons and imprisoned him in perpetuity. After that, the Nubian (= Bulgarian) troops returned to their king. Then Leo killed Anastasius and the patricians. |244
... Omar-ibn-al-`Aziz died in the seventh month of the second year. Yazid-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik started to reign, in the year 1025 of Alexander.
In the first year of his reign, a man named Yazid-ibn-al-Mohallab, revolted in Iraq, and the Eastern Arabs gathered around him; Maslamah-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik then went out against him, put him to rout and killed him with his followers.
In this same year, there appeared a man from the inhabitants of Mardin. He said to the Jews that he was the Messiah. (This man) had been a Christian and then had converted to Judaism. He claimed to have come to deliver them and he collected much money. He had learned many juggleries and magic tricks; and he arranged for them to see them and to fascinate them. Yazid-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik learned this and killed him.
In this same year, Leo, emperor of the Greeks, started to convert to Christianity the tribes of his empire which were of a different religion and opposed to Christianity. He made the Jews embrace the Christian religion and the... and they were called new Christians. |245
In this same year, Abbas-ibn-al-Walid made a raid against the Greeks; he entered Paphlagonia, devastated it, took into captivity 20,000 inhabitants and captured there a fortress which is called...
Then Yazid-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik died, after reigning four years. After him, Hicham, his brother, reigned for nineteen years, from the year 105 of the Arabs.
He inventoried the great revenues of the majority of the towns of his empire, caravanserais, cabarets, small houses, villages and hamlets. He was the first to appropriate the goods of the Arabs. He diverted the water from many abundant rivers into canals and diverted the course of the river which was above al-Raqqah. He made plantations of every kind in Mesopotamia and Syria. And his revenues exceeded the land tax in his empire.
In this year, Kethir-ibn-Rabi`ah made a raid against the Greeks. But the Greeks massacred his soldiers, and Kethir was only able to save himself together with a few people. |246
In this same year, Leo ordered the images of the martyrs to be removed from the churches, houses and convents. Gregory, patriarch of Rome, learning this, was irritated and forbade the inhabitants of Rome and Italy to to pay tax to him.
In year 3 of Hicham, Maslamah made a raid against the Greeks; he captured the town of Neocaesarea and took its inhabitants into captivity.
At that time there was a violent plague in Syria, and people were struck with various buboes and ulcers.
In this same year, Mo`awia-ibn-Hicham made a raid against the Greeks, but he did not succeed. In year 4 of Hicham, Mo`awia-ibn-Hicham made a raid against the Greeks; he captured many fortresses and took many prisoners.
In this same year, the son of Kagan, king of Khazars, went out against Azerbaijan and invaded many provinces. Djarrah, governor of Armenia, met him. (The son of Khagan) fought him, put the Arabs to rout, killed approximately 20,000 souls and made twice that prisoners. |247
In year 5 of Hicham, Maslamah made a raid against the Khazars. But they put him to rout, killed a very great number of his soldiers, and Maslamah sought safety in flight.
Then Mo`awia-ibn-Hicham went against the Greeks, captured many fortresses and took many prisoners.
In year 8 of Hicham-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik, Maslamah went against the Turks and arrived at the Gate (= defile of Derbend), which was between them and the Arabs; being unable to cross it, he agreed a peace and moved away.
In this same year, Leo, emperor of the Greeks, made alliance with the king of Khazars of whom he asked the daughter for his son, and the marriage was concluded the same year.
In this year, Mo`awia went against the Greeks; he entered Paphlagonia, captured the city of... took its inhabitants into captivity and... set fire to it.
In this year, Hicham-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik sent Marwan-ibn-Mohammed as governor of Armenia.
In year 10 (of Hicham), Mo`awia made a raid against the Greeks and captured a great number of fortresses. |248
In this same year, there was a violent plague in Palestine and Egypt.
In this same year, at the month of Tichrin I (October), in the sky there appeared the figure of a sword on fire.
In year 11 of Hicham, Mo`awia made a raid into Asia (Minor) where he took many prisoners. Then he made a second expedition and took more prisoners; but he went out one day, fell from his horse and killed himself.
In this same year, Marwan-ibn-Mohammed went against the Khazars and in their lands took many prisoners.
In year 12 of Hicham, Soleiman-ibn-Hicham went against the Greeks; he arrived in Asia, captured a fortress called Soudour and took the inhabitants into captivity.
In year 13 of his reign, Maslamah-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik made a raid against the Greeks. When he besieged Ancyra, Hicham went to Malatia and, after remaining there for a few days, returned to Damascus. Maslamah captured Ancyra and took many prisoners there. |249
In this same year, Zeid-ibn-`Ali-ibn-al-Housein-ibn-`Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib revolted in Koufah; he attacked people, killed them and took prisoners in many places.
In this same year, the inhabitants of Africa revolted and massacred their governor and all the Moslems who were there.
The same year, Soleiman-ibn-Hicham went against the Greeks. The Greeks put him to rout, massacred his troops and took more than 20,000 Arabs into captivity.
In this same year, in Constantinople, there was a violent earthquake; most of its houses collapsed, and water started to run off the mountains.
In this same year, Leo, emperor of the Greeks, died, after reigning twenty-three years and three months and half. Constantine his son reigned after him for thirty-four years, from the year 1042 of Alexander.
In year 12 of Hicham, Soleiman-ibn-Hicham made a raid and besieged one of the fortresses of Asia. The plague broke out in his ranks, and many soldiers died; the famine prevailed; the Greeks massacred a great number of them; most of their horses perished; a very great number of them took refuge with the Greeks and became Christians because of the misfortune which had happened to them. (After that) Soleiman returned, fleeing. |250
In this same year, the Greeks marched against Malatia, plundered and devastated all the surrounding country. The Greeks took those who were there, and brought them into the country of the Greeks.
In this same year, a rebel named Artabaz (Artavasde) revolted against Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, entered Constantinople and assumed the imperial power. Constantine was absent. Constantine, on this news, returned to punish him; and they came to blows. While they fought, Soleiman made a raid against the Greeks and entered Paphlagonia. Nobody resisted him, because the Greeks were occupied with making war on each other; and Soleiman massacred 50,000 men.
Then Hicham-ibn-`Abd-al-Malik died and Walid-ibn-Yazid succeeded him and reigned for one year and two months. In the first year of his reign, he greatly maltreated the people of the family of Hicham.
Then Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, dispatched an envoy to Walid with many presents. Artabaz the rebel also dispatched (an envoy) to him.
Then, in that year, the rains failed and the springs and rivers were lowered. There was a great famine and many and frequent earthquakes. |251
In that year, in Yemen, the monkeys attacked men, who were leaving their houses; and they killed several of them.
In this same year, the rebel Artabaz left Constantinople to find the emperor Constantine. They met, and the rebel was put to rout, and all his followers perished.
In this same year, Omar-ibn-`Abd-al-`Aziz made a raid against the Greeks; he killed and took prisoners.
In the month of Haziran (June), a large sign appeared in the sky, under the aspect of columns of fire which burned and remained motionless. This was a first sign. Then, in the month of Eloul (September), another appeared, similar to a tongue of fire, and it extended from the East to the west.
Walid-ibn-Yazid deported the Cypriots from their hearths and their country in order to install them at al-Mahour (?) which is located at the seaside, between Tyr and Sidon.
The same year, in the month of Kanoun II (January), there appeared another sign in the shape of the moon; and the atmosphere was dull and dark.
Walid-ibn-Yazid was killed at Tadmor. The cause of his murder was this: Yazid, nicknamed the Simple, from the tribe of Bedr, went in secrecy to Damascus. He gathered his followers of the tribe of Bedr, and they captured the city and plundered the royal treasures. |252 Then he sent many troops against Walid under the command of `Abd-al-`Aziz-ibn-al-Hadjadj, and the latter killed Walid, who made war on an Arab tribe and had arrived at Tadmor. After the murder of Walid-ibn-Yazid, Yazid the Simple captured Othman and Yazid, son of Walid-ibn-Yazid, and imprisoned them. When `Abd-al-`Aziz-ibn-al-Hadjadj returned, carrying the head of Walid, Yazid ordered it put on a lance, sprinkled with wine and paraded in the city with this inscription: "Here is a head which likes wine!" The Arabs, on the news of the murder of Walid, were thrown into great disorder; their opinions divided them and they split into groups; discord and division broke out among them; the roads were cut, consternation dominated everywhere and misfortune took up residence among men. Soleiman-ibn-Hicham, who was in prison, went out and arrived at Damascus, where his soldiers took an oath to Yazid-ibn-al-Walid.
Marwan-ibn-Mohammed, who, as we said, was in Armenia, did not recognize Yazid. He left Armenia to go into Mesopotamia; he moved towards the Arabs of this country who took an oath to him. Then he resolved to pass the Euphrates and to go against Yazid the Simple, to fight him and avenge on him the blood of Walid.
Then Yazid the Simple returned home the Cypriotes that Walid had deported from their country. |253
There appeared in the sky a fire which flamed.
Yazid died, after reigning five months, and his brother Ibrahim succeeded him. The people took an oath to him, except Marwan-ibn-Mohammed and the inhabitants of Emesa who were in favour of Marwan. Then Marwan passed the Euphrates with many troops and made people believe that he was going to deliver the two sons of Walid who were imprisoned at Damascus, and to make them reign in the place of their father. When `Ibrahim learned of the arrival of Marwan, he sent `Abd-al-`Aziz-ibn-al-Hadjadj with many troops against the inhabitants of Emesa, because they had not given oath to him; and (at the same time) he sent Masrour his brother with many troops to Haleb (Aleppo) to Bichr, who lived there. `Abd-al-`Aziz arrived at Emesa, besieged it and engaged in combat against its inhabitants who awaited their rescue in the arrival of Marwan. However Marwan had marched on Damascus and, capturing Haleb, had made captive Bichr and Masrour, sons of Hadjadj. `Abd-al-`Aziz, learning that Marwan had captured Haleb and had made captive his two sons, started from Emesa during the night and returned to Damascus.
Then Marwan went to Emesa, and the inhabitants of this city went out to meet him and took an oath to him. Then he marched on Damascus against Ibrahim. Ibrahim, learning that he was approaching, sent Soleiman-ibn-Hicham with an army to the encounter. Soleiman left Damascus and arrived in a village between Loubnan and Tell-Gara. |254 Marwan marched against him and met him; but he pretended then to move towards the Jordan and prepared for his enemy a ambush on his rear. He thus pretended to move away and Soleiman with his soldiers went in pursuit. When his army was divided and its order broken, the ambush came out behind and massacred them. (The soldiers of Marwan) threw themselves on the troops and the riches which they plundered, and they killed all they could.
Soleiman and his troops, having learned the news, were discouraged and took flight. Marwan and his soldiers threw themselves on them and killed them. That day about 12,000 men perished. Soleiman-ibn-Hicham escaped with a small number of his followers. Ibrahim took the riches of Damascus and fled from this city with Soleiman-ibn-Hicham. `Abd-al-`Aziz-ibn-al-Hadjadj entered the prison and killed the two sons of Walid-ibn-Yazid; then he returned home, but the inhabitants of the city attacked him and set fire to its house which was burned.
Then Marwan marched on Damascus; its inhabitants opened the gates to him, and he entered there. The Arabs were assembled and took an oath to him. Then he camped at the distance of three miles of Damascus, (in a village) called `Aliyah. He removed Yazid the Simple from his tomb and hanged him. |255 Then he made the Arabs of the tribe of Bedr appear and inflicted on them an exemplary punishment: he cut off the hands and feet of some, hanged others; he massacred some and sent others into exile. Marwan ordered the royal treasures brought into his treasury, which was carried out. Ibrahim presented himself to him and obtained pardon of him. As for Soleiman, he went into the desert of Phoenicia and hid there for some time.
In this same year, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, entered Constantinople, captured the rebel who had revolted against him and put him to death; after that he occupied the throne. That occurred in the year 1040 (?) of Alexander, 127 of the Arabs.
The Arabs of the desert, who are called Kelbites, gathered around Soleiman and marched on Tadmor which is in the desert, to the East of Rousafah.
In that year, a comet appeared.
The same year, a rebel named Thabit revolted in Palestine; he gathered many troops and captured Syria. The same year still, in Koufah and Deir-al-`Aqoul, Dhahhak-al-Harouri revolted; |256 he captured most of Iraq, marched against Marwan and, when he was in his vicinity, he sent a delegation to him, took an oath to him and accepted safety from him. When Dhahhak had given oath and Marwan-ibn-Mohammed had ordered him to return to his country, Marwan passed the Euphrates and went against Thabit the rebel of Palestine. Thabit, learning of the arrival of Marwan, went to Tabariyah (Tiberias). When Marwan passed by Emesa, a man of its inhabitants revolted: he gathered the Kelbites and was master of Emesa. Marwan attacked him, captured him and killed him with all his followers whom he hanged, and he exiled all the Kelbites from Emesa; he then made a large breach in the wall of Emesa.
However Thabit had marched on Tabariyah. The inhabitants of the city, informed of his arrival, made sorties every day to fight him; they killed approximately 10,000 of his men and plundered his riches. Thabit then with his sons and a certain number of his followers moved towards Moultan (?), where he remained wandering and fugitive. Marwan arrived in Palestine and learned how the inhabitants of Tabariyah had treated Thabit, and he showed himself very satisfied at this; he treated the inhabitants of Palestine well and appreciated their help. He halted and sent troops to the pursuit of the rebel Thabit who was... rejoined in the mountains of...; the troops captured him and the followers who accompanied him, and brought them to Marwan who ordered Thabit's right hand and left foot cut off. |257 Marwan then left Palestine and went to Damascus where he had Thabit killed.
Then Marwan went from Damascus to Raqqah, with the intention to go down into Iraq. Soleiman-ibn-Hicham sent a delegation to him to ask for peace; Marwan granted it to him, and (Soleiman) presented himself to him. Marwan left for Raqqah, and Soleiman asked him for permission to go to Rousafah and to remain there for a few days. Marwan allowed him to, and Soleiman departed. When Marwan was at Qirqisiyah, Soleiman-ibn-Hicham revolted and gathered the Arabs of Syria; most of the Arabs who were with Marwan took the part of Soleiman who resolved to march on Harran. Marwan, informed of these events and knowing that Soleiman had made many recruits, gave up the intention which he had formed, went to Raqqah and transported himself from one place to the other, in making war. Soleiman met him, and they came to blows. Soleiman was overcome, and 7,000 men of his followers were killed. Soleiman escaped, got to the desert of Phoenicia and went to Tadmor. Marwan ordered that the fields of Hicham which were on the Euphrates and in other places should be devastated. Then a certain number of the followers of Hicham fortified themselves in a fort which was located on the Euphrates, opposite Rahbah, and put themselves to insult and to injure Marwan. |258 He sent troops against them and reduced them. Their heads were cut off. They were approximately 400 men.
The inhabitants of Emesa then revolted against Marwan; they killed `Abdallah, his governor at Emesa, and repaired the breach that Marwan had made in the fortress. The Kelbite Arabs took the part of Yazid-ibn-Hicham, arrived at Damascus and besieged it. In Palestine, the sons of Thabit rose, made themselves masters of the region and made war on those who remained faithful to Marwan. Dhahhak-al-Harouri acted at the same time in Iraq and gathered many troops against Marwan.
Surrounded on all sides with misfortunes and encircled with enemies, Marwan sent his son `Abdallah with troops to Nisibis, because he had learned that Dhahhak was going there; and (at the same time) he sent troops with Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah to Qirqisiyah. Marwan gave them, both of them, his recommendations and said to them: "Dhahhak has risen; one of you fight him; the second will thus have free movement, he will go down into Iraq, will occupy the country and will capture it!" Marwan moved towards Emesa. The inhabitants, informed of his march, sent against him a man named Mo`awia with troops to make resistance; they then chose Sa`id-ibn-Hicham and put him at their head. Soleiman-ibn-Hicham was complicit with them. Having arrived at Qinnesrin, Marwan learned that Mo`awia was moving against him; |259 he went to meet him, found him, put him to rout and killed him and most of his men; he then went against Emesa and besieged it in the spring; he sent messengers to the city, promised safety to the inhabitants, addressed them and promised forgiveness to them. But they refused to submit themselves. Seeing that, Marwan drew up the balistas and waited with patience.
However Dhahhak-al-Harouri marched on Mosul, killed Marwan's governor who was there, then arrived at Nisibis and besieged it. On this news, Yazid went down to Iraq, killed all the followers of Dhahhak and the members of his family which he found and maintained order throughout the East.
Marwan sent Abu'l-Ward with many troops into Palestine. He found there a son of Thabit which he put to rout, made captive and brought him to Marwan who was at Emesa. The siege of Emesa continued and the inhabitants refused to open the gates to Marwan; he then ordered his troops to traverse the province and the villages of Emesa and to devastate them. The inhabitants of Emesa, at this sight, wrote (to Marwan) and asked for the aman. Marwan granted this to them, except for Sa`id-ibn-Hicham. (The inhabitants of Emesa) then opened the gates.
While the people underwent this misfortune, the emperor of the Greeks made a raid into Syria and arrived at Delouk. Learning that Marwan had captured Emesa, he feared attack and returned to Constantinople with many prisoners. |260
In this same year, there was thick darkness which was prolonged for five days in the month of Ab (August); the atmosphere was dull and obscure; the sun resembled blood and its light was weak. It was not an eclipse of the sun, but a great darkness in the sky.
Marwan destroyed the walls of Emesa and Ba`lbek; then he returned to Harran and camped there; then he arose to go to Nisibis to the encounter with Dhahhak-al-Harouri. Dhahhak, informed of the arrival of Marwan, left the city and went to meet him. Soleiman-ibn-Hicham had already taken the part of Dhahhak. Dhahhak arrived at Kafartoutha and besieged it. Marwan arrived at Ras-`Ayn and left there against Dhahhak, which he met between Ras'ayn and Kafartoutha. The battle began between them and many people succumbed on both sides. Dhahhak and his followers took flight; Marwan pursued them, caught up with them and killed them all with Dhahhak.
After the death of Dhahhak, the Harourites took as leader a man named Khaibari. This Khaibari disguised himself and penetrated the camp of Marwan; he traversed it and arrived at the tent of Marwan. Then he suddenly attacked Marwan and his followers. Marwan and his followers were overcome. Marwan himself would have perished, except that his son `Abdallah and a group of Arabs of his companions who returned after their rout, attacked the Harourites and drove them out of their camp. |261
Then the Harourites met again and elected as leader a man named Cheiban, who raised an army and marched to Niniveh. Marwan went against him and halted in the vicinity. The war between them continued little by little and was prolonged for two months. Then the troops of Marwan attacked the Harourites, put them to rout and pursued them as far as Azerbaijan. (Marwan) then sent Amrou-ibn-Sanarah with many troops to the pursuit of the Harourites. Then Marwan in flight returned to Harran and remained there.
At that time, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, made a raid into Syria (ach-Chamat and Souriyah), attacked several places and returned from there.
In the month of Kanoun II (January), there was a violent earthquake on the coast of the sea of Palestine. Many places were devastated, and many people perished, especially in Tiberias, where more than 100,000 men succumbed.
The people were swamped with these misfortunes and these wars, when a man named Abu-Muslim revolted in Koufah and Deir-al-`Aqoul; he conferred confidentially with the population and made them share his ideas; the people answered his call, and he and his followers put on black clothing. There were with him 14 men of the Shiites. |262 They made professions of abstinence, mortification and attachment to the family of Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah who had been the origin of the empire of the Arabs, and they let their hair grow. Many people of Khorasan joined them and formed a great party. When they were a very significant party, they took an oath to Ibrahim-ibn-Mohammed... 42 he arrived in the fortified camp of Harran and massacred the principal leaders of the Arabs and Khorasanians.
Then this news came to Marwan, who was overcome with sadness. He wrote to Amrou-ibn-Sanarah who was at that time in Iraq, and ordered him to go against Ibrahim and to fight him. Abu-Muslim had captured Djordjan, Ray, Qirmisin (Qirmanchah) and most of the cities of Khorasan and had constrained the inhabitants to take an oath to Ibrahim-ibn-Mohammed. Amrou-ibn-Sanarah marched against him and met him at Ispahan. The inhabitants of Khorasan put him to rout and killed him and his followers.
Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah was a governor on behalf of Marwan-ibn-Mohammed over all the East. After the death of Amrou-ibn-Sanarah, Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah gathered troops from Iraq and camped near Madain. When Abu-Muslim saw this, he attacked him there and Yazid fled before Abu-Muslim and made a halt between the two rivers, i.e. between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Then Abu-Muslim the Khorasanian went against him, |263 and (Yazid) fled (again), entered Wasit and fortified himself there. Abu-Muslim delivered his camp and his riches over to plundering. Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah had already collected at Wasit the riches and the goods which he needed.
Then Abu-Muslim went to Deir-al-`Aqoul, met there a man of his party and asked his advice on what must be done. The family of Ibrahim-ibn-Mohammed was worried in that time at Koufah. Marwan had sent (troops) against Ibrahim, had captured him, had put him in prison at Harran; and all his brothers had taken flight. Ibrahim died in prison, after having designated as successor his brother `Abdallah called Abu'l-Abbas. Then Abu-Muslim went to find `Abdallah in his retirement, made him come out and proclaimed him king with all Khorasanians who were with him.
When `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed had become king, he sent a man called Abu-`Aoun, with the troops of Khorasan, against Mosul; he sent Hasan-ibn-Qahtabah with troops against Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah who was in Wasit. At this news, Marwan sent his son `Abdallah with many troops to Mosul; he also sent his other son `Oubeidallah to Qirqisiyah. Abu'l-Abbas sent his elder brother to Wasit against Ibn-Qahtabah, charged him with command of these troops and ordered him to make them take an oath. He (also) sent his uncle `Abd-allah-ibn-`Ali to Mosul against Ibn-Abu-`Aoun, conferred the administration |264 of this city on him and ordered him to administer an oath to the western troops and others. `Abdallah-al-Mansour, when he arrived at Wasit, found that Hasan-ibn-Qahtabah was besieging it and avoided the battle. Then he ordered his troops to prepare for combat. The two parties met, and engaged in combat and the battle lasted a few days.
Then Marwan-ibn-Mohammed assembled the troops of Syria, Egypt and Mesopotamia and marched on Mosul. `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali, who had arrived with troops from Khorasan, made a halt on the Great Euphrates at Mosul. `Abdallah-ibn-Marwan also arrived there and halted on the western side, opposite `AbdalIah-ibn-`Ali; but they did not start the battle, waiting for the arrival of Marwan. When the letters (of Marwan) reached his son where he was enjoining to him to pass (the river) of Zab, to camp on its Eastern bank and to surround his camp with a ditch, `Abdallah carried out these orders; he built over the Zab a bridge, prepared his soldiers for battle and equipped the cavalry and the infantry.
At the first meeting, Marwan found that the Khorasanians were brave, that they did not yield in the battle (and were) like blocks of stones unaffected by either iron nor fire; that they were courageous and valiant. The war between the two parties was prolonged, and every day they sustained losses that God alone knows; soon the soldiers of Marwan lacked ardour and lost courage, while the |265 Khorasanians remained firm and quickly decided the victory. The Syrians felt weakness; (the Khorasanians) attacked them with so much force that they put them to rout; (the Syrians) fled and piled up on the bridge, one on another; the greatest part fell into the Euphrates and drowned; others died trodden underfoot and crushed; the remainder perished in the battle or were made prisoner.
And Theophilus the astrologer, from whom we drew this information, tells us: "Myself, I was all the time an eyewitness of these engagements, I noted many things and nothing of what relates to them has escaped me." Theophilus composed on this subject several books from which we extracted this summary, and we have included what we believe should not be overlooked, but we have avoided being so long, as far as we could. 43 |266
Let us return to our account. When `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali had gained the victory and Marwan and his soldiers had been completely demolished, Marwan and his son `Abdallah ran away to Harran. Marwan rejoined his family and his clients, gathered as much wealth and weapons as he could, crossed the Euphrates and went towards Ascalon to await there what the Khorasanians would do. Then `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali, at the head of his troops, went against the troops of Marwan, captured the wealth, weapons and other things which were there, and brought back the whole to `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed, who was at Koufah. After the flight of Marwan-ibn-Mohammed, the Arabs of Syria and Mesopotamia, as well as the non-Arab inhabitants of Mesopotamia, took an oath to `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali. The battle between `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali and Marwan-ibn-Mohammed took place on the Euphrates on Saturday, the 21 of Kanoun II (January), in year 133 of the Arabs.
On that day, the empire passed from the Omayyads to the Hashemites. Abu'l-Abbas-`Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed began to reign and his brother Mansour succeeded him.
`Abdallah-ibn-`Ali went to Harran with troops of Khorasan and ordered the castles of Marwan which were there to be ruined. He made all trace of him disappear and entrusted the government of Mesopotamia to Mousa-ibn-Ka`b of Khorasan; then he went to pursue Marwan. |267
When Walid, who was at Damascus, learned of the arrival of `Abdallah-ibn `Ali, he fortified himself and prepared for battle; Marwan had ordered him to do this. `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali arrived and besieged Damascus. He prepared scaling ladders and set them against the wall, in complicity with some inhabitants of Damascus; but those who were for Walid fought the troops of `Abdallah and did not let them go up, so that battle began between them. Then one of the enemies of Walid ran and opened the gates of the city. The soldiers of `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali there entered and gave (the inhabitants) to the edge of the sword; for three hours, they did not cease cutting off heads in the markets, in the streets and in the houses and seizing riches. At midday, `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali ordered an end to the massacre. Walid was among the dead; a great number of Christians and Jews had perished. `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed sent his uncle Salih-ibn-`Ali with many troops to pursue Marwan and ordered him to go by the way of Qadisiyah and to move towards Egypt to rejoin his brother `Abdallah; then to join with him to set out together to pursue Marwan.
`Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed-al-Mansour remained still near Wasit, to fight Yazid-ibn-Houbeirah. The situation of Wasit had become very difficult, and the inhabitants asked Yazid to leave; they said to him: "If you refuse (to depart), we will help your enemies." Then Yazid entered into talks with Mansour about safety; and Mansour promised safety to him and its soldiers. |268 On these conditions they went over to him; but he ordered his head cut off and to demolish the wall of Wasit; after which, he returned with this news to his brother Abu'l-Abbas.
Then Abu'l-Abbas built for himself a city where he would settle. The city was built for him on the Euphrates; he called it al-Anbar and he settled there.
When Marwan learned what `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali had done with the body of Walid and that the inhabitants of Damascus had taken an oath to Abu'l-Abbas, he lost hope and fled with haste with a small number of his clients and members of his family, who moved towards Egypt; then he took the route of the Nile and arrived at the borders of Nubia. But he dealt with Salih-ibn-`Ali who had preceded his brother `Abdallah. This last had been delayed under the walls of Damascus, then had entered the city and had halted there.
When he arrived in Egypt, Salih-ibn-`Ali sent one of his followers, named `Amir-ibn-Isma`il, with troops to seek Marwan-ibn-Mohammed, who he found camped on the Nile. Then he attacked by night; the followers of Marwan abandoned him, and he remained alone. He took refuge on a hill which was there, and ceased fighting only when it fell; he was killed, and his two sons, `Abdallah and `Obeidallah, fled under a disguise |269 with all the people... who were on the Nile. Then `Abdallah left `Obeidallah... in Mecca. `Obeidallah marched to... on the way; and he died. `Amir-[ibn-Isma`il] gathered... the riches which were with him, and returned to Salih-ibn-`Ali who was in Egypt. He put the corpse of Marwan on a cross and embalmed his head, which he brought to Abu'l-Abbas, the son of his brother.
Salih-ibn-`Ali was his lieutenant in Palestine; approximately 70 men of Omayyads gathered to come to him and approached reading the Koran and reciting the words, and thinking that this would dispose him to pardon them. He had already promised safety for their life and property, when one day he ordered them to present themselves at his castle. He placed next to each of them two men of Khorasan who held in their hands a pointed bludgeon. While they were addressing him, he made a sign with his eyes to the Khorasanians who massacred these Omayyads with the bludgeons. Salih took their heads and sent them to Abu'l-Abbas; then he seized their property, set to pursue the remainder, and he persecuted them in Palestine with so much eagerness that he destroyed them.
The Arabs of Syria repented what they had done, when Abu'l-Abbas exposed them to shame and the domination of strangers who lived their houses and seized their property; they were disturbed and agitated by this and refused to take an oath. [Habib-ibn-]Mourrah, of the tribe |270 of Qais... 44 who lived in Ramlah and his province and Abu'l-Ward... its surroundings and Mansour-ibn-Mohammed... they were thrown into disorder and there was a sedition.... Hashem... Then.. the Arabs... and they captured it.
Abu'l-Ward gathered a great number of Arabs and marched against `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali. `Abdallah left Palestine for Emesa; he camped in Merdj, to the east of Emesa, and ordered his troops to prepare for battle. Abu'l-Ward arrived. `Abdallah seeing the many troops of Abu'l-Ward, was frightened a little. The battle began and many fell on both sides; finally Abu'l-Ward and his troops fled. `Abdallah took the inhabitants of Syria and returned to Damascus, where he met Habib-ibn-Mourrah and killed him and his followers. After that he made the inhabitants of Damascus and all the cities of Syria take an oath.
Then Ishaq-ibn-Muslim revolted in Samosata, and the leaders of the tribe of Qais took his part. He had already put an Arab at the head of most of the towns of Mesopotamia, at Qirqisiyah, Ras'ayn, Tell-Maouzen (Maouzala), in Kafartoutha, Thamanin, Amid, Mayafariqin and other towns. Harran recognized the power of Mousa-ibn-Ka`b who was there. |271
Then the Arabs of Mesopotamia gathered, marched on Harran and fought Mousa-ibn-Ka`b. When the Arabs learned that Abu'l-Ward had been killed, they were divided and took flight to the last man. At this news, `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed sent `Abdallah-al-Mansour with many troops into Mesopotamia to make peace with the population of their cities and to fight those who would not take an oath. When he arrived at Qirqisiyah, he named one of his followers as governor there and went to Harran. As for `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali, he made the inhabitants of Syria (Chamat and Souriyah) take an oath and for the winter marched on Samosata. Then he returned, marched against Ishaq-ibn-Muslim and Mansour-ibn-Dja'ounah, promised safety to them, and they came to him. Then he captured Samosata and made its inhabitants take an oath. Also `Abdallah-al-Mansour captured all the cities of Mesopotamia and made the population take an oath. The misfortunes did not stop for nine months.
While the people were in these wars, the emperor of the Greeks attacked Malatia, captured it, made captive the inhabitants and returned home.
In this same year, Kousan (Kouchan), the leader of the Armenians, took most of the inhabitants of Armenia and deported them into the country of the Greeks.
Then `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed went to Harran and transported to |272 Anbar the royal treasures of the Omayyads. Then he named Salih-ibn-`Ali as governor of Egypt and the neighbouring countries; `Abdallah-ibn-al-Mansour as governor of Mesopotamia and Armenia; Yahya-ibn-Mohammed as governor of Mosul and his province. When he arrived at Mosul, Yahya-ibn-Mohammed ordered that the Arabs of Mosul and their heads meet in the Great Mosque, and he massacred them all at the same time; their children and their wives perished (also). The Arabs were then seized with grief and covered with shame and humiliation. The Hashemites multiplied their exactions against everyone, whom they crushed with taxes, and they seized the wealth of all the Arabs.
Then a man of the Qoreichites named Habib revolted in Africa; he captured and killed the governor.
Then `Abdallah-al-Mansour entered Armenia, imposed the capitation on the nobles, confiscated their wealth and made them undergo all kinds of vexations.
Then `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed wrote to Abu-Muslim who was then in Khorasan to order to him to come to find him; (he also ordered) `Abdallah-al-Mansour to return to him in haste. When they had arrived, he ordered `Abdallah to go to Mecca and to direct the pilgrimage, and he ordered Abu-Muslim to accompany him. (At the same time) he secretly ordered his brother |273 to take the head of Abu-Muslim if he could. They thus both left together, at the head of many troops of Arabs and Persians. Then (`Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed) wrote to `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali to order to him to make a expedition; he thus attacked the Greeks, but did not gain any success and returned.
`Abdallah-al-Mansour entered Mecca, attended the festival and returned; however Abu'l-Abbas-`Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed died. His death took place on Sunday th of Haziran (June), year 136 of the Arabs; his reign had lasted four years and ten months. He bequeathed the caliphate to Abu-Dja`far-`Abdallah-al-Mansour and then to his cousin `Isa-ibn-Mousa.
In this same year, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, gathered a council of approximately 300 bishops at Constantinople concerning the images which were in the churches. They examined and considered whether they should be venerated or not. Then they agreed with the emperor that they should not be venerated and could not be allowed for any other purpose; they brought testimonies of the Sacred Books of the Old and New Testaments and treatises of the Fathers. They anathematised Jyannis (Jean), son of Mansour, of Damascus, and Gregorius (Georgius) of Cyprus and wrote many canons. This is what is called the seventh council. |274
`Abdallah-ibn-`Ali learning of the death of `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed and seeing that `Abdallah-al-Mansour and Abu-Muslim were far away, avidly wanted the empire and ordered the Arabs and Khorasanians which were with him to take an oath to him. They took an oath to him, except for his brother Salih-ibn-`Ali, who refused. (`Abdallah-ibn-`Ali) had projected a raid (against the Greeks); but when he aspired to the empire, he renounced the idea and threw himself on Mesopotamia. There was then, in Harran, a man called Mouqatil and called al'akki, with many troops that `Abdallah-al-Mansour had established to keep his place until his return from the pilgrimage. Harran remained firm and did not take an oath to `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali. The latter arrived there, drew up balistas against the city with which he fought the inhabitants for forty days. Then they asked him for the aman, which he granted to them; and the gate of the city was opened to him. Harran taken, `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali arose to go into Iraq. He preferred the Arabs to the Khorasanians, chose them for high dignities, and he started to kill Persians and to confiscate their wealth to give to the Arabs.
Then `Abdallah-al-Mansour returned from Mecca with Abu-Muslim and entered Koufah. He spoke in the pulpit and asked the caliphate for himself; and the people took an oath to him. Before his arrival, `Isa-ibn-Mousa had already gathered the Arabs of the East and the Khorasanians, had read |275 the will of Abu'l-Abbas to them, declared to them that `Abdallah-al-Mansour succeeded him, and by exhortations and promises had led them to take an oath to `Abdallah-al-Mansour. On his arrival, Mansour found troops which were subjected to him; the empire was assured to him and his power was consolidated.
He then ordered Abu-Muslim to go with many troops from Mosul to the meeting of `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali who was in this moment with Qirqisiyah. `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali learned that Abu-Muslim had already left Anbar and had taken the road to Mosul. `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali, who was camping on the Euphrates, took the (river) road of Khabour, moved towards the confluence of the Hirmas and Khabour, then skirted the course of Hirmas and arrived at Nisibis, which he besieged. But Abu-Muslim pretended to move towards Ras'ayn; then `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali went to pursue. Abu-Muslim, learning that, left the road of Ras'ayn, detoured, returned by another way and arrived at Nisibis where he camped and put himself thus between `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali and the city. Having learned that Abu-Muslim had captured Nisibis, `Abdallah was frightened by this somewhat and, each time that he was transported from one place to the other, he started by surrounding his camp with ditches and guards and spiky hedges. Then the two forces approached; each day was marked by some combat, and on both sides the losses were considerable. |276
In the sky there appeared a sign like a lance of fire which extended from the east to the west and sometimes grew, sometimes decreased. During all this time, the war of `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali dragged on.
Then Abu-Muslim, in one of his attacks, beat `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali, who took flight before him with its followers. (The soldiers of Abu-Muslim) massacred the followers of `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali and plundered their camp. `Abdallah fled, hid in an unknown retreat and remained thus unknown until he arrived at Basrah, to his brother Soleiman-ibn-`Ali.
Then Salih-ibn-`Ali sent Abu-`Aoun from Egypt to Palestine with many troops; he pursued the tribes of the Arabs, massacred them and killed them to the last man. Their goods and their herds were plundered. Then `Abdallah-al-Mansour sent to Qirqisiyah a man named Djaouher, at the head of troops of Khorasanians; he entered the city and killed there 20,000 Arabs. He (also) sent with him Houmeid-ibn-Qahtabah to Mosul. He had learned that `Abdallah-ibn-`Ali had in fact arrived at Harran and in other towns of Mesopotamia. He (al-Mansour?) was thus the head of all the Arabs of Mesopotamia and Syria, after they had despaired and lost hope of preserving life.
Then Abu-Muslim returned from Harran while passing by Mosul; |277 then he left the way to Koufah and Anbar, took the road to Helwan, between Azerbaijan and Iraq, and decided not to return to Abu-Dja`far. Abu-Dja`far, learning that Abu-Muslim had left for Khorasan, knowing his intentions, sent against him `Isa-ibn-Mousa. This latter rejoined him and did not cease showing him benevolence and softness, making him promises, softening him by flattering and crafty words. He did enough to divert him from his intentions and renounce them. Then `Isa-ibn-Mousa came with Abu-Muslim to Abu-Dja`far-al-Mansour, who ordered him killed as soon as he arrived, as he was coming in.
There was one of Abu-Muslim's leaders named Cheibah, who was also a Magus, whom Abu-Muslim had approached in person and who was in Azerbaijan, where he was awaiting the arrival of Abu-Muslim. When he learned of his death, he revolted and decided to avenge his blood. Then it came to Ray and perverted the ideas of the Magi, the Deilemites, the Indians and others, who took his part. This news came to Abu-Dja`far, who sent against Cheibah a man called Djaouher. The latter arrived at Ray and attacked Cheibah the Magus who took flight. Djaouher put to death all those of the Magi who had taken his part, to the number of approximately 50,000; he captured their families and their goods and forced the inhabitants of Ray to take an oath to Abu-Dja`far-al-Mansour. Having done that, he remained there and did not return to Mansour. Then Mansour sent against him Ibn-al-Ach`ath who overcame him and killed him with all his men. |278 Then Mansour ordered his cousin Salih-ibn-`Ali to establish Abu-`Aoun as governor of Egypt and to send Cheibah to Syria and to the coastal country. Mansour then sent Mousa-ibn-Ka`b to Sind and its district where he met a rebel named Asbagh-ibn-Davoud; he overcame him, killed him with his followers, forced the Arabs and the other inhabitants to take an oath, established a governor on the country and returned. That took place in year 137 of the Arabs.
Then Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, attacked Qaliqala (Theodosiopolis), captured and took into captivity its population. Salih-ibn-`Ali made a raid against the Greeks with troops of Arabs and Persians; then he returned without success; but he took the Armenians and Alans which the Greeks had brought from Armenia with Kouchan their patrician, and settled them in Syria. Since that day, the kings of the Greeks have prohibited any of the Armenians from settling in their empire, and especially in places near the border.
At that time, `Abdallah-al-Mansour rebuilt Malatia, ruined by the kings of the Greeks and established hostels to be used as dwellings for the soldiers.
In Mesopotamia Harouri called Moulabbid revolted. |279 A great number of Khorasanians took his part. That frightened `Abdallah-al-Mansour and this matter impressed him a lot. When (the rebel) arrived in Mosul, `Abdallah-al-Mansour sent Hazim-ibn-Houzeimah against him who overcame him, killed him with his followers and returned. `Abdallah-al-Mansour named as governor of Khorasan a man called `Abd-al-Djabbar, who revolted against him. That took place in year 140 of the Arabs.
In this same year, a son of `Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib revolted and was called Mahdi. Part of the Arabs took his part. `Abdallah-al-Mansour sent against him someone who killed him and killed his followers.
In this same year, Ach' ath made a expedition against Africa; he conquered it and made its inhabitants take an oath.
In this same year, `Abdallah-al-Mansour ordered the rebuilding of Qaliqala (Theodosiopolis), ruined by the kings of the Greeks, to establish a garrison and to open the roads.
In this same year, (`Abdallah-al-Mansour) named his son Mohammed governor of Khorasan and sent with him leaders and troops. `Abd-al-Djabbar the rebel was in Merv. Then a rebel called Hasan-ibn-Harran also revolted in Djordjan. This country is surrounded by seas and mountains; the Deilemites are to the west of it; Azerbaijan to the south. The defiles are difficult and the roads narrow, which makes access difficult. Its length, following the shore of the sea from the east to the west, |280 is forty parasangs, and its width, from north to south, is twenty parasangs. There are there vast, large and broad meadows, abundant springs, thick trees and many fruits. Five cities are met with there; each city has two or three walls; a great number of fortresses are placed on the top of the high mountains. Its people have delicate bodies, of a very beautiful hue; they are very skilful in the various trades; they are a numerous people. Isbehbedh, which was in that time, was called Kourchib.
Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah-al-Mansour sent messengers to him; he overpowered him with taxes and increased the tribute on him; he ordered him to pay them to him or to come out against him and declare war. The ambassador that he had sent to him was Abu-`Aoun with some companions. When the ambassador had presented and read the letter, Isbehbedh treated him well and sent to Mansour a letter thus designed: "I am a man who compares matters one with another; and my land is small and narrow. When I think of war, the misfortunes, testing times, calamities, sorrows and affliction which are involved with it, I become wise again and I restrain myself. For what I have said, I am ready to give my wealth. With this I will preserve my honour and my life and will deliver it to him that can come and get it. |281 What I have paid to others who preceded you, all that will be given likewise to you... 45. Take it!"
When the ambassador had accepted the answer [of Isbehbedh and] had left, Isbehbedh hastened to put in safety, in his fortresses, his wealth, weapons and carpets and fortified himself. His letter came to Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah. The reading filled him with anger and fury, and he sent against him Abu-`Aoun with all the troops of Khorasan. They entered Tabaristan, dispersed among its villages and fields and lived there; they attacked the inhabitants and caused great devastations. Isbehbedh with his family were safe in the fortresses which they had fortified. Seeing the many troops which arrived in his country, he understood that he could not resist them. The troops attacked one fortress, captured it and there found great wealth, effects, carpets, precious stones and other objects. When Isbehbedh saw that, he decided to go out to fight the troops. He thus went out against them with his soldiers; but the troops overcame him; he fled and went to the Deilemites. Then he gathered on their premises troops of men and returned against his enemies; but they inflicted a new defeat on him; then he passed to the Deilemites for the second time and remained there until his death. Then the enemies attacked these fortresses, captured the wealth, the weapons and the carpets and made captive the inhabitants; |282 then they conquered the whole country, took everything and withdrew. Then Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah departed from Ray and arrived at Nisabour (Nichapour) which is located at the distance of... parasangs from Djordjan and at a distance from 70 parasangs from...
In this same year, a comet [appeared]. It was in Aries, in front of the sun, when the sun was in Taurus. It went on until it came beneath the rays of the sun; then it went behind and remained for forty days.
Towards the end of that year, Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah returned from Khorasan and directed the pilgrimage with `Abdallah-al-Mansour. Then `Abdallah-al-Mansour built a city on the Tigris above Madain, and called it "city of peace" (Baghdad). He settled there and set up his court.
Then he sent his Mohammed son into Khorasan and ordered him to settle at Ray. He departed and, having arrived there, he built beside it another city which he called Mohammediyah.
In year 9 of `Abdallah-al-Mansour, in Medina, a rebel of the family of Fatimah called Mohammed revolted; he was descended from Hasan-ibn-`Ali-ibn-Abu-Talib. The people took an oath to him. Then `Abdallah-al-Mansour sent against him his cousin Isa-ibn-Mousa and Houmeid-al-Tousa with many troops. |283 (`Isa) killed him with his followers, took his head and brought it to Abu-Dja`far. `Abdallah had already left his city and marched on `Aqoul where he had camped, when he learned of the death of the rebel and received his head. He had only acted so because he feared a revolt of the inhabitants of Roufah who had already like those of Basra and the neighbouring cities taken an oath to the rebel called Ibrahim. The latter, when he arrived at Basra, made the inhabitants take an oath and decided to make war on `Abdallah-al-Mansour.
When he learned that his brother had been killed, he rose with many troops, marched against Abu-Dja`far and approached `Aqoul. He was separated from Abu-Dja`far only by a distance of fifteen parasangs approximately. Then `Isa-ibn-Mousa went out against him with many troops. (`Isa) overcame him and killed most of his followers. Ibrahim fled and was not killed in the battle. Then `Isa-ibn-Mousa pursued him, caught up with him and, after having killed him, brought his head to Abu-Dja`far. After the death of Ibrahim the wars calmed down and the misfortunes stopped.
Then the Khazars made a raid against Haroun (?), Laziqah and all the Gates of the Alans and made captive 50,000 Arabs with great wealth and herds. Mousa-ibn-Ka`b went to battle them. |284 But the... Khazars overcame him and killed most of his soldiers.
In this same year, `Abdallah-ibn-Mohammed-al-Mansour violated the oath to his cousin `Isa-ibn-Mousa that the people had taken to him and according to which they had agreed to make him king after `Abdallah-al-Mansour. Then the people took an oath to Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah and proclaimed him heir to the empire of the Moslems.
Constantine took an oath to his son Leo and made him heir to the Greek empire. In this same year, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, built several cities and settled there Armenians and other populations.
In year 10 of `Abdallah-al-Mansour, the Arabs captured a city, in the country of India, which is called Kabul.
In this same year, in Khorasan, there was a violent earthquake, which moved mountains and left untouched neither trees nor stones. When the ground trembled below, the trees and the stones shattered and disappeared.
In the year 14 of `Abdallah, the Magi revolted in Khorasan and shook the authority of `Abdallah-al-Mansour for this reason:
In a city of Khorasan which is called Far`is (?), there was a mountain from where much silver was taken. 30,000 workmen dealt specifically |285 with the exploitation of this mine and the purification. The workmen were Magi to whom the mountain had been ceded. A very rich mine was discovered there. The Sultan wanted to take the mountain from them and give it to others. They were opposed to the implementation of this project, and the Sultan struck a Magus. Then they threw themselves on him and killed a great number of his soldiers. After that, the Sultan wrote with Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah-al-Mansour who was in Ray, to tell him what had occurred. The latter sent to him 34,000 soldiers who formed his vanguard; then he went out, himself, against the Magi, at the head of 30,000 soldiers. The people who formed the vanguard arrived at the mountain where the mines and the Magi were; they started the battle, but the Magi overcame them and made a very great number perish. Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah, learning of the defeat of his soldiers, remained at the place where he was and sent a letter to `Abdallah-al-Mansour in which he made known to him the fate of his troops and the business of the mine. He was then at the place which is called Arfasir(?), and he spent the winter there.
After winter had passed, he sent against the rebels a man called Hazim at the head of 40,000 soldiers. When he arrived near the rebels, (his soldiers) attacked them, overcame them, killed more than 20,000, made captive the survivors whom they sent to Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah who was on the Tigris, opposite Baghdad. |286
In year 15 of Mansour, the inhabitants of Africa rose and killed Amrou-ibn-al-Mouhallab and his troops. Then Yazid-ibn-al-Mouhallab went against them with many troops, made 30,000 men perish and returned.
Then Mansour left with all his troops and went to Mesopotamia where he remained some time; he then crossed the Euphrates and arrived in Palestine. He oppressed everyone, caused them more sorrows and misfortunes that any of the kings his predecessors; he treated them with such harshness that there was nobody, not a worker, or a servant, or a camel driver, or a grave-digger, or a farmer, or a charitable man, or any other class of people whom he did not subject to the tax and whose goods he did not confiscate. People were reduced to such a degree of misery that some dug up tombs, dragged out the corpses, cooked and ate them; others killed dogs, roasted them and sold them in the markets. Money disappeared from the hands of people. An unimaginable distress seized them, and to fill up their misfortune, the plague started to break out among them.
While they were thus in misfortune, Mansour died, after reigning twenty and one years and three and a half months. |287
In this same year, Constantine, emperor of the Greeks, died, after reigning thirty-four years and three months.
Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah-al-Mahdi, son of Mansour, started to reign in year 158 of the Arabs. He ordered the prisons opened and that all those whom his father had shut up there freed.
Leo, son of Constantine, reigned over the Greeks for five years, from the year 1084 of Alexander. He freed all those which were in his father's prison, and recalled all those whom he had exiled.
In year 2 of Mohammed-ibn-`Abdallah-al-Mahdi, Abbas-ibn-Mohammed made a raid against the Greeks and arrived at Ancyra, a town of Galatia; he entered it, but did nothing there.
In this same year, four rebels revolted in the East: one in the country of Sa`id, another in Sedjestan, the third in Bahrain and the fourth beyond the river.
HERE THE FLORENCE MANUSCRIPT FINISHES.
1. The events at the beginning of the second part are also recounted at the end of the first part, but in a different version to that in the Florence manuscript.
2. Genesis 49:10.
3. Daniel 9:24-27.
4. See Jos. Flav., Ant., XVII, VIII, 189. τήν τε Γαυλωνῖτιν καὶ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Βαταναίαν καὶ Πανιάδα Φιλίππῳ.
5. Three lines are illegible here. They might be filled up using Michael the Syrian, I, 143, 2.
6. Completed using Michael the Syrian.
7. Text filled out using Michael the Syrian.
8. Jos. Fl. Ant. Jud. XVIII, III, 63-4. See Michael the Syrian, I, 143-145.
9. Eusebius, H.E., I, x, 1-2. Jos. Fl. Ant. Jud. XVIII, ii. 33-35. Michael the Syrian, I, 142-143, 145.
10. Some words are unclear here.
11. Rom. 16:14.
12. Dan.9:27.
13. Simoni deo sancto.
14. Gen.49:10.
15. Dan. 9:26-27.
16. Cf. Matt. 24; Mark 13; Luke 21.
17. Josephus, Jewish War, VI. 9.
18. Josephus, Jewish War, VI, 5:3.
19. Phil. 4:3.
20. Iren. Haer. I. 26; III. 3; Eus. HE III. 28:6.
21. Βασιλικόν? βασιλική?
22. Text restored from Michael the Syrian I, 181.
23. A certain Scuthinos is mentioned in other texts as the master of Bardesanes in the study of the occult, the precursor of Mani the author of four books. See R. Duval, La litterature syriaque, nd ed., p. 242, n. 1.
24. Possibly it should read Quitous, i.e. Geta, Caracalla's brother.
25. Perhaps the sun and the moon?
26. On Oudhi (Αὐδαῖος) and his followers, the Audians, see Epiphanius, Panarion, I, 70 (PG 42 col. 339 f.)
27. Aphrahat.
** The first fascicle of part 2 ends on page 135; the second fascicle begins on page 139.
28. Here, in the margin of the manuscript, we read: "This is wrong". There is indeed a mistake, because the 1,273rd year of Alexander (= 961AD) does not correspond to the 330th year of the Hegira (= 941-942). Instead of 1,273, it should be 1,253 (= 941). On the other hand, we know that Masudi, who wrote his Tenbih in 945, already knew the work of Mahboub (Agapius). Kitâb at-Tanbîh wa'l-Ischraf auctore al-Masudi. Bibl. geographorum arabiÂ-corum, ed. of Goeje, VIII, Leiden, 1894, 154. Maçoudi, Le Livre de l'avertissement et de la revision, trad.by B.Carra de Vaux, Paris, 1896, 212.
29. Cf. Georgii Elmacini Historia Saracenica, ed. Thomae Erpenii, Leide, 1625, p. 2-3. Elmacinus abridged the account of Agapius. Michael the Syrian, II, 403-405.
30. Folios 89v-90 are very deteriorated.
31. This relates to the war with Chrosroes in AD 540, and the capture of Apamea in the same year.
32. The following four lines are illegible. A few words can be read, suggesting that they concern the death of Mohammed and the transmission of power to Abu Bekr. Cf. Elmacinus, 9-10, 15.
33. The following six lines are illegible. A translation is given of whatever can be read.
34. The start of each of the next eight lines is illegible.
35. The text of this passage is damaged and illegible.
36. Some words here have been damaged.
37. The remainder of folio 97v is almost illegible.
38. The remainder of fol. 98 is illegible. The next four pages, consisting of folios 98v, 99, 99v and 100 cannot be read. These leaves are stuck to each other because of damp and so cannot be read.
39. Apart from the first two words, folios 104v, 105, 105b and 106 are stuck together and illegible.
40. A damaged line here.
41. Two damaged lines follow.
42. A number of words are probably missing here.
43. This interesting source used by Agapius is Theophilus of Edessa, son of Thomas, a distinguished astronomer, who lived under the Caliph al-Madhi and died in 785 AD. He was the author of works, today lost, which included a history and a Syriac translation of the Iliad and the Odyssey. Bar Hebraeus mentions and praises him (Historia dynastiarum, 98 (63), 40 (26), 228, (147-148), ed. Salhani 98. 40, 219-220; Chronicum Syriacum 134). His name is also found in Michael the Syrian, II, 358: " Theophilus of Edessa, who was a Chalcedonian and considered hatred of the orthodox as his heritage, left fraudulently to one side all the histories in which he found record of us... We borrowed from his Chronicle some of things which are not found in better sources." See W. Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, London, 1894, pp.163-4.
44. Five lines are damaged here.
45. Three damaged lines here.
This text was turned into English by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: dionysius_syrus_revelation_01.htm
Dionysius Syrus (=Dionysius Bar Salibi, =Jacob Bar Salibi), Commentary on Revelation (extracts). Hermathena vol. 6 (1888) pp.397-418, vol.7 (1890) pp.137-150; The Expositor th series vol. 1 (1906), pp.481-495.
Dionysius Syrus (=Dionysius Bar Salibi, =Jacob Bar Salibi), Commentary on Revelation (extracts). Hermathena vol. 6 (1888) pp.397-418, vol.7 (1890) pp.137-150; The Expositor th series vol. 1 (1906), pp.481-495.
Dionysius Bar Salibi quotes the comments of Gaius and Hippolytus on:
1. Revelation 8:8
2. Revelation 8:12
3. Revelation 9:2-3
4. Revelation 9:15
5. Revelation 20:2,3
and of Hippolytus on:
6. Revelation 11:2 (Hippolytus on Matthew 24:15-22)
7. Revelation 11:3
8. Introductory matter to the commentary
and (from a subsequent manuscript find)
9. Complete introduction of the Commentary on Revelation and the first chapter.
Some additional notes by Roger Pearse
10. Extracts from the Commentary on the Four Gospels, also concerned with Gaius.
|397
HIPPOLYTUS AND HIS 'HEADS AGAINST CAIUS.'
[By John GWYNN. D.D.]
The extant remains of the writings of Caius, and the scattered notices of him that occur in ancient writers, are so few and meagre, that they serve to raise, rather than to solve, questions concerning him. It may be briefly said, that hardly anything has hitherto been known of him with certainty, beyond the facts that he flourished about the year of our Lord 200, and that he wrote a Dialogue against Proclus, a Montanist leader. I believe, therefore, that many students of the early history of the Church, and of the New Testament Canon, will welcome an accession to the scanty materials out of which the existing acounts of him have been constructed. I propose, accordingly, to give in this Paper a few passages which I have recently lighted on, purporting to be derived from a work in which his contemporary, Hippolytus, controverted his teaching concerning the authenticity of the Apocalypse of St. John.
These passages, five in number, are embodied in the inedited Syriac Commentary on the Apocalypse, Acts, and Epistles, of Dionysius Barsalibi, the learned Jacobite divine of the twelfth century from whose Commentary on the Gospels investigators have learned many valuable facts----notably, the existence of Ephraim's Commentary on the Diatessaron of Tatian, recently confirmed so signally by Moesinger's publication of a Latin translation of the Armenian version. Of each of the five the method is the same. An objection is briefly stated as raised by Caius against some point in which he conceived that the Apocalypse was at variance with the teaching of the Gospels and of St. Paul; and the |398 arguments of Hippolytus, in reply, are given at some length.
Now, of the fragments preserved for us by Eusebius of the Dialogue of Caius, the principal is one on which much dispute has arisen----whether it refers to the canonical Apocalypse. It is as follows:----
'Cerinthus, by means of revelations purporting to have been written by a great Apostle, attempts to impose on us marvels which he pretended were shown to him by angels; and says, that after the resurrection the reign of Christ is to be on earth, and that men are to inhabit Jerusalem in fleshy bondage to lusts and pleasures; and being an enemy to God's Scriptures, he declares, in his desire to deceive, that the space of a thousand years is to be spent in a marriage feast.' (Hist. Eccl. iii. 28.)
From these words the suspicion, prima facie, arises, that Caius may have rejected the Apocalypse from the Canon, and ascribed it to the arch-heretic Cerinthus. Yet, if the passage stood alone, this suspicion might well be set aside. The carnal millennium it describes is utterly unlike the millennium of our Apocalypse; and it seems, besides, impossible that anyone could have imagined Cerinthus to be the author of a book of which the Christology differs so fundamentally from his. But Eusebius, though he does not appear himself to have understood Caius to refer to the Apocalypse of the Canon, cites from Dionysius of Alexandria a statement, that 'some of those before him' had rejected the Apocalypse as the work, not of St. John, but of Cerinthus; the grounds of rejection being much the same as those alleged by Caius, and expressed in similar, but grosser terms. The obvious inference seems to be, that Dionysius is here referring to Caius, and that he believed the 'revelations' which Caius ascribed to Cerinthus to be the Book of the Revelation, usually received in the Church as written by St. John. And in support of this inference |399 the fact is adduced that Ebediesu, a late Syriac writer (circ. 1300), in his Catalogue, mentions, among the works of Hippolytus, his 'Heads against Caius.' 1 What more likely (it may be asked) than that the point of controversy between these contemporaries may have been the authenticity of the Book which the one appears to have called in question; while the other, as his extant works attest, accepted it with reverence, and studied it with sedulous care?
Bearing these particulars in mind, we shall better be able to estimate the evidence yielded by the passages of which I proceed to give a translation.2
I. The first is as follows:----
[Rev. viii. 8:
A great mountain was cast into the sea, and the third part of the sea became blood,]
fol. r, line 13)
'On this, Caius the heretic objected to this revelation, and said that it is not possible that these things should be, inasmuch as as a thief that cometh in the night, so is the coming of the Lord [1 Thess. v. 2].
Hippolytus of Rome answered him, and said that, in like manner as God wrought signs such as these in Egypt, so is He to work when Christ appears. And those that [were wrought] in Egypt were partial, inasmuch as a part of the people was subjected there; but these are to be general,3 before the judgment, on all the world. Accordingly, by the revelation John declared that there are to be plagues before the judgment, as though for the avenging of the righteous and retribution on the unbelieving, that when involved in these they may not trouble the faithful.
So also the Lord said, There shall be in that day tribulation |400 such as has been none like it [St. Matth. xxiv. 21]; and Joel, I will shew signs in heaven and on earth, blood and fire and vapour of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness and the moon into blood, before the day of the Lord come [Joel ii. 30, 31]; and Amos, To what end is the day of the Lord for you, for it is dark and not light? in like manner as if thou fleddest from a lion and a bear met thee, or one leaned his hands on a wall and a serpent bit him [Amos v. 18, 19].
The text, that the day of the Lord cometh as a thief, signifies as regards the unbelieving that they are darkness, inasmuch as the faithful are children of light, who walk not in the night [St. John xi. 10; xii. 35, 36; Eph. v. 8]. Accordingly, in Egypt this type was completed; for the Egyptians had darkness, but the Hebrews had light [Exod. x. 22, 23].'
II. The second goes on much the same lines----
[Rev. viii. 12:
The third part of the sun was smitten, and the third part of the moon, and the third part
of the stars; so as the third part of them was darkened].
(Ms. Rich. 7185, f. v, line 20)
'On this Caius said that, just as in the Flood the heavenly bodies were not taken away and suddenly submerged, thus also is it to be in the end, as it is written [St. Matth. xxiv. 37]; and Paul says, When they shall say, Peace and safety, destruction shall come upon them [1 Thess. v. 3].
But Hippolytus says, in reply to this objection of the heretic: Before the Flood there was none of these signs, inasmuch as the Flood was partial; and the heavenly bodies were not removed, inasmuch as the general end had not arrived: but when heaven and earth are about to pass away [St. Matth. xxiv. 35], it must needs be that by little and little their splendour shall perish.
And to this Joel testifies: Before him verily the earth shall be confounded and the heavens shaken, and the sun and moon shall be darkened, and the stars their light shall set [Joel ii. 10]. And our Lord said, in the Book of Luke, And there shall be signs in the sun and moon and stars, and on the earth distress of nations, and the powers which are in |401 heaven shall be shaken [St. Luke xxi. 25, 26]. And as to this, that He sent a manifest token, it is with regard to the non-perception of the unbelieving that He signifies.
And as to the text, When they shall say Peace, destruction shall come upon them, it is with regard to the Jews that He signifies, that they expect to possess their land and to be able to live in peace, and forthwith Christ appears and they are put to shame.'
III. The third is not dissimilar.
[Rev. ix. 2, 3:
There came out of the smoke locusts upon the earth, and unto them was given power,
even as the scorpions of the earth have power,].
(Ms. Rich. 7185, f. r, line 14)
'On this Caius objects, that according to this, the unrighteous are consumed by the locusts; whereas Scripture has said that sinners prosper and the righteous are persecuted, in the world' [Ps. lxxiii. 12 ]; and Paul, that the faithful shall be persecuted and the evil shall flourish, deceiving and being deceived [2 Tim. iii. 12, 13].
But Hippolytus answers him, and says that the faithful, those who are persecuted by the unrighteous, at this period are to have rest, because they have been sealed; but the unrighteous who persecuted the saints, on them comes the plague of locusts; even as the Egyptians were devoured, and the Hebrews were free from the plagues, while they dwelt in one place. Thus the saints in this time are to be in well-being, even as our Lord said, When these things begin to be, be of good cheer, and lift up your heads, inasmuch as your redemption is nigh [St. Luke, xxi. 28]; that is, when plagues come on the evil, the righteous have rest. And this, that evil men deceive and are deceived [2 Tim. iii. 13], at the present day is coming to pass: that crafty men, who alter the words of the Lord and of the Scriptures after their evil thoughts, that even though at the present day they are proceeding further, yet in the end they are to be rebuked: even as Jannes and Jambres, who withstood Moses [ib. 8, 9], and afterwards were overcome and put to shame.' |402
IV. The fourth takes up different ground, and (as will presently be shown) contains a further element of interest.
[Rev. ix. 15:
And the angels were loosed, which were prepared for seasons and for days,
to slay the third part of men,].
(Ms. Rich. 7185, f. v, line 7)
'On this Caius says: It is not written that angels are to make war, nor that a third part of men is to perish; but that nation shall rise against nation [St. Matth. xxiv. 7].
Hippolytus in reply to him: It is not of angels he says that they are to go to war, but that four nations are to arise out of the region which is by Euphrates, and to come against the earth, and to war with mankind. But this that he says, four angels, is not alien from Scripture. Moses said, When He dispersed the sons of Adam, He set the boundary of the nations according to the number of the Angels of God [Deut. xxxii. 8 (LXX.)].
Since therefore nations have been assigned to angels, and each nation pertains to one angel, John rightly declared by the Revelation a loosing for those four angels: who are the Persians, and the Medes, and the Babylonians, and the Assyrians. Since then these angels who have been appointed over the nations have not been commanded to stir up those who have been assigned to them, a certain bond of the power of the word is indicated, which restrains them until the day shall arrive and the Lord of all shall command. And this then is to happen when Antichrist shall come.'
V. The fifth has a special importance, as touching on the matter of millennarian prediction.
[Rev. xx. 2. 3:
And he laid hold on the dragon, the old serpent, which is the Devil, and Satan, and
bound him a thousand years, and cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him
up and sealed the bottomless pit upon him, in order that he should not deceive
the nations till the thousand years should be fulfilled: after that, he must be loosed
a little season,].
(Ms. Rich. 7185, f. 9v, line 8)
'On this Caius the heretic objected: that Satan is bound here, |403 according to that which is written, that Christ went up into the strong man's house and bound him, and spoiled his goods for us [St. Matth. xii. 29].
Hippolytus answered this and said: If the Devil has been bound, how does he deceive the faithful and persecute and plunder men? And if you say that he has been bound as regards the faithful, how did he draw near against Christ, Him who aid no sin? according to the text, The Prince cometh and findeth no sin in me [St. John, xiv. 30 4]. And if then he has been bound, how did the Lord teach us to pray, that we should be delivered front the evil one [St. Matth. vi. 13]? and why did he desire to tempt Simon and the Apostles [St. Luke, xxii. 31]? And how was one who had been bound able to sift and trouble the disciples [ib.]?
And truly for us the conflict is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, and against the rulers of the darkness of this world [Eph. vi. 12]. If he had been bound, he would not maintain the conflict, or catch away the word which was sown [St. Matth. xiii. 19], as is said in the Parable of the Seed. That He has bound the strong man;5 the meaning of it is this: that He has rebuked and cast scorn on those who did not come unto Him when He went against the Devil in order to purify them from his bondage and make them sons unto the Father.
And this is proved by what He said just after, that he that is not with me is against me, and he that gathereth not with me, scattereth abroad [St. Matth. xii. 30]. Accordingly, in the end of times, the Devil is to be bound and to be flung into the bottomless pit, when the Lord comes; even as Esaias hath said, that the wicked shall be taken away in order that he see not the glory of the Lord [Isai. xxvi. 10----LXX. (Syr. Hex.)].5
And the number of the years is not the number of days, but it represents the space of one day,5 glorious and perfect; in which, when the King comes in glory with His slain, the creation is to shine: according to the text, The sun shall shine twofold [marg., |404 sevenfold; Isai. xxx. 26]; while the righteous eat with Him and drink of His vine. This is the day which the Lord hath made [Ps. cxviii. 24], which David spoke of.
Accordingly, when with the eye of the spirit John saw the glory of that day, he likened it to the space of a thousand years; according to the saying, One day in the world of the righteous is as a thousand years [2 Pet. iii. 8?]. And by the number he shows that day to be perfect, for those that are faithful.
But as for what he has said, that after the thousand years he shall be loosed, and shall deceive the nations [Rev. xx. 7, 8], it is this: that justly he is to be loosed, and to be cast into the burning, and to be judged [ib. 10, 12]; with those who from old time were gathered together with him, when he gathered the strangers of the kingdom, and Gog and Magog [ib. 8].'
----
These passages are conclusive on the main question that has been in dispute concerning Caius. They prove that he refused to admit the Apocalypse as the work of St. John. And they prove that Hippolytus wrote a reply to the arguments by which Caius maintained his opinion. These arguments, we may assume, were put forth in a written treatise; and the purport of them appears to have been (so far as they are reported to us by Barsalibi), that the teaching of the Apocalypse, especially as regards its eschatology, is contradictory to that of our Lord, as reported in the Synoptic Gospels, and of St. Paul. Hence it follows that he rejects its claim, not merely to be the work of St. John, but to be an authentic part of the New Testament Canon. The work of Hippolytus whence Barsalibi derived his knowledge of this controversy was, no doubt, the Heads against Caius, mentioned by Ebediesu, which was evidently a distinct treatise from his Exposition of the Apocalypse and Gospel of St. John. The passages as they stand in Barsalibi's Commentary are, probably, not actual excerpts from the 'Heads'; they have the air rather of brief summaries of the arguments |405 on either side: those of Caius (whom it will be observed Barsalibi brands as a 'heretic') being stated in the barest possible form, while those of Hippolytus are given in more detail, yet highly compressed.
The objections of Caius are, as will be seen, those of a somewhat captious critic, and indicate little breadth of scriptural learning or of eschatological conceptions; while the replies of his antagonist are not only fair ad hominem retorts, but display a large and thorough knowledge of his subject. But, on the other hand, it is observable that none of the objections at all resembles in character or tone the passage above cited (from Eusebius), in which Caius condemns the spurious 'revelations' which he accuses Cerinthus of attempting to pass off as the work of 'a great Apostle'; nor does any of them, in the remotest degree, answer to the account given by Dionysius of Alexandria of the attack made by certain unnamed writers on the canonical Revelation as being carnal in its promises of millennarian felicity. And this remark applies with especial force to the last of our five passages, which deals with the millennial binding of Satan [Rev. xx. 2, and following verses]. We may assume that if Caius not only denied the Revelation to be written by St. John, but ascribed it to Cerinthus, and interpreted the millennium it foreshows as being one of sensual joys, devised by an 'enemy of the Church of God who desired to deceive,' this would be the place where he would put forward that view. If so, it is not to be supposed that Hippolytus would leave so gross a misconstruction unrefuted; and it is, to say the least, improbable that Barsalibi would omit, in his summary of their controversy, to include this which would be obviously beyond comparison the most important and interesting part of it. But, instead of this, we find the point at issue between the two disputants to be merely whether Satan has or has not been already ' bound,' and therefore whether |406 it is or is not in accordance with our Lord's teaching to speak of the 'binding' as deferred till the millennium. Besides, the error which in his reply Hippolytus imputes to Caius is, not that he represented the millennium as sensual and unworthy, but merely that he understood the 'thousand years' literally, and not as denoting the spiritual fulness and perfection of ' the day which the Lord hath made.' And Hippolytus does not himself hesitate to speak of the righteous as 'eating and drinking' in that day with the Lord in His glory, without giving any hint that the promise of a grosser 'eating and drinking' had been attributed by Caius to the Apocalyptist.
It is hardly necessary to add that in none of these objections do we find any trace of doubt cast by Caius on the Johannine authorship of the Fourth Gospel. He does not, indeed, expressly cite any Gospel by name in any of these passages, and the texts he uses are from St. Matthew only. But it will be perceived that Hippolytus, in replying to him, once at least cites St. John's Gospel,6 evidently as an authority admitted by his opponent; and this fact of course excludes the supposition----for which, indeed, no ground exists----that Caius, like the Ἄλογοι of whom Epiphanius tells us (Haer. xxxi. [li.]), rejected that Gospel as well as the Apocalypse.
In the fourth passage, however, there occurs a point of contact between the views of Caius and those of the Alogoi, as stated by Epiphanius (ut supr.), as regards their objections against Rev. ix. 15. It extends, however, only so far as this, that he demurred, as they did, to the idea of angels 'making war';----not, however, because he found it ridiculous, as they professed to do, but because he regarded |407 it as unscriptural ('it is not written'). But it is highly interesting to compare the reply of Hippolytus to this objection, with the arguments with which Epiphanius refutes the Alogoi, the substance of which is as follows:----
'By the four angels he signifies the four nations who dwell by the Euphrates----the Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes, and Persians... That the nations are put in. charge of angels, Moses testifies... He set the boundaries of the nations after the number of the angels of God [Deut., as above]. The loosing of the angels implies, therefore, that these nations, after being for a while restrained in the longsuffering of God, are in due time to be let loose, stirred up by their several angels to work vengeance on such nations as have done despite to the saints of God.'
Here, as will be seen, we have every one of the points put forward by Hippolytus reproduced. In both these passages we have the explanation of 'angels' as representing nations; in both the same passage of Deuteronomy is adduced in support of it; both name the same four nations; both represent the 'binding' as a delay of the vengeance of which these nations are to be the instruments, till God shall command; and the ' loosing,' as the signal given for its execution on the oppressors of His people. That Epiphanius here borrowed from Hippolytus there can be no question; and thus we draw from the comparison of these passages a striking confirmation of the ingenious and convincing theory of Lipsius (Quellenkritik des Epiphanios), who has made it practically certain that in this part of his Panarion Epiphanius (in common with Philaster, in his similar Treatise on Heresies) is borrowing from the lost Refutation of the Thirty-two Heresies of Hippolytus. The passage, as thus reproduced by Epiphanius, is not indeed identical with that translated by Barsalibi; but the agreement between them, in substance, is complete, and there is a close resemblance in diction (so far as the Syriac version of the |408 latter passage enables us to judge 7). And this is just the sort of affinity to be expected between two passages from different works by the same author.
The results at which the discovery of these passages has enabled us to arrive may be conveniently summed up as follows:----
1. They establish the separate identity of Caius, of whom hitherto so little has been certainly known, that Bishop Lightfoot was able to make out a strong case in favour of the hypothesis that Caius was but Hippolytus under a different name.8
2. They prove that Caius (apparently in a written treatise----possibly his Dialogue against Proclus) rejected the Apocalypse from the New Testament Canon, as containing predictions, mainly eschatological, irreconcilable with the words of our Lord and the teaching of St. Paul.
3. They prove that Hippolytus wrote a work in refutation of this view----probably the Heads against Caius, named by Ebediesu----
These conclusions are direct and certain; and it may be added as a safe inference from them----
4. That Caius was not (as some have supposed), the author of the Muratorian Fragment, in which the Apocalypse is included in the Canon.
And it seems to follow, with scarcely less certainty----
5. That Caius accepted the Fourth Gospel as St. John's.
6. As a further result, we may add, that the theory of Lipsius concerning the relation between the Panarion of Epiphanius and the lost Refutation of the Thirty-two Heresies of Hippolytus, has received independent and strong confirmation from our fourth extract.
But the farther question, whether Caius went to such |409 lengths in his condemnation of the Apocalypse as to assign it to Cerinthus, is not decided by any of these extracts. It is, at least, a possible hypothesis that Cerinthus may have written a pseudo-Apocalypse, containing previsions of a millennium of carnal pleasures; and that Caius, in his anti-millennarian over-zeal, may have rejected both Apocalypses, the genuine and the spurious alike,----the former for
the reasons assigned in the Barsalibaean extracts, namely, that it contravened those Books of the New Testament which he accepted asbeyond question genuine----the latter on the ground stated in his Dialogue, as cited by Eusebius, that its promises were addressed to the baser part of man. It is unfortunate that the introduction prefixed by Barsalibi to this work has reached us in such a mutilated state that little light is thrown by it on the points which are in doubt. The fragment that remains of it merely exhibits a brief notice of the opinions for and against the Johannine authorship, the writers mentioned being Eusebius, Dionysius of Alexandria, Irenaeus, and Hippolytus. It breaks off in the middle of a sentence in which 'John the Presbyter' is suggested as the possible author.9
The MS. whence I have derived the Syriac text which I print at the end of this article was acquired by the British Museum, in 1830, as part of the Rich collection, and is classed as 'Rich 7185.' It is a small quarto, written on cotton paper, apparently of the fourteenth century. It |410 contains a series of brief commentaries on the Apocalypse, the Acts, the Catholic Epistles, and the Epistles of St. Paul, ending with Hebrews. The second and third leaves only are missing, but of the first leaf nearly half has been torn away, vertically. Its recto is blank, and its verso exhibits the superscription of the book, and the fragment above mentioned of the introduction. The fourth leaf (now numbered 2) begins in the middle of the comment on Rev. iv. 3. The first three chapters, including the Epistles to the Seven Churches, must therefore have been very briefly noticed, or (more probably) passed over without comment. In the Bodleian there is another, and perhaps earlier, copy of the same Commentary, in the MS. Bodl. Or. 560 (small folio, on cotton paper),10 which, however, has suffered far more severely from the effects of decay or injury. Several leaves are missing at the beginning, so that more than half the Commentary on the Apocalypse (which in this MS. likewise stands first ) 11 has perished, and of our five passages, the last only survives----that relating to Rev. xx. 2, 3. I have collated it, and find that its variations from the text of Rich 7185 are very minute. I have recorded them, so far as they are of any value, in the notes on that passage.
Except in the cases indicated in the notes, I have been content, in printing these extracts, to follow the MSS., without attempting to correct inconsistencies in the use of the diacritical and other points. |411
[pp.411-416 containing Syriac text, and 417 (textual notes) are omitted]
|418
[I have not thought it worth while to record the variations of Rich in transliterating the name Hippolytus.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE.
A few points of affinity between the foregoing extracts and the known writings of Hippolytus may be here noted.
(1). The replies to Caius, in I. and II., are paralleled by the discussion of Genesis xlix. 6, in the treatise De Consummatione Mundi, c. 19; where the argument turns similarly on the distinction between τὸ μερικὸν and τὸ καθ' ὅλου. (Lagarde, p. 103.)
(2). In V., the explanation of the "thousand years" harmonizes with (in fact, is implied in) the signification given to the "seventh day," in cc. 4-6 of the Chisian fragment of the Comm. in Danielem, and in both places the saying, "one day is as a thousand years," is adduced (with slight variation) (ib. p. 153.)
(3). In V., again, we find the same remarkable application of Isai. xxvi. 10 as in De Antichristo, c. 63 (ib. p. 33.)
(4). But on the other hand the interpretation of the binding of the "strong man" (St. Matth. xii. 29), in this same extract, does not well agree with the use of that text in Comm. in Dan., c. 18 (ib. p. 158.)
JOHN GWYNN.
July, 1888.
END OF VOL. VI.
Printed by PONSONBY and WELDRICK, Dublin.
|137
HIPPOLYTUS ON ST. MATTHEW XXIV. 15-22.
IN a Paper which appeared in the last number of Hermathena (Vol. VI, pp. 397-418) I gave some extracts from the unpublished Commentary of Dionysius Barsalibi on the Apocalypse, being controversial passages which that writer professes to have derived from a treatise of Hippolytus----no doubt, his lost Heads against Caius. As a sequel to that Paper, I now offer another extract: from the same Commentary, purporting to contain a summary of the interpretation of the passage, St. Matth. xxiv. 15-22, given by Hippolytus, apparently in some other of his writings which has not reached us.
VI. It is as follows: ----
[Rev. xi. 2:
And the holy city shall they tread under foot forty and two months]
(Ms. Rich. 7185, f. v, line 10)
'(On this): The city is the Church; and these months they are to persecute her and kill, when the false Christ [St. Matth. xxiv. 24] shall come, because she worships him not. Now of this said Daniel, He shall approve the covenant for many, one week; in the half of the week shall cease the sacrifice [Dan, ix. 27]. The half of the week: that is, three years and a-half; and these make the forty and two months which are mentioned. The sacrifice he speaks of is not that of sheep, but the prayers of the upright. And the holy city he speaks of is the righteous, i. e. [those] who are oppressed and trodden under foot by the horn that sprang up in the midst [Dan. vii. 8, 20, 21, 25], which is Antichrist, as Daniel said.
Hippolytus 12 otherwise interprets that which is said in the Gospel, When indeed ye shall see the pollution of desolation [St. Matth. |138 xxiv. 15]: for he says that it is not concerning the Jews, and the laying waste of Jerusalem, that these things are said, but concerning the end of Antichrist. The elect [ib. 22] he speaks of are the Christians who are in this conflict. And He says, Pray that ye fly not on the Sabbath or in winter [ib. 20]: i. e. He advises that we be not overtaken by those things that are coming on us, when we are unoccupied in righteousness, as the Jews [are unoccupied] on the Sabbath, or troubled with worldly cares and sins, as one that is in a winter storm. There shall be tribulation such as there was not like it since the beginning of the world, etc. [ib. 21; cp. Dan. xii. 1].
On this Hippolytus says, that in the siege of Vespasian this did not come to pass; for nothing new happened to the world in his days beyond the things that were before. If you speak of war, many times it has happened in former times: and if again of captives, there have not lacked massacres or blood-shedding that was more than that [of the siege]. And if of the eating of children and unclean beasts, lo also in the days of Ahab 13 these things were [2 Kings, vi. 28]. Accordingly it is not concerning Jerusalem that the Lord said this; for when He willed to speak concerning her, He said, When ye shall see the army compassing the city, know that the desolation thereof is nigh [St. Luke, xxi. 20]. Hence the pollution of devastations He speaks of is Antichrist. And Daniel said, [In] the half of the week standeth the abomination in the sanctuary [Dan. ix. 27; cp. xi. 31]. Now "Vespasian did not set up in the temple an idol, but that Legion 14 which Trajanus Quintus placed, a chief man of the Romans: he set up the idol there which is called Kôre. |139
Also the Apostle has written that these things are concerning Antichrist, Except if there come first a falling away, and the Man of iniquity be revealed, so that he as God shall sit in the temple, whom our Lord Jesus shall consume, etc. [2 Thess. ii. 3, 4, 8]. From these [words] it is evident that Vespasian did not call himself God, nor did he sit in the temple, nor was he killed by the Spirit of the Lord. Accordingly it is manifest that in the end tribulation arises against the Church, such as was none like it.'
VII.
[Rev. xi. 3:
And I will give power unto my two witnesses, and they shall prophesy, etc.]
'(On this:) There come two prophets, Enoch and Elias, and these are the two olive trees he speaks of [ib. 4], even as Zacharias spoke of them [Zech. iv. 3, 11, 14]. Now concerning Elias our Lord said, Elias must come to restore all things [St. Mark, ix. 12; cp. St. Matth. xvii. 11]. Of these he says that they work miracles and signs, and send plagues upon the unbelieving [Rev. xi. 5, 6], in order that the faithful may have some respite. These two prophets will stand up against Antichrist, even as Moses and Aaron stood up against Pharaoh and the Egyptians. These things then are to be in the half of the week, when Antichrist will scatter all men, so that there shall not be found two or three together to assemble, to offer sacrifice to God. This then is to be fulfilled, that the sacrifice shall cease. When then these are killed there [ib. 7] by the false Christ, afterwards they are to stand up, in presence of many, and are to be caught upon the clouds to meet our Lord [ib. 11, 12; 1 Thess. iv. 17]. In the half of the week, said John, Enoch and Elias are to receive power [ib. 6], and are to preach a thousand two hundred and threescore days girt with sackcloth [ib. 3], and to teach repentance to the people and the Gentiles. These days are the half of the week; and these are the two olive-trees and the two candlesticks (ib. 4), as Zacharias said, Enoch and Elias. And the beast that |140 ascendeth out of the bottomless pit shall make war against them, and shall overcome them, and kill them. And their dead bodies he shall cast into the streets, that is the highways, of the city [ib. 7, 8]. (On this:) Concerning this beast Daniel said, I saw indeed a beast that came up out of the bottomless pit, that is, the sea [Dan. vii. 3], and made war with the saints [ib. 21], which [beast] that horn which sprang up designates [ib. J. No other kingdom is to persecute the saints, save this alone from which the horn is to spring up at the last, which is Antichrist, who is to kill Enoch and Elias. And after these things that is to come to pass which Esaias said; Behold the Lord out of His sanctuary send-eth forth His sword, great and strong, against the dragon, the crooked serpent [Isaiah, xxvi. 21; xxvii. 1]: and in like manner said Daniel, The beast was killed and destroyed, and his body was given to the burning fire [Dan. vii. 11]. The body he speaks of is the devil, he who worketh [2 Thess. ii. 7, 9] in the false Christ: and the city he speaks of is Jerusalem, where these things are to come to pass. For Paul said concerning him who is Antichrist, He sitteth in the temple of God as God' 15
The foregoing extract, though continuously written in the MS. whence I take it, divides itself into two parts, the division being marked (as is usual in this MS.) by the sign x. It will be perceived that Hippolytus is cited by name in the |141 former of these parts only----that which relates to the second verse of Rev. xi. But (as I shall presently show) it is certain that in the latter part likewise the comment on the ten following verses (3-12) is in great measure drawn from Hippolytus. Besides, the line of interpretation that runs through both parts is continuous. For these reasons I have thought it well to give the whole. The Commentary has no further note on chapter xi., but passes on immediately to chapter xii.
On the second verse Barsalibi begins by explaining the 'treading underfoot' by the Gentiles of the 'holy city ' during 'forty and two months' to mean that in the latter days of the world the Church shall suffer persecution for three years and a half, which period he identifies with the 'half-week' foretold by Daniel (ix. 27); and the 'sacrifice caused to cease in the midst of the week,' signifies accordingly the suppression of the public prayers of the Church by the tyranny of Antichrist, when she will refuse to worship him. And he is the 'little horn' of the fourth of the beasts of Daniel's vision, who is to 'prevail against the saints' (Dan. vii. 8, 21). For so far the Commentary appears to follow the teaching of Hippolytus in the treatise De Christo et Antichristo (Lagarde, pp. 1-36). In that treatise it is laid down, as in the Commentary, that the 'horn' is Antichrist (ss. 28, 47 16); that the half-week of Daniel is the same as the period defined in this eleventh chapter of the Revelation (ss. 43, 47, 61), and that its completion is to be the end of all things (ib., & s. 64). But the discussion |142 which is subjoined, cited as from Hippolytus, of our Lord's eschatological prediction, recorded in the twenty-fourth chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel, and of St. Paul's, in the second chapter of his second Epistle to the Thessalonians, is not (so far as I know) to be found in any of his extant writings----though in the De Christo et Antichristo (ss. 62, 63) he inserts several verses of both chapters (St. Matth. xxiv. 15-19, & 21; 2 Thess. 11. 1-12 17], similarly connected together. It is natural to suppose that the citation is from the lost Commentary on Matthew, which St. Jerome mentions in the Prologue to his own Commentary on that Gospel. Indeed, this appears to be directly attested by the MS. of Barsalibi in the marginal note (quantum valeat) attached to the name of Hippolytus, which says, 'In the Commentary on the Gospel.' 18The words with which Barsalibi introduces this discussion ('Hippolytus otherwise interprets...') imply that he regarded it as in some measure inconsistent with the preceding interpretation of Rev. xi. 2, which (as I have shown) is drawn from, or at least coincides with, that contained in the De Christo et Antichristo. But it is not easy to see any real inconsistency between them; and it may be that he only means to point out that of Daniel's two representations of Antichrist----the 'little horn' and the 'abomination of desolation '----Hippolytus has fixed on the former in the Treatise, and on the latter in the Commentary (or whatever work of his is here borrowed from). It is to be noted that though the texts of Daniel and St. Matthew, which speak of the 'abomination of desolation,' are cited in the De Christo et Antichristo (s. 62), and its appearance reckoned among |143 the signs of the end (64), it is nowhere in this Treatise identified with Antichrist.
I see no reason to doubt that we have here a genuine excerpt, probably in a condensed form, from a lost work of Hippolytus; though the identification of it as belonging to the Commentary on Matthew is but conjectural. It is of value as a clear and forcible summary of the reasons why the seige and destruction of Jerusalem under Vespasian cannot be regarded as adequately fulfilling the predictions of our Lord, or those of St. Paul, as we read them in the chapters referred to. It contains, moreover, an incidental statement which, if true, is an interesting addition to our knowledge of the history of the capture of the city. Josephus makes no mention of the setting up of an idol in the Temple, which Hippolytus here relates as the act of a Roman commander named Trajanus. But he mentions a Trajanus as being prefect of the tenth legion at the time when Jotapata was besieged (B. J., bk. III., chh. vii. 31, viii. 8), who may be presumed to be the same person. And the name of the idol, Kore, of course represents Κορή, 19 or Persephone, whose images, set up beside watersprings, were so familiar to Justin in the second century, probably in Palestine (Apol. 1. 64).
In the remaining part of my extract----that in which the next ten verses of the Revelation are commented on----the relation of the Commentary of Barsalibi to Hippolytus is closer. Not only is the identification of the 'two witnesses' as Enoch and Elias common to both, but in the terms in which the mission of the witnesses is expressed there is a striking coincidence. St. John has merely said, 'they shall prophesy,' which the Commentary expands |144 into, 'they are to preach... and to teach repentance to the people and the Gentiles.' This expansion is plainly derived from the words of the De Christo et Antichristo, 'They shall preach... proclaiming repentance to the people and all the Gentiles' (s. 43). There are, indeed, in the extract a few points which, so far as I am aware, are not to be found in any work of Hippolytus that has come down to us, for example, the curious explanation that the 'body of the beast' is the Devil. But that Barsalibi had the De Christo et Antichristo before him in the composition of his Commentary appears beyond question in many places. A conclusive instance is his comment on the latter verses of Rev. xiii., the greater part of which I find to be simply a translation, somewhat abridged, of the latter half of section 49 and the former half of section 50 of that treatise.
It may be well to note here that this mention of Enoch and Elias, and nearly all the other points above noted as connecting the Commentary with Hippolytus, appear also in the Homily De Consummatione mundi (Lagarde, pp. 92-123). But this Homily seems to be certainly spurious. I have inadvertently quoted it in my Paper in Hermathena xiv. (p. 418, suppl. note (1)), where I ought to have referred instead to the De Christo et Antichristo, s. 15 (Lagarde, p. 8).
I may add that a coincidence with the Hippolytean fragment V in that Paper, which I had overlooked, is to be found in the Commentary on Proverbs, printed by Mai (Nova Patrum Biblioth., t. vii. ii. p. 74), which is not included in Lagarde's Hippolytus. It is the comment on Prov. XXX. 19: Οὐδὲ ὁ διάβολος ἐπὶ σῶμα Χριστοῦ ἀμαρτίαν ἠδυνήθη εὑρεῖν· λέγει γὰρ ὁ κύριος· ἰδοὺ ἔρχεται ὁ ἄρχων τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, καὶ ἐν ἐμοὶ εὑρήσει οὐδέν. On this remarkable reading of St. John xiv. 30, see my note, ib. p. 417. 20 |145
VIII. The accompanying autotype [omitted from the online text] reproduces faithfully the mutilated first page of the MS. Rich 7185. The first eight lines contain the superscription (written in vermilion). Lines 1 and 2 are as follows:
'On God [relying] we delay not to write extracts from the interpretation of the Revelation of John, a small portion...'
Of the six following I can only decipher a word here and there. Among them, however, I find
'Dionysius [Bishop of] the city Amid.'
This identifies the author as Dionysius Barsalibi, who occupied that See from A.D. 1166 to 1171.21 It appears, moreover, that in the MS. we have not his Commentary on the Apocalypse 22 in full, but only a series of excerpts from it.
The remainder of the page (twenty lines in all) is |146 written in black ink. The page is so mutilated that the opening words of every line of it are lost, except of the first four. Lines 9 and 10 appear to speak of the brevity of this Commentary as compared with the fuller one on the Gospel. Lines 11 and 12 ask the reader's prayers for Dionysius Xenaias [?]. In line 13 begins the discussion of the authorship of the book. The substance of the remaining lines (14-28), mutilated as they are, may be made out to this effect:----
'Many have denied that the Revelation is the work of John the Apostle. Eusebius of Csesarea quotes [Diony]sius of Alexandria, who argues that it is written by some other John, because the style is unlike that of the Gospel, and because the writer [not as in the Gospel] gives his name, and claims to have received his revelation from the Lord. Irenaeus and Hippolytus ascribe it to John the Evangelist, writing in the reign of Domitian: but [Eusebius] to John the Presbyter, contemporary of the Apostle.'
[See Euseb. H. E. iii. 39; vii. 25.]
[Pages 147-150 containing Syriac text omitted]
|481
THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE MURATORIAN CANON.
[T.H. ROBINSON, in The Expositor]
The Muratorian Canon is our oldest list of the books of the New Testament. It is a fragment discovered in the Ambrosian library at Milan, and published in 1740 by the librarian Muratori, from whom it takes its name. His object was to give an example of the kind of Latin an ignorant monk could write, but it was soon seen that the document had a very great intrinsic importance, due to the professed antiquity of the Canon of New Testament writings which it contains. Pius, who was bishop of Rome from 146-161 a.d., is mentioned as being almost a contemporary of the author. As it stands, the fragment is anonymous; and, of course, several attempts have been made to identify the author. Muratori himself suggested "Gaius the Presbyter," of whom Eusebius says: "There has come down also to our time a dialogue by the eloquent Gaius, which was addressed at Rome in the time of Zephyrinus, to Proclus, the champion of the Phrygian heresy. He, Gaius, rebukes the precipitancy and rashness of the opposite party in the matter of composing new scriptures, and mentions only the thirteen epistles as belonging to the blessed Apostle, not including the Epistle to the Hebrews with the rest; so also, even to the present day, there are some in Rome who do not regard it as being the Apostle's."
This was, for a time, practically the sum of our knowledge and the limit of critical speculation concerning Gaius. Then came the discovery of a work entitled, |482 The Philosophumena, a Refutation of all Heresies. This was attributed to Origen by the first editor on its publication in 1851, and subsequently, by certain critics, to the Gaius in question, together with a number of other works belonging to the second century.
It is, however, perfectly certain that this document is the work not of Gaius, but of Hippolytus. And Lightfoot took the various lesser books which had been ascribed to Gaius, and showed that they also were to be regarded as writings of Hippolytus (Apost. Fath., part i. vol. ii. pp. 378-380). He was, however, unable thus to explain away the Dialogue with Proclus, except by supposing that Proclus and Gaius alike were mere dramatis personae, with no more solid basis for existence than Hippolytus' imagination. Some later authors, finding a book Gaius against Proclus, had, he assumed, deduced from it Gaius' reality.
Now if Gaius was a mere lay figure, Muratori's connexion between Gaius and the fragmentary Canon disappears, unless we reserve the case that the fragment is a part of the speech of the assumed Gaius against the imaginary Proclus. And, as all Gaius' other works had been attributed to Hippolytus, it was natural that this should go the way of the rest. The question then arose, to which of the Hippolytean writings did it belong? It is certainly not in any of his extant works, but we have several lists of his writings preserved, and from the titles it may be possible to infer to which of them a Canon of the books of the New Testament should be referred. The oldest of these lists is an inscription on the statue of Hippolytus, which is now preserved in the Lateran Museum. The statue dates from the first half of the third century, and represents the recently deceased Hippolytus as seated in his episcopal cathedra. On the back of his chair there is a list of his works, and Lightfoot quotes the inscription in full. This gives very nearly a complete |483 catalogue; though it omits several books to which other writers refer. Eusebius' catalogue (H.E. vi. 22) does not profess to be complete, nor does it throw any fresh light. That of the fourteenth century Syrian father, Ebed-Jesu, does, however, include a title which we should not have known from other sources, for it mentions two works noted on the chair---- ὑπὲρ τοῦ κατὰ Ἰωάνην εὐαγγελίου καὶ ἀποκαλύψεως, and just before them inserts, "And chapters against Gaius." Lightfoot guessed----and, as we shall try to show, the guess was a correct one,----that there was some intimate connexion between this work and the two apologetic treatises, suspecting that it was composed of extracts taken from them.
To return to the Canon itself. Lightfoot not unnaturally attempted to discover the original Greek that lay behind Muratori's text, and his first effort showed that some of the Latin went naturally into Greek Iambics, and it was possible to retranslate the whole into verse. It is true that there were certain metrical licences, but, as Lightfoot pointed out, they were frequently surpassed by writers of the same age. Now near the end of one of the lists of Hippolytus' works was an item entitled ᾠδαὶ εἰς πάσας τὰς γραφάς. This was suspected to be a metrical account of the books of the Old and the New Testaments, The first part of this was assumed to have perished, but possibly the second survives in a mutilated form in the Muratorian Canon.
This, then, is a brief outline of the position in which Lightfoot left the study of this fragment. The next phase began with the discovery of a MS. of a commentary on the Apo-calypse by Dionysius Bar Salibi, a Syrian father of the twelfth century. The MS. is in the British Museum (Add. 7185), and was there studied by Dr. Gwynn of Dublin.
Dr. Gwynn published the results of his investigations in Hermathena (vol. vi. pp. 397-418). He found in the MS. |484 in question five passages where Bar Salibi quotes from a work of Hippolytus against Gaius. The quotations are introduced with a brief objection by the "heretic" Gaius, who insists in each case that the teaching of the Apocalypse is not in accord with the teaching of Jesus and the Apostles. The answer of Hippolytus is given in a condensed form----as, indeed, are nearly all Bar Salibi's quotations from other authors. From these passages Dr. Gwynn deduces three direct and certain conclusions.
1. They establish the separate existence of Gaius, thus refuting the view of his identity with Hippolytus which Lightfoot had put forward.
2. Gaius rejected the Apocalypse on the ground stated above.
3. Hippolytus wrote a work in refutation of this view. This, Dr. Gwynn thinks, is not the same as the Apology for the Apocalypse and the Gospel. (But Dr. Gwynn translates the Syriac words "mappaq berucha" as "Exposition," although the usual rendering is that of Lightfoot, "Apology.")
To these he adds, as a safe inference, that the Muratorian Canon was not the work of Gaius, since the Canon includes the Apocalypse, while Gaius rejected it. It also seemed equally certain to Dr. Gwynn that Gaius accepted the Fourth Gospel. This is due to the fact that Hippolytus quoted it against him, and was unlikely to appeal to a disputed book. Further, one of the passages quoted proves that Epiphanius knew and used the same work that Bar Salibi employed in this Commentary. This work Dr. Gwynn believed to be the lost " Refutation of the thirty-two heresies," which is now identified with the Philosophumena.
The next step was taken by Rendel Harris, in a paper read before the Society for Historical Theology in November, 1895. Dr. Harris has since published this essay (Presbyter |485 Gaius and the Fourth Gospel) in a small volume, entitled Hermas in Arcadia. Working on the same material as Dr. Gwynn, the Cambridge scholar found himself able to go further in his knowledge of Gaius, and succeeded in explaining one of the difficulties which hindered our acceptance of the view that Gaius attributed the Apocalypse to Cerinthus. He was also able to show, from Bar Salibi's commentary on the Fourth Gospel, that Gaius had denied the Johannine authorship of that book in just the same way as he criticised the Apocalypse. Dr. Harris goes on to suggest, by a reference to the passage in Epiphanius already cited by Gwynn, that Gaius was one, perhaps the leader, of the heretics known as the Alogi. It is strange to find that Harnack (Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur, p. 227) still refuses to admit that Gaius rejected the Gospel of John, on the ground that Eusebius could not have described him as being ἐκκλησιαστικὸς ἀνήρ (H.E. ii. 25). This is certainly a difficulty; but in the face of the overwhelming evidence which we now have to the contrary, we can no longer agree with Gwynn and Harnack on this point.
Dr. Gwynn (Hermathena, vi. p. 410) notes with regret that there are two leaves missing from the MS. of Bar Salibi on the Apocalypse in the British Museum. Fortunately a MS. of this work has been discovered in the Tur 'Abdin, and a transcript has found its way into the collection of Rendel Harris. This MS. is complete, and by one of those strange tricks of fortune which are at once the hope and the despair of the critic, the missing pages contain the solutions of some of the problems which centre round Gaius, Hippolytus and the Muratorian Canon.
The keys that have been already filed will go far towards opening the door; but it is only within the last few months that the exact piece of metal has been found which will fit the lock without further manipulation. This is true, at any |486 rate, as far as the authorship of the Muratorian Canon is concerned; and there are one or two other problems whose answer is given with certainty.
Bar Salibi is a good scholar and a sound critic, and well repays study. The introduction 23 to the Commentary on the Apocalypse is so interesting that it will be well worth quoting at some length:----
IX.
..."Now that we have finished the exposition of the Gospel, brethren, fully and very clearly, we come and approach the exposition of the Revelation of John the Evangelist. But do you, readers, with the students of the spiritual enquiries maintain your prayers for Dionysius the stranger, according as you also will be saved. At the beginning of the treatise we must say that there are many teachers who are in doubt regarding the Revelation of John, and say that it is not his. And Eusebius of Caesarea declares the same thing in his ecclesiastical writings (i.e. in the History of the Church). For Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, says that the Revelation was not that of John the Apostle, but of another John, 'the Presbyter,' who lived in Asia. The reason is, that the style of the Revelation is not like the type of the language of the Gospel. Also John makes no mention of his name at all in the Gospel, but does put his name at the beginning and end of the Revelation. Now we agree that he received the Revelation of which he wrote from our Lord. Irenaeus the bishop, and Hippolytus of Bozra say that the Revelation is that of John the Evangelist, and that it was granted about the end of the reign of Domitian. And Eusebius of Caesarea agrees with this, but immediately says that some do not accept it as being the Revelation of John the Apostle,24 so saying that |487 it is the work of John the Elder, who was a contemporary of John the Apostle. And there are two tombs in Asia, one being that of the Evangelist, the other that of John the Elder.
Hippolytus of Rome states that a man named Gaius had appeared, who said that neither the Gospel nor yet the Revelation was John's; but that they were the work of Cerinthus the heretic. And the blessed Hippolytus opposed this Gaius, and showed that the teaching of John in the Gospel and Revelation was different from that of Cerinthus. "This Cerinthus was one who taught circumcision, and was angry with Paul when he did not circumcise Titus, and the Apostle calls him and his disciples in one of his letters 25 'sham apostles, crafty workers.' Again he teaches that the world was created by angels, and that our Lord was not born of a virgin. He also teaches carnal eating and drinking,26 and many other blasphemies. The Gospel and Revelation of John, however, are like the teaching which the Scriptures contain; and so they are liars who say that the Revelation is not by the Apostle John." And we agree with Hippolytus that the Revelation is the Evangelist John's. This is attested by S. Cyril and Mar Severus, and all the teachers who bring evidence from it. Also the Theologian,27 in his 'Address to the Nation,' testifies that there is no proof from the conclusion,28 and says, 'as John taught me by his Revelation; He made a way for thy people, and these stones'----where he calls the heretics and their teaching stones."
This is good criticism, and we shall want it again. In the meantime, Bar Salibi plunges at once into exposition:---- |488
"The Revelation of Jesus Christ, etc.----Hence he begins with that which was revealed to him in a vision concerning those things which were about to be.
To His servant John.----He records his name in the Revelation that we may believe what he saw. In the Gospel he does not record his name, because there was no need for it there, since all the Apostles were witnesses of what our Lord did.
John to the seven Churches which are in Asia.----By Churches, he indicates cities, and calls them Churches because of the excellence of the elect who were in them. He says "seven," because the number seven was in high esteem among the Hebrews in the Scriptures. And there are seven gifts of One Spirit descending on one Church. Hippolytus says that in writing to seven Churches, he writes just as Paul wrote thirteen letters, but wrote them to seven Churches. That to the Hebrews he does not judge to be Paul's, but perhaps Clement's."
We have gone far enough. We have heard something like this before. "Cum ipse beatus Apostolus Paulus sequens prodecessoris sui Johannis ordinem nonnisi nominatim septem ecclesiis scribat ordine tali:----ad Corinthios prima, ad Ephesios secunda, ad Philippenses tertia, ad Colossenses quarta, ad Galatos quinta, ad Thessalonicenses sexta, ad Romanos septima. Verum Corintheis et Thessalonicensibus licet pro correptione iteretur, una tamen per omnem orbem terrae ecclesia diffusa esse denoscitur, et Johannis enim in Apocalypsi licet septem ecclesiis scribat, tamen omnibus dicit." So runs the fragment of Muratori. What are we to say?
Muratori's own guess as to the Gaian authorship of this fragment is at any rate proved to be impossible by the above quotation from Bar Salibi. For the Canon accepts both the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel as being |489 Johannine; Gaius accepted neither. But the mention of Pius seems to prove that the Canon is at least of the age of Hippolytus and Gaius. The probabilities were, before, on the side of the Hippolytean authorship; it looks as though they were considerably strengthened. It is obvious, however, that Bar Salibi is not quoting exactly, and, unfortunately, we have no means of testing his other quotations from Hippolytus, unless Epiphanius be allowed to represent Hippolytus more closely. But we can compare his references to Eusebius with that author's Syriac text, and the result we reach is the certainty that Bar Salibi's quotations are not necessarily verbal. He only means to reproduce the thought. This being so, we shall have no longer any hesitation in saying that our Syrian Father is quoting the Muratorian Canon as being the work of Hippolytus. The proof is not mathematical, but there seems to be no real objection on a priori grounds; so that there is now as strong a presumption as criticism ever needs, and a much stronger one than it usually finds. If the scale pans wavered at all before, this extra weight will carry them down with a run.
But we now have a further light on the Canon itself. The omission of the Epistle to the Hebrews has puzzled every one, Westcott included. The Canon, however, is universally admitted to be incomplete, and its testimony to the fourteenth "Pauline" epistle would have been most valuable. We have no other indication of Hippolytus' views on the authorship beyond the bare fact that he did not regard it as Paul's. Origen and Eusebius both report that some people have regarded it as being the work of Clement of Rome. Now for the first time we have a name attached to that suggestion, and while we feel that the Clementine authorship is out of the question, it is interesting to note that it had such respectable support as that of Hippolytus in his Canon. |490
So we come to a further question. What is the work of which this document forms a part? Lightfoot, finding that he was able to write it in Greek verse, suggested the "Odes on all the Scriptures." And this indeed seems at first sight a very suitable place for the Canon. But a scholar of Lightfoot's calibre would probably have little difficulty in rendering any Latin into Greek Iambics, and even if it were originally metrical, it need not have formed a part of the Odes. And we shall find reason to assign it differently.
In the first place we have to notice that this is not a mere guess on Bar Salibi's part. He knows what he is quoting and he knows its source. It follows from his familiarity with the author that he is familiar with the work containing the passage. Now, so far, we have only detected one single work of Hippolytus on Bar Salibi's bookshelf. This is the work against Gaius which Dr. Gwynn has referred to the Refutation of the thirty-two Heresies, and Lightfoot to the Apology for the Apocalypse and Gospel of John. The recognition of the Refutation under its pseudonym of Philosophumena contradicts the theory of the Irish critic. He was unable to accept Lightfoot's identification of the "chapters against Gaius" with the Apology, because he believed that Gaius accepted the Fourth Gospel, and Hippolytus was evidently opposing some one who rejected it. The passage cited from Bar Salibi proves conclusively that Gaius did not regard John as the author of the Fourth Gospel. He is in the critical position of the "Alogi," and we feel ourselves justified in regarding him as their leader and the principal object of Hippolytus' attack. It is still difficult to explain Eusebius' respect for Gaius, and we do not quite understand how Hippolytus could quote against him from the Fourth Gospel. But we feel that although these objections would have weight in the absence of other evidence, they cannot be allowed to |491 stand in face of the direct and positive testimony of Bar Salibi.
The removal of this objection leaves open the way for the other hypothesis----that there is an essential connexion between the "chapters against Gaius" and the Apology for the Apocalypse and Gospel of John. It may be noted that it is not at all improbable that this was what Ebed Jesu intended to imply in his catalogue of Hippolytus' works. A very brief acquaintance with the ways of Syriac scribes justifies us in omitting a conjunction, or at least in suspecting its presence. And in all probability Ebed Jesu intended to write first the full title of the work and then denote two of its sections, one concerned with the Apocalypse, the other with the Fourth Gospel. This view is strongly supported by the way in which the combatants are introduced by Bar Salibi. "The blessed Hippolytus," he says, "opposed this Gaius"----qam luqbal hana Gaius----a phrase so like the title of Hippolytus' work "rishe luqbal Gaius " as to justify us in regarding it as a reminiscence thereof. Lightfoot may have felt that Bar Salibi had robbed him of a favourite theory by proving the existence of Gaius; he has now every reason for gratitude, for on two points, the authorship of the Muratorian Canon and the identity of the "chapters against Gaius," the Syrian Father has unexpectedly vindicated two out of the English critic's series of conjectures.
Now, this being the only work of Hippolytus which we have found in Bar Salibi's hands, the law of parsimony of causes compels us to attribute all quotations from this author to the same document unless we have some fairly strong evidence to the contrary. And an examination of the evidence seems to lead to a conclusion which confirms our first impression. We are now at liberty to use the Canon itself in order to determine its place in |492 Hippolytus' writings. And near the beginning we certainly find a most illuminating passage:
"Primum omnium Corinthiis schisma haeresis interdicens, deinceps Galatis circumcisionem, Romanis autem ordinem scripturarum, sed et principium earum esse Christum intimans, prolixius scripsit. De quibus singulis necesse est a nobis disputari."
So little has this passage been understood that some editors have even inserted "non" before "necesse." Needless to say, this has no foundation in the MS. and it leaves the passage really more inexplicable than ever. For why should these three epistles be especially mentioned if there is no need to discuss them? The very fact of their selection here shows, as Tregelles saw, that this Canon must have stood at the head of a controversial work. The points of difference will be:----
1. Heresy.
2. Circumcision.
3. Canonicity of certain books of Scripture.
4. Christology.
The word "ordinem" offers a difficulty. Its use in the first passage cited----a list of the Pauline Epistles----shows that it does not mean a definite orderly sequence. And it seems to have been the earliest translation of the idea expressed in the Greek ecclesiastical language by κάνων, " Canon," as a Latin word is not quoted in this sense before Augustine, while Quintilian (1, 4, 3) uses "ordo" with almost the same meaning: "Grammatici alios auctores in ordinem redigerunt, alios omnino exemerant numero." We recognize, therefore, that it is not simply the order of the books of the Scriptures, but a list of those which they oontain. Moreover, there would be little point in discussing the sequence of the books of Scripture in a treatise which involved the other matters; and as a matter of fact the sequence is immediately set at nought. |493
Hippolytus' meaning in this extract is clear. He points out how Paul had found it necessary to face and solve certain problems in certain of his Epistles. He remarks that he is faced with the same questions, and will have to discuss these same matters. The connexion in subject between this passage and Bar Salibi's quotation from Hippolytus is abundantly clear.
This Cerinthus was one who taught circumcision, and was angry with Paul because he did not circumcise Titus, and the Apostle calls him and his disciples in one of his letters "Sham apostles."... Again he teaches that the world was created by angels and that our Lord was not born of a virgin. He also teaches carnal eating and drinking and many other blasphemies."
Primum omnium Corinthiis schisma haeresis interdicens, deinceps Galatis circumcisionem; Romania autem ordinem scripturarum sed et principium earum esse Christum intimans prolixius scripsit. De quibus singulis necesse est a nobis disputari.
The parallel between the various subjects is easily seen when it is remembered that Bar Salibi does not mean to quote exactly. The question then arises, To which of Hippolytus' works is the passage to be referred? The natural answer is, The Philosophumena; but we have that work, and the passages concerned with Cerinthus make no mention of his Judaizing tendency. The Chapters against Gaius, however, must have contained sections on all the questions raised in the above citation from the Canon, because they are the points on which Cerinthus differs from the Scriptures. It is by enumerating and discussing such points, as Bar Salibi tells us, that Hippolytus refutes Gaius' objection to the Apocalypse and Fourth Gospel. It becomes clear, therefore, that the most suitable suggestion for the source of this Canon is the book entitled Chapters against Gaius. |494
One more point may be brought forward. Can we be sure that this Cerinthus passage in Hippolytus comes from the same work as the other answers to Gaius? If it does, we may be fairly sure that our guess is right, and we have reached a point between probability and certainty. For this it is only necessary to turn to that arch-plagiarist, Epiphanius. Dr. Gwynn and Rendel Harris have already shown that he knew and quoted the "Heads against Gaius," and indeed, that his work is largely based on Hippolytus. We come to him with assurance, and find our expectations fully met, in the article on Cerinthus in Epiphanius' work on Heresies. The following extracts will make this sufficiently clear:----
BAR SALIBI.
EPIPHANIUS.
Patr. Gr., vol. 41, col. 377.
"The world was created by angels, and our Lord was not born of a virgin." ἐξηγεῖται καὶ οὗτος ἐκ Μαρίας καὶ ἐκ σπέρματος Ἰωσὴφ τὸν Χριστὸν γεγεννῆσ-θαι, καὶ τὸν κόσμον ὁμοίως 29 ὑπὸ ἀγγέλων γεγενῆσθαι.
Col. 381.
"This Cerinthus was one who taught circumcision, and was angry with Paul because he did not circumcise Titus."
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν τότε ἐπραγματεύθη κινηθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ προειρημένου ψευδαποστόλου Κηρίνθου· ὅς καὶ ἄλλοτε στάσιν αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ μετ' αυτοῦ εἰργάσαντο ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Ἰερουσαλήμ, ὁπηνίκα Παῦλος ἀνῆλθε μετὰ Τίτου, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη, ὅτι ἄνδρας ἀκροβύστους εἰσήνεγκε μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ, ἤδη περὶ τούτου λέγων, κεκοίνηκε, φησὶ, τὸν ἅγιον τόπον. διὸ καὶ Παῦλος λέγει· Ἀλλ' οὐδὲ Τίτος κ.τ.λ. (there follows a quotation taken from Gal. ii. 3-5).
Finally, a decisive passage:—
Col. 384.
"The Apostle calls him and his disciples, 'Sham apostles, crafty workers.'" καὶ οὗτοι εἰσὶν οἱ παρὰ τῷ Παύλῳ εἰρημένοι ψευδαπόστολοι, ἐργάται δόλιοι μετασχηματιζόμενοι εἰς ἀποστόλους Χριστου.
|495 This does not claim to be more than a preliminary discussion of the subject. A fuller investigation of the questions involved is reserved for the publication of Bar Salibi's Commentary on the Apocalypse. It may be possible, however, to sum up our results. We may regard as practically certain the following:----
1. The fact that the Muratorian Canon is the work of Hippolytus.
2. The identity of the Chapters against Gaius with the Apology for the Apocalypse and Gospel of John. Incidentally we may regard it as proved that Gaius really existed.
3. The free use made by Epiphanius of the Heads against Gaius. This is one of the subjects that needs further inquiry, and will probably throw no small light on the history of the Church at the end of the second century.
These results may be held to be certain. To them we may add as being highly probable, though not of the same order of probability as the others:----
4. The Muratorian Canon stood at or near the beginning of the treatise against Gaius in which Hippolytus defended the Johannine authorship of the Apocalypse and Fourth Gospel.
Theodore H. ROBINSON.
Notes from the Commentary on the four gospels
[Roger Pearse]
This material was composed and placed online after a discussion in an online forum, provoked by the question,
"What are our (ancient) sources for the datum that Gaius, presbyter of Rome, attacked the fourth gospel and the apocalypse of John?"
The answer given was:
No single source combines all those details in one place. Rather, it is a conclusion reached by coordinating different ancient and medieval sources, including: Irenaeus, AH 3.11.9; Eusebius, HE 6.20.1-3 and 7.25.2; Epiphanius, Pan 51; Photius, Bibl; and Dionysius bar Salibi, In Apoc at Rev 8:8, 12, 9:2-3, 15, and 20:2-3.
These sources are collected, quoted, discussed, and criticized by Charles E. Hill, The Johannine Corpus in the Early Church (Oxford: University Press, 2004), 172-204.
I found from Sebastian Brock, A brief outline of Syriac literature,Moran Etho 9, Kottayam (1997), that Dionysius (or Jacob) Bar Salibi (aka Dionysius Syrus) died in 1197 AD, and was a monophysite author. From W. Wright, A short history of Syriac Literature (A&C Black, 1894, reprint. Gorgias 2001) I learn that copious extracts from his commentary on the NT were translated in to Latin; there are, in fact, English translations of portions of the commentary on the gospels (tr. Loftus, 1672, 1695), and on revelation (tr. J. Gwyn, Hermathena 6, p.397ff, and 7, p.137ff, the latter containing extracts from Hippolytus on Matthew; the journal started in 1873).
Hill, based Pierre Prigent (Hippolyte, Commentateur de l'Apocalypse, in Theologische Zeitschrift 28, 1972, pages 391-412; Les Fragments du De Apocalypse d'Hippolyte, in Theologische Zeitschrift 29, 1973, pages 313-333; Citations d'Hippolyte trouvée dans le ms. Bodl. Syr 140, in Theologische Zeitschrift 30, 1974, pages 82-85, with R. Stehly) and Allen Brent (Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century, Supplement to Vigilae christianae 31, 1995), argued that Bar Salibi in fact did not possess the so-called Heads against Caius, but rather a florilegium of Hippolytan extracts that included legendary embellishments.
Bar Salibi, On the Apocalypse
This work has been printed, with a Latin translation, by Sedlacek. His Latin translation of the introduction to the Apocalypse reads:
Postquam enim absolvimus expositionem Evangelii, o frater noster, fuse et lucidissime, parati sumus aggredi explicationem Apocalypsis Iohannis evangelistae. Vos autem lectores, cum incitatoribus petitionum spiritualium, orationes emittite pro Dionysio peregrino, ut et vos sanemini.
Initio sermonis dicimus multos magistros dubitavisse de Apocalypsi Iohannis et dixisse eam ipsius non esse. Et hoc exponit Eusebius Caesaraeensis in libro eqlisiastiqi seu Historiarum ecciesiasticarum. Dicit enim Dionysius, episcopus Alexandriae: Apocalypsis non est Iohannis apostoli, sed Iohannis alius, presbyteri, qui habitabat in Asia; nam non est similis typus, id est species sermonis, Evangelii et Apocalypsis. Et Iohannes nullibi in Evangelio commemoravit suum nomen; hic vero, initio et fine Apocalypsis posuit nomen suum. Et a Domino nostro accepisse revelationem eum, qui eam scripsit, profitemur. Irenaeus episcopus et Hippolytus Bosrae dicunt Apocalypsim Iohannis evangelistae esse et sub finem regni Domitiani ipsi revelatam esse. Etiam Eusebius Caesaraeensis his assentit at statim dicit: Si quis non admittit Apocalypsim esse Iohannis apostoli, evangelistae, dicimus: ergo est Iohannis presbyteri, qui tempore Iohannis apostoli extitit. Et duo sunt sepulcra in Asia, unum evangelistae et alterum Iohannis presbyteri.
Hippolytus Romanus dixit: Apparuit vir, nomine Caius, qui asserebat Evangelium non esse Iohannis, nec Apocalypsim, sed Cerinthi haeretici ea esse. Et contra hunc Caium surrexit beatus Hippolytus et demonstravit aliam esse doctrinam Iohannis, in Evangelio et in Apocalypsi, et aliam Cerinthi.
Ille quidem Cerinthus docebat circumcisionem, et iratus est in Paulum, quod non circumciderat Titum, et vocat apostolum eiusque discipulos in quadam e suis epistulis "apostolos falsos et operarios fallaces". Docebat etiam mundum ab angelis creatum esse; et non e virgine Dominum nostrum natum esse, et cibum et potum materiales, et multas blasphemias.
Evangelium et Apocalypsis Iohannis mentem Scripturarum sequuntur; ergo mendaces sunt qui dicunt Apocalypsim non esse Iohannis apostoli. Nos autem Hippolyto assentimur. Etiam Iohannis evangelistae esse Apocalypsim testatur s. Cyrillus, et Mar Severus et omnes Doctores qui adducunt testimonia in libris suis, sed etiam Theologus in oratione valedictoria ab eo adducit argumentum et dicit: "Quemadmodum docet me Iohannes per revelationem suam: 'Auferte viam populo meo; et hos lapides'...", cum "lapides" haereticos et doctrinam eorum vocat.
I.e.
After in fact we finished the exposition of the gospels, o our brother, on a grand scale and very clearly, we were prepared to attempt an explication of the Apocalypse of John the Evangelist. However you, dear readers, with those who incite spiritual petitions, please utter prayers on behalf of Dionysius the pilgrim, so that you also may be saved.
In the beginning of the text, we say that many masters have doubted concerning the Apocalpyse of John and said that it is not his. And this Eusebius of Caesarea expounds in the book The Church or The Church History. For Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria says: The Apocalypse is not by the apostle John, but by another John, a presbyter, who used to live in Asia; for they are not of the same type, that is species of text, in the Gospel and the Apocalypse. And John nowhere in the Gospel mentions his name; but here, at the start and end of the Apocalypse he gives his name. And we declare that we have received from our Lord his revelation, who wrote it. Bishop Irenaeus and Hippolytus of Bosra say that the Apocalypse is by John the Evangelist and was revealed to him at the end of the reign of Domitian. Also Eusebius of Caesarea assents to these things and immediately says: If anyone does not admit that the Apocalypse is by John the apostle, the evangelist, we say: therefore it is by John the presbyter, who lived in the time of John the apostle. And there are two sepulchers in Asia, one of the evangelist and the other of the presbyter John.
Hippolytus of Rome said: A man appeared, by name Caius, who used to assert that the Gospel was not by John, nor the Apocalypse, but that they are by the heretic Cerinthus. And against this Caius the blessed Hippolytus rose up and demonstrated that the teaching of John, in the Gospel and in the Apocalypse, was one thing, and that of Cerinthus another.
This Cerinthus indeed used to teach circumcision, and was angry against Paul, because he did not circumcise Titus, and he calls the apostle and his disciples in some of his letters "false apostles and workers-for-hire". He also used to teach that the world was created by angels; and that our Lord was not born from a virgin, and the importance (?) of food and drink, and many blasphemies.
The Gospel and Apocalypse of John [both?] follow the plan of the Scriptures; therefore they are liars who say that the Apocalypse is not by John the apostle. However we agree with Hippolytus. Also there testify that the Apocalypse is by John the evangelist: St.Cyril, and Mar Severus, and all the Doctors [of the church], who adduce witnesses in their books, but also [Gregory] Theologus in the valedictory oration adduces an argument from this and says: "In the way that John teaches me by his revelation: 'take away the way from my people and these stones'...", where he calls heretics and their doctrine "stones".
(Cyril=Cyril of Alexandria, Mar Severus = Severus of Antioch, Theologus = Gregory Nazianzen).
Bar-Salibi, Commentary on the Four Gospels
Charles E. Hill mentioned that further information about Gaius was available from a further work of Dionysius, although his comments were rather too compressed:
Another advance, however, came in 1895, when Rendel Harris reported the existence of another fragment from bar Salibi, this one in a Latin translation made by Dudley Loftus in the seventeenth century (Bodleian Fell 6 and 7) from a now lost Syriac manuscript of bar Salibi's Commentary on the Gospel of John. In this work Gaius is recorded as criticizing the author of the Fourth Gospel with one of the same objections which Epiphanius had attributed to the Alogi.22 'A certain heretic Gaius criticized John because he did not agree with his fellow evangelists who say [emend to: in that he says] that after the baptism he went to Galilee and performed the miracle of the wine at Cana' (John 2:1-11).23
This, at last, appeared to establish that Gaius had also opposed the Fourth Gospel—though doubts were still possible for the sceptic, for Loftus's translation of the name of Gaius was evidently based on a Syriac text which included it only as 'added in the margin by a later hand'!24 Another Syriac copy of the text discovered later (British Museum Add. 12,143) in fact did not include the name of the heretic.25 The objection is followed in the commentary, however, by a reply from Hippolytus, as in the extracts from the Commentary on Revelation. In any case, Harris's discovery was corroborated when T. H. Robinson in 1906 discovered and published a manuscript of bar Salibi's Commentary on Revelation which contained its prologue (missing in the manuscript used by Gwynn), in which bar Salibi explicitly named Gaius as one who attributed both Johannine works to Cerinthus.26 'Hippolytus of Rome states that a man named Gaius had appeared, who said that neither the Gospel nor yet the Revelation was John's; but that they were the work of Cerinthus the heretic. And the blessed Hippolytus opposed this Gaius, and showed that the teaching of John in the Gospel and Revelation was different from that of Cerinthus.'27
22 J. R. Harris, Hermas in Arcadia and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1896), 48-9.
23 Text from an unpublished Syriac MS, Cod. Paris. syr. 67, fol. 270, r°, col. 2, contained in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, tr. by Smith, 'Gaius', 200-1, 591.
24 Smith, 'Gaius', 201. That MS is Cod. Mus. Britt. Add. 7184, fo. 2432.
25 Cf. Brent, Hippolytus, 145.
26 T. H. Robinson, 'The Authorship of the Muratorian Canon', The Expositor, 7/1 (1906), 481-95.
27 Ibid. 487. Dionysius' commentary was finally published in full in 1909 (I. Sedlacek). Sedlacek = Dionysius bar Salibi In Apocalypsim, Actus et Epistulas Catholicas Part: 1: [Syriac text] / edidit I. Sedlácek. Series: Corpus scriptorum Christianorum orientalium; vol.53. Publisher: Parisiis: E Typographeo Reipublicae, 1909. Physical desc.: 170p; 25cm. Note: Syriac text and Latin translation. Other Names: Sedlácek, Jaroslav, 1860-1925.
Brent = Alan Brent, Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop, VCSuppl. 31 (Leiden, 1995).
Smith = Smith, Joseph Daniel. Title: Gaius and the Controversy Over the Johannine Literature [microform]. Notes: UMI80-11552 Dissertation: Thesis (Ph. D.)--Yale University, Department of Religious Studies, 1979.
Hill was mistaken in supposing that the manuscript used by Loftus was lost. In Harris, Hermas in Arcadia, it states that the manuscript is now in Trinity College Dublin. An email to their library revealed the existance of a Ms. 1512 containing the Commentarius in Quatuor Evangelia by Dionysius (Jacob) Barsalibi. According to their catalogue it was written by "Matthew, son of John, for his nephew Mathew, son of Bakhtitujar, A. Gr. 1509; A.D. 1198."
Hill's comments on the Commentary on the Gospel of John are also somewhat condensed. The work is in fact a Commentary on the Four Gospels. Fell translated a Syriac manuscript now in Trinity College Dublin (Ms. 1512) into Latin, creating the handwritten Bodleian Mss. Fell 6 and 7 (which I have seen: it is a large work, and so split in two volumes; 6 contains comments on Matthew and Mark, 7 the remainder, together with some material on the Pauline letters, and ends with a note that the manuscript didn't contain very much more, but was so corrupt he could not continue). Loftus published some extracts from Dionysius in English:
Loftus did publish an English translation of materials from the Commentary on the Gospels, and there is a copy in Cambridge University Library, since I saw it in the catalogue om Wednesday but was too rushed to look at it:
A clear and learned explication of the history of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ: taken out of above thirty Greek, Syriack, and other oriental authors: by Dionysius Syrus,... and faithfully translated by D. Loftus. / [by] DIONYSIUS BAR SALIBI, Bishop of Amadia; Loftus, Dudley; JESUS CHRIST. (1695)
In this he states his intention to publish the Latin translation of the Commentary, but in fact he never did so. However his manuscript was intended for a publisher, so is quite readable. I could only transcribe a small portion, which took around an hour (John is contained in folios 105-193); this is from f.124, where his commentary on chapter 2 of John starts. From the top of the page (underlinings by Loftus):
Et die tertio factum est convivium. Expositio Mosis Bar Capha, -- non conformendo hunc diem cum die baptismi, ita dixit, sed cum isto die quo rediit e deserto, cum vicisset Diabolum; si enim cum die baptismi eum contulisset, composisetur esse quartus dies, non tertius, quia antea dixit die postero, id est, post diem interrogationis sacerdotum vidit Johannes Jesum bonientem, alioque die stabat, & duo ex discipulis eius, alio etiam die voluit Jesus exire in Galileam; non refert igitur hunc diem ad diem baptismi sed ad ipsum quo rediit e deserto.-- Sanctus Hypolitus Romanus) dies primus, ipso fuit, quo interrogarunt Pharisei Johannem, Quis es? et secundus dies, fuit ipse, quo baptisavit Dominum nostrum, statimque abiit in desertum, ibique mansit quadraginta dies et postea rediit, primus dies fuit, quando vidit eum ambulantem & secuti sunt eum duo discipuli, secundus quando abiit in Galileam, tertius quando factum est convivium. Gaius haereticus reprehendebat Johannem quia non concors fuit cum sociis dicontibus, quod post baptismum abiit in Galileam. et fecit miraculum vini in Kaina). Santus Hippolytus e contrario, s?? dicit (?), Christus postquam baptizatus fuerat abiit in desertum, et quando inquisitio facta erat de illo per discipulos Johannis et per populum, quarebant eum & non inveniebant, quia in deserto erat, cum vero finita fuisset temptatio & rediisset, venit in partos habitatas non ut baptizaretur, baptizatus enim iam fuerat, sed ut monstraretur a Johanne qui dixit intuens eum, Ecce agnus Dei! [etc]
A rough translation:
And on the third day the (wedding) feast happened. The exposition of Moses Bar Kepha, -- this day cannot be made to agree with the day of baptism 1, but with that day when he returned from the desert 2, when he had conquered the Devil; for if it be tied to the day of baptism, four days will be computed, because earlier he said 'the next day', i.e., after the day of the interrogation of the priests, John saw Jesus and his goodness, and on another day also two of his disciples, and on another day again Jesus wanted to leave Galilee; therefore this day does not relate to the day of baptism, but to that on which he returned from the desert. -- St. Hippolytus of Rome) the first day, so-called, when the Pharisees asked John, Who are you? and the supposed second day, when he baptised our Lord, and at once He went off into the desert, and remained there for 40 days, and afterwards returned, was the first day, because he saw him walking and two disciples were following him; the second when he went off into Galilee, the third when the (wedding) feast happened. Gaius the heretic used to criticise John because he was not in agreement with his fellow narrators because (he says that) after the baptism he went off into Galilee and performed the miracle of the wine in Cana). St. Hippolytus, on the contrary, [uncertain in ms. -- says to this?], Christ, after he had been baptised, went off into the desert, and when an inquiry was made concerning him by the disciples of John, and by the people, seeking and not finding him, because he was in the desert, when indeed the temptation had been finished and he had returned, he came into the habitable parts, not to be baptised, for he had already been baptised, but that he might be pointed out by John who said, looking at him, Behold the lamb of God! [etc]
1. Matt. 3:13.
2. Luke 4:14.
A modern edition of the Commentary exists, in the CSCO series, with Latin translation:
Dionysii bar Salibi Commentarii in Evangelia: Ediderunt I. Sedlacek, I.-B. Chabot et A. Vaschalde
Series: Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium. Scriptores syri; t. 33, 40, 47, 49
Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium; v.77, 85, 95, 98
Publisher: Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1953
However this stopped at the end of Luke, on the death of Sedlacek. The portions on John have never been published.
But the Syriac of this portion of the Commentary on the Four Gospels was published by J.Rendel Harris in his article, and he consulted two manuscripts. In this he determined that, in British Library Ms. Add. 7184, the name 'Gaius' was added above the line by a later hand; in another copy of the same text in the same library, B.L. Add. 12143, the addition of the name 'Gaius' was not present at all.
[Footnotes of all articles moved to the end and renumbered]
1. * Ap. Assem., B. O., t. iii., p. 15.
2. + Barsalibi quotes Scripture with great laxity, following the Peshitto in the main, but with many traces of familiarity with the seventh-century versions----the Harkleian in the New Testament and the Syro-Hexaplar in the Old. His citations from the Apocalypse agree so often and so closely with the version commonly printed in Syriac Bibles, as to prove that he knew that version; but he diverges from it freely now and then. In my translation I have endeavoured to represent accurately his method of citation.
3. ++ See Supp. Note (1), p. 418.
4. * See note on v., line 7 (p. I ).
5. + See Suppl. Note (4), (3), (2), p. 418.
6. * Besides St. Matthew's Gospel, it is to be observed that Caius cites 1 Thessalonians and 2 Timothy, as well as Genesis and the Psalms. Hippolytus cites (besides these) St. Luke, St. John, and Ephesians; and also Exodus, Deuteronomy, Isaiah, Joel, and Amos.
7. * See the note appended to the Syriac text of this passage (IV., lines 8-14), below, p. 417, and compare the Greek of Epiphanius with the Syriac.
8. + See his article in Journal of Philology, vol. i. p. 98 (Cambridge, 1868). The weighty arguments adduced in p. 110 ff. retain their full force.
9. * A passage in this Commentary, on Rev. xi. 2, presents points of coincidence with the teaching of Hippolytus concerning Antichrist and the horn (Dan. vii. 8), the abomination of desolation (ib. xi. 31), and the half-week (ib. ix. 27), in his De Antichristo and Comm. in Danielem, &c. (Lagarde, pp. 13, 21, 32, 152, 160, 166, &c.) But as it does not relate to Caius and his teaching, I do not include it in the present article. I hope, however, to publish it at a future time.
10. * It was from the Commentary on the Second Epistle of St. Peter in this MS. that Pococke first learned the existence of the Harkleian version (previously unknown, even by name, to European scholars), and derived the extracts from it which he has printed (marking them 'S. A,' = Syrus Alter) in the notes to his Syriac text of the Four Minor Catholic Epistles, published in 1630.
11. + This peculiar order, in which the Apocalypse precedes the Acts and Epistles, is observed likewise in the Earl of Crawford's MS. of the whole New Testament in Syriac (Syr. No. 2), where it stands between St. John's Gospel and the Acts. I am of opinion that Wetstein's Syriac MS., now in Amsterdam Library (No. 184), of the Acts and Epistles, is part of what was once a complete New Testament containing the Apocalypse similarly placed.
12. 1 [Margin] 'In the Gospel: write, In the interpretation of the Gospel.'
13. 1 [Jehoram is of course meant].
14. 2 [This word (adopted into Syriac from the Latin, probably through the Greek legew&n) seems to be used here in its secondary sense of an evil spirit or demon, derived from the incident related by St. Mark,v. 9, St. Luke, viii. 30; in which sense it is found in Ephraim Syrus, iii. 115, 141 (Payne Smith's Thes. Syr., s. v.)].
15. 1 I have to repeat here what I have said in my former Paper (Hermath., vol. vi., p. 399, note t) that Barsalibi cites both Old and New Testament without regard to verbal accuracy. Hence the form in which many familiar texts appear in my rendering of this extract from his Commentary. In the New Testament texts he blends the Peshitto with the Harkleian version, and often deviates from both. In texts from the Old Testament, I am now of opinion that when he deviates from the Peshitto he translates for himself from the lxx. I find no clear evidence that he used the Syro-Hexaplar at all: and in particular I regard it as certain that he was unacquainted with the Syro-Hexaplar Daniel, and the [so-called] lxx. version of that book (the Chisian), which the Syro-Hexaplar follows.
16. 1 The Syriac @@@ 'that sprang up' (p. 147, line 9), seems to represent the ἀναφυόμενον, ἀναφύον, of Hippolytus in these passages. It is not from the Peshitto of Dan. vii., 8 or 20, nor does it render either the original Chaldee @@@ or Theodotion's τὸ ἀναβάν. The Chisian [lxx.] Daniel has ἀνεφύη, τὸ προσφυέν: but througout the De Chr. et Antichr. Hippolytus quotes exclusively, and at great length (e. g. ss. 19-22), from Theodotion's version, and it has been proved that he nowhere shows any knowledge of the other. (Salmon's Introduction to the. New Test., rd ed., p. 593.)
17. 1 It is worth noting that in my extract (p. 148, line 32) Hippolytus seems to have read ὁ ἄνθρωπος τῆς ἀνομίας in 2 Thess. ii. 3 (with B, n, &c.); whereas in the De Chr. et Antichr. he cites that verse with the common reading ἁμαρτίας.
18. 2 This note, however, may perhaps be intended to be attached to the words 'in the Gospel'; and if so, they are probably to be regarded as only the attempt of a not very intelligent scribe to correct the text by substituting, ' in the interpretation of the Gospel' for those words. There is but one MS. available of this part of the Commentary (Rich, 7185). The Bodleian copy (Or. 560) has lost the leaves which contained it.
19. 1 The short vowel of the penult of Κορὴ is no difficulty. So the name Ῥόδη is transliterated Rhode in the Peshitto (Acts xii. 13).
20. 1I take this opportunity of correcting the error by which the name Ebediesu is given as Ebediasa, ib. p. 399, line 1, and elsewhere. [Corrected in the online text]
21. 1 This is stated by Gregory Barhebraeus in his Chron. Eccl. [Sect, 1., Coll. 543, 559; ed. Abbeloos & Lamy; see also Assemani, Biblioth. Orient., t. ii., pp. 208-211].
22. 2 The Commentary itself, being part of the 'accurate interpretations' on the New Testament ascribed to him by Barhebraeus (559 ut supra), was, no doubt, a work on the same scale as his very copious Commentary on the Gospels, of which many MSS. are extant. A catalogue, cited by Assemani (ut supra), mentions 'a great book of interpretation of the New [Testament], and of the Revelation of John the Apostle.'
In the Paper to which this is a sequel, I had called attention (p. 410, note +) to the peculiar arrangement of this Commentary, by which the Apocalypse is placed before the Acts and Epistles, and I had shown that such is the order of the Books in the only known example of a complete Syriac New Testament of any antiquity, the
Earl of Crawford's 'Syr. No. 2,' and also (probably) in Welstein's MS., Amsterdam, before it was mutilated. From a monograph recently published by M. Samuel Berger (Le Palimpseste de Fleury, Paris, 1889), I have just learned the interesting fact (p. 12) that the fragments of the Paris palimpsests, 6400 G (Bibliothèque Nationale) prove on examination to belong to a volume which, in its original state, was arranged in the same remarkable order, containing----(1) the Apocalypse, (2) the Acts, (3) the Catholic Epistles. The MS. being of the sixth or seventh century, seems to be the earliest instance yet found of this arrangement, which (so far as I know) has not been observed in any other Latin MS., or in any Greek MS. whatever.
The Fragments of the old Latin version preserved in this version were for the first time published in a complete form by Belsheim, Appendix Epp. Paul. (Christiania, 1887).
23. 1 An edition of this work is in course of preparation, under the direction of Dr. Rendel Harris.
24. 2 Here the British Museum MS. breaks off. The first page is very defective, and even where whole, difficult to decipher.
25. 1 2 Cor. xi. 13. ψευδαπόστολοι, δόλιοι ἐργάται.
26. 2 i.e. in the millennium.
27. 3 i.e. Gregory Naz.?
28. 4 i.e. the mention of John's name in Rev. xxii. does not disprove his identity with the fourth Evangelist.
29. 1 Referring to Carpocrates, the last heretic with whom Epiphanius has dealt.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the unicode Palatino linotype font. Note that the extracts have been reformatted with additional line feeds and indentations for readability, and bold Roman numerals inserted at points to make it easier to find the words of Dionysius. In the original article the text is all inline.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nitrian_mss_quarterly_review.htm
British Museum----MSS. from the Egyptian Monasteries. Quarterly Review 77: Nos. 153-4 (Dec. 1845-Mar. 1846) pp.39-69
British Museum----MSS. from the Egyptian Monasteries. Quarterly Review 77: Nos. 153-4 (Dec. 1845-Mar. 1846) pp.39-69
ART. II.----1. Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, on the Theophania, or Divine Manifestation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. A Syriac Version edited from an ancient Manuscript recently discovered. By Samuel Lee, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of Cambridge. vo. (Printed for the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts.) 1842.
2. The same. Translated into English with Notes; to which is prefixed a Vindication of the Orthodoxy and Prophetical Views of Eusebius. By Samuel Lee, D.D. vo. 1843.
3. The Antient Syriac Version of the Epistles of St. Ignatius to St. Polycarp, the Ephesians, and the Romans; together with Extracts from his Epistles collected from the Writings of Severus of Antioch, Timotheus of Alexandria, and others. Edited, with an English Translation and Notes, by William Cureton, M.A. vo. London. 1845.
4. Journal of a Tour through Egypt, the Peninsula of Sinai, and the holy Land in 1838, 1839. Intended solely for private circulation. 2 vols. vo. London, 1842.
AMONG the societies lately formed for publishing manuscript works contained in our public libraries, there is none which embraces a sphere so extensive, which aims at promoting so high a class of literature, and which, if adequately supported, promises to afford so valuable an addition to our stock of learning and science, as that under whose auspices Dr. Lee has put forth the volume named at the head of this paper. It is to the East only that we can look for direction in our endeavours to obtain fuller information upon many of the most interesting of subjects. It is hence only that we can hope to draw any additional knowledge concerning the earliest races of mankind, or any help in tracing their descendants among the present nations of the world. In the absence of any written record of events, the only course is to collect the traditions prevalent in those countries, to endeavour to decipher ancient inscriptions, to read the legends of coins, and to trace the connexion and intercourse of peoples by the affinities and intermixtures of language. But no one can qualify himself for such a task otherwise than by studying the present languages and literature of those countries. In vain will he pore over the hieroglyphic or demotic inscriptions and papyri of Egypt who has not grappled with the Coptic: vain will be every endeavour to explain the Pehlevi, and arrow-headed inscriptions at Persepolis, or the legends on the Babylonian bricks and cylinders, unless the inquirer has previously made himself acquainted with the Chaldee or Aramaic, and the modern Persian, and the Zend as preserved in the books of the Parsees. What has been already done for |40 ethnography by the comparison of language since the introduction of the Sanscrit into Europe, shows how much more we may reasonably expect when the different stocks and dialects of oriental tongues shall have been more extensively cultivated.
But not only may we look to the East for fuller means of tracing the history of the earliest races of mankind;----from the same quarter we may also hope to recover much of the science and literature of Greece and Rome, which appears to have perished in the original languages. And still more, even in those authors which have been preserved many obscurities may be cleared up and difficulties explained by comparing them with oriental versions made previously to the time when multiplied transcriptions had introduced many errors into the original text. Aelian, writing in the first half of the third century, mentions that it was reported that the Indians and Persians had translations of the poems of Homer, which they used to sing in their own language. (Var. Hist., lib. xii. c. 48.) And the historian Agathias, in the middle of the sixth century, informs us that the Persian monarch Chosroes was said to be more thoroughly imbued with the writings of Aristotle than even Demosthenes with those of Thucydides, and to be perfectly versed in the works of Plato, which had been translated expressly for his use. (Hist. Justin., lib. ii.) We have also evidence before us that as early as about the end of the seventh century of our era, several works were translated from the Greek into the Arabic. In the eighth and the earlier part of the ninth century, under the Abbassides, this labour of translation is known to have been carried on to a great extent. No expense was spared to procure the works of the learned in every language. Greeks, Syrians, Persians, and Indians met on the banks of the Tigris to give their aid in spreading knowledge and civilization among the Arabs.
Of these translations many still remain. Those of which the originals are extant may often be used with great advantage. We would instance the case of Ptolemy; where the astronomical skill of the Arabs at that period would enable them to correct mistakes in numbers and figures which might altogether escape the notice of Greeks, and where the evidence of their tradition will be most important, because in such cases no critical knowledge of the original language can be of any avail to rectify an error. Of works lost in the original, which have already been restored to us through this channel, we may instance the fifth, sixth, and seventh books of the Conic Sections of Apollonius of Perga, translated into Latin from the Arabic by the Maronite Abraham Ecchellensis; and his work on the Section of the Ratio, made known by the publication of Halley, who, without understanding |41 a word of Arabic, was enabled by his great geometrical skill to state and demonstrate the several propositions from the schemes in the manuscript of the Bodleian.
Versions were also made from the Greek into the Armenian at a very early period, especially of ecclesiastical works. The publication of the Armenian translation of the Chronicon of Eusebius, has been of essential service to history, and has confirmed the criticism of Scaliger respecting the original. The Book of Enoch, first made known to Europe by the translation of the late Archbishop Laurence, shows that something has been already recovered from the Aethiopic: and the Coptic too may yet make us better acquainted with writings hitherto only known to us by the tradition that they once existed.
But it is above all to the Syriac or Aramaic that we may look for the recovery of works lost in the original Greek. This language, which with slight variations prevailed from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, and from the confines of Arabia and Egypt to Armenia, not only possesses a peculiar interest for us as being that used by our Saviour and his disciples, but also as being the vernacular tongue of many writers who hold a high rank in Grecian literature; whose works therefore can hardly be entirely free from some of the idiomatic expressions of their native land. The New Testament is, as we may naturally expect, full of Aramaisms; and one of the Evangelists is believed, not without good grounds, to have written his Gospel in that tongue. The earliest version of the New Testament is undoubtedly the Syriac; and after the Septuagint, that of the Old Testament also. This is not the place to discuss the question as to the period when those versions were made; but better arguments than occidental scholars have hitherto been willing to admit, support the belief of those branches of the Christian Church which first made use of them, that they touch upon Apostolic times. The work of translating from the Greek into the Syrian was certainly commenced very early. We are told by Eusebius in his account of the Martyrdom of Procopius, A..D. 303, that he had been employed in translating from the Greek into Aramaic. This passage does not indeed occur in the Greek text of the Martyrs of Palestine, as it has come down to us, but it is found both in the Syriac and in the ancient Latin version. Indeed the age of the manuscript itself in which the Syriac translation of the Acts of the Martyrs of Palestine and the Theophania of Eusebius, together with the Recognitions of St. Clement and the treatise of Titus of Bostra against the Manicheans, are found, shows that considerable progress in the work of translation from the Greek into Syriac must have been made as early as about A.D. 400. |42
Dr. Lee has given us in one volume the Syriac text of the Theophania, and in another his own version of it into English----with a preface and notes displaying great and varied erudition. But what we propose at present to consider is not the contents of the book, but its external history; the discovery of a very considerable theological treatise by Eusebius, of which only two or three fragments had been known, must excite a desire to learn what circumstances have at length brought it to light, and what reasons we may consequently have to hope for further acquisitions of a similar nature.
About six years ago the Rev. Henry Tattam, of Bedford, made a journey to Egypt, with a view of collecting MSS. serviceable towards an edition of the Scriptures in Coptic. Besides Coptic treasures, he brought back about fifty volumes of Syriac MSS.----some extremely ancient. Dr. Lee says:----
'It was in looking over these manuscripts that I had the extreme pleasure of discovering that of which the following work is a translation.....The manuscript containing our work is very neatly written in the Estrangelo or old Church-hand-writing of the Syrians, on very fine and well-prepared skin. It is of the size of large quarto, each folio measuring about 14½ inches by 11½, and containing three columns, each of the width of 2¼ inches.'
The Professor then translates a note from one of the margins, which states that the transcript was made at Edessa in Mesopotamia, in the year of our Lord 411. The age of the manuscript therefore, according to this note, the veracity of which there is no ground to question, is 1434 years. At first sight, notwithstanding all our readers have heard of the dryness of the Egyptian climate, the date assigned may startle them; but we can assure them that in the collection of upwards of three hundred manuscripts amongst which this was discovered, there are many from the fifth to the thirteenth century as to which there can be no doubt. They are all noted with the year of the era of the Greeks (Seleucidae); some also with that of the Martyrs; others, which are more recent, with that of the Hijrah likewise; and these notices are accompanied by so many particulars as to the scribe himself, as to the convent where each manuscript was transcribed, who was its superior, who its principal officers, who was then bishop of the diocese, and who the supreme patriarch, as to leave no possibility of mistake as to the date. By comparing the style of the handwriting, the nature of the vellum, and other particulars of those manuscripts which are not dated, or in which the note of the year is either erased or lost, with such as still retain the record of the year, we are enabled to decide, with a tolerable degree of certainty, the age even of the manuscripts without a date. There |43 are in the collection one dated manuscript of the fifth and many early in the sixth century, and from comparing Dr. Lee's volume with these, we could not attribute it to a later date than that in which he acquiesces.
The manuscript was purchased by Mr. Tattam from the convent of St. Mary Deipara, in the desert valley of Nitria, situated between 30 and 31 degrees both of latitude and longitude, about 35 miles to the left of the most western branch of the Nile. The name of Nitria belongs properly to the northern part of the valley, where the famous natron lakes are situated; the southern part is more correctly the Valley of Scithis, or Scete, and is also called the Desert or Valley of Macarius, from the convent dedicated to one of the three saints who bore that name. Each of these three appellations may however be applied generally; and Mohammedans commonly call the whole valley Wadi Habib, after one of their own saints, who retired hither about the end of the seventh century.
This valley, most probably from its lonely situation, and possibly also, as Jerome seems to hint, from some fancied virtues of purification in the lakes themselves, in allusion to the passage of Jeremiah (xi. 22), ' For though thou wash thee with nitre,' &c., has been celebrated as the resort of ascetics from the earliest times. About the middle of the second century we read of one Fronto who retired thither with seventy brethren. At the beginning of the fourth century, Ammon, who, although there were ascetics before his day, has generally been reputed the originator of monasticism, withdrew from the world to this spot. The fame of his compulsory marriage, of the resolution of virgin purity which he persuaded his bride to adopt, and his retirement to the desert so soon as the death of his parents left him at liberty, gained for him many followers. But a very few years afterwards, Macarius is said to have instituted the first establishment in that part of the valley which to this day bears his name. To this place Arsenius, the preceptor of Arcadius and Honorius, retired upon the death of Theodosius. The number of ascetics increased, in a short time, to an almost incredible amount. Rufinus, who visited them about the year 372, mentions some fifty convents or tabernacula; and Palladius, who fifteen years later passed twelve months here, reckons the devotees at five thousand. Jerome visited this desert about the same period. From the narratives which these have given, with the accounts of Evagrius and Cassien, we may gather a very accurate knowledge of the manners of these monks at the end of the fourth century. Subsequently we have few materials for their history down to the middle of the seventh, when Egypt was taken by the Arabs. |44
From this period the only information is to be gathered from Arabic writers. The convents and their inmates seem to have been regarded with peculiar interest even by those who had embraced the religion of the Koran. Not only were several immunities granted them upon different occasions, but they even formed a favourite subject of poetry for the Moslem writers of the third and fourth century of the Hijrah. Abu'l-Faraj Al-Ispahani, a celebrated Arabian who died A.D. 967, published the Kitab al-Diarat, or Book of Convents, which contained all the best poems inspired by the aspect of the Christian convents and the habits of their inmates. If any reliance is to be placed upon Al-Makrizi, in his famous work on the History, Antiquities, and Topography of Egypt, Monasticism must have increased most rapidly in about two hundred and fifty years: for he says that after the conquest of Egypt by Amr Ibn Al-A's, seventy thousand monks met him at Teraneh, each with a crook in his hand, to implore that he would grant them a deed of security. To this request the Arab assented. The number seventy thousand seems enormous; but both the manuscripts which we have consulted agree on this point.
About the end of the seventh century the Khalif imposed a tribute of a dinar each upon all the monks, but they appear to have remained without further molestation during the whole of the eighth century. Shortly after the death of Harun Al-Rashid, at the commencement of the ninth, the Kharigites having seized upon Alexandria, made an excursion also into the Wadi Habib, plundered and burnt the monasteries, and carried away many of the monks for slaves. Such as could escape were scattered abroad into different countries, and many found an asylum in the convents of the Thebaid. With this event the decline of monasticism in Egypt seems to have commenced. We find, however, that under Jacob, the next Patriarch, many of the monks returned to Scete, and some of its convents were rebuilt. In the days of the 52nd Patriarch we are told that they were again in a thriving condition. Under Sanutius, the 55th in succession upon the throne of St. Mark, an order was obtained from the Mohammedan sovereign to liberate their monks from the payment of tribute. The Patriarch, who had been himself formerly steward of the Monastery of Macarius, seized upon this as a favourable opportunity to restore that edifice. He not only completely rebuilt it, but surrounded it with a high wall to protect it against sudden incursions of the Arabs, labouring with his own hands in the work. Elmacin informs us that the Patriarch Gabriel restored some of the convents at the beginning of the tenth century, but does not specify which they were. It seems |45 probable, however, that at this period the Syrian convent of St. Mary Deipara, concerning which we are most interested, was in a flourishing state, as we find that in the year 932 Moses of Tecrit, who was then Abbot, having had occasion to make a journey to Bagdad, brought with him upon his return an accession to the library of not less than two hundred and fifty volumes----among which in all probability was the manuscript containing the Theophania.
About a century after this we have mention also of the library of the Monastery of Macarius. Severus, Bishop of Aschmounin, to whom Renaudot is indebted for most of the facts in his work on the Patriarchs of Alexandria, informs us that he consulted for the compilation of his history various MSS. both in Greek and Coptic, then existing in that library. There is little mention in such books as are accessible to us, of the condition of these monasteries during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. We are told that it was a practice of the Patriarchs of Alexandria to visit the Convent of Macarius immediately after their election, and also that they used to pass the season of Lent there.
According to Al-Makrizi, writing at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the number of monasteries had once amounted to a hundred, but at his time they were reduced to seven. That of St. Macarius was still a fine building, but even its inhabitants few, and the other buildings in a ruinous state.
In later times several Europeans have visited these convents. Gassendi relates, in his Life of Peiresc, that a Capuchin monk named Egidius Lochiensis (Giles de Loche), who had resided seven years in Egypt for the purpose of studying oriental languages, informed Peiresc that there existed in several of the monasteries great quantities of manuscripts, and that he himself had seen in one of them a collection of about eight thousand, volumes, many of great antiquity, some as old as the time of St. Anthony. This monk had doubtless given a somewhat exaggerated statement. The monastery to which he alludes is, in all probability, that of St. Mary of the Syrians, near the Natron Lakes, as from all the accounts which have reached us, this possessed by far the greatest number of books. Vansleb, during his visit to Egypt in the year 1672, had formed the resolution of making an excursion to the Natron Lakes; and, although frustrated in this design, he did visit the convent of St. Anthony in the desert near the Red Sea. We mention this because he was admitted into the library, which was situated, as is generally the case, in the strong tower where all their valuables are kept. This collection, he says, consisted of three or four chests of ancient Coptic and Arabic manuscripts, chiefly church books and |46 books of devotion, some of which seemed to him well worthy of a place even in a royal library. Of the whole number he selected two, one a Coptic and Arabic dictionary and grammar, valued by the monks at thirty crowns, and the other a ritual of the ceremonies of the Coptic church, very carefully transcribed. These he was anxious to obtain; but failed because the monks could not alienate them without incurring the risk of excommunication by the patriarch; and further, which perhaps was the strongest reason, because he was himself but ill furnished with funds.
Six or seven years later the monks of Nitria were visited by our own countryman, Robert Huntington, then chaplain at Aleppo, and afterwards successively provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and bishop of Raphoe, whose fine collection of Oriental manuscripts now forms part of the priceless treasures in the Bodleian. During his residence of eleven years in the East he had availed himself of every opportunity to enrich his stock; but the book which of all others he was most anxious to procure, as appears from his letters, published by Dr. Thomas Smith in the year 1704, was the Syriac version of the epistles of St. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch. The Ignatian controversy was then at its height. The immortal work of Bishop Pearson was published about two years after Huntington had left England, and much interest was felt for the discovery of the Syriac version; to the existence of which Archbishop Usher had drawn attention in the preface to his edition of the Epistles of Polycarp and Ignatius. It was principally from his anxiety for this Syriac version that he undertook his journey into Egypt in the year 1678 or 1679, and proceeded across the desert to the Natron Lakes. He seems to have entertained considerable expectations of finding the epistles of Ignatius here; but in this hope he was disappointed: although the Syriac version of three of these epistles, and two copies of that to Polycarp, existed at that time in the Syrian monastery of St. Mary Deipara, as will be seen in the sequel. The Syrian monks doubtless did not admit Huntington into their library, as the only book which he mentions was an Old Testament in the Estrangelo character. In the convent of St. Macarius he states that he saw a large volume of St. Chrysostom in Coptic, on vellum, an immense volume containing his commentary on St. Matthew in Arabic, and a Coptic Lectionary for the whole year in four large volumes. In the monastery called El-Baramous, which at that time was inhabited by twenty-five monks and a superior, he makes mention of no other books than a copy of the New Testament in Coptic and Arabic. He does not speak of any manuscripts in the convent |47 of Amba Bishoi, which he says was at that time in a less ruinous condition than either of the other three; he speaks, however, of the still famous tamarind-tree. The tradition is that St. Ephraem, out of pious anxiety to see St. Pisoes, or Pisaus, now corrupted into Bishoi, the fame of whose sanctity had travelled as far as Edessa, undertook the long and weary journey from the confines of Armenia to the desert of Nitria. This zeal was rewarded by a miracle. Upon his arrival he hastened to the cell of St. Pisoes and stuck his staff in the sand before the door as he entered. The staff immediately struck root and sprouted, and eventually grew up into that fine and beautiful tamarind-tree which the monks then showed, and we believe still show, as a living record of the visit of St. Ephraem. Huntington was informed that the number of convents had once amounted to three hundred and sixty-six. How many books he found is not mentioned; but we find that he sent to England, to Dr. Marshall, who was then preparing an edition of the New Testament in Coptic, a copy of the Evangelists in that language, which he obtained from one of these monasteries.
The next of whose visit any account has reached us is Gabriel Eva, a monk of the order of St. Anthony, and abbot of St. Maura in Mount Lebanon. After a journey through Egypt, he had been sent on a mission to Rome by Stephen, the Maronite patriarch of Antioch \ and the account he gave of the Nitrian convents was received with much interest by Clement XI. The Pope was anxious to transfer from the desert to the Vatican a collection of manuscripts rendered precious and venerable by their extreme antiquity, and probably containing an unexplored mine of theological learning. It happened that Elias Assemani, the cousin of the famous Joseph Simon Assemani, had been sent by Stephen of Antioch, upon business to Rome, and having already accomplished the object of his journey, was at that moment on the point of returning to Syria. No person could be better qualified to undertake the mission to the desert of Nitria, and Gabriel Eva accordingly recommended him to the Pope. Furnished with letters to the Coptic patriarch, he left Rome in the spring of 1707, and was graciously received at Cairo. He arrived at the monastery of the Syrians about the end of June; the introduction of the patriarch procuring for him a good reception. The urbanity of his manners, his perfect knowledge of their habits and language, soon gained him the good-will of the monks, and at length they admitted him into their library: this he found a sort of cave or cellar, filled with Arabic, Syriac, and Coptic manuscripts, heaped together in the greatest disorder, and falling to pieces through age and want of attention. |48 A little examination satisfied him of their value, and he began to entertain great hopes of being able to persuade the good monks to part with books which they were utterly unable to read. But frightened, perhaps, by the anathemas, denounced in almost every volume by its donor, against all those who should be in any way instrumental in alienating it----suspicious by nature, and ready to suppose that what a stranger was eager to get hold of must contain some treasure----they turned a deaf ear to his request for the sale of the whole collection, and only with very great difficulty were they induced to part with about forty manuscripts. These being transported across the desert to the Nile, Elias Assemani set out, accompanied by one of the monks, to return in a boat to Cairo. On their way a gust of wind upset the boat. The monk was drowned, but another boat, passing by, picked up Assemani; and in the midst of a tumult of feelings, his energy did not abandon him. He immediately hired several watermen to fish up the manuscripts; and, having with much care wiped away the slime, he dried and restored them as well as he was able. The manuscripts, in number thirty-four, were deposited in the Vatican about Christmas, 1707.
Their obvious importance was a powerful stimulus. The Pope therefore determined to send again into Egypt, and selected J. S. Assemani, who set out in June, 1715. The head of the Coptic church received him kindly; and he left Cairo to proceed on his journey to Scete about the middle of August, accompanied by Philotheus, a monk of the convent of St. Macarius, as his guide. Having arrived at Etris, a small village on the western branch of the Nile, they turned across into the desert and came first to the convent of St. Macarius. Here he obtained some excellent Coptic manuscripts, of which he has given a catalogue in his 'Bibliotheca Orientalis' (vol. i. p. 617); and these, he says, were all they possessed of any consequence. His next visit was to St. Mary Deipara: here he found upwards of two hundred Syriac manuscripts, all of which he carefully examined, and selected about one hundred, hoping that he might be able to purchase them. But upon this, as upon the former occasion, if Assemani's own account be correct, the monks continued most obstinate; nor could he prevail upon them by argument, bribe, or entreaty to give up to him more than a very few volumes.
In the interval between the journeys of Elias Assemani and that of his cousin the convents of Nitria had also been visited (December, 1712) by the Jesuit Claude Sicard. The once flourishing monastery of St. Macarius at that period had only |49 four inhabitants----the superior, two deacons, and a porter. Having passed one day in this convent he proceeded to that of the Syrians, which he describes as being in the best condition of them all, having a very agreeable garden, watered by a well, in which were many trees of various kinds. The number of monks was not above twelve or fifteen. Having remained here two days, during which time he made a short visit to the convent of Amha Bishoi, only a few paces distant, and inhabited by but four monks, he set out at sunrise on the morning of the 11th, and arrived at the monastery of the Holy Virgin of El-Baramous, or of the Greeks, about noon. The number of monks here was also about twelve or fifteen. Sicard states that in the immediate neighbourhood of this convent were the ruins of ten or twelve other buildings, and that he could distinctly trace through the valley the ruins of upwards of fifty monasteries; and that the superior of St. Macarius informed him that they were formerly equal in number to the days of the year. Sicard does not upon this occasion make any particular mention of the books in either of these convents, but merely states that in the tower of each there was a library, which consisted of three or four chests filled with books and ancient manuscripts, covered with dust and in a neglected condition. This Jesuit revisited Nitria with J. S. Assemani, and afterwards accompanied him, upon his return to Egypt in the next year, 1716, in his expedition across the desert of the Thebaid to the convents of St. Anthony and St. Paul near the coast of the Red Sea. Sicard, in describing their visit to the monastery of St. Anthony, says,----
'He [Synodius, the superior of the convent] was more tractable when Assemani begged him to show us the tower which is shut against all strangers; for, making him some trifling presents of hardware (the good monk was a great studier of astrology and alchemy, and the transmutation of metals), we persuaded him to conduct us thither. Our only curiosity was to see the manuscripts. We found three chests-full, being all that had escaped the ravages which at different periods had befallen the monastery. We examined them all. For the most part they consisted of prayers and homilies in Coptic and Arabic. The Abbe Assemani only found three or four manuscripts worthy of the Vatican. These he purchased secretly from the Superior, without the knowledge of the monks, who, had they known, would have opposed the sale, although the manuscripts are quite valueless to themselves, and they make no use of them whatever.'
Assemani, although he mentions that Sicard accompanied him in his expedition to the Thebaid, is altogether silent respecting his attending him to the desert of Macarius. Neither does his account of obtaining so few manuscripts there, and those with so much difficulty, quite coincide with that of Sicard, who says that |50 he took those which suited him. This silence certainly gives ground for suspicion that there was something in the transaction which Assemani did not wish to transpire, and of which the mention of Sicard's accompanying him might have led to the disclosure. His secret and indeed fraudulent dealing with the Superior, who had no right to dispose of any property without the consent of the community, would make but a sorry figure in his account of the manner in which various valuable accessions had been made to the collections of the Vatican.
In the month of August, in the year 1730, the Sieur Granger made a journey to the Natron Lakes. He tells us that he was well received by the monks, whom he describes as poor and ignorant. Those belonging to the convents of Macarius and St. Mary of the Syrians were deaf to all his entreaties to be allowed to see their libraries. He says that the buildings at that time were falling into decay, and the dust destroying the books and manuscripts, of which the monks made no use whatever. Their own patriarch had represented to them that the sum which the books would produce would be sufficient to enable them to restore their churches and rebuild their cells; but they declared that they would rather be buried in the ruins.
In 1778, C. S. Sonnini visited the valley. He remained five days in the monastery of El-Baramous. He makes no mention of books or manuscripts, but complains bitterly of the avarice and extortion of the monks, who wished to exact from him five or six hundred sequins upon his leaving them. He is the only traveller who has spoken in harsh terms of these poor monks.
In May, 1792, W. G. Browne, an Englishman, was here. He says----
'During my stay near the lakes I visited two of the Coptic convents----that called the Syrian, and that of St. George----where I could observe no traces of any European travellers but Baron Thunis, whom the Empress of Russia had sent to negotiate a defection on the part of the Beys, but who having exhibited less prudence than courage in the promotion of the designs of his mistress, had been privately put to death at Cairo by order of the Beys, to avoid delivering him to the Porte, as had been requested of them. These convents contain each of them several Religious, who retain all the simplicity of the primitive ages. They drink water, and eat coarse bread and vegetables, very seldom touching meat, wine, or coffee. They are ignorant indeed, but strangers to vice; and although their time is employed to no useful purpose, so neither is their application of it prejudicial to any. They have each a small garden, which supplies common vegetables, and a breed of tame fowls, together with a well of water within the walls. The rest of the necessaries of life are provided them by the voluntary contributions of the Christians of their own persuasion; and as the business of artificers |51 and menials is all performed by themselves, their expenses are not very extended. The entrance to each of these convents is by a small trapdoor, against which two millstones are rolled within. The buildings appear to have lasted for several centuries, and the walls are still firm and substantial. No praise is to be given to the Religious for cleanliness; but as the list of their furniture and apparel is very small, they cannot be frequently renewed. Human beings, more ignorant of mankind and their transactions than some of those whom I conversed with, are scarcely anywhere to be found; but the Superiors in both were in a certain degree intelligent. One of them, when I was admitted, was mending his shoes, and seemed to think little of theological controversies. The other attempted to prove to me the tenet of Monothelism; and on my expressing myself persuaded by his arguments, he seemed highly gratified. Indeed I met with, on their part, every mark of hospitality. I inquired for manuscripts, and saw in one of the convents several books in the Coptic, Syriac, and Arabic languages. Among these were an Arabo-Coptic Lexicon, the works of St. Gregory, and the Old and New Testament in Arabic. The Superior told me they had nearly eight hundred volumes, but positively refused to part with any of them, nor could I see any more. The monks are strangers to all idioms but the vulgar Arabic.'
The next account of this place is that by General Andréossy in his 'Mémoire sur la Vallée des Lacs de Natron, et celle du Fleuve-sans-eau.' At the time of his visit, in 1799, there were nine monks in the convent of El-Baramous, eighteen in that of the Syrians, twelve in the Amba-Bishoi, and twenty in the St. Macarius.
'Their only books,' he says, 'are ascetic works in manuscripts, on parchment or cotton-paper, some in Arabic, and some in Coptic, having an Arabic translation in the margin. We brought away some of this latter class, which appear to have a date of six centuries.'
In the year 1828, Lord Prudhoe, who thinks no labour too great when any real advantage to science or literature is probable, made an excursion to these monasteries. We have been favoured by his Lordship with the following brief account of his visit:----
'In 1828 I began to make inquiries for Coptic works having Arabic translations, in order to assist Mr. Tattam in his Coptic and Arabic Dictionary. On a visit to the Coptic bishop at Cairo, I learnt that there was in existence a celebrated Selim or Lexicon in Coptic and Arabic, of which one copy was in Cairo, and another in one of the Coptic convents of the Natron Lakes, called Baramous, besides which libraries were said to be preserved both at the Baramous and the Syrian convents. In October, 1828, Mr. Linant sent his dromedaries to Terane, on the west bank of the Nile, where the natron manufactory was established by the pacha, and on the next day Mr. Linant and I embarked in a cangia on the Nile, and dropped down to Terane, where we landed. |52 Mounting our dromedaries, we rode to the Baramous convent, and encamped outside its walls. The monks in this convent, about twelve in number, appeared poor and ignorant. They looked on us with great jealousy, and denied having any books except those in the church, which they showed. We remained with them till night, and in some degree softened their disposition towards us by presents of some comforts and luxuries of which their situation in the desert deprived them. On the following morning we again visited the monks, and so far succeeded in making friends of them that in a moment of good humour they agreed to show us their library. From it I selected a certain number of manuscripts, which, with the Selim, we carried into the monks' room. A long deliberation ensued among these monks how far they were disposed to agree to my offers to purchase them. Only one could write, and at last it was agreed that he should copy the Selim, which copy, and the manuscripts which I had selected, were to be mine in exchange for a fixed sum in dollars, to which I added a present of rice, coffee, tobacco, and such other articles as I had to offer. Future visitors would escape the suspicions with which we were received, and might perhaps hear how warmly we had endeavoured to purchase and carry away the original Selim. Next we visited the Syrian convent, where similar suspicions were at first shown, and were overcome by similar civilities. Here I purchased a few manuscripts with Arabic translations. We then visited the two other convents, but found little of consequence. These manuscripts I presented to Mr. Tattam, and gave him an account of the small room with its trap-door, through which I descended, candle in hand, to examine the manuscripts, where books and parts of books, and scattered leaves, in Coptic, Ethiopic, Syriac, and Arabic, were lying in a mass, on which I stood. From this I handed to Mr. Linant such as appeared best suited to my purpose, as he stood in the small room above the trap-door. To appearance it seemed as if on some sudden emergency the whole library had been thrown for security down this trap-door, and that they had remained undisturbed in their dust and neglect for some centuries.'
About nine years after the visit of Lord Prudhoe, the Hon. Robert Curzon, jun., who has travelled much in the East to search for manuscripts (with considerable success), and in his travels has met with many curious and interesting adventures, which we could wish were made public, was also a visitor to these monks. We are indebted to him for the following account of his excursion:----
'I am sorry to say that I cannot answer your letter in as satisfactory a manner as I could wish, for I have no papers by me here to refer to, and I have forgotten some things about the monasteries on the Natron Lakes which might have been interesting to you. However, as far as I remember I will tell you. During the winter of 1837 I was in Egypt for the second time, and in the month of January or February I was engaged in a brisk chace after old books, particularly two which I had heard of at Nagadé----one a Coptic History of Egypt, which I had been told at Thebes was in the possession of the Bishop of Nagadé, who |53 was reputed to be a great dealer in magic----the other a Coptic and Arabic Dictionary, said to be the most perfect and the largest known. When I arrived at Nagadé the bishop was in church; but certain men brought me a mat, whereon I sat in the shade of an old wall till the people came out of church, which they presently did, with the bishop at their head. The bishop sat down by me on the mat, and the congregation sat down in a ring; and after a long prologue of compliments, and coffee and pipes, and so on, we entered on the subject of manuscripts. The bishop told me that the Dictionary was gone to the palace of the patriarch at Cairo; and we were talking about the History, when suddenly there arose a great noise in the church, of howling and clanking of chains. We were all silent in consternation----and I expected that the episcopal magician had been raising a spirit;----when the church doors burst open with a crash, and in the dark porch there stood a tall figure in a priest's robe, waving a great brazen censer in his hand. This apparition stalked forward slowly, when I saw he had a heavy chain tied to his legs. He came up, and sat down directly before me on the ground. "Who have you the honour to be?" said I. "Who, pray, are you?" said one of my men. Upon which he turned round and spat in the face of the man who had addressed him. This man, who was a negro, laid his hand upon his sword, when the other sprang upon his feet with a scream, and made a dash at the negro with the censer----a very efficient weapon when properly applied. He missed my man, and broke the censer on the stones. We all started up, and a general rush ensued against the bearer of the censer, who was with some difficulty secured and carried off. He was a son of the bishop; and, being a maniac, had been chained down before the altar of St. George----a sovereign remedy in these cases----only he pulled up the staples of his chain, and so came away with the censer before his cure was completed. But the end of the affair was that the bishop departed in the scuffle, and I heard no more of the History of Egypt. The other volume had been at Cairo, but was gone when I made inquiries respecting it to the monastery of Amba-Bishoi at the Natron Lakes. I went after it, and arrived there in the month of March; but although there were many Coptic manuscripts of Liturgies there in a room in a square tower, it was not among them. I then went to another monastery: I think it was called Baramous. There was nothing there but a few Coptic manuscripts on paper, and a prodigious multitude of fleas. I retreated from their attack to the church, where I went to sleep on the marble floor; but I had hardly shut my eyes when I was again attacked by so many of these monsters that I was forced to be off again; so I got up, and watched the moon over the desert till daylight. I then departed for the monastery of the Syrians, where I arrived in a short time. Here was a congregation of black Abyssinian monks, dressed in wash-leather and tallow, who were howling in honour of some Abyssinian saint, in a strange little room at the end of a garden, which was surrounded by the high fortified wall of the monastery. They had a library of which I have shown you a sketch, where the manuscripts hung upon pegs by long straps, in a peculiar manner, different from the arrangement |54 of any other library I have ever seen. Besides these black brethren, there were ten or twelve Copts. The superior was blind and very old, with a long white venerable beard, but very dirty. When I inquired for books he showed me the library in a high tower, in a little strong room, with stone niches in the wall. There were some very remarkable Coptic manuscripts----the finest I have ever seen. The latest of them, as I imagine, is that great quarto which you saw at Parham. Two others on vellum were lying on the top of an open pot or jar, of which they had formed the lid. There had been jam or preserves of some sort in the pot, which the books had been used to protect; but they had been there so long that the jam had evaporated, leaving some dubious-looking lumps of dirt at the bottom. I was allowed to take all the manuscripts on vellum, as they were too old to read, and of no use as covers for the vases of preserves. Among a heap of dusty volumes on the floor I found the manuscript Dictionary of which I was in search, but this they would not sell, but they sold me two other imperfect ones, so I put it in one of the niches in the wall, where it remained about two years, when it was purchased and brought away for me by a gentleman at Cairo. You say that Lord Prudhoe fed the monks, and so found the way to their hearts. Now I have found, from much practice, that the two species of Eastern and Western monks may be divided logically into the drinking and the eating kind. A Benedictine or even a Capuchin is a famous hand at a capon, and an oyster pate or so has great charms for him on a fast-day----probatum est; but the monks of St. Basil are ascetics----they know nothing of cookery beyond garlic and red pepper, and such like strong condiments----howbeit they have a leaning to strong drink, and consider rosoglio as a merchandise adapted to their peculiar wants.
'The old blind abbot had solemnly declared that there were no more books in the monastery besides those I had seen; but I had been told by Mr. Linant, the pacha's engineer, who had accompanied Lord Prudhoe, that there were some ancient manuscripts in the oil-cellar. Nevertheless the abbot denied the fact; but I got him into my room, with another father who always went about with him, and there I gave them some rosoglio which I had brought on purpose. It was very soft stuff I remember, pink, and tasted as sweet and pleasant as if there was no strength in it. They liked it much, and sat sipping fingians----that is, coffee-cups----of it with a happy and contented air. When I saw that the face of the blind man waxed unsuspicious, and wore a bland expression which he took no pains to conceal----for he could not see, and did not remember that those who could might read his countenance----I entered again upon the subject of the oil-cellar. "There is no oil there," said the old man. " I am curious about the architecture," said I: "I hear yours is a famous oil-cellar." "It is a famous cellar," said the other elder; "and I remember the days when it overflowed with oil. Then there were I do not know how many brethren here, but now we are few and poor; bad times are come over us; we are not what we used to be." This monk having become sentimental, and the abbot unsuspicious, "Well, let us go," said I, "and see this famous cellar, |55 and we will have another bottle when we come back." This last argument prevailed. We went to the oil-cellar, which was under the great tower, and there were some prodigious pots which once held the oil of gladness, but which now sounded hollow and empty to the touch. There was nothing else here; but taking the candle from the hands of one of the brethren----for they had all followed us into this hole like sheep----I found a low door, and parsed into a little vaulted room, which was full of loose leaves of Syriac manuscripts, more than knee-deep. These are the famous volumes now deposited in the British Museum. Here I fumbled about a long time, and after a good deal of digging I pulled out four books; and two monks, struggling together, pulled out the great manuscript Evangelistarium, which you have seen. It was tied up with a string. "Here is a box," shouted the two monks, who were nearly choked with the dust. "A box!" echoed the blind abbot. "Bring it out----make haste----where is the box? Heaven be praised, it is a treasure." "Yes," screamed all the monks, "a treasure. Allah Akbar! ----a box----out with it----bring out the box." Out they all rushed with the treasure, and I issued forth into the dark (for they had run away with the candle in their anxiety about the box), with three octavos under one arm, and a quarto under the other. I found no more, except fragments. These I took to my room, and the abbot and the other brother soon came after me for the promised bottle of rosoglio, which they now much wanted to keep up their spirits, when they found the box of treasure to be only a great book. They mumbled and murmured to themselves between their cups; and when they were gradually getting comforted again, I began to say, "You found no box of treasure in the vault; but, behold, I am a lover of old books. Give them to me, and I will give you a certain number of piastres in exchange; and so you will have found a treasure, and I will go my way in gladness." "Ah!" said they, "how much will you give?" "How much do you want?" said I. And so we settled it over the rosoglio, which smoothed many difficulties. The Coptic manuscripts on vellum were ensconced in one side of a great pair of camel-bags. "Now," said I, "I will put these into the other side, and you shall take it out, and help to load the camels." All we could do we could not put all the books in; and the two monks would not let me have any extra parcel lest the other brethren should see it and smell a rat, and claim their share of the spoil----at least I suppose that was their reason. In this extremity I looked at each of the three octavos and the quarto, not knowing which to leave behind. At last, the quarto being imperfect, I left that, and great is my sorrow that I did so, for on looking at the manuscript again, I believe that very quarto is the famous book dated A.D. 411, now the great pride and treasure of the British Museum. However, I am glad that establishment is now possessed of it, and I hope it will be duly made use of. This is all I have to tell you of the manuscripts in the monasteries of the Natron Lakes.'
In the year 1838, the Rev. Henry Tattam, now archdeacon of Bedford, with the design already mentioned, set out upon his expedition into Egypt. He was accompanied by Miss Platt, a |56 daughter of Mrs. Tattam, a young lady of great talents and acquirements, who took notes of everything which passed during their journey, for the amusement of her mother after their return. This interesting Journal has since been printed, but, as she writes in her preface, very reluctantly, at the particular request of several friends, and solely for private circulation. They arrived at Cairo on the 19th of October: having staid here for about three weeks, busily employed in visiting the patriarch and other ecclesiastics, and making inquiry after manuscripts, they set out on the 13th of November, and proceeded up the Nile as far as Esneh, visiting many churches and monasteries, both in going and returning, and inspecting their libraries, which the patriarch's letters rendered accessible. But in most of these Mr. Tattam found little more than liturgies and service-books. At Sanabou there were some very fine Coptic manuscripts, in number amounting to eighty-two. They returned to Cairo on Christmas-day.
On the 12th of January they started across the desert for the valley of the Natron Lakes; and, at eight o'clock in the evening, pitched their tent at a short distance from the monastery of Macarius. Such passages as relate to our purpose we are glad to be allowed to quote from Miss Platt's Journal.
' Sunday, Jan. 13th.----The first object on which our eyes rested, as we sat at breakfast in the tent, was the solitary convent of Abou Magar (St. Macarius), a desolate-looking building, like a fortress surrounded by the sea. It is enclosed by a high plastered wall, containing a space of about 300 by 200 feet. Within this area are built the church, the convent itself, a strong tower, and a small chapel, which, according to the account given by the monks, dates its origin as far back as the fifth century. There is not a window or an aperture to be seen on the outside, with the exception of a low door-way, which is almost overlooked as the eye wanders over the high blank wall. A considerable descent, scooped out from the drifted sands, leads to the threshold of the heavy iron-door. It was not thought advisable to remain here until we had visited the further convents. Mr. Tattam spoke to some of the priests at the gate, and two of them accompanied us to the middle convents, which are about two hours' ride from the first. In passing at the back of the garden-wall we perceived the remains of buildings still connected with the present monastery, which led us to suppose that it had once been much more extensive.
'As we crossed the ridge of hills separating the two valleys we observed the remains of many convents. The monks state that there were formerly three hundred and sixty on the mountain and in the valley of Nitria, and that the ruins of fifty of them may still be seen. We descended gradually between the rocks, and saw before us the two middle convents, Deir Amba Bischoi and St. Soriani, or the Syrian convent. They were of the same description as St. Abou Magar, but larger and in better preservation, particularly the latter. Our tent was pitched |57 beneath the walls of St. Soriani: Mr. Tattam immediately entered the convent, where pipes and coffee were brought him; after which the priests conducted him to their churches, and showed him the books used in them. They then desired to know his object in visiting them; upon which he cautiously opened his commission by saying that he wished to see their books. They replied that they had no more than what he had seen in the church; upon which he told them plainly that he knew they had. They laughed on being detected, and after a short conference said that he should see them. The bell soon rang for prayers.' 'Jan. 14th.----Mr. Tattam went into the convent immediately after breakfast. The priests conducted him to the tower, and then into a dark vault, where he found a great quantity of very old and valuable Syriac manuscripts. He selected six quarto volumes and took them to the superior's room. He was next shown a room in the tower, where he found a number of Coptic and Arabic manuscripts, principally liturgies, with a beautiful copy of the Gospels. He then asked to see the rest; the priests looked surprised to find he knew of others, and seemed at first disposed to deny that they had any more, but at length produced the key of the apartment where the other books were kept, and admitted him. After looking them over he went to the superior's room, where all the priests were assembled, about fifteen or sixteen in number: one of them brought a Coptic and Arabic selim, or lexicon, which Mr. Tattam wished to purchase, but they informed him that they could not part with it, as it was forbidden to betaken away by an interdiction at the end, but they consented to make him a copy. He paid for two of the Syriac manuscripts he had placed in the superior's room, for the priests could not be persuaded to part with more, and left them, well pleased with his ponderous volumes, which he gave me through the top of the tent, and then rode off with Mohamed to the farthest convent, of Baramous, about an hour and a half's ride from St. Soriani. In the convent of El Baramous Mr. Tattam found about one hundred and fifty Coptic and Arabic liturgies and a very large dictionary in both languages. In the tower is an apartment with a trap-door in the floor, opening into a dark hole full of loose leaves of Arabic and Coptic manuscripts. The superior would have sold the dictionary, but was afraid, because the patriarch had written in it a curse upon any one who should take it away.'
Into the monastery of Amba-Bischoi, after some reluctance on the part of the monks to open their door to a lady, Miss Platt was herself admitted:----
'On the ground-floor was a vaulted apartment, very lofty, with arches at each end, perfectly dark, and so strewn with loose leaves of old liturgies that scarcely a portion of the floor was visible; and here we were all fully occupied in making diligent search, each with a lighted taper, and a stick to turn up old fragments. In some parts the manuscripts lay a quarter of a yard deep, and the amazing quantity of dust was almost choking, accompanied by a damp and fetid smell, nearly as bad as in the Tombs of the Kings. We did not find anything really valuable here, or anything on vellum, excepting one page.'----vol. i. p. 279. |58
On Tuesday the 15th, Mr. Tattam set out to return to Cairo, having previously obtained from the monks of the Syrian convent four other valuable Syriac manuscripts. He called at the monastery of Macarius as he passed: here he found about one hundred liturgies, and a beautiful copy of the Epistles in Coptic, which the monks refused to sell. There were also a great number of fragments and loose leaves, from which he selected about a hundred, which he was permitted to take away.
In the month of February Mr. Tattam returned to these convents, and was more successful than upon the former occasion.
'Saturday, Feb. 9th.----Immediately after breakfast Mr. Tattam went with Mohamed to St. Soriani, leaving me to my own amusements in the tent.... Mr. Tattam soon returned, followed by Mohamed, and one of the Bedouins bearing a large sack-full of splendid Syriac manuscripts on vellum. They were safely deposited in the tent, and a priest was sent for from St. Amba-Bischoi, with whom Mr. Tattam entered the convent, and successfully bargained for an old Pentateuch in Coptic and Arabic, and a beautiful copy of the four Gospels in Coptic. We are delighted with our success, and hope, by patience and good management, to get the remainder of the manuscripts.'
'Feb. 10th.----Mr. Tattam went in the evening to St. Soriani to take his leave of the monks there, who said he might have four more manuscripts the next day......... Mohamed brought from the priests of St. Soriani a stupendous volume beautifully written in the Syriac character, with a very old worm-eaten copy of the Pentateuch, from St. Amba-Bischoi, exceedingly valuable, but not quite perfect at the beginning.'
This Mohamed, who seems to have been little less eager than his master in his endeavours to procure the manuscripts, had recourse to the same means of negotiation as Mr. Curzon found it wise to adopt, and applied them with similar success, only substituting arakie for rosoglio.
The manuscripts which Mr. Tattam had thus obtained in due time arrived in England. Such of them as were in the Syriac language, not falling in with the object for which his journey had been originally undertaken, were, by and bye, disposed of to the Trustees of the British Museum. This was indeed a most important accession. Forty-nine manuscripts of such extreme antiquity, containing some valuable works long since supposed to have perished, and versions of others written several centuries earlier than any copies of the originals known to exist, constituted such an addition as has been rarely if ever made at one time to any library. The collection of Syriac manuscripts procured by Mr. Rich had already made the library of the British Museum conspicuous for this class of literature----but this treasure of manuscripts from Egypt rendered it superior to any other in Europe. |59
From the accounts which Lord Prudhoe, Mr. Curzon, and Mr. Tattam had given of their visit to the monastery of the Syrians it was evident that but few of the manuscripts belonging to this convent had been removed since the time of Assemani, and probable that no less a number than nearly two hundred volumes must be still remaining in the hands of the monks. Moreover, from several notices found written in the manuscripts already brought to England, it was evident that most of them must be of very considerable antiquity. Several of these notices were in the handwriting of Moses of Tecrit, abbot of the monastery; and in each of them he states that in the year 932 he brought into the convent, from Mesopotamia, about two hundred and fifty volumes. As there was no evidence whatever to show that even so many as one hundred of these manuscripts had ever been taken away (for those which were procured for the papal library by the two Assemani,added to those which Mr. Curzon and Mr. Tattam had brought to England, do not amount to that number), there was sufficient ground for supposing that the convent of the Syrians still possessed not fewer than about one hundred and fifty volumes, which at the latest must have been written before the tenth century. Application accordingly was made by the Trustees to the Treasury; a sum was granted to enable them to send again into Egypt, and Mr. Tattam readily undertook the commission. The time was most opportune. The good-will of the patriarch had been gained by the liberality of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, who had undertaken to print, for the use of his churches, an edition of the New Testament in Coptic and Arabic, in a beautiful large type cut expressly for this purpose. Mr. Tattam, the editor of this work, was naturally in great favour with the patriarch, who by and bye gave consent to his proposals. We cannot but rejoice that these measures were taken so promptly, as we have been informed, upon the best authority, that similar representations had been made to the French government; and had much more delay been interposed, these manuscripts, which perhaps constitute the greatest accession of valuable literature which has been brought from the East into Europe since the taking of Constantinople, would in all probability have been now the pride of the Bibliothèque Royale.
The following is Mr. Tattam's own account of the manner in which he obtained the remainder of the manuscripts upon his second excursion:----
'When I returned to Cairo the second time, all the Europeans who seemed to understand my business prophesied that I should not succeed, but the result proved they were false prophets. I found I could |60 work more effectually through the sheich of a village on the borders of the desert, who had influence with the superior of the convent, and whom my servant had secured in my interest, and through my servant, rather than by attempting direct negotiation. I therefore set to work. After I had been in Cairo about a fortnight, the sheich brought the superior to my house, where he promised to let me have all the Syriac manuscripts. My servant was to go back with him and the sheich when he returned, and to bring away all the manuscripts to the sheich's house, where they were to be deposited, and I was to follow in three days and bargain for them. I went at the time appointed, and took money with me in the boat, and a Mohamedan as a silent witness to the transaction and the payment of the money, should any crooked ways be discovered. My servant had taken ten men and eight donkeys from the village, and had conveyed the manuscripts to the sheich's house, where I saw them as soon as I arrived; and I found he had already bargained for them, which I confirmed. That night we carried our boxes, paper, and string, and packed them all, and nailed up the boxes, and had them in the boat before morning dawned, and before ten o'clock in the morning they were on their way to Alexandria.'
The manuscripts arrived in the British Museum on the st of March, 1843. Upon opening the cases very few only of the volumes were found to be in a perfect state. From some the beginning was torn away, from some the end, from others both the beginning and end; some had fallen to pieces into loose quires, many were completely broken up into separate leaves, and all these blended together. Nearly two hundred volumes of manuscripts, torn into separate leaves, and mixed up together by time and chance more completely than the greatest ingenuity could have effected, presented a spectacle of confusion which at first seemed almost to preclude hope. To select from this mass such loose fragments as belonged to those manuscripts which were imperfect, and to separate the rest, and collect them into volumes, was the labour of months. To arrange all those leaves now collected into volumes, in their proper consecutive order, will be the labour of years. Without the aid either of pagination or catchwords, it will be requisite to read almost every leaf, and not only to read it, but to study accurately the context, so as to seize the full sense of the author. Where there are two copies of the same book, or where it is the translation of some Greek work still existing, this labour will be in some measure diminished; but in other instances nothing less than the most careful perusal of every leaf will render it possible to arrange the work, and make it complete.
The number of volumes, as now collected, including both entire works and books made up of various fragments, amounts to three hundred and seventeen, of which two hundred and forty-six are |61 on vellum, and seventy on paper, all in Syriac or Aramaic, with one volume of Coptic fragments. These, together with the forty-nine previously obtained, make an addition to the national library of three hundred and sixty-six volumes of manuscripts. As many of these contain two, or even three or four, distinct works, written at different periods, but bound up together, and as several are made up of various fragments, it is perhaps not too much to affirm that there are contained in this collection parts of at least one thousand manuscripts, written in different countries----in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Egypt----and at various times----from the beginning of the fifth to the end of the thirteenth century. The earliest is dated A.D. 411, the latest A.D. 1292. It would be very interesting, if the means were within our reach, to trace the history of this most remarkable collection, perhaps the largest that was ever possessed by any single monastery, especially when we consider the time and labour requisite to produce even one copy, which could not have been less to the Oriental scribes than in the convents of the West. A note at the end of one copy of the works of Dionysius the Areopagite, which seems to have been written in the eighth century, states that the transcriber completed his task in the course of one year, which is doubtless intended to be a record of more than ordinary diligence. We have no means, as we have said, of tracing the history of this collection, as indeed we have none either for that of the monastery itself. It was most probably founded in the earliest ages of asceticism, and ransacked by the Arabs, with the rest of the convents, at the beginning of the ninth century. We have already stated that it was again in a flourishing condition at the commencement of the tenth century, and that Moses, its then abbot, brought to its library from Mesopotamia two hundred and fifty volumes, of which fact we are assured by the registry which he made in many, if not in all, of these books. Several bearing this notice are now in the British Museum; several also are in the Vatican, as appears from the account given by J. S. Assemani----some belonging to the collection which he himself made, and others to that obtained by his cousin Elias; and one which was formerly the property of Abraham Ecchellensis, from which it appears that some manuscripts had been brought from this monastery into Europe previously to the expedition of Elias Assemani, but by whom or when we have not been able to discover. Moreover, from various notices on the fly-leaves of several of these volumes, we gather that they once belonged to the convent of Amba-Bishoi, and were afterwards transferred to that of St. Mary Deipara of the Syrians by a person named Abraham, and incorporated into their library. Other similar notices record the |62 benefaction of several volumes by various individuals, many of whom appear to have been inhabitants of Tecrit in Mesopotamia; where indeed, and at Edessa, and in the monasteries in the neighbourhood, most of them appear to have been written. Many of these presents seem to have been single manuscripts offered for the salvation of the soul of the donor; but one notice states that no less than eighteen volumes, the property of one individual, came into the possession of the convent upon the death of the owner. There are also records of the purchase of several books for the use of the monastery, and some doubtless were transcribed within its walls. It is only from such incidental notices as these, written at the beginning and end of some of the volumes, that we have any means of forming an estimate of the manner in which the collection was increased to so great a number. There is a note in one of the volumes stating that the manuscripts belonging to the library were repaired in the year of the Greeks 1533 (A.D. 1222). At no very distant period subsequently to this they were probably altogether neglected, the monks becoming too ignorant to make any further use of them. The volume with the most recent date in the collection was written seventy years later, and after this time there seems to have been no effort in these monasteries either at composition or translation into Syriac, or even to reproduce any of their ancient literature by new transcripts. Indeed the examination of this collection brings conviction, that for two or three centuries at least previous to this time little had been done in the way of transcribing further than to copy liturgies, lives of saints, a few homilies, and such parts of the Holy Scriptures as were needed by the monks in the daily services. These, of course, required to be periodically renewed, as by constant use they necessarily became torn and worn out. This circumstance has been the cause of the destruction of some of the finest and most ancient manuscripts which the monks ever possessed. Almost all the manuscripts of this class are palimpsest. When their service-books were worn out, the monks, unable perhaps to obtain vellum elsewhere, had recourse to the expedient of erasing the text of an old volume. In selecting manuscripts for this purpose they seem to have been guided chiefly by the fineness of the vellum, and consequently attacked those which were the most ancient, and in every respect the most valuable. The Greek manuscripts seem to have suffered first, probably because they were unintelligible to the monks; for although there are several Greek palimpsests, as well as Syriac, among the manuscripts now in the British Museum, there is not found in the whole collection one single Greek book, but only a few very small fragments in some of the volumes, which have been pasted |63 on to mend the leaves that were torn; but even these are sufficent to show that the Greek manuscripts which they did possess were of the finest class and of the greatest antiquity, closely resembling the famous Alexandrine Bible in substance and calligraphy. It is evident that the monks must have employed some chemical process of erasure, and this in most instances has been so successful as to leave scarcely any perceptible trace of the original writing, but at the same time it has been very injurious to the texture of the vellum: these manuscripts are consequently in the worst condition of any in the collection. Some, indeed, of the others look as fresh as if they had scarcely been used at all ----even the original dressing of the vellum still remains; although they have been written more than a thousand years, they seem as if the transcriber had finished his task but yesterday.
The contents of these manuscripts are, as we should naturally expect, chiefly theological, and in this department they are most important. The copies of the Holy Scriptures are some of the oldest in existence, and the translations of the works of the great Fathers of the Church are most valuable, not only because many of them, in all probability, were made during the lifetime of the authors (we have the means of proving certainly that some of them were), but also because the manuscripts in which these Syriac versions are found are the oldest copies of these works now extant, and were written some centuries earlier than any of those in which the original Greek exists. Moreover, this collection contains several really important works, of which the Greek copies have been long since lost, and are now only known to us either by their titles which have come down to us, or by very short extracts preserved by other writers. Besides these there are many original works of Syriac authors.
Of biblical manuscripts of the Peshito version there are nearly thirty volumes, containing various books of the Old Testament, most of which were written about the sixth century; one copy of the Pentateuch dated A.D. 464. We find also the book of Exodus, Written A.D. 697----the books of Numbers, Joshua, and the first book of Kings, transcribed about the same time----of the Hexaplar edition, with the asterisks, obelisks, &c., as corrected by Eusebius; together with part of Genesis, and of two copies of the Psalms, of this same edition, with short scholia by Athanasius and Hesychius of Jerusalem. Here are the first book of Samuel and the first book of Kings, in the version of Mar Jacob of Edessa, written A.D. 703; and a copy of Isaiah, written about the same time, probably translated by the same Mar Jacob. There are upwards of forty manuscripts containing parts of the Peshito version of the New Testament, many of which are of the sixth century, |64 and some appear to be of the fifth: and also a copy of the Gospels and of the Epistles of St. James, St. Peter, St. John, and St. Jude, of the Philoxenan version, or, more properly speaking, of the edition corrected by Thomas of Heraclea.
Of the Apocrypha, these manuscripts contain the Book of Wisdom, Baruch, and Maccabees; also the Book of Women, which comprises Esther, Judith, Susannah, Ruth, and the Life of the martyr Thecla. There are also copies of the Gospel of the Infancy; the History of the Holy Virgin, and her Departure from this world; the Doctrine of Peter which he taught at Rome; and a Letter of Pilate to Herod, and of Herod to Pilate.
To the copies of the Scriptures should be added several Lectionaries, containing portions of Scripture appointed to be read in the churches. This class of manuscripts, for the reason which we have above stated, is more recent than the copies of the Scriptures: some of them are dated in the ninth century, but most in the eleventh. There is a large collection of rituals and service-books, with many ancient liturgies; and these also are of the later class of manuscripts: here are found the liturgies of the Apostles, of St. James, St. John, St. Matthew, St. Clement, St. Ignatius, Dionysius the Areopagite; of Celestinus, Julius, Xystus or Sixtus, bishops of Rome; of Basil, of Gregory Theologus; of Cyril, and Dioscorus, bishops of Alexandria; of Eustathius, of Curiacus, and Severus, bishops of Antioch; of Philoxenus, bishop of Mabug; of Jacob of Edessa, and Jacob, bishop of Serug; of Maruthas, Thomas of Heraclea, Moses Bar Cepha, John Bar Salibi, and others. Several collections of canons of councils,-----the Collection of Apostolic canons made by Hippolytus; the Canons of the councils of Nice, Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Gangra, Laodicea, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon; the Acts of the second council of Ephesus, held under Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria in the time of Theodosius and Valentinian, transcribed A.D. 535. These collections of canons appear to be very important, as they do not seem to have been always translated from the Greek, but to have been arranged and digested by some of the Syrian bishops who attended the councils. To these may be added the canons of several individual patriarchs and bishops for the especial government of their own churches, which may be of great value in tracing the ecclesiastical history of the East.
Of documents which are referred to apostolic times there is found in this collection a small tract bearing the title of the Doctrine of the Apostles. This has been published by the Cardinal Mai, in the tenth volume of his 'Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio;' but he assigns it to the thirteenth century. What pretensions it has to refer its origin to apostolic times, as its title indicates, |65 we cannot discuss in this place; but we must observe that the Cardinal cannot have erred less than six centuries in the date which he fixes on; for there are two copies of this tract among these Syriac manuscripts, both of which were undoubtedly transcribed in the sixth century of the Christian era.* Of the Apostolic Fathers there are found in this collection two copies of the Recognitions ascribed to St. Clement, one in the very ancient manuscript which we have spoken of before, and the other in a copy which seems to be of the sixth century; and three epistles of St. Ignatius, to St. Polycarp, to the Ephesians, and the Romans. To these we should add several copies of the works ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite. Of other ecclesiastical writers of the second and third centuries----besides various fragments from their works cited by other authors,we recover in this Syriac collection an oration of Melito, bishop of Sardis, to the emperor Marcus Antoninus; which, however, does not agree with that cited by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History (Book iv. chap. 26):----the entire Dialogue on Fate by Bardesanes, of which a fragment had been preserved by Eusebius in the 10th chapter of the th book of his 'Praeparatio Evangelica;' and two or three treatises of Gregory Thaumaturgus, which appear to have been hitherto unknown.
Of ecclesiastical writers of the fourth century,----Titus, bishop of Bostra, against the Manicheans. The original Greek is imperfect, and the last book lost; the Syriac version is complete, and was transcribed A.D. 411. In the same manuscript are contained, as we have seen above, two works of Eusebius, on the Divine Manifestation of our Lord, and on the Martyrs of Palestine. We find here also the five first books of his Ecclesiastical History, transcribed early in the sixth century. Of Athanasius, ----his Commentary on the Psalms, Life of St. Anthony, and his Festal Letters, but not complete: of these letters Athanasius |66 wrote upwards of forty----that is one for every year of his patriarchate----it having been a practice with patriarchs of Alexandria to send a cyclical letter at Christmas to all the bishops of their province to inform them on what day Easter was to be observed. These have all perished in the original Greek, except a fragment of the 39th preserved by Theodorus Balsamon. Of Basil----the Treatise on the Holy Spirit, transcribed A.D. 509, not 130 years after his death; his Regulae fusius Tractatae, Treatise on Virginity, and various sermons. Of Gregory of Nyssa,----Homilies on the Lord's Prayer, on the Beatitudes, and other sermons, some written in the sixth century. Of Gregory Theologus,----his works translated into Syriac by Paul, an abbot in the island of Cyprus, A.D. 624, with commentaries by Severus, bishop of Nisibis; one copy transcribed A.D. 790, another A.D. 840, and others which appear more ancient. Of Ephraem Syrus,----many sermons, metrical discourses, and hymns; among which are several things not comprised in Assemani's edition of his works----for example, his tract against Julian, supposed to have been lost: one of these manuscripts is dated A.D. 519, or about 150 years after the death of the author; others appear to be still more ancient.
Of Fathers at the end of the fourth century and the commencement of the fifth,----nearly all the works of John Chrysostom, in manuscripts of great antiquity; one copy of the Homilies on St. Matthew is dated A.D. 557, about 150 years after his death; another copy, without date, of the same Homilies appears to be about a hundred years earlier. Several treatises of Proclus, his successor on the patriarchal throne of Constantinople. The 'Historia Lausiaca' of Palladius; also the account of the Egyptian monks by Evagrius Ponticus, with other of his works; a short treatise on heresies by Epiphanius, written A.D. 562, less than 160 years after his decease, together with extracts from his other works. Almost all the works of Cyril of Alexandria, of very great antiquity; among which we would specify the treatise on Adoration in Spirit and Truth, transcribed A.D. 553, about 110 years after his death; his commentary on St. Luke, in two volumes, of which the original Greek is lost, excepting a very few passages preserved in the catenae on St. Luke. Some of Cyril's works were translated into Aramaic during his life-time, by Rabulas, who was then bishop of Edessa.
In the beginning of the sixth century, a work of Timotheus, patriarch of Alexandria, against the Council of Chalcedon, transcribed A.D. 562----25 years after his death; various letters of his successors, Theodosius and Theodorus; numerous writings of Severus (Patriarch of Antioch), among which we would specify |67 a volume of sermons, transcribed A.D. 569, or only about thirty years after his death: many of his works were translated into Syriac during his life-time, in the year 528, at Edessa, by Paul, bishop of Callinicum. Of these writers of the sixth century nothing more is preserved to us in the Greek than the titles of their works, and not even the whole of these. This arises probably from their having been diligently suppressed by the emperor and the opposite party, by whom they had been condemned: they are, however, most important for throwing light upon the history of the first half of the sixth century, more especially on several important events consequent upon the Council of Chalcedon, concerning which we have little more at present than the statement of one party.
For ecclesiastical history we have in this collection----besides the five first books of Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, and his Martyrs of Palestine----a contemporary Ecclesiastical History, by John, bishop of Ephesus, from the year A.D. 571 to 583 (this manuscript must have been transcribed about the same time as the last event it records); two imperfect Ecclesiastical Chronicles; a considerable collection of Martyrologies, Lives of Saints, Fathers, and eminent Bishops; which may supply much matter hitherto unknown. In general theology there are several anonymous treatises on Christianity, and works against various heresies, together with some volumes of miscellaneous sermons.
Of Ascetic writers,----numerous treatises of Ammonius, Macarius, Evagrius, Esaias, &c. &c.
Of original Syriac authors, besides Ephraem, above spoken of, there are found among these manuscripts,----works of Mar Isaac, presbyter of Antioch; numerous writings of Mar Jacob, bishop of Serug, or Batnae----among which one volume of sermons is said to have, been purchased A.D. 653, little more than 130 years subsequently to his death, and probably was written much earlier; various works of Philoxenus, bishop of Mabug, one volume of which is dated A.D. 569, or less than fifty years after his death; the treatise of Peter, bishop of Antioch, against Damian; several works of Mar Jacob, bishop of Edessa, and amongst these his valuable recension of the books of the Old and the New Testament, according to the Peshito version and that of Thomas of Heraclea. We might have added many other Syriac authors.
To the above short list of writers purely theological, we should not omit to subjoin the categories of Aristotle, translated into Syriac by Sergius of Rhesina, in the sixth century; commentaries |68 on Aristotle by Probus and Severus bishop of Kenneserin; and a Syriac translation of Galen de Simplicibus. These manuscripts are of great antiquity, and touch upon the times at which the translations were made.
In closing a very brief notice of this collection, we cannot refrain from congratulating the learned of Europe generally that these manuscripts have been rescued from perishing in a vault in the desert of Africa; and we shall perhaps be forgiven for indulging in a little national pride when we rejoice that they are deposited in the British Museum. We are, however, constrained at the same time to confess that this our joy is much sobered down by the apprehension that these valuable works, although now safe from the clanger of destruction, will still lie upon our shelves in almost as great neglect as they did in the oil-cellar of the monastery. There are but few Oriental scholars in England; and among those few the Syriac has found hardly any attention. The number of persons at present competent to make any use of this matchless collection is very limited, and even of those who may be competent, one is too far removed to be able to avail himself of it, a second too much pressed by other duties. Neither can we foresee any prospect of young scholars rising up to whom we may look forward as future explorers of this extensive mine. The mercantile spirit pervades even our literary pursuits, and that is most studied which seems most likely to turn out to some material advantage, not that which most tends to intellectual profit. We have some Hebrew scholars: there are Hebrew professorships in both the universities; that in Oxford is well endowed. We have a few indifferent Arabic students; there are also chairs for Arabic, indifferently endowed, in both universities. The foundation of the Sanscrit Chair and scholarships in Oxford has already engaged several in the study of that language; and the additional facilities afforded to obtain the means of wealth and distinction in India, by the knowledge of the Persian, have produced several eminent Persian scholars. But the Syriac, a language which by every association would seem to call for our sympathies more than any other, hardly excepting the Hebrew itself, has hitherto been in this country almost entirely neglected. There are no lectures read in this language in the university of London. There is no professorship of Syriac in Oxford or Cambridge; and while no less than three new theological chairs have been lately established in Oxford, the Syriac language, which would afford more light than any other for the critical explanation of the text of the New Testament----perhaps of the Old Testament also----which contains much patristical theology and vast materials for ecclesiastical history that |69 cannot be elsewhere obtained, has been left without a professor, and consequently, perhaps, without a student. The Syriac Theophania of Eusebius and the Epistles of Ignatius are the only works in that language, with the exception of the whole or parts of the Scripture, which, so far as our knowledge goes, have been published in this country. The glory of such Syriac literature as was brought to England by Huntington was taken from us by foreigners, who transcribed and published the valuable history of Gregory Bar Hebraeus from the manuscripts in the Bodleian.
These are melancholy recollections; and our anticipations are shaded with their tints. But still we are pleased and proud that the Government and the Museum have done their duty as respected the Treasure of the Desert.
* There is another error less excusable committed by the learned Cardinal, which, as it relates to a matter of considerable interest, the testimony to the antiquity of the British Church received in the East, certainly not later than about the year 500, and probably much earlier (for this is the period of the transcript of the manuscript), we must take this opportunity of correcting. At the end of this work, professing to be 'the Doctrine of the Apostles,' there is an account of the different channels through which the sacerdotal office was transmitted to the various parts of the then Christian world. The passage to which we allude runs thus:----'Rome, the whole of Italy, Spain, Britain, Gaul, and the other countries round about, received the hand of priesthood from Simon Cepha, who came from Antioch, and was ruler and governor of the church which he built there.' This we have translated from the Syriac, as it is correctly printed at.page 174. But the Latin version runs thus:----'Accepit manum sacerdotalem Roma civitas, et tota Italia, ac Hispania, Bythinia, et Gallia,' &c.----p. 7.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cureton_festal_intro.htm
William Cureton, Introduction to The Festal Letters of Athanasius (1848)
William Cureton, Introduction to The Festal Letters of Athanasius (1848)
THE
FESTAL LETTERS
OF
ATHANASIUS,
DISCOVERED
IN AN ANCIENT SYRIAC VERSION,
AND EDITED BY
WILLIAM CURETON, M.A. F.R.S.
CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE QUEEN;
ASSISTANT KEEPER OF MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
LONDON.
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY FOR THE PUBLICATION OF ORIENTAL TEXTS.
SOLD BY
JAMES MADDEN & Co. 8, LEADENHALL STREET.
MDCCCXLVIII.
TO HIS GRACE
FRANCIS, DUKE OF BEDFORD, K.G.
MY LORD DUKE,
I HAVE not requested permission to dedicate this volume to your Grace merely for the personal gratification of enjoying the honour which such permission from one of your high character and rank must confer,----but rather that I may have an opportunity of publicly acknowledging my own obligations, and of making known to others how far their gratitude also is clue to your Grace's exertions.
Your name stood at the head of the subscription to promote the first literary mission into Egypt in the year 1838, and your Grace further encouraged and supported it by your personal interest and influence.
An interval of nearly ten years had not diminished your zeal in the same good cause, and your Grace was again the first, in 1847, to make those efficient exertions which have been successful in obtaining for the British nation the last remaining portion of the ancient library of the Syrian Convent in the valley of the Natron Lakes.
The acquisition of these inestimable volumes, of such venerable antiquity, has conferred a literary honour upon Great Britain, which even persons | unacquainted with their contents can sufficiently estimate to feel indebted to those who have been chiefly instrumental in securing for our own country this unrivalled distinction.
For myself, having examined these volumes, almost leaf by leaf and page by page, I am so deeply impressed with the conviction of their extreme importance, not merely for the objects of literature, but further, for the sacred cause of truth, of their theological as well as their historical and philological value, that I cannot adequately express my own gratitude to one, to whom we are all so much indebted for their acquisition as we are to your Grace.
May the time be not far distant, when more encouragement held out to these severe and difficult studies----which indeed require a fostering hand to protect them till they ripen to maturity----shall, engage many other labourers in this field of inquiry; and, consequently, excite in many others the same sense of obligation to your Grace as I myself entertain.
I have the honour to be,
MY LORD DUKE,
Your Grace's most obedient Servant,
WILLIAM CURETON.
BRITISH MUSEUM,
March 1, 1848.
TO THE READER.
MORE than twenty months have passed since I announced my intention of publishing the Text of a portion of the Syriac version of the long-lost Festal Letters of St. Athanasius, which I had discovered; and of adding, at the same time, an English translation, and such notes and illustrations as I might deem requisite. At the time that I made this announcement the text was already printed, and I only waited for the leisure necessary to enable me to complete my task.
In the meanwhile, the whole of the impression of the Syriac version of St. Ignatius having been exhausted, and great demand having been made for a new edition, both in England and on the Continent, I have found it necessary to devote all the time which I could command to prepare and carry through the press, not so much a new edition, as an entirely new work on the subject of the Ignatian Epistles. As this time can at most amount to no more than a very few hours in each week, and even these few hours stolen from those which ought justly to be dedicated to repose and relaxation after the daily labours of my official duties, I feel that I have some claim to the indulgence of the learned if I be more tardy in accomplishing what 1 have promised than my announcement may have led them to expect, or my own zeal have | anticipated. In the case of these Festal Letters of St. Athanasius this delay has been attended with advantage, for I am now able to give to the world, not only a greater number of these Epistles of the great champion of orthodoxy, but also to exhibit in a perfect state several which previously were mutilated and incomplete.
As the text of these letters alone now forms not an inconsiderable volume, I have been unwilling to withhold them from the learned for the long and indefinite period which, with my present occupation and engagements, must elapse before I could venture to hope for sufficient leisure to complete the translation, and to make the researches which would be necessary to enable me to add such notes as I intended to accompany the work. In some other country, perhaps, where this branch of literature is more encouraged, and consequently better cultivated and understood, some scholar may be found who will be ready to undertake the task of presenting these Letters to the public in an European dress, before I can find the leisure requisite to do so. He will have my full concurrence and my best wishes, It will be no mean honour for him to be the first, after the lapse of centuries, to offer to the theologians of Europe the Letters in which St. Athanasius, through a series of succeeding years, exhibited to those under his spiritual superintendence a notification of the day on which they were to celebrate the annual commemoration of the Resurrection of our Lord. I shall be content to have extracted the ore from the mine, to be wrought and polished by another.
But that my book may not in the meanwhile be altogether useless, and without, interest to such as have not directed their attention to the same branches of study as myself. I have given in my Preface a statement of the exact day, both | according to the Roman and Egyptian months, upon which Easter was celebrated, as indicated by Athanasius, during the whole period of his patriarchate; and I have added such other chronological or historical facts, supplied by these Epistles, as seemed to me to be most deserving of notice.
With regard to the text, I have endeavoured to exhibit it in every respect as I found it. Having but one manuscript, I have felt it to be my duty to alter nothing, but to present even the obvious errors of the transcriber exactly as they occur. This is one reason why I more particularly regret publishing the text without a translation; and without notes in which I might have pointed out such mistakes as evidently belong to the copyist, while I now run the risk of having them attributed to myself. Even with all the care and pains that I could bestow, I find that some errors of my own have been committed;----Indeed, the state of this copy, which, among the hundreds of Syriac manuscripts that have passed through my hands, is certainly the most difficult to read of any that I ever saw, would render it not unpardonable were they more numerous;----but nevertheless, I am unwilling to have those errors laid to my charge which I certainly have not committed.
I have elsewhere observed, that nothing can be more irregular, in the generality of manuscripts, than the orthography of Greek words adopted into the Syriac, and of the foreign names of persons and places exhibited in that language. I have seen no manuscript which afforded more examples of this abundant and extreme irregularity than that from which I have copied these Letters of Athanasius.
If the part of this volume first printed prove to be more correct than the other, it is due to Dr. Lee, Regius Professor of Hebrew at, the University of Cambridge, and to Professor | Tullberg of Upsala*, both of whom kindly read the proof-sheets as they passed through the Press. To both I beg to offer my very sincere thanks.
It is also my gratifying duty to express the great obligations I am under to the Committee of the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts for defraying the expense of printing this volume.
* The liberality of the Swedish Government has twice supplied Dr. Tullberg with the means of visiting this country for the purpose of extending his researches in Oriental literature. Upon the last occasion he has drawn largely from our treasures of Syriac lore. His own zeal, animated by national encouragement, affords us good ground to hope that no long period will intervene, before the learned of Europe generally will derive much advantage from his last visit to England.
PREFACE.
I.
AMONG numerous other remains of some of the most eminent writers of the early Christian Church, which, having long been supposed to have perished, I have discovered still to exist in the literature of the East, the work which I now give to the public would merit the full attention of theologians, even were it only the celebrity of the author that gave it a title to demand their consideration. Some interest, therefore, will naturally be felt, upon its being now brought to light for the first time after the lapse of centuries, to learn how and where it was discovered. I will endeavour to satisfy any curiosity which may arise on this head in a few words.
When Dr. Tattam, now Archdeacon of Bedford, returned from Egypt in the year 1842 1, having so successfully accomplished the object of the mission with which he had been entrusted by Her Majesty's Government, the inestimable treasures of Syriac literature which he had been fortunate enough to obtain were delivered to the Trustees of the British Museum, and deposited in our National Library. In the course of official duties, the task of classifying the volumes, of gathering together, collating, and arranging the numberless fragments and loose leaves of which this |ii collection consisted, and of drawing up a summary of their contents, devolved upon me. At the first sight of such an immense mass of broken, scattered, and confused materials, the labour appeared to be enormous; and I almost shrank from the task as one too great for me to hope to accomplish within the utmost limit of that portion of my life which I could wish to pass in this kind of occupation. But a warm zeal in the cause which I had in hand, strengthened and encouraged by the satisfaction of having had the expectation 2 which I had entertained, even while they were in the desert, of seeing and handling these precious volumes thus realized, the delight of becoming acquainted with their contents, and the hope of obtaining leisure at some subsequent period to open their stores to others, tended much to lighten the labour, and enabled me almost to complete the task much sooner than I could have ventured to anticipate.
Among other works which time and neglect had rendered |iii imperfect, and left but fragments only of them remaining, I discovered a portion of the Festal Letters of St. Athanasius. The volume to which these fragments belonged had originally been composed of a number of quires, each consisting of five pieces of vellum of folio size, laid one upon the other, and then folded and sewed together, so as to form ten quarto leaves, or twenty pages. At the bottom of the first and last page of every quire was a letter, indicating its numerical order in the arrangement of the volume. The portions of the book which I found were, the last leaf of the first quire, marked # the eight middle leaves of another, which I have since ascertained to be the fourth quire, the first and last leaves of the fifth, marked #, and the whole of the sixth and seventh quires, with the numeral signatures # and #. In these were comprised a portion of the Introduction, the last part of the sixth and the first part of the seventh, together with a part of the tenth and eleventh, the whole of the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth Letters, and the first part of the twentieth. The fifteenth and sixteenth had been already lost before the Epistles were collected together into one volume.3
Delighted at having recovered so much of a long series of Official Letters by one of the most celebrated Bishops of Christian antiquity, whose genius has exercised an influence upon the Church for fifteen centuries, whose zeal and sufferings for the orthodox faith, and the stirring circumstances of the period at which he lived, must give an interest to every genuine line that has proceeded from his pen, I resolved at once to transcribe, translate, and publish the contents of these fragments, and to add also a few passages from other |iv of his Festal Letters, which, in the course of my reading, I had observed cited by other authors, whose works were contained in the collection of Syriac manuscripts then in my hands. The transcript was made at such intervals of leisure as I could command; and the text was committed to type in the spring of the year 1846.
The part of the present volume printed at that time is comprised in the pages noted with Syriac numerals. The first fifty embrace the contents of the fragments of the manuscript in which the collection of the Festal Letters had been comprised. The remaining four pages contain extracts from the twenty-seventh, twenty-ninth, and forty-fourth Epistles, cited by Severus 4 in his work against Grammaticus; and also the celebrated passage from the thirty-ninth Letter, exhibiting a list of the Canonical Books of Scripture which has been preserved in the Greek, as cited by Theodoras Balsamon.5 The Syriac version of this I have copied from an anonymous Commentary on the Scriptures. 6
At the time when this portion of the volume was printed I did not venture to cherish the hope of ever recovering any other parts of the manuscript to which the fragments then in my hands belonged. I believed that the entire Syriac library of the monks of the Convent of St. Mary Deipara had been removed; nor did I suppose that these precious relicks of the ancient learning of the Oriental Churches, which I was arranging with affectionate and reverential care in the British metropolis, had left others of their fellows, not less venerable, and equally precious, in the same degraded and neglected |v condition as they had occupied for centuries, in a miserable cell in one of the most lonely deserts of the world. So eminently successful had Dr. Tattam's expedition been, that I could not hope for any more success; and so abundant were the treasures with which he returned, that I naturally concluded the mine to be exhausted. The event has proved this conclusion to have been ill founded; for although Dr. Tattam's agreement with the monks embraced the whole of their collection, they nevertheless concealed and withheld a large portion of their library. This, however, only kept back for a time the rest, of the manuscripts; and the delay has redounded both to the honour of the Trustees of the British Museum, by giving them an additional opportunity of exerting themselves for the advantage of the Institution over which they preside, and likewise to the great credit of the actual Lords of her Majesty's Treasury, by affording them also an occasion of shewing their generosity in so good a cause, and of thus being placed upon an equality with their official predecessors, who had liberally furnished the means of acquiring for the British nation the first importation of this inestimable collection of ancient manuscripts, which now forms a most distinguished portion of our National Library, and has rendered it, in this class of literature, unrivalled in all the world.
I avail myself of this as a favourable occasion to record, in a few words, the manner in which the remaining part of this library was rescued from the obscurity of a cell in the monastery of the lonely valley of Nitria, and found a more suitable habitation in the British Museum.
Early in the year 1845 M. Auguste Pacho, a native of Alexandria, and nephew of M. Jean-Raimond Pacho, who has left behind him a considerable reputation by the posthumous |vi publication of his travels in Africa 7, made a visit to London, in the hope of obtaining some confidential employment, for which his intimate knowledge of oriental manners and customs, his native acquaintance with the Arabic tongue, and with several European languages, rendered him admirably qualified. He brought a letter of introduction from M. Reinaud, who at this moment holds the distinguished position of Président de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres of the Institute of France, recommending him to such good offices on my part as I might have any opportunity of affording him; and during his sojourn in London I had the pleasure of meeting him occasionally. After having remained a few months only in this country, M. Pacho was recommended by his medical advisers to seek some milder climate, as the only means of restoring his health, which had been much impaired during his residence in England, and he at once decided to return to his native country, Egypt.
Upon his communicating to me this decision, I thought that a favourable opportunity was hereby presented of endeavouring to obtain additional treasures of literature, which I doubted not might still be lurking in the Egyptian convents, and thus not only to rescue them from obscurity, and perhaps from destruction, but also to add them to the already abundant stores of the Institution to which I have the honour of being attached. I accordingly shewed to M. Pacho the acquisitions which Dr. Tattam had made in Egypt, and entreated him to neglect no opportunity which his residence in that country, and his knowledge of the language and customs of the natives, |vii might afford, to acquire ancient manuscripts; by which he would not. only confer an essential benefit upon literature, but might also, if he were successful, render considerable and material service to himself. With this exhortation, and my best wishes, I bade him farewell.
Once or twice a letter, relative to this matter, had reached me in the course of the year 1846. In the spring of 1847 I was delighted to receive intelligence that he had heard of the existence of a considerable number of Syriac manuscripts, and that he was resolved to use his utmost exertions to endeavour to obtain them. In the month of July another letter brought me the news that he was then in possession of nearly two hundred volumes, with many fragments and loose leaves, which he had succeeded in procuring from the very monastery of St. Mary Deipara, in the Desert of Nitria, from which the manuscripts that he had seen when in London had been obtained; and that they were in fact the remaining part of the collection which had been purchased by Dr. Tattam, that had been concealed and secretly kept back by the Religious Brethren of the Valley of the Ascetics. His letter also stated that he intended to start from Alexandria by the next packet that was to sail for England, and bring the books which he had been so successful in obtaining directly to London. This was indeed a gratifying announcement to me; and I eagerly waited for the arrival of a collection of manuscripts, in which I hoped not only to discover additional treasures, but. also to obtain the means of completing several important works, among those that I had already explored, which I had found to be defective and imperfect.
Another letter, dated from Malta, following a few weeks later, gave me some apprehension. I learnt thereby that M. Pacho, instead of proceeding immediately to England, |viii had determined upon passing through France, and taking Paris in his route; and I was too well acquainted with the zeal of the learned Orientalists of that metropolis, and of the keepers of the Royal Library, not to fear that they might manifest some eagerness to partake in the honour and advantage of possessing a share in one of the most remarkable and important collections of the writings of antiquity which had ever been transported from the east to the west.
This diversion of M. Pacho's journey certainly cost me much anxiety: probably it has also cost Her Majesty's Treasury some additional pounds sterling. Still, however, the result has proved prosperous to all parties. I have been rewarded in having my expectations most amply realized; the Trustees of the British Museum have received a most valuable, and, for them, an inestimable accession to the institution under their direction; the Lords of Her Majesty's Treasury have earned a large and lasting mead of praise for their judicious liberality upon so eminent an occasion; and M. Pacho has had the satisfaction of having rendered an essential service to literature, and a substantial benefit to himself. The manuscripts became the property of the British Nation on Saturday, the 11th of November 1847.
I will add a few words here, to explain how they came into the possession of M. Pacho. After a few months' residence at Cairo, some circumstances transpired, which induced him to believe that good faith had not been kept with Dr. Tattam 8 by the Rais of the monastery and Mohammed, a servant and interpreter, whom, in conjunction with the Shaikh of the village of Beni Salame, on the border of the Nile, he had employed to negociate the purchase of |ix the entire library belonging to the monastery; but that a part of the volumes had been fraudulently retained, although the strongest asseverations had been made that the whole had been delivered up, according to their agreement. With a most laudable intention, M. Pacho determined to ascertain the truth of this matter, and to visit in person the habitation of the ascetics for that purpose. This resolution, being once taken, was soon put into execution; and he shortly afterwards found himself the guest of the monks, shut up in the dismal walls of their dreary abode, and subject to all the inconveniences which their love of filth, or hatred of cleanliness, must necessarily impose.
It now became requisite for him to proceed with the greatest caution, if he wished to ascertain any further tidings respecting the manuscripts. These ascetics of the desert had not dealt uprightly with Dr. Tattam: and they knew that any disclosure respecting the remainder of their library would at the same time also make another disclosure, not very creditable to themselves. Further, their superstitious fears and feelings had been wrought upon; for the very day after they had delivered up the books, and received the payment, they were deprived of the tenure of a tract of land on the borders of the Nile, which they held under the Pasha for the maintenance of their establishment. This loss they looked upon as a punishment sent from heaven; not, indeed, on account of their having transgressed the heavenly laws in their dealings with Dr. Tattam, but on account of their having sold a part, of the library belonging to their monastery; and they began to look forward with some degree of apprehension to the fulfilment of the solemn imprecations denounced by the various donors of the several volumes upon any who should dare to alienate them, or remove them from the monastery---- |x that their names may be blotted out of the Book of Life, and their portion and lot be cast with Pontius Pilate and Judas Iscariot. But these apprehensions shortly after vanished, when another convenient opportunity of obtaining money occurred.
For six weeks M. Pacho remained in the company of these inhabitants of the lonely Valley of the Ascetics; at the end of which period he had so far gained their good will, that they ventured to shew him the remainder of their library, and even to treat with him for the purchase of it. The terms of the bargain were soon concluded.
He now ascertained the extent of the fraud practised upon the former occasion. Dr. Tattam had despatched Mohammed for the purpose of negociating, through the intervention of the above-mentioned Shaikh, the purchase of the library from the monks. He believed that the transaction would be more easily accomplished by means of these Orientals, than if he were to appear in the business himself, especially as he must be compelled at last to rely upon Mohammed, on account of his being unable to speak their language, which prevented him from having any direct communication either with the Shaikh or with the monks themselves. Undoubtedly this proceeding of Dr. Tattam's was the best that could have been adopted, if the honesty of the parties engaged could have been relied upon; and, under the circumstances in which he was placed, it was the only course to which ho could in prudence resort. The bargain was thus concluded for a certain sum to be paid for the entire collection. Dr. Tattam went himself with the money to the village of Beni Salame, whither the books were to be sent, and despatched Mohammed with men and donkeys to convey them across the desert. When he arrived at the monastery the brethren felt some reluctance to give up all |xi their collection: separating therefore, in a hasty and indiscriminate manner, not merely the volumes, but also quires, and even leaves, of the same volume, they divided the books into two heaps, and left it to Mohammed's choice to select which he pleased. At the same time they stipulated that they should receive the whole amount that had been agreed upon, and left it to him to represent to his employer that he had executed his task in obtaining the entire library.
Dr. Tattam, who had inspected the collection during his visit to the monastery in his first excursion into Egypt, upon receiving the portion chosen by Mohammed at once declared his conviction that it did not comprise all the volumes which he had seen; but so strong were the affirmations, both of Mohammed and the Rais who had accompanied him with the books from Nitria to Beni Salame, that he was fain to acquiesce in their assurances. The sum agreed upon for the whole collection was accordingly paid. This amount Mohammed, the Rais, and the Shaikh, divided into two parts: one they distributed amongst themselves, for their own private uses, and the other they sent to the monastery, for the common purposes of the whole religious community. Much disappointment at first was expressed by the Brethren when the Rais returned with only half the amount that they had hoped to receive; but he soon silenced their murmurs by the justice of the observation which he urged upon them----that having themselves kept back half of the volumes, it was unreasonable for them to expect that the purchaser should remit to them more than half the sum which had been agreed upon for the whole collection.
Fully acquainted with the character of the parties with whom he had to deal, M. Pacho proceeded upon his business with all due caution. He superintended in person the |xii packing of the books within the walls of the monastery; he caused every fragment, even the smallest that he could find, to be carefully collected; and, further, he offered a price, varying according to the size, for every quire, leaf, or even remnant of a leaf, which, having been removed from the apartment where the rest of the books had been kept, might be discovered by any of the monks in their own cells, or in any other part of the building. Having thus secured, as he believed, and as it seems most probable, almost every fragment that could still remain, he transported his acquisition across the desert to the Nile, and appointed Cairo as the place whither the Brethren were to meet him and receive payment for their books.
Part of the amount agreed upon was paid to them as soon as they arrived; but M. Pacho still withheld for a time the remaining part, till he should receive ample assurance that the whole of the Syriac manuscripts belonging to their library had been given up to him according to their agreement, and that none had been concealed and retained. He justified this method of proceeding to the monks who waited upon him for payment by alleging their previous conduct with respect to Dr. Tattam; and when at length, after some delay, he found that no more books were produced, he concluded that he had indeed obtained the whole of the remaining part of their library, since the anxiety evinced by the good Brethren to obtain the money was ineffectual to discover even any additional fragments.
Before he ultimately delivered the whole of the amount into their hands, he required them to sign a document, in which they affirmed that they had sold to him all their Syriac manuscripts; and that if any should be discovered in their monastery, or elsewhere in their possession, at any period |xiii subsequent to the date thereof, they were to become at once the property of M. Pacho, or of those to whom he should have transferred his right in this matter. Further, to be still more secure, he required the Superior to publish a sentence of excommunication against any one of the Brethren who should have withholden any part of this Syriac collection, and did not immediately deliver it over to the person to whom they had consigned all their interest in these manuscripts. He had perhaps discovered, during his residence among the monks, that this latter precaution was not altogether needless. One of them, who had concealed a part of a book, was terrified by this denunciation, and forwarded it afterwards to M. Pacho in time for him to receive it just before he left Egypt.
Before quitting Cairo he received a visit from the above-mentioned Mohammed, who confessed to him that he had left behind in the monastery a portion of the library, when he was in the employment of Dr. Tattam, and stated that he should be happy to devote his services to endeavour to obtain for him the remainder of the volumes, if he had any wish to procure them. M. Pacho gave him the best proof that he had no need of such services, by taking him into the next room, and shewing him the books already in his possession.
The manuscripts left the convent on the 31st of July, were shipped at Alexandria in the Oriental Steam Navigation Company's vessel "Indus" on the 10th of September, and ultimately reached London on the 12th of October.
The day after their arrival I went to inspect them. At the first view 1 could almost have imagined that the same portion of the library as had been brought, nearly five years previously, by Dr. Tattam, was again before me in the same condition as I found it when the books were first taken from the cases in which they had been packed, as if the volumes |xiv had been stripped by magic of their Russia, and clad in their original wooden binding; and the loose leaves and fragments which had cost me many a toilsome day to collect and arrange, had been again torn asunder, and scattered in almost endless confusion.
I found the collection to consist of a considerable number of volumes, and a large quantity of disjointed quires and separate leaves. Among the latter of these I immediately perceived several additional parts of the book of the Festal Letters of Athanasius. As it was then uncertain whether this portion of the library of the monks of Nitria would be added to that which already belonged to the British nation, or would be transferred to some other country, I requested M. Pacho to allow me to take a copy of such of these Letters as were found among the manuscripts in his possession, in order that I might add them to those which had been already printed, and thus give the whole of them to the public together. To this request he at once assented, and permitted me to carry them away with me to my own house. This was in two ways advantageous to me. It gave me the means of rendering my work as complete as all the known materials would admit, without the necessity of making a journey into another country, should he ultimately have determined upon removing his collection of manuscripts from this; and at any rate, even although the volumes should be deposited with the rest in the British Museum, it enabled me to make the transcript at once, and publish my book, which I otherwise could not have effected for several months later, till the advance of summer should leave me some hours of daylight after the period of my official duties, to make the copy within the precincts of the British Museum.
The parts of the volume which I found among M. Pacho's manuscripts were, the first quire, except the last leaf, the |xv whole of the second and third quires marked #, #, the first and last leaves of the fourth #, and the six middle leaves of the fifth quire. In these were contained the Introduction, the five first Epistles and parts of the sixth, seventh, tenth, and eleventh, occupying those fifty-six pages of the present volume which are not numbered with the Syriac numerals.
II.
It would be foreign to the subject which I have before me to enter at present into any further account respecting the rest of this collection. I hope to do this upon another occasion. But nevertheless I have found amongst them one fragment and one volume, each so remarkable, that the interest attached to them will, I am sure, secure for me the reader's indulgence, even should it appear somewhat out of place to mention them here.
Those who have been at the trouble to read an article in the hundred and fifty-third Number of the Quarterly Review, headed "British Museum----Manuscripts from the Egyptian Monasteries," will probably remember that the honour of having been the first of our own countrymen to bring to light any of the literary treasures of the Syrian convent belongs to the present Duke of Northumberland, who, in the year 1828, undertook a journey across the Egyptian desert to the lonely valley of Nitria, for the express purpose of endeavouring to procure a copy of a Coptic and Arabic Dictionary, which he had understood was to be found there, in order to assist Dr. Tattam in his lexicographical labours.
Nor will they have forgotten the interesting account furnished by the Hon. Robert Curzon, Jun., of his visit to the same convent in the year 1837, in which he states his regret at having been compelled to leave behind him a large |xvi imperfect quarto volume, which he recognised again a few years afterwards in my hands in the British Museum. This Manuscript, with forty-eight others, was obtained by Dr. Tattam in his first excursion into Egypt, and brought to England in 1839. It is already famous among the learned in Europe as containing a Syriac version of the Theophania of Eusebius, the original text of which has been lost for ages; but the work is now made accessible to all by the labours of Dr. Samuel Lee, to whom we are indebted for an edition of the Syriac Text,9 and likewise for a learned translation. This same precious volume contains also the work called the Recognitions of St. Clement; the Treatise of Titus, Bishop of Bostra or Bozra, in Arabia, against the Manicheans; the Book of Eusebius upon the Martyrs of Palestine, and his Oration in praise of the Martyrs. The proximity of the time at which this manuscript was transcribed to the period when the two last-mentioned authors lived, within about seventy years of the date assigned to the death of Eusebius, and about forty years of that of Titus of Bostra,10 must of itself necessarily give great importance to a transcript of these works, following so soon upon the time when they were composed. I believe there is no copy in existence of any other work of such antiquity which has been transcribed so near to the date of its original |xvii composition. Its value is enhanced still more by the fact, that the work of Titus, of which a considerable portion has been lost in the original Greek, is found here complete;11 while that on the Martyrs of Palestine is exhibited in a more extended, and, I believe, in a more authentic state, than in the edition of the Greek which is usually inserted in the eighth book of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius.12
The original Greek text of the Recognitions of Clement has been lost; but there exists a Latin version made by Rufinus, presbyter of Aquileia. In his Preface he tells us that he had found it expedient to omit several passages which he did not perfectly comprehend:13 his translation, consequently, cannot be understood to be an exact counterpart of the work. It is, |xviii therefore, highly interesting to have now another translation before us, in which we have no ground to suppose that a similar liberty has been taken with the original text. I cannot, in this place, make any attempt to determine the period at which this Syriac version was made. It is probably anterior to the Latin, and this very copy of it was certainly transcribed within about twelve years 14 of the time when Rufinus completed his task. 1 have stated so much, in order to give the reader a notion of the literary, historical, and theological value of the contents of this most precious volume, independently of any of the external circumstances connected with its history.
When Dr. Lee published his edition of the Syriac Text of the Theophania, he expressed an opinion "that the manuscript was probably not less than a thousand years old." He had not at that time discovered a transcript of a note of the date on the margin of one of the leaves in the body of the volume, which assigned to it the antiquity of nearly five additional centuries. This he afterwards found, and inserted it in the preface to his translation of the work, which appeared two years later. He confesses that "he was once inclined to think that the manuscript could not be so old as this date made it, from the appearance of the manuscript, and from some other considerations;" but after having examined the arguments on both sides, he ultimately acquiesces in the genuineness of the transcript of the note recording the date, and consequently in the antiquity which it attributed to the volume. |xix
This book had been entrusted by Dr. Tattam to Professor Lee, for the purpose of enabling him to publish the Theophania, soon after his first return from Egypt; and when the other volumes were delivered up to the Trustees of the British Museum, it was still allowed to remain in the hands of the learned Professor, till he should have completed the important task upon which he was engaged. I did not, therefore, become acquainted with this manuscript until my experience, from having carefully examined and compared the rest, enabled me, from an inspection of the vellum, the colour of the ink, and the character of the writing, to form a tolerably accurate notion of its probable age. I had at that time in my hands a great number of volumes, written at different places and by various scribes, exhibiting a series of about sixty dated manuscripts,reaching from A.D. 1292 15 up to A.D. 464,16 of which twelve had been transcribed in the sixth century, the first in A.D.509, the last A.D. 600. I had thus ample means, in the comparison of those which bore the record of their age, to form an estimate of the relative antiquity of such as had not been dated, or of which the note of their date had been lost. Even a slight examination of this volume convinced me that it was the earliest that I had ever seen, and that I could not attribute to it an antiquity of less than about fifty or sixty years before the earliest dated manuscript, that I had found in the whole collection. This would assign its transcription to about A.D. 414, or 404; a period so near to the time fixed by the note found in the margin that I could not for a moment question either its genuineness or its accuracy.
I transcribe here this note as it is read on the margin |xx of one of the leaves of that part of the volume which contains Eusebius' Treatise on the Martyrs of Palestine, fol. 238. b.
[Syriac omitted]
"Behold, my brethren, if it should happen that the end of this ancient book should be torn off and lost, together with the writer's subscription and termination, it was written at the end of it thus: viz. that this book was written at Orrhoa 17, a city of Mesopotamia., by the hands of a man named Jacob, in the year seven hundred and twenty-three in the month Tishrin the Latter it was completed. And agreeably to what was written there, I have written also here, without addition. And what is here, I wrote in the year one thousand and three hundred and ninety-eight of the era of the Greeks."
These dates, reduced to our era, give A.D. 411 for the time of the transcription of the volume, and A.D. 1086 for that of the note. I have not at this moment the means of ascertaining the name of the person to whom we are indebted for having taken this precaution to preserve the record of the date of this beautiful book, which, being at that time six hundred and seventy-five years old, certainly deserved, even then, to be considered an "ancient book." I think, however, that it is not improbable that I may be able hereafter to identify the handwriting with some other more distinct |xxi notices found among the volumes of this collection, and thus find the means of ascertaining to whom this is due.
The fact of his having made this note at all seems to imply, that, even at that early period, the books belonging to the monastery of the Syrians were already beginning to fall into a state of neglect; and that, from the want of due care being taken to bind and repair them, the first and last leaves, or even quires of some of them, had already been lost. At a subsequent period this neglect became truly deplorable. In the whole collection now in the British Museum, containing portions of considerably more than a thousand distinct volumes, certainly not fifty were found in a complete state upon their arrival; although much labour has subsequently succeeded in collecting and arranging the disjointed and scattered parts of many more.
Among those which had suffered was the inestimable volume of which I am now speaking. The end of it, as the writer anticipated, had been torn off, and the record of the date of its transcription lost. When Dr. Lee deposited the volume in the British Museum in 1843, I immediately began to search among the loose leaves and fragments of that portion of the library which Dr. Tattam had obtained during his second excursion into Egypt, in the hope that I might perchance be able to discover "the end of that ancient book which had been torn off and lost." Although disappointed in this hope, I had nevertheless the satisfaction of finding a considerable part of two additional leaves of this manuscript, of which indeed every fragment is precious.
When I first had the gratification of examining that portion of the library of the Nitrian monastery which arrived in England in 1847, I immediately recognised numerous fragments of volumes which were familiar to me; and not more |xxii than a few minutes passed before I had the pleasure of finding one entire leaf, and soon afterwards another, belonging to that precious book, the peculiarity of whose features were so deeply impressed upon my mind. This second leaf was not only complete in itself, but had also attached to it a small fragment of the corresponding leaf in the same quire, both of which had been formed of one piece of vellum, of folio size, folded into quarto. The back of this fragment I observed had been left blank: I thus ascertained that it must have belonged to the last page of the volume; and consequently to that which had contained the original subscription of Jacob, the scribe of Orrhoa. I now felt that I might even venture to indulge the hope of finding the very subscription itself; and I anxiously looked forward to the time when I should have an opportunity of opening and examining at leisure about twenty small bundles, which were pointed out to me as containing fragments only of leaves, which had been swept from the floor of the room in which the manuscripts had reposed for ages. Not.many days later, when these, with the rest of the collection, were transferred to the British Museum, this opportunity was afforded me. One by one I untied the bundles, and diligently and eagerly examined their contents. As I opened the fourth I was delighted at recognising two pieces belonging to one of the leaves of this precious book: in the next I found a third. And now, Reader, if thou hast any love for the records of antiquity; if thou feelest any kindred enthusiasm in such pursuits as these; if thou hast ever known the satisfaction of having a dim expectation gradually brightened into reality, and an anxious research rewarded with success----things that but rarely happen to us in this world of disappointment----I leave it to thine own imagination to paint the sensations which I experienced at that |xxiii moment when the loosing of the cord of the seventh bundle disclosed to my sight a small fragment of beautiful vellum, in a well-known hand, upon which I read the following words:
[Syriac omitted]
"There are completed in this volume three books----Titus, and Clement, and He of Caesarea.
"Glory to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, now and at all times, and for ever. Amen and Amen.
"This volume was completed in the month Tishrin the Latter, in the year seven hundred and twenty-three, at Orrhoa, a city of Mesopotamia, * * * * * * "
No more, indeed, of this inscription remains; but this was enough to repay me for the labour of my research, and to confirm and verify the facts connected with it.
The first of these sentences is written in red, the second in yellow, and the third in black.
Among all the curiosities of literature, I know of none more remarkable than the fate of this matchless volume. Written in the country which was the birth-place of Abraham the Father of the Faithful, and the city whose king was the first sovereign that embraced Christianity18, in the year of |xxiv our Lord 411, it was, at a subsequent period, transported to the Valley of the Ascetics in Egypt, probably in A.D. 931, when two hundred and fifty volumes were collected by Moses of Nisibis during a visit to Bagdad19, and presented by him, |xxv upon his return, to the monastery of St. Mary Deipara, over which he presided.
In A.D. 1086 some person, with careful foresight, fearing lest the memorial of the transcription of so valuable, beautiful, and, even at that remote period, so "ancient a book," should be lost, in order to secure its preservation took the precaution to copy it into the body of the volume. At how much earlier a period the fears which he had anticipated became realized I have no means of ascertaining; but in A.D. 1837 "the end of the volume had been torn off," and in that state, in A.D. 1839, it |xxvi was transferred from the solitude of the African desert to the most frequented city in the world. Three years later, two of its fragments followed the volume to England; and in 1847 I had the gratification of recovering almost all that had been lost, and of restoring to its place in this ancient book the transcriber's own record of the termination of his labours, which, after various fortunes, in Asia, Africa, and Europe, has already survived a period of ONE THOUSAND, FOUR HUNDRED, AND THIRTY-SIX YEARS.
One of the first manuscripts that I took up, when I went, to inspect the books in M. Pacho's possession, was a thick octavo volume, which at the first sight I perceived to be a Palimpsest. The traces of a beautiful and ancient Greek |xxvii character under the Syriac were sufficiently apparent; and in some cases it was evident that entire lines, and even pages, with a good light and careful observation, might be read without any very great difficulty. The first word that caught my eye was Teukroj20, at the commencement of a line; and as it was manifest at once, from the arrangement of the lines, that the work was written in verses, a bright gleam of hope immediately flashed across my mind that I might be holding in my hand the most ancient transcript hitherto discovered of a large portion of the noblest poem of Grecian antiquity. A little subsequent examination converted my hope into conviction; and I had the high gratification of reading line after line of the immortal Iliad, emerging from the obscurity of nearly a thousand years, to which some rude and ruthless hand had consigned it, and assuming the character and form with which it had been invested at least three or four centuries before. I found, also, that not this one Greek manuscript only had been erased, to make room for the present contents of the volume, but that two others had also shared the same fate. The work which had been preferred to occupy their place is a Syriac version of the Treatise of Severus of Antioch 21 |xxviii against Grammaticus. The first part of it only is contained in this volume, which ends with these words at the bottom of the first page of the last leaf but one----
[Syriac omitted]
"Here endeth the transcription of the First Division of the second book of my Lord Saint Severus the Patriarch against Grammaticus. Glory to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, now and at all times, and to all eternity. Amen." On the second page of the same leaf the following note occurs, written by the same hand as the rest of the volume:
[Syriac omitted]
"This book belongs to Daniel, a secular22 presbyter and Saur (Visitor) of the province of Amida, who gave diligence and procured it for the benefit of himself and of those who, possessed with the same object of love of divine instruction, may approach it, and desire to profit their lives by the truth which is in it. But the poor Simeon, presbyter, and a recluse, who is in the holy convent of my Lord Simeon of Cartamin23, transcribed it. May every one, therefore, who asks for it, |xxix that he may read in it, or write from it, for the sake of the love of God, pray for him who gave diligence and obtained it, and for the scribe, that they may find mercy in the day of judgment, like the thief who was on the right hand [of the Cross], through the prayers of all the Saints, and more particularly of the holy and glorious and perpetual Virgin, the Mother of God, Mary. Amen and Amen and Amen."
[Syriac omitted]
On the first page of the last leaf the following notice occurs: "This volume of my Lord Severus belongs to the reverend and holy my Lord Daniel, Bishop of the province of Orrhoa (Edessa), who acquired it from the armour of God, when he was Saur in the province of the city of Amida, for his own benefit, and that of every one who readeth in it. But under the word and curse of God is he whosoever steals it, or hides or removeth it, ***** or tears, or erases, or cuts off this memorial from it, for ever. And through our Lord Jesus may he who readeth in it pray for the same Daniel, that he may find mercy in the day of judgment! Yea, and Amen and Amen.
"And upon the sinner who wrote it may there be mercy in the day of judgment. Amen."
Afterwards there is written, in another hand,
[Syriac omitted] |xxx
"But at the end of his life he bequeathed it to this sacred convent of my Lord Silas, which is in Serug, for the sake of the remembrance of himself, and of the dead belonging to him. May the Lord have mercy upon him in the day of judgment! Amen. Whosoever removeth this volume from this same mentioned convent, may the anger of the Lord overtake him in this world, and in the next, to all eternity. Amen."
Our information respecting the history of the Oriental Churches up to this period is so scanty, that I have no source to which I can turn to enable me to state at once the period when this Daniel was consecrated to the see of Edessa. The catalogue of Bishops of that city preserved in the chronicles of Edessa, published by Assemani, only reaches to the year of the Greeks 1080, A.D. 768 24; and consequently does not include this Daniel, whom the handwriting of this manuscript shews to have lived some time later. It appears to be of the end of the eighth or ninth century; and in all probability the volume formed a part of the collection which was deposited in the monastery of St. Mary Deipara by Moses of Nisibis, the Abbot, when he returned from Bagdad in A.D. 931. This would refer the date of the transcript to the end of the ninth, or the beginning of the tenth century at the latest; and we may therefore safely conclude that about one thousand years must have elapsed since the erasure of the three Greek manuscripts, part of the vellum of each of which furnished the materials for the transcription of this Syriac version of Severus.
At that period the volume consisted of twenty-three quires, each consisting of five quarto leaves of the former books, laid one upon the other, and folded together to form ten octavo leaves. When it arrived in England, the first quire |xxxi had been torn off. I have discovered pieces of three of its leaves among the fragments which had been brought previously to Dr. Tattam. This, together with the nine following quires, contained nearly the whole of the Gospel according to St. Luke. In the next thirteen, comprising one hundred and thirty octavo leaves, or sixty-five of one of the original quarto manuscripts, is contained a part of the Iliad of Homer. The last quire consists of what formerly constituted five quarto leaves of a volume of Euclid.
The present size of one of the leaves of this manuscript is twelve inches long by six and a quarter broad, although it appears that those of the original book which contained the Gospel of St. Luke were rather larger, and that a portion of the margin has been removed, to reduce it to the same dimensions as the rest of the vellum, of which the volume in its present state is comprised. Nearly the whole of this Gospel seems to be comprised in these leaves; but I have not yet had leisure sufficient to examine it, so as to be able to ascertain exactly what are its contents; nor, even were leisure afforded me, would it be an easy task to read accurately the faded letters, till the advance of summer brings a clearer atmosphere and better light.
It is written in large uncial characters, about a quarter of an inch square. The pages are divided into two columns, each about three inches in width, with a space between them of nearly an inch. As usual in manuscripts of this antiquity, there is no separation between the words; and occasionally two or three of the last letters in each line are written in a smaller character. Each page consists of twenty-five lines. As I hope hereafter to be able to publish an accurate collation and facsimile of this very ancient manuscript of the Gospel of St. Luke, it is not necessary that I should enter into any further detail respecting it in this place. I give |xxxii however here, as a short specimen, the contents of one page, commencing with Ch.i. v.69. It is printed in columns, in the same number of lines, and with the same quantity of letters in each line, as it is found in the manuscript. The type however bears no resemblance to the characters of the manuscript; and the smaller letters found at the end of some of the lines are not indicated.
|xxxiii
The leaves which contain portions of the Iliad are written in a character in many respects similar to that of the Codex Alexandrinus in the British Museum, but larger. The average length of the lines is about seven inches; some of them extend to eight. There are thirty-three lines in each full page. The whole quantity, therefore, amounts to rather more than four thousand verses, and embraces portions of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, twentieth, twenty-first, twenty-second, twenty-third, and twenty-fourth books.
The same remark which I have made above, respecting the Gospel of St. Luke, must apply here. The few leaves which I have collated shew some slight variations from the text of Heyne. The most important that I have observed is the omission of about one line in each page, or one in every thirty-four verses of Heyne's text. I cannot affirm that this is generally the case, but I have found it to be so in four or five instances where I have made the collation.25 The page, however, which I have selected as a specimen presents the converse of this, by adding a line after the tenth of the twenty-second book. I have been guided by no other reason in making the selection of this than by the circumstance of its containing the end of one book and the beginning of another. This specimen is printed in the type copied from the Alexandrian manuscript.26 The letters at the end of the lines in a smaller form are also found in a smaller character in the manuscript. I have added the accents as I have been able to read them at |xxxiv present: there is no doubt, however, that there were others, which have been so effectually erased as to leave now no traces of their existence.
It is my wish to publish the whole of the portions of Homer contained in these leaves, page for page and line for line, in the Alexandrian type, as in the accompanying specimen, and to add a facsimile of several of the most legible pages, for the purposes of illustration of palaeography. The text itself of a manuscript of this great antiquity undoubtedly merits publication, both for the objects of criticism, and as supplying a test of the degree of fidelity with which the Iliad has been handed down by the various scribes during the very long interval between the period when this copy was made and the next earliest manuscript containing the same portions of this work. The papyrus roll in the possession of Mr. Bankes, although supposed to be some centuries older even than the manuscript now before me, contains only six hundred and seventy-eight lines of the last book of the Iliad 27, while the number found in the illustrated fragments 28 of the Ambrosial library at Milan does not amount to eight hundred.29 As those fragments probably do not exceed, if indeed they equal, this palimpsest, in antiquity, while the greater part of them belongs to the earlier books, this manuscript must contain at least about three thousand lines of Homer's poem, transcribed some hundreds of years before any other copy which is now known to exist.
The last ten leaves of this palimpsest, containing a part of the tenth book of Euclid's Elements, belong to a manuscript not quite so ancient as the two preceding. |xxxv
III.
Among the important matters discussed by the assembled bishops of Christendom at the council of Nice was the question respecting the day on which Easter was to be celebrated. This was a subject which had been agitated, not without great and bitter animosity, even from the very infancy of the Church; and Constantine 30, anxious to remove for ever this cause of dissension, referred the matter to the grave deliberation of that first oecumenical council. This question, therefore, having been finally settled by the decision that Easter should be uniformly celebrated upon the first Lord's-day after the Jewish Passover, agreeably to the custom of the Roman and other churches 31, the duty of determining accurately the day on which Easter was to be observed for the whole of Christendom was delegated to the patriarch of Alexandria. To him alone, it appears, this office belonged; nor were the bishops of Rome able to interfere at all in the matter, even although it should be certainly proved that the Alexandrian bishops had made erroneous calculations, and appointed the festival at an improper period. Upon such occasions, therefore, it was necessary for the Roman bishop to appeal to the emperor, and intreat him to admonish the bishop of Alexandria to use more caution in determining the day of Easter, and thus preserve the whole of Christendom from falling into error on this head. Leo the Great 32 furnishes us with an instance of this. |xxxvi
The custom also obtained from the same period in the province of Egypt 33, that, immediately after the festival of Epiphany, the patriarch of Alexandria should send a notification to all the towns and monasteries within his jurisdiction of the day on which they were to commence the fast of Lent, as well as that on which they were to celebrate the festival of |xxxvii Easter. Such was the origin of Festal or Paschal Letters.34 The bearers of these letters, as it appears from Synesius of Cyrene, writing at the commencement of the fourth century, were well received in all places to which they came, supplied with every thing that they needed, and furnished with fresh beasts to continue their journey.
The first Festal or Paschal Letter which was made public after this decision of the council was consequently written by Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, when he returned to his see upon the termination of the deliberations of the bishops who had been assembled at Nice. That he wrote at least one Festal Letter is certain, from the work which I now give to the public. This was for the forty-fourth year of the era of Diocletian, under the consulship of Januarinus and Justus, or A.D. 328 35, when Easter-day was fixed for the sixteenth of the month Pharmuthi of the Egyptian Calendar, or the fourteenth of April of the Roman. He died six days afterwards, on the twenty-second of the same month Pharmuthi, and was succeeded by Athanasius, who was consecrated on the fourteenth of the month Payni following.
The death of Alexander and the elevation of Athanasius |xxxviii have been most generally assigned to the year A.D. 326 36; but the information afforded by the writer of the Introduction to these Festal Letters of Athanasius, as exhibited in this Syriac version, is evidently more authentic and more deserving of credit, both because he appears to have been cotemporary, and because the first Festal Letter of Athanasius, which doubtless he wrote in the year immediately following his election, was for the forty-fifth year of the era of Diocletian, when Constantine Augustus was consul for the eighth time, and Constantine Caesar for the fourth, or A.D. 329.
From the period of his consecration till the time of his death, Athanasius, agreeably to the custom established, continued to issue his Festal Letters, although not without occasional interruption, as it will appear in the sequel. He died on the seventh day of the Egyptian month Pachon, in the fourth consulship both of Valentinian and Valens, or on the second of May A.D. 373.37
He was succeeded in the patriarchate by Peter 38, who also, during the time that he occupied the see of Alexandria, continued the practice of indicating the period of Lent and Easter by Festal Letters.39 The same method was doubtless |xxxix observed by Timotheus, who sat next upon the episcopal throne of Alexandria. We have still three of those written by Theophilus, his successor, extant in a Latin translation made by Jerome40: there is a passage quoted from the first by Cosmas Indicopleustes 41; and I have also observed citations from several of them among the writings of different authors contained in the Syriac collection now in the British Museum.42
Theophilus was succeeded by his nephew Cyrill, who, still continuing the custom of indicating the day upon which Easter was to be celebrated, seems however to have substituted Homilies 43 for Letters, although he himself in one instance uses the denomination Letter.44
Jerome 45, in the brief notice of Athanasius in his Catalogue |xl of ecclesiastical writers, mentions the Festal Letters, but gives no intimation of their number, probably leaving that to be inferred from the duration of his patriarchate, which would assign one Letter to every year that he held the see of Alexandria. This computation would raise the number of these Letters to forty-five, which indeed is the highest number cited by Cosmas Indicopleustes46, who evidently indicates the Letter by the numerical year of the episcopate of Athanasius, and not by the actual number of the Epistles which he wrote. It is evident, from the Introduction, that for several years circumstances prevented him from sending any letter to determine the day of Easter.
Severus, bishop of Aschmonin, as cited by Renaudot 47, makes the number of Paschal Letters amount to forty-seven. The origin of this seems to be, that having followed the authority of those who assigned the elevation of Athanasius to A.D. 326, instead of A.D. 328, and calculating one letter for every year, he was thus led to infer that they amounted to two more than the real term of his episcopate would imply, and to several more than the actual quantity which he wrote.
In the lapse of time the original Greek of the whole of this collection of Festal Letters was lost, with the exception of a fragment of the thirty-ninth, preserved by Theodorus Balsamon 48, already mentioned, and small portions of the second, |xli fifth, sixth, twenty-second, twenty-fourth, twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, fortieth, forty-second, forty-third, and forty-fifth, cited by Cosmas Indicopleustes in his Topographia Christiana.49
Severus of Antioch had also quoted the twenty-seventh, twenty-ninth, and forty-fourth, in his work against Grammaticus; but the original Greek of this work having been destroyed, we have only the Syriac version of the extracts contained in it, which are printed in page # of this volume.
The loss of any of the writings of a man who has made so great a figure in the world as Athanasius must necessarily have been a subject of regret to every enlightened scholar and divine; and I cannot refrain from citing here the words of the learned Montfaucon, which, at the same time as they shew his sorrow for the loss of this collection of Letters of Athanasius, imply a latent hope of their being still recovered, which the publication of this volume in a great measure has realized. "Hoi, Hei quam pungit dolor amissi thesauri! quantum ad historiam, ad consuetudines ecclesiarum, ad morum prascepta hinc lucis accederet. Et fortassis adhuc alicubi latent in Oriente, ubi bene multa extant." 50
Having made these observations respecting the Festal Letters of Athanasius from information which I have obtained from other sources, I proceed to offer some additional remarks, which are supplied by the work itself now before me.
The manuscript, as I have observed above, is incomplete, and does not contain the whole collection; but the Introduction supplies us with all the chronological data that we should probably have been able to gather from the Letters themselves. The following title is prefixed to it----"An |xlii Index of the month of every separate year, and of the days, and the Indictions and Consulates, and Governors in Alexdria; and of all the Epacts, and of all those that are called the Gods', and the reason why some letters were not sent, and the answers of strangers, from the Festal Letters of the Pope 51 Athanasius."
I have already stated, from the authority of this Introduction, the date of the death of Alexander, and of the consecration of Athanasius.
There are certain chronological data furnished by this work as it marks the periods at which Easter was celebrated during the patriarchate of Athanasius. Such are the notices of the Consulates (C C), of the years of the era of Diocletian (E. D), of the Indictions (I), and of the day of the Egyptian (E.M), of the Roman (R.M), and the Lunar month (L.M), upon which Easter was observed in each succeeding year; of the Epacts (E), and of a septenary cycle called "that of the Gods" 52 (G). Although these may have been already supplied from other sources, it nevertheless cannot be otherwise than satisfactory, for purposes of history and chronology, to represent them here as they are found in a work of an antiquity approaching to |xliii fifteen centuries, which is now brought to light for the first time after the lapse of so many ages. I proceed, therefore, to exhibit, in the numerical order of the years which intervened between the elevation of Athanasius to the patriarchate of Alexandria and his death, such of these notices as are supplied by the Introduction, the Inscriptions to the Letters, and the Letters themselves, so far as they go; and to mention briefly, under each year, such matters as appear to be more especially worthy of notice.
All the facts which I adduce, unless other authority be distinctly stated, have been taken from the information afforded by the writer of the Introduction. When I have merely translated his own words I have marked the passage with inverted commas. It would be foreign to my present purpose to stop to compare these facts and dates with those supplied by other writers, in order to ascertain their agreement or variation. I act only in the capacity of a pioneer to such as are happy in having more leisure to arrange their plans for literary invasion, and to secure the fame and reward of their conquests.
I.
(C C) Constantine Augustus th, Constantine Caesar th. (E.D) 45. (I) 2. (E.M) xi Pharmuthi, (R.M) viii Id. April. (L.M) 21. (E) 6. (G) 2.
The subject of this first letter is stated to be "on Fasting, and Trumpets and Festivals." It is almost entirely hortatory, as indeed are most of these letters, and abounds in quotations from the Old and New Testaments, but it contains no fact which may tend to throw light upon the history of that period.
II.
(CC) Gallicianus, Aurelius Symmachus. (E.D) 46. (I)3. |xliv (E. M) xxiv Pharmuthi. (R. M) xiii Kal. Mai. (L. M) 15. (E) 17. (G) 3.
In this year Athanasius went about through the Thebaid.53
III.
(CC) Annius Bassus, Ablabius. (E.D) 47. (I) 4. (E.M) xvi Pharmuthi. (R. M) iii Id. April. (L.M) 18. (E) 28.
He sent this letter when he was on his journey in returning from his attendance upon Constantine, who had summoned him before him in consequence of an accusation laid against him by his enemies that he had been consecrated before he had attained the proper age. He experienced, however, a favourable reception from the emperor, and returned when the fast (of Lent) was already far advanced.54 Athanasius alludes in the letter to the troubles and afflictions which had been brought upon him by the malice of his heretical enemies.
IV.
(CC) Ovinius Pacatianus, Moecilius Hilarianus. (E. D) 18. |xlv (I) 5. (E.M) xvii Pharmuthi. (R.M) iv Non. April. (L.M) 20. (E) 9. (G) 6.
"This year he went about through Pentapolis, and was in Ammoniaca." The inscription of the letter itself states that it was written from the Comitatus. At the commencement of the letter Athanasius writes that he sent it later than the usual period; but hopes that those to whom it was addressed would pardon this, both on account of the great distance, and because he had been suffering from illness. He had delayed, indeed, to write; but nevertheless had not forgotten the duty incumbent upon him of notifying to them the day when Easter should be celebrated. And although the letter arrived after its time, he trusted that it would not be esteemed ill-timed, inasmuch as it, informed them that his enemies had been put to shame and rebuke by the Church, because they had persecuted him without a cause. He finishes this letter with the following words: "Salute ye one another with a holy kiss: the brethren who are with me salute you. We have sent this letter from the Comitatus by the hand of Officilius 55, to whom it has been given by Ablabius, the governor of the Praetorium, who sincerely fears God. For 1 am present, at the Comitatus, having been called by the Emperor Constantine to see him. But the Meletians who were present there, being envious, calumniated us before the emperor; but they were put, to shame, and driven away thence as calumniators, having been confuted in many things. Those who were driven away from thence were Callinicus, Ision, Eudaemon, and Gelous Hieracammon 56, who, on account of the shame of his name, calls himself Eulogius." |xlvi
V.
(CC) Dalmatius, Zenophilus. (E.D) 49. (I) 6. (E.M) xx Pharmuthi. (R.M) xvii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 15. (E) 20. (G) 7.57
VI.
(CC) Optatus Patricias, Anicius Paulinas. (E.D) 50. (I) 7. (E.M) xii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vii Id. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 1. (G) 1.58
This year he went about through the lower country. He was also called to a Synod; but when he perceived that injury had been already prepared for him in Caesarea of Palestine, he excused himself from going out.
VII.
(CC) Julius Constantinus, Rufinus Albinus. (E. D) 51. (I) 8. (E.M) iv 59 Pharmuthi. (R.M) iii Kal. April. (L.M) 20. (E) 12. (G) 2.
At the end of this letter it is written, "The eighth and |xlvii ninth letters do not exist, because he sent none, for the reasons I have before stated," alluding to the Introduction.
VIII.
(CC) Nepotianus, Facundus. (I) 9. (E. M) xxiii Pharmuthi. (R.M) xiv Kal. Mai. (L.M) 20. (E) 23. (G) 4.
This year he went to a Synod assembled by his enemies at Tyre, having departed on the seventeenth of Epiphi; but when he was informed of the preparations which they were making against him, he fled thence by sea to Constantinople. Having arrived there on the second of the month Athyr, after eight days he appeared before Constantine; and when he had used much openness of speech, his enemies moved the emperor by various accusations, and he suddenly condemned him to exile. He departed for Gaul, to go to Constans Caesar, on the tenth of the same month. For this cause he wrote no Festal Letter this year.
IX.
(CC) Felicianus, Titianus. (I) 10. (E.M) viii Pharmuthi.(R.M) iv Non. April. (L.M) 16. (E) 4. (G) 5.
"He was in Treveri of Gaul: on this account he was not able to write any Festal Letter."
X.
(CC) Ursus, Polemius. (E.D) 54. (I) 11. (E.M) xxx Phamenoth. (R.M) vii Kal. April. (L.M) 18½ 60 (E) 15. (G) 6.
Constantine having died on the twenty-seventh of the month Pachon, Athanasius returned with much honour from Gaul on the twenty-seventh of the month Athyr. Among other events of this year, St.Anthony made a visit to Alexandria; and |xlviii having remained there only two days, in which he caused much wonder, and healed many, he departed on the third day in the month Messori.
Athanasius begins this letter, which perhaps would furnish the happiest specimen of the whole collection, in the following manner, alluding to his late exile in Gaul: "Although I have been all this distance from you, my brethren, I have not forgotten the custom among you which has been delivered to us from the fathers, so far as to hold my peace, and not indicate to you the period of the holy festival in every year," &c.
XI.
(CC) Constantius d, Constans st. (E.D) 55. (I) 12. (E.M) xx Pharmuthi. (R.M) xvii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 20. (E) 26. (G)7.
There were many tumults during this year, and Athanasius, having been pursued on the night of the twenty-second of the month Phamenoth, escaped the next morning from the church of Theonas 61, after having baptized many. Four days later Gregorius of Cappadocia entered the city as bishop.
In this letter (p.56) he quotes a passage from the book called "Hermas, or the Shepherd," in the following manner: "But if one will not be offended also at the testimony of the Shepherd, it may be well; who says, even at the beginning of his book, Before all things believe that there is one God, who created and established every thing, and from non-existence made them to exist.62 |xlix
At the end of this letter is appended the following Epistle:
"To the beloved brother, and our fellow-communicant 63, Serapion. Thanks be to Divine Providence for those things which it at all times vouchsafes to us; for it has vouchsafed to us now also to come to the season of the festival. Having, therefore, according to custom, written the letter respecting the festival, I have sent it to thee, our beloved, in order that by thy hands all the brethren also might be able to know the day of rejoicing. But because some Meletians, being come from Syria, have boasted that they have received- what does not belong to them, I mean, that they also have been reckoned in the Catholic Church;----for this reason I have sent to thee a copy of a letter from those of our fellow-communicants who are from Palestine, that when thou meetest with it thou mayest know the fraud of these pretenders in this. For, because they boasted, as I have said before, it was necessary for me to write to the bishops who are in Syria; and immediately those of Palestine sent to us a reply, having fulfilled the judgment against them in the manner which you will learn from this |l copy. For that thou mayest not peruse the letters of all the bishops one after the other, I have sent thee one which is similar in purport to all the rest, so that thou mayest know from this even the will of them all. But I know that being convicted in this also, they will acquire perfect odium with every man. So much, then, respecting the pretenders. But I have also deemed this very necessary and very urgent that I should also make it known to your modesty----for I have written this to every individual----that thou shouldest preach the fast of Lent to the brethren, and persuade them to fast, on this ground, that when all the rest of the world is fasting, we who are in Egypt may not be derided as being the only people who do not observe the fast, but take our pleasure during those days. For if we do not fast on this account----that the Letter is then read----it is right that we should take away this pretext also, and that it be read before the fast of Lent; so that men may not allege this as a pretext for not fasting: even when it is read they may be instructed respecting the fast. But, oh our beloved, whether in this manner, or whether otherwise, persuade them and teach them to observe the fast of Lent. For it is even disgraceful that when all the world does this, those who are in Egypt alone should take their pleasure instead of fasting. For even I, being grieved on this account that some deride us in this matter, have been thus constrained to write to thee. When, therefore, thou receivest these letters, and readest and persuadest, write to me in return, our beloved, that I also, being informed, may rejoice." In the remainder of the letter Athanasius informs Serapion what changes, in consequence of death or otherwise, had taken place among the bishops of various cities, "in order," he continues, "that thou mayest write to them, and receive from them canonical letters." At the end it is stated that he |li wrote this letter from Rome, and that the twelfth is not extant.64
XII.
(CC) Acyndinus, Proclus. (I) 13. (E.M) xiv Pharmuthi. (R.M) iii Kal. April. (L.M) 15. (E) 7. (G) 2.
"Gregorius continued to hold sway, committing many acts of violence: for this cause he wrote no Festal Letter. When the Arians had proclaimed it for the twenty-seventh of the month Phamenoth, and were much derided on account of this blunder, in the middle of the fast [of Lent], having altered their intention, they celebrated it (Easter) with us on the fourteenth of Pharmuthi, as it has been mentioned above. But he (Athanasius) indicated it to the presbyters of Alexandria by a short note, because he was unable to send the letter as usual, on account of flight and treachery."
XIII.
(CC) Marcellinus, Probinus. (E.D) 57. (I) 14. (E.M) xxiv Pharmuthi. (R.M) xiii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 16. (E) 18. (G) 3.
"Augustamnice was divided, because Gregorius continued in the city committing acts of oppression; and having begun to be ill, neither did this Pope write a Festal Letter."
It is plain that by the Pope, in this place and in the following, the writer must mean Gregorius. At the beginning of this letter Athanasius states that he wrote it from Rome.
XIV.
(CC) Constantius d, Constans d. (E.D) 58. (I) 15. (E.M) |lii xvi Pharmuthi. (R.M) iii Id. April. (L.M) 16. (E) 29. (G) 4.
"Because Gregorius was in the city, being very ill, the Pope was not able to send." A note at the end of this letter states that the fifteenth and sixteenth were missing.
XV.
(CC) Placidus, Romulus. (I) 1. (E.M) i Pharmuthi. (R.M) vi Kal. April. (L.M) 15. (E) 11. (G) 5.
"In this year there was a Synod in Sardica; and when the Arians were arrived at Philippopolis they returned, because Philagrius gave them this counsel there. Indeed they were blamed in every place, and were even anathematized by the Church of the Romans. And when they had written a recantation to the Pope Athanasius, Ursacius and Valens were put to shame. There was an agreement made in Sardica respecting Easter, and they consented to a decision for fifty 65 years, which, according to custom, the Romans and Alexandrians announce in every place. Then he wrote a Festal Letter." |liii
XVI.
(CC) Leontius, Sallustius. (I) 2. (E.M) xx Pharmuthi. (R.M) xvii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 19. (E) 21. (G) 6.
"As Athanasius was returning from the Synod, he celebrated Easter this year at Näissus." He gave only a short indication of the day on which Easter was to be observed to the presbyters at Alexandria, but was not able to send to the country."
XVII.
(CC) Amantius, Albinus. (E.D) 61. (I) 3. (E.M) xii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vii Id. April. (L.M) 19.66 (E) 3. (G) 1.
"This year he made a journey to Aquileia, and there celebrated Easter. He indicated briefly the day of Easter to the presbyters in Alexandria, but not to the country."
As this is the shortest letter in the whole collection I translate it here.
"Athanasius to the presbyters and deacons of Alexandria, and brethren beloved, salutation in Christ. According to custom I give you notice respecting Easter, my beloved, that you also may give notice to the districts 67 of those who are at a distance, agreeably to the usual practice. Therefore, after this present festival, I mean this which is on the twentieth of the month Pharmuthi 68, the ensuing Easter-day will be the viith of April, |liv or, according to the Alexandrians, on the twelfth of Pharmuthi. Give, therefore, this notice in all those districts 'Easter-day will be the viith of April or, according to the Alexandrians, on the twelfth of Pharmuthi.' That ye may be in health in Christ I pray, my brethren beloved."
XVIII.
(CC) Constantius th, Constans d. (E.D) 62. (I) 4. (E.M) iv Pharmuthi. (R. M) iii Kal. April. (L.M) 21.69 (E) 14. (G) 2.
"Gregory having died on the second of Epiphi, he (Athanasius) returned from Rome and Italy, and entered into the city and the Church. And he was judged deserving of a wonderful reception, all the people, and those in authority, going to meet him for a hundred miles, on the twenty-fourth of Paophi. He continued to be honoured. He had previously sent the Festal Letter for this year to the presbyters in a few words."
XIX.
(CC) Rufinus, Eusebius. (E.D) 63. (I) 5. (E.M) xvii Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Id. April. (L.M) 15. (E) 25. (G) 3.
"He wrote this letter while he was at Alexandria, giving indication of some things which he had not been able to do before." After having given notice of the festival of Easter, and added the salutation as usual at the end of the letter, he subjoins the following information, which I have translated, as supplying some curious facts respecting the state of the bishops under the patriarchate of Athanasius.
"I have also, as a thing necessary, given diligence to inform you respecting the appointment of the bishops which |lv has taken place for our blessed fellow-communicants, in order that you may know to whom you may write, and from whom receive letters. In Syene, therefore, Nilammon is appointed, in the room of Nilammon of the same name. In Latos 70, Mases, in the room of Ammonius. In Coptos, Psenosiris, in the room of Theodorus. In Panos, because Artemidorus has requested it on account of his old age and infirmity of body, Arius is appointed in conjunction with him. In Hypsele, Arsenius, having become reconciled to the Church. In Lycos, Eudaemon, in the room of Plusianus. In Antinous, Orion, in the room of Ammonius and Tyranus. In Oxyrynchus, Theodorus, in the room of Pelagius. In Nilopolis, Amatas and Isaac, having been reconciled to each other, in the room of Theon. In Arsenoites, Andreas, in the room of Silvanus. In Prosopontis, Tranadelphus, in the room of Serapammon. In Diosphacus, which is on the river's side, Theodorus, in the room of Serapammon. In Saiton, Paphnutius, in the room of Nemesion. In Xois, Theodorus, in the room of Anubion; and there is also with him Isidorus, having become reconciled to the Church. In Sethroites, Orion, in the room of Potammon. In Ciysma, Tityanus, in the room of Jacob; and there is with him also Paulus, having been reconciled to the Church."
XX.
(CC) Philippus, Salia. (E. D) 64. (I) 6. (E.M) viii Pharmuthi. (R.M) iii Non. April. (L.M) 18. (E) 6. (G) 4. "He sent this also while he was residing in Alexandria." |lvi
This letter, which is the last that I have found, is imperfect. The chronological data for the remaining years must therefore be supplied from the Introduction only.
XXI.
(C C) Limenius, Catullinus. (I) 7. (E.M) xxx Phamenoth. (R.M) vii Kal. April. (L.M) 19. (E) 17. (G) 6.
"But because the Romans refused, for they said they had a tradition from the Apostle Peter not to pass the twenty-sixth day of Pharmuthi, nor the thirtieth of Phamenoth, on the twenty-first day of the moon ****** vii Kal. April. "He sent this letter also while he was residing in Alexandria."
XXII.
(CC) Sergius, Nigrianus. (I) 8. (E. M) xiii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vi Id. April. (L.M) 19. (E) 28. (G)7.
"In this year Constans was slain by Magnentius, and Constantius held the empire alone. And then he wrote to the Pope (Athanasius) not to fear any thing in consequence of the death of Constans, but to place his confidence upon him as he had upon the other when he was alive."
XXIII.
The consulate after that of Sergius and Nigrianus. (I) 9. (E.M) v Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Kal. April. (L.M) 18. (E) 9. (G) 1.
XXIV.
(CC) Constantius Augustus th, Constantino Caesar st. (I) 10. (E.M) xxiv Pharmuthi. (R.M) xiii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 18. (E) 20. (G) 3.
"Gallus was proclaimed Caesar, who changed his name to Constantius." |lvii
XXV.
(CC) Constantius Augustus th, Constantius Caesar d. (I) 11. (E.M) xvi Pharmuthi. (R.M) iii Id. April. (L. M) 21. (E) 1. (G) 4.
"In this year Serapion, bishop of Thmuis, and Triadelphus of Nicion71, and Petrus and Astricius, presbyters, and others, were sent to the emperor Constantius, because they were afraid of the injury of the Arians. They returned without effecting their object. In this year Montanus the Silentiarius from the palace entered; and when there had been a tumult he returned ineffectual."
XXVI.
(CC) Constantius Augustus th, Constantius Caesar d. (I) 12. (E.M) iv Pharmuthi. (R.M) vi Kal. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 12. (G) 5.
XXVII.
(CC) Arbetion, Lollianus. (I) 13. (E.M) xxi Pharmuthi. (R.M) xvi Kal. Mai. (L.M) 18. (E) 23. (G) 6.
"In this year Diogenes, the secretary of the emperor, came, being desirous of seizing upon the bishop, but he also returned in vain and ineffective."
XXVIII.
(CC) Constantinus Augustus th, Julianus Caesar st. (I) 14. (E.M) xii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vii Id. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 4. (G) 1.
"In this year Syrianus Dux, when he caused a great tumult in the church on the thirteenth of Mechir, having entered into the church of Theonas with his forces on the night of the |lviii fourteenth, was not able to take him, for he escaped in a wonderful manner."
XXIX.
(CC) Constantinus Augustus 9th, Julianus Caesar d. (I) 15. (E.M) xxvii Phamenoth. (R. M) x Kal. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 15. (G) 2.
"Then Georgius entered on the thirtieth of Mechir, and carried things with a high hand with violence. But Athanasius the bishop was fled. And he was searched for in the city with much affliction, many undergoing dangers on this account. Therefore no Festal Letter was written."
XXX.
(CC) Tatianus, Cerealis. (I) 1. (E.M) xvii Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Id. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 26. (G) 3.
"The bishop Athanasius was in Alexandria concealed; but Georgius departed on the fifth of Paophi, having been driven away by the multitude. On this account the Pope was not able to send a Festal Letter this year also."
XXXI.
(CC) Eusebius, Hypatius. (I) 2. (E.M) xix Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Non. April. (L.M) 20. (E) 7. (G) 4.
"Neither this year did the Pope write."
XXXII.
(CC) Constantius Augustus 10th, Julianus Caesar d. (I) 3. (E.M) xxviii Pharmuthi. (R.M) ix Kal. Mai. (L.M) 21. (E) 18. (G) 6.
"The Governor (Faustinus) and Artemius having entered into a common house and a little cell in search for Athanasius |lix the bishop, bitterly tormented Eudemonis, a perpetual virgin. On this account he did not write this year."
XXXIII.
(CC) Taurus, Florentius. (I) 4. (E.M) xiii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vi Id. April. (L.M) 17. (E) 29. (G) 7.
"Neither was he able to send this. But in this year Constantius died; and when Julianus held the empire alone there was respite from the persecution against the orthodox: but the orders of Julianus in every place were, that the orthodox churchmen should be left alone who had been persecuted in the time of Constantius."
XXXIV.
(CC) Mamertinus, Nevitta. (I) 5. (E.M) xv Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Kal. April. (L.M) 25. (E) 10. (G) 1.
"In this year, in the month Mechir, Athanasius the bishop returned from his flight to the Church, at the command of Julianus Augustus, who released all the bishops and clergy who were in exile, as it has been said above. This year, then, he wrote."
XXXV.
(CC) Julianus Augustus th, Sallustius. (I) 6. (E. M) xxv Pharmuthi. (R.M) xii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 20. (E) 21. (G) 2.
Athanasius having fled to Thebais, when he heard of the death of the emperor Julian returned to Alexandria secretly by night. And when, on the eighth of Thoth, he embarked at Hierapolis of the east, he met the emperor Jovianus, and was sent onward also by him with much honour. He sent this Festal Letter when he was persecuted from Memphis to Thebais to all the country, it having been delivered according to custom. |lx
XXXVI.
(C C) Jovianus Augustus, Varronianus. (I) 7. (E. M) ix Pharmuthi. (R. M) i Non. April. (L. M) 16. (E) 3. (G) 4.
"In this year the Pope (Athanasius) entered the city of Alexandria and the Church on the twenty-fifth of Mechir. But he sent the Festal Letter, according to custom, from Antioch, to all the bishops who were in all the province."
XXXVII.
(CC) Valentinianus st, Valens st. (I) 8. (E.M) i Pharmuthi. (R.M) v Kal. April. (L.M)19. (E) 14. (G) 5.
"We took the Caesareum; but then again the Pope (Athanasius), having been persecuted by accusers, withdrew to the garden of the New River; and after a few days Barasides the secretary came to him with the governor, and made him enter into the Church. And there having been an earthquake on the twenty-seventh of Epiphi, the river turned from the east and destroyed many persons, and much damage was done."
XXXVIII.
(CC) Gracianus st, Dagalaiphus. (I) 9. (E.M) xxi Pharmuthi. (R.M) xvi Kal. Mai. (L.M) 20. (E) 25. (G) 6.
"The heathen having made an attack on the twenty-seventh of the month Epiphi, the Caesareum was burnt: many of the citizens, therefore, were in great affliction, and those who had been the cause were condemned and exiled."
XXXIX.
(CC) Lupicinus, Jovinus. (I) 10. (E.M) xvi Pharmuthi. (R.M) Kal. April. (L.M) 16. (E) 6. (G) 7.
"This year, when Lucius attempted to enter on the twenty-sixth of the month Thoth, and he was concealed during the |lxi night in a house which was by the side of the church, and Tatianus the governor, and Trajanus Dux brought him forth, he went out of the city and escaped in a wonderful manner, while the mob sought to kill him. In this year he wrote, framing a canon 72 respecting the Holy Scriptures."
XL.
(CC) Valentinianus d, Valens d. (I) 11. (E. M) xxv Pharmuthi. (R.M) xii Kal. Mai. (L.M) 16. (E) 17. (G) 2.
"He began to build the Caesareum anew, having been honoured with a royal mandate on the sixth of the month Pachon, through Trajanus Dux, who also discovered those who had burnt it; and immediately he cleared away the rubbish caused by the fall and the fire, and afterwards, in the same month Pachon, began the building also."
XLI.
(CC) Valentinianus, son of Augustus st, Victor. (I) 12. (E.M) xxvii 73 Pharmuthi. (R.M) i Id. April. (L.M) 15. (E) 28. (G) 3.
"The Pope Athanasius began to build in Mendedeus 74 the church which is called after his own name on the twenty-fifth of the month Thoth, at the commencement of the eighty-fifth year of the era of Diocletian."
XLII.
(CC) Valentinianus d, Valens d. (I) 13. (E.M) ii Pharmuthi. (R.M) iv Kal. April. (L.M) 15. (E) 9. (G) 4.
"The Pope completed the church called after his own |lxii name at the end of the eighty-sixth year of the era of Diocletian, in which also he completed the dedication on the fourteenth of Messori."
XLIII.
(CC) Gratianus d, Probus. (I) 14. (E.M) xxii Pharmuthi. (R.M) xv Kal. Mai. (L.M) 16. (E) 20. (G) 5.
XLIV.
(CC) Modestus, Arintheus. (I) 15. (E.M) xiii Pharmuthi. (R.M) vi Id. April. (L.M) 19. (E) 1. (G) not 1.
XLV.
(CC) Valentinianus th, Valens th. (I) 1. (E.M) v Pharmuthi, (R.M) i Kal. April. (L.M) 21. (E) 12. (G) 1.
"When this was finished, he departed this life in a wonderful manner on the seventh of the month Pachon. Here end the chapters, that is to say, the heads of the Festal Letters of Saint Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria."
[Syriac text of Festal Letters omitted. All remaining text in the printed edition is in Syriac: there is no English translation or notes]
[Footnotes numbered and moved to end. Characters in Syriac or Greek or Arabic represented with a '#' character]
1. * See, respecting Dr. Tattam's mission into Egypt, und the collection of Syriac Manuscripts which he obtained from the monastery of St. Mary Deipara, in the valley of the Natron Lakes, called also Nitria, Scete, or the Valley of the ascetics, an Article in the Quarterly Review, No. CLIII. Dec. 1845.
2. † It is due to the memory of the late Duke of Northumberland that I should take this first opportunity which has occurred to me of stating the gratitude which all who take an interest in this precious collection of Syriac MSS., and I in particular, owe to his Grace for the steps which he took to effect the acquisition of them for the National Library. At the request of his brother, the present Duke, he attended, in his capacity as Trustee of the British Museum, although at the time suffering from illness, to bring before the Board a motion, the result of which was, the application of the Trustees to the Lords of the Treasury for that grant which enabled them to send again into Egypt to procure these MSS. I cannot look upon it otherwise than as a favourable omen, with respect to future good likely to result to the study of this branch of literature, that three Noblemen, holding the highest rank in the peerage of this country, the two whom I have just mentioned, Par Nobile Fratrum, and the noble Duke to whom I have been permitted to dedicate this volume, should have been amongst the most zealous and active in making exertions to obtain a collection which will afford ample materials for many labourers in this hitherto little cultivated, but most important field, for many years to come.
3. * See note at the end of the fourteenth, p. #.
4. * Cod. Add. 12,157, fol. 201.
5. † In his Scholia in Canones Conciliorum Patrumque. See Beveridge's Sunodikon, sive, Pandectae Canonum, Vol. ii. p. 42.
6. ‡ Cod. 12,168.
7. * Relation d'un voyage dans la Marmarique, la Cyrénaique, et les Oasis d'Audjelah et de Maradèh, accompagnée de cartes idéographiques et topographiques, et de planches représentant les monuments de ces contrées, par M. J. R. Pacho. to. Paris, 1827.
8. * See Dr. Tattam's letter, relating this transaction, in the Quarterly Review, No. CLIII. for Dec. 1845, p. 59.
9. * Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, on the Theophania, or Divine Manifestation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. A Syriac Version, edited, from a Manuscript recently discovered, by Samuel Lee, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of Cambridge; Canon of Bristol; &c. vo. London. Printed for the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts. 1812.
Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, on the Theophania, or Divine Manifestation of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, translated into English, with Notes, from an ancient Syriac Version of the Greek original, now lost; by S. Lee, D.D., &c. &c. vo. Cambridge, at the University Press. 1813.
10. † According to Jerome, he died in the reign of the Emperor Valens. Liber de viris illustr. cap. cii. edit. Veronae.
11. * The whole of the fourth and part of the third book of the Greek are lost. A Latin version of what remains of this work was made by F. Turrianus, and published, in 1606, by Canisius, in the Fifth Volume of his Lectiones Antiquae, p. 36. The Greek Text was published from the only existing copy in the Holstein Library at Hamburgh, in 1725, by J. Basnage, in the Thesaurus Monumentorum Ecclesiasticorum, Vol. i. p. 59. A more correct edition, in 1769, has been given by Gallandi in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, Vol. v. p. 266: "Titi Bostrensis Episcopi Libri tres adversus Manichaeos. Interprete Francisco Turriano. Accesserunt Supplementa e Parallelis Damascenis Rupefucaldinis."
12. † De Valois, in his notes upon the Martyrs of Palestine, in the eighth book of the Ecclesiastical History, has supplied, from a very ancient manuscript which belonged to Claude Joly, a Latin version of the Acts of Procopius, that corresponds with the Syriac Text of this manuscript.----See Reading's Edit. tom. i. p. 406.
13. ‡ See his Preface to Gaudentius. Puto quod non te lateat, Clementis hujus in Graeco ejusdem operis a)nagnw&sewn, hoc est Recognitionum, duas editiones haberi, et duo corpora esse librorum, in aliquantis quidem diversa, in multis tamen ejusdem narrationis. Denique pars ultima hujus operis, in qua de transformatione Simonis refertur, in uno corpore habetur, in alio penitus non habetur. Sum autem et quaedam in utroque corpore de ingenito Deo genitoque disserta, et de aliis nonnullis, quae ut nihil amplius dicam, excesserunt intelligentiam nostram. Haec ergo ego, tanquam quae supra vires meas essent, aliis reservare malui, quam minus plena proferre. Cotelerius, edit. Antv. 1698. Vol. i. p.485.
14. * It is evident, from the words of his own Preface, that Rufinus made this translation after his return from Palestine, 397, and in his old age. Peregrinas ergo merces multo in patriam sudore transvehimus----Nos tamen quos----et senecta jam tardos reddit ac segnes. He died A.D. 410, or the year before the transcription of this Manuscript.
15. * A Liturgical Manuscript on Paper, Cod. Add. 14,699.
16. † A copy of Genesis and Exodus, Cod. Add. 14,125.
17. * Edessa of the Greeks and Romans, supposed to be "Ur of the Chaldees," and the modern Orfa. See an account of this city in Buckingham's Travels in Mesopotamia. 2 vols. vo. Lond. 1827. Vol. i. p. 122.
18. * See Eusebius' account of the conversion of Abgar in the 13th chap. of the first book of his Ecclesiastical History. I have found amongst the Syriac manuscripts in the British Museum a considerable portion of the original Aramaic document, which Eusebius cites as preserved in the archives of Edessa, and various passages from it, quoted by several authors, with other testimonies which seem to be sufficient to establish the fact of the early conversion of many of the inhabitants of that city, and among them, of the king himself, although his successors afterwards relapsed into Paganism. These, together with accounts of the martyrdom of some of the first bishops of that city, forming a most interesting accession to our knowledge of the early propagation of Christianity in the East down to about A.D. 300, I have already transcribed, and hope to publish, with a translation, and such illustrations as may appear necessary. I regret that the little leisure which I have for such labours will not allow me even to speculate upon the probable time when I may be able to fulfil this intention.
19. * In a considerable number of the volumes now in the British Museum the original record of this acquisition and donation by Moses of Nisibis is still preserved, apparently in his own hand-writing. The reason of his visit to Bagdad seems to be furnished by Al-Macrizi in the following passage of his work upon Egypt, which is entitled, [Arabic omitted]
Al-Macrizi's words are,
[Arabic omitted].
"And in the year 313 (A.D. 925), the Vezir Ali Ibn Isa Ibn al-Jarrah came to Egypt; and he searched into the condition of the country, and imposed the payment of a tribute upon the bishops, and monks, and infirm Christians, and they paid it. Some of them, therefore, went to Bagdad, and petitioned Al-Muctadir-Billah. He accordingly wrote to Egypt that tribute should not be taken from the bishops, and monks, and the infirm." See "Macrizi's Geschichte der Copten," ed. F. Wüstenfeld, p. ##.
Besides procuring two hundred and fifty volumes during his visit to Bagdad, the Abbot Moses seems also to have employed the resources within the monastery for the laudable object of increasing its library. A note at the end of a copy of Gospels, in what is generally called the Philoxenian version, mentions that the volume was transcribed for him about three or four years after his return from Bagdad. Brit. Mus. Cod. Add. 14,469.
[Syriac omitted]
"But this book was completed in the year one thousand, two hundred, and forty-seven of the Greecks (A.D. 935), and it was written in the convent of the Syrians, in the Desert of Scete. But John, a guest, and in name a monk, and in degree again a presbyter, when deserving, wrote it. But he wrote it for Moses the Abbot of the same place, who is called of Nisibis. May every one, therefore, who reads in this book of the Holy Gospel, pray for the sinner who wrote it, that he may obtain favour, and all the dead belonging to him, and every child of the Holy Church, like the thief who was on the right hand (of the cross): and every one, therefore, who has communion with him, either in word or deed, or in any other cause whatever! Yea. Amen."
The following is a copy of the note of Moses the Abbot himself, as it is found inscribed upon the first or last leaf of several volumes now in the British Museum. I have transcribed it here from the last leaf of a copy of the Book of Daniel, dated A.D. 531. Mus. Brit. Cod. Add. 14,445.
[Syriac omitted]
"To the honour and glory and magnificence of this monastery of Deipara, of the Syrians, of the Desert of Scete, Moses, mean and a sinner, the Abbot, who is called of Nisibis, gave diligence, and acquired this book, together with many others, two hundred and fifty, many of which he bought, and others were given to him by some persons as a blessing, when he went to Bagdad on account of this holy Desert and the monks who are in it. May God, for whose glory, and for the benefit of those who read in them (he obtained the books), pardon him, and the dead belonging to him, and every one who has been in communion with them! It is not permitted to any one by the living word of God, that he should act dishonestly with respect to any one of them, in any way whatever: nor appropriate them to himself. Neither that he should wipe out this memorial, or make any erasure, or cut, or order another to do so, nor give them from this monastery. Whosoever dares to do this, let him know that he is accursed. These books arrived with the above-mentioned Abbot, Moses, in the year of the Greeks one thousand two hundred and forty-three," A.D. 931. Assemani has given a note, copied from one of these volumes now in the Vatican, almost in the same words; but I am inclined to believe that he has ventured to correct the orthography, and, in one or two instances, I think he has not rendered the meaning accurately. See Bibliotheca Orient. Vol. ii. p. 118.
20. * Iliad xxiii. 1. 80:2.
21. † Severus succeeded Flavian as Patriarch of Antioch A.D. 513, and was expelled A.D. 519, on account of his opposition to the Council of Chalcedon. He was a man of great learning and ability, and the author of numerous theological and polemical writings, which appear to have been so industriously suppressed by his opponents, that little more than the titles of his works----and not even all of these----have been preserved in the Greek. (See Fabricius, Bibliotheca, Gr. Vol. ix. p.313). The greater portion of them is now restored to us in the Syriac, and forms a most important accession for the ecclesiastical history of the early part of the sixth century. He will now be permitted to speak for himself; and later posterity may judge how far he has been justly treated or maligned by his theological opponents, who laboured so industriously to stigmatize his name with the infamy of heresy; a charge so easily made, and so readily believed, even in the nineteenth century, that it is by no means impossible that it might have been falsely imputed in the sixth.
22. * I have used the word 'secular' here, and 'recluse. ' below, from the want of more appropriate words to convey the meaning of ### "externus," and ### "inclusus." See Assemani, Dis. de Syris Monophysitis, prefixed to Vol. ii. of his Bibliotheca Oriental is.
23. * Cartamin is situated near Mardin in Mesopotamia. See Assemani, ibid.
24. * See Assemani Bibliotheca Orientalis, Vol. i. p. 428.
25. * The Cardinal Mai makes a similar remark with respect to the illustrated fragments in the Ambrosial Library.----"Versus aliquot in mediis paginis desunt, quos partim a criticis expunctos autumo, partim etiam scribarum socordia praetermissos, qua de re docto lectori per se facile judicare licebit." See Prooem. p. xxxii.
26. † I have to express my thanks to Mr. Richard Taylor for kindly allowing me the use of the type for this purpose.
27. * See Gentleman's Magazine, 1825, P. I. p. 62, and a description, facsimile, and collation of this MS. by Mr. Cornwall Lewis in Philol. Museum, Vol. i. p. 177.
28. † Iliados fragmenta antiquissima cum picturis: item scholia vetera ad Odysseam; edente Angelo Maio, Ambrosiani collegii Doctore, fol. Mediolani Regiis typis MDCCCXIX.
29. ‡ See Prooem. p. xxxii.
30. * See Eusebius de Vita Constantini, Lib. iii. c. 5. 14. 18.19.
31. † See the Letter of the Council to the Church of Alexandria in Socrates Eccles. Hist. Book i. c. 9, and an English Translation of it in Cave's Life of St. Athanasius, Section iii. §. xii.
32. ‡ See his Letter to the Bishop Julianus, written A.D.453.----Unde quia non mediocris mihi sollicitudo generatur, ne apud Aegyptios haec persuasio roboretur, ad christianissimum et clementissimum Principem scripta direxi, quibus causam scrupuli diligenter exposui, et suppliciter postulavi, ut operam suam, quemadmodum consuevit, religionis cultui impendat: ut eos, qui hujus supputationis perfectam videntur habere notitiam, in unum jubeat convenire, et diligenter inquirere, ne forte haec definitio teneatur, et hic excessus qui prioribus videtur repugnare temporibus, nostrae conniventiae vel negligentiae deputetur, et fiat in nostris diebus, quod nunquam ante praesumptum est. Quia vero oportet fraternitatem tuam curae istius mecum esse participem, et ne quid tale accidat praecavere, crebrius religiosissimo et fidelissimo Principi dignare suggerere, ut indissimulanter jubeat Aegyptios admonere, ne in summae festivitatis die, aut dissensione aliqua, aut transgressione peccetur. See Leonis Opera, 2 voll. fol. Rom», 1755. Vol. ii. p. 370.
33. * Cassian, in the fifth century, writes thus:----Intra Aegypti regionem mos iste antiqua traditione servatur, ut peracto Epiphaniorum die, quem provinciae illius sacerdotes vel Dominici baptismi, vel secundum carnem nativitatis esse definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti solemnitatem non bifarie, ut in occiduis provinciis, sed sub una diei hujus festivitate concelébrant, epistolae pontificis Alexandrini per universas Aegypti ecclesias dirigantur, quibus et initium Quadragesimae, et dies Paschae non solum per civitates omnes sed etiam per universa monasteria designentur. See Cassian, Collat. x. cap. i. Edit. Lugduni, 1606, p. 364.
Synesius, in his Epistle to Theophilus of Alexandria, alludes to this practice. [Greek]. Synesii Opera, fol. Lutet. 1612, p. 172.
Leo I., in his Letter to Marcianus Augustus, A.D. 423, writes thus respecting this matter: Paschale etenim festum, quo sacramentum salutis humanae maxime continetur, quamvis in primo semper mense celebrandum sit, ita tarnen est lunaris cursus conditione mutabile, ut plerumque sacratissimas diei ambigua occurrat electio, et ex hoc fiat plerumque, quod non licet, ut non simul omnis ecclesia, quod non nisi unum esse oportet, observet. Studuerunt itaque Sancti Patres occasionem hujus erroris auferre, omnem hanc curam Alexandrino Episcopo delegantes: quoniam apud Aegyptios hujus supputationis antiquitus tradita esse videbatur peritia, per quam, qui annis singulis dies praedictae solemnitatis eveniret, Sedi Apostoliae indicaretur, cujus scriptis ad longinquiores ecclesias indicium generale percurreret. See Leonis M. Opera, 2 voll. fol. Romae, 1755. Vol. ii. p. 367.
34. * Synesius writes, in his letter to the Presbyter Peter ---- [Greek]. p. 173.
35. † See Clinton's Fasti Romani, p. 323.
36. * Baronii Ann. A. 326. Cave's Life of Athanasius, Section iv. §. i. See Clinton's Fasti Romani, p. 381. The origin of this date having been assigned to the elevation of Athanasius, seems to be the passage in the letter of Ursacius and Valens addressed to him, in which it is stated, that not five months had passed after the council of Nice before Alexander died (See Athan. Opera: ed. Par. 1698. Vol. i. p. 177); but it is very uncertain to what year this refers,
37. † Socrates, Book iv. c. 20, assigns the date of his death to the year of the consulship of Gratian and Probus d, or A.D. 371, but wrongly. See note, p. 235 of Reading's edition.
38. ‡ See Renaudot, Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, p. 100, to. Paris, 1713.
39. § See ibid, p. 101.
40. * In Biblioth. Patrum: edit. La Bigne, 8 voll. fol. Paris. Vol. iii. p. 123. See Cassian. Collat. x. c. i. and Synesius loc. cit. See note, p. lii.
41. † See Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana, in Vol. ii. p. 318, of "Collectio Nova Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum; a B. de Montfaucon." 2 voll. fol. Paris, 1700. p. 320.
42. ‡ The eighteenth is cited by Severus of Antioch in his work against John Grammaticus, Cod. Add. 12,157, fol. 208, and others in 12,158, fol. 199, 12,155, f. 11.b., 11,529, f.4.b., &c. &c.
43. || The title prefixed to these in the edition of the works of Cyrill, fol. Lutet. 1638, is o(mili/ai e9ortastikai\; but in the Vatican MSS. they are called o(ortastikoi\ lo&goi. See Oudin, Com. de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, Vol. i. p. 1032.
44. § See Prologue to Hom. xii.: [Greek]. Vol. v. par. 2. p. 269. Edit. Lutet. 1638.
45. ¶ See De viris illus. No. 87. All that he says is merely, et e9ortastikai\ epistolae. Erasmus, ignorant of the nature of these letters, gives the following note: "Id est de festis diebus." Nor was the learned Montfaucon better instructed on this head. In his Preface to the edition of the works of Athanasius he writes thus: "Sed nulla, opinamur, jactura major quam epistolarum e9ortastikw~n, aut Festalium, sive in coetu ecclesiae legendarum, quas item laudat Hieronymus. Has ingenti numero Athanasius cum Arianici furoris declinandi causa in deserto Thebaidis latens ageret, ad plebem catholicam Alexandrinam misit. Atque ut ex iis quae hodie supersunt fragmentis conjectare licet, magna pars in enarranda et deploranda ecclesiae calamitate versabantur," p. xv.
46. * P. 318. Socrates, Book iv. c. 20, states that Athanasius held the Patriarchate forty-six years. Sozomen, Book vi. c. 19, about forty-six.
47. † Historia Patriarch. Alexandr. p. 96.
48. ‡ Montfaucon, following the former edition, 2 voll. fol. Paris, 1627, Vol. ii. p. 38, has printed this fragment in his edition, Vol. i. p. 961, of the works of Athanasius, 2 voll. fol. Paris, 1698, but he has omitted those cited by Cosmas Indicopleustes, Vol. ii. p. 316. Probably he was not aware of their existence at that time; although his words in the Preface to his edition of Athanasius seem to imply that he became acquainted with them before it was published. Gallandi has inserted them in his Bibliotheca Vett. Patrr, Vol. v. p. 217.
49. * P. 316.
50. † See Preface to his edition of Athanasius, p. xv.
51. * The title Pope, Papa, although perhaps originally common to all bishops, seems especially to have belonged to the bishops of Alexandria, and was afterwards assumed by the bishops of Rome. The reader will find some curious information respecting the origin of the name in a dissertation by Abr. Ecchellensis, "De origine nominis Papae, nec non de illius proprietate in Romano Pontifice," appended to his work, entitled, "Eutychius Patriarcha Alexandrinus vindicatus, et suis restitutus Orientalibus; sive Responsio ad Joannis Seldeni Origines" to. Romae, 1661.
52. † That is, the Concurrentes, called also Epactae Solis, or Epactae Majores. See, respecting them, Dionysii Petavii opus de Doctrina Temporum: edit. J. Harduin. 3 voll. fol. Antv. 1705. Vol. i. p. 344, and Dissertation sur les Dates. §. xviii. Des Concurrens et des Lettres Dominicales; in "L'Art de Vérifier les Dates." The designation of the Gods seems to refer to the names of the days of the week.
53. * A passage from the epistle for this year has been cited by Cosmas Indicopleustes, which I give here, with a literal translation of the corresponding words of the Syriac version, which may serve in some measure to shew the degree of accuracy with which the Syriac translator performed his task.
[Greek omitted]
"It would be also from us becoming, if indeed at all times, but more espe cially in the days of the festival, that we should not be hearers, but also doers of the commands of our Saviour; I that also imitating the manner of the Saints, we may enter together into the joy of our Lord which is in heaven, which passeth not away, but truly abideth." P. 21. Topograph. Christ. p. 310.
54. † This notice seems rather to belong to the following letter than this.
55. * This may perhaps be a mistake tor the Latin officialis.
56. † The three former of these names are mentioned by Constantine himself, in his letter quoted by Athanasius in his Apology against the Arians: Opera, Vol. i. p. 178.
57. * The following from this epistle is cited by Cosmas Indicopleustes: [Greek omitted] "And for these thing's who is suffi cient? For he liberated the world by the blood of our Saviour. Then, again, he gave hell to be trodden down by the death of our Saviour; and he open ed the gates of heaven, giving, through our Saviour, a way without hindrance to those who are going up." P. 37.
58. † From this also a few words are quoted by the same. [Greek omitted] "And in these things having kept the feast, we may be able to enter into the joy of our Lord in the kingdom of heaven," p. #.
59. ‡ In the Introduction xiv. erroneously.
60. * The Introduction has 19.
61. † This was the principal church of Alexandria, and was built by Alexander, Patriarch of that city, as Athanasius himself informs us in his apology to Constantine. [Greek] Opera, edit. Paris. 2 voll. fol. 1698. Vol. i. p. 304.
62. ‡ This is taken from the second book, Mandat. I. "Primum omnium, credere quod unus est Deus, qui omnia creavit et consummavit, et ex nihilo omnia fecit." See Cotel. Patt. Apostol. p. 85, ed. Amstel. 2 voll, fol. 1724. This same passage occurs more than once in the writings of Athanasius. In his treatise De Incarnatione Verbi Dei: [Greek]. Athanas. opera: edit. Paris. 2 voll. fol. 1698. Vol. i. p. 49. In that De decretis Nicaenae Synodi, he speaks of it.as cited by the Eusebians. [Greek]. ibid. p. 223. In the Epistle to the African bishops he again mentions it as quoted by the Eusebians, ibid. p. 895. In the fragment of the thirty-ninth Festal Letter he also speaks of the work of Hermas as not being one of the canonical books, ibid. p. 963, and in the Syriac version, p. #.
63. * Literally, "Son of our Ministry." It seems to be a translation of sulleitourgw~|, as in the inscription of his Epistle to Epictetus, p. 901, ibid.
64. * By an oversight in mistaking this letter to Serapion immediately following the eleventh for the twelfth Festal Letter, I have erroneously stated, at p. iii., that the twelfth was contained among the fragments of the manuscript brought from Egypt by Dr. Tattam.
65. * Before the end of this period of fifty years we find Theophilus publishing his table for a hundred years, A.D. 380; which, continuing in effect till the days of Leo I., was attacked by him as incorrect. See "Observations in Veterum Patrum et Pontificum Prologos et Epistolas Paschales." to. Amst. 1734, pp. 65. 111. I cannot refrain from quoting a passage from the author of this work in this place, which entirely coincides with the conclusion at which I had arrived myself long before I read this passage. "Ego, quod attinet occasionem harum epistolarum, rem mecum sic reputo. Leo Papa, pertaesus authoritatis Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, qui in materia Paschali praevalebant, et ipsi quasi legem dabant, et eum anno Christi 444 coëgerant Pascha contra regulas Latinorum indicere, putabat se occasionem jam nactum esse in Paschate anni Christi 455 reprehendendi Alexandrinos, et rem eo deducendi, ut illi cogerentur a suis placitis desistere, et se Latinis in celebratione Paschatis conformare." Ibid. p. 119.
66. * The Introduction has 18.
67. † The word #####, which I have rendered by 'districts,' I can find in no Lexicon. It seems to be borrowed from [Arabic], and would then signify a district under a Shaikh. It may perhaps, from the analogy of the signification, mean 'presbyteries.'
68. ‡ From this it appears that Athanasius gave notice at Easter in the year of our Lord 311 upon what day Easter was to be observed in A.D. 345, and not immediately after the Epiphany, as stated by Cassian. See note x. p. xxxvi. above.
69. * The Introduction has 24.
70. * Latos, that is Latopolis, as Panos for Panopolis, and Lycos for Lycopolis. We ought perhaps to read Prosopis for Prosopontis, Triadelphus for Tranadelphus, Diospolis for Diosphacus, &c.; but the orthography of these proper names is too irregular to admit of certainty and accuracy in recognising them, and is rendered still more doubtful by the manuscript, which scarcely distinguishes between the # and #.
71. * This seems to be Nicii, the on at the end of the word being probably the termination of the genitive case, which the Syrian translator has retained here, as he seems to have done in other instances of proper names.
72. * He refers to the portion of this epistle which has been already mentioned as cited by Theodorus Balsainon, and of which the Syriac version is printed at page ##.
73. † This ought to be xvii.
74. ‡ Perhaps Mendesium.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: lfc_list.htm
A library of fathers of the holy Catholic church: anterior to the division of the East and West (1838-1881) List of titles.
A library of fathers of the holy Catholic church: anterior to the division of the East and West (1838-1881) List of titles.
A library of fathers of the holy Catholic church: anterior to the division of the East and West / translated by members of the English Church [Ed. by E.B. Pusey... [et al]]. 51 vols (?). Octavo. (23cm). Published by J. G. & F. Rivington, London: John Henry Parker, Oxford.
List of Volumes:
Prospectus
1. Saint Augustine. The confessions. (1838) Tr. Pusey. 363 pp.
2. Saint Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem. The cathechetical lectures. (1838) Tr. R. W. Church. 312 p.
3. Saint Cyprian. The treatises. (1839). Tr. Charles Thornton & J.H.Newman. 318 p.
4. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies... on the first epistle of St. Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians. Hom. 1-24 (1839)
Tr. Hubert Kestell Cornish & John Medley. xiii, 336p
5. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the First Epistle to the Corinthians. Hom. 25-44 (1839)
Tr. Hubert Kestell Cornish & John Medley. 318p
6. Saint John Chrysostom. Commentary on Galatians, and homilies on Ephesians. (1840). Tr William John Copeland. 401 p.
7. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on Romans. (1841). Tr. C.Marriott. 530 p.
8. Saint Athanasius. Select treatises in controversy with the Arians, Pt. 1 (1842). Tr. J.H.Newman. (See also #19)
9. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the statues. (1842). Tr. Edward Budge. 399 p.
10. Tertullian. Vol. 1: Apologetic and practical treatises. (1842). Tr. C. Dodgson. 531 p.
11. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on St. Matthew, pt. 1 of 3. Homilies 1-25 (1843) Tr. George Prevost. 384 p. (See also #15, 34)
12. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on Timothy, Titus, and Philemon. (1843) Tr. James Tweed. 383 p.
13. Saint Athanasius. Historical tracts. (1843) Tr. Miles Atkinson. 321 p.
14. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians. (1843) Tr. W.C.Cotton & James Tweed. 558 p.
15. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on St. Matthew, pt. 2 of 3. Homilies 26-58 (1843) Tr. George Prevost. 797 p. (See also #11, 34)
16. Saint Augustine. Sermons on selected lessons of the New Testament, v.1. S. Matthew, S. Mark, S. Luke (1844). Tr. R.G. Macmullen. 485 p. (See also #20)
17. Saint Cyprian, and Saint Pacian. The epistles of S. Cyprian...with the Council of Carthage, on the baptism of heretics.
With the extant works of S. Pacian: 3 Epistles to Sympronian, Exhortation to Repentance, On baptism. (1844)
Tr. H. Carey & C.H.Collyns. 422 p. pp.319ff are Pacian.
18. Saint Gregory the Great. Morals on the book of Job. Pt. 1 of 4. Parts I and II/Books 1-10 (1844). Tr. Anon. 621 p. (See #18,21,23,31)
19. Saint Athanasius. Select treatises in controversy with the Arians, Pt. 2 (1842). Tr. J.H.Newman. (See also #8)
20. Saint Augustine. Sermons on selected lessons of the New Testament, v.2. S. John, Acts, Romans, I Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, I Thessalonians, I Timothy, Titus, James, I John (1845). Tr. R.G. Macmullen. 487 p. Both=1011 p. (See also #16).
21. Saint Gregory the Great. Morals on the book of Job. Pt. 2 of 4. Parts III and IV and Books 11-22 (1845). 597 p. (See #18,21,23,31)
22. Saint Augustine. Seventeen short treatises. (1847) Tr. C.L.Cornish & H. Browne. 670 p.
23. Saint Gregory the Great. Morals on the book of Job. Pt. 3 of 4. vol. 3. pt. 1. Part V Books 28-29 (1847). Tr. C. Marriott.
(See #18,21,23,31)
24. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 1 of 6. Psalms 1-36 (1847) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 420 p. 6 vols.
v. 1. Psalms 1-36.--v. 2. Psalms 37-52.--v. 3. Psalms 53-75.--v. 4. Psalms 76-101.--v. 5. Psalms 102-125.--v. 6. Psalms 126-150
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39)
25. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 2 of 6. Psalms 37-52. (1847) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 6 vols. 408 p.
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39)
26. Saint Augustine. Homilies on the Gospel according to St. John, and his first Epistle. Pt. 1 of 2. Hom. 1-43, S. John 1-8. (1848) Tr. H. Browne.
568 p. 2 vols. (See #26,29)
27. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the Second Epistle of St. Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians (1848) Tr. J. Ashworth. 363 p.
28. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the Gospel of St. John. Pt. 1 of 2. Hom. 1-41. (1848). Tr. G.T.Stupart. 360 p. (See 28, 36).
29. Saint Augustine. Homilies on the Gospel according to St. John, and his first Epistle. Pt. 2 of 2. Hom.44-124, S, John 9-21 and Hom. 1-10, 1
S.John (1849) Tr. H. Browne. 702 p. Both=1288 p. 2 vols. (See #26,29)
30. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 3 of 6. Psalms 53-75. (1849) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 533 p. 6 vols.
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39)
31. Saint Gregory the Great. Morals on the book of Job. Pt. 4 of 4. vol. 3. pt. 2. Books 30-35 (1850). (See #18,21,23,31)
32. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 4 of 6. Psalms 76-101. (1850) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 6 vols.
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39)
33. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the Acts of the Apostles. Pt. 1 of 2. Hom. 1-28. (1851) Tr. Charles Marriot. (See 33, 35)
34. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on St. Matthew, pt. 3. Homilies 59-90 (1851) Tr. George Prevost. (See also #11, 15). 3 vols=1206 p.
35. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the Acts of the Apostles. Pt. 2 of 2. Homilies 29-55. (1851) Tr. Charles Marriot. Both=740 p. (See 33, 35)
Subscriber information at the back of the volume.
36. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies on the Gospel of St. John and his first epistle. Pt. 2 of 2. Hom. 42-88. (1848). Tr. G.T.Stupert. Both=1288 p.(See 28, 36).
37. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 5 of 6. Psalms 102-125 (1853) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 547 p. 6 vols.
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39). Volume has information about the series at the end.
38. Saint Athanasius. The festal epistles. (1854) Tr. Henry Burgess. 163 p.
39. Saint Augustine. Expositions on the Book of Psalms. v. 6 of 6. Psalms 126-150. (1847) Tr. E.B.Pusey, H. Walford, Charles Marriott. 548 p. 6 vols.
(See #24, 25, 30, 32, 37, 39)
40.42 Saint Justin Martyr. The works now extant. (1861) [Dr. Williams copy has 1892] Tr. G.J.Davie. 284 p.
41.40 Saint Ephrem the Syrian. Select works. (1847) Tr. J.B.Morris. 449 p.
42.41 Saint Irenaeus. Five books... against heresies. (1872) Tr. John Keble. 594 p. Published posthumously.
43. Saint Cyril of Alexandria. Commentary on the Gospel according to S. John. Pt 1 of 2 (1874) Tr. P.E.Pusey. (See 43, 48)
44. Saint John Chrysostom. The homilies... on the Epistle of S. Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews. (1877). Tr. P.E.Pusey/John Barrow. 423 p.
45. Saint Ambrose. Letters. (1881). Tr. Anon. 521 p.
46. Saint Athanasius. Later treatises of S. Athanasius, Archbishop of Alexandria, with notes: and an appendix on S. Cyril of Alexandria and
Theodoret (1881). Tr. William Bright. 237 p.
47. Saint Cyril of Alexandria. Five Tomes against Nestorius; Scholia on the Incarnation; Christ is One; Fragments against Diodore of Tarsus,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, The Synoudiasts. (1881) Tr. Anon. 406 p.
48. Saint Cyril of Alexandria. Commentary on the Gospel according to S. John. Pt 2 of 2 (1885) Tr. T. Randell (See 43, 48)
[There are supposedly 51 volumes, according to the British Library. According to the NPNF preface there are 48, and there are 48 in the set at Dr. Williams Library. However some volumes also existed in a Latin or Greek version, with the same series title page (e.g. Augustine: Confessions, Chrysostom on Romans, Chrysostom on 1 Cor, Chrysostom on 2 Cor). These really belong to the Bibliotheca Patrum Ecclesiae Catholicae series, and were not supplied to subscribers of the English version but are included in the run in some libraries, such as Cambridge University Library. Also note that the date of publication on the series title page is sometimes not the same as that on the volume title page!].
Note that vols. 40, 41, and 42 in this list are numbered 42, 40 and 41 in Dr. Williams Library. In this case, the volume number has been written in pencil inside, and it seems quite possible that this is the correct numbering.
Note to the online text. This collection has been made by searching for forgotten English translations of the fathers not available online. In common with most people, I had presumed until recently that all the works in this series had been reedited or reprinted as part of the later Ante-Nicene Fathers (etc) series. On discovering the existence of vol. 45, containing all the letters of Ambrose, it became clear to me that this was not so, and that the series was still active later than anyone had realised. The above list is a work in progress. It has been compiled from library catalogues through Copac, and will be extended as more information becomes available. I can already see works by Pacian and Cyril of Alexandria which are not part of the ANF.
Roger PEARSE
23rd September 2003
After page 740 of vol. 35 (Chrysostom on Acts, vol. 2), there is the following information:
LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS.
----
PUBLICATION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXTS.
THE plan of publishing some at the least of the originals of the Fathers, whose works were translated in the "Library," has been steadily kept in view from the first, and Collations have now been obtained, at considerable expense, at Rome, Paris, Munich, Vienna, Florence, Venice, and the Editors have materials for. the principal works of S. Chrysostom, for S. Cyril of Jerusalem, S. Macarius, Tertullian, and S. Augustine's Homilies on the Psalms. Collations are also being made for S. Gregory of Nyssa.
Of these, they have begun with S. CHRYSOSTOM on St. Paul, the Rev. F. Field, M.A. Trin. Coll. Cambridge, having united with them in this great task. He has already edited the Homilies on the Epistles to the Corinthians, and is now carrying through the press those on the Epistle to the Romans.
All the best MSS. known in Europe have been collated for this edition, and the text has been considerably improved, as that of the Homilies on S. Matthew had already been by the same Editor *. There is then every prospect that the English Edition of S. Chrysostom will be again the best extant.
All the extant European MSS. have likewise been collated for S. CYRIL of JERUSALEM and TERTULLIAN. Of these S. CYRIL is nearly ready for the press.
The publication of Tertullian has been delayed, because it was discovered that the result of the collations would be to make the text more genuine, yet more difficult than before. M. Heyse, who was collating for the Editors at Rome, being requested to search for the MS. or MSS. which F. Ursinus alleged that he had used, discovered the original papers of Ursinus, in which it appeared that the readings which Rigaltius adopted from him, were in fact only ingenious conjectures by Ursinus himself, which he gave out as collations of M SS. The Editor of the treatises of Tertullian already translated, being thus thrown back upon the older text, found reason to think that in those cases the readings, which Ursinus had corrected, although at first sight obscurer, were (he believes with one exception) the most genuine.
With regard to S. Augustine, there seemed reason to think that there was very little or nothing left to be done for the improvement of the text after the admirable labours of the Benedictines. Some collations which the Editors obtained, through their laborious Collator, from very ancient MSS. of his Epistles at Monte-Cassino, confirmed this impression. And this is again renewed by some Collations on the Psalms, which the same Scholar has made for them from a very ancient Codex rescriptus in the [p.2] Vatican, Still, besides the improvement of the text of any Father, if possible, the Editors had the distinct object of making single valuable works accessible to Clergy who could not afford to purchase his whole works. They, therefore, propose to publish S. Augustine's Homilies on the Psalms, since they are not only a deep and valuable Commentary on a portion of Holy Scripture, which forms so large a part of our public devotions, but contain, perhaps, more of his practical theology and hints as to the inward spiritual life, than most of his works. Besides the above Vatican MS, Collations are being made of some of the Bodleian MSS, which have not been used, since even an occasional improvement of the collocation, or still more occasional of the text itself, is not without interest in a work of such exceeding value.
Large Collations had been made for S. MACARIUS, and it seemed almost ready for publication, when their indefatigable Collator, M. Heyse, discovered in the Vatican an entirely different recension. In accordance with the rules of the Vatican, access was, upon this, denied them to all MSS. whatever of S. Macarius, and the edition has consequently been, for the time, suspended.
For S. GREGORY OF NYSSA considerable preparations have been made, although nothing is yet ready for the press.
For these undertakings, the Editors have only their private resources, (any profits from the translations having been much more than absorbed by the Collations.) The present number of Subscribers to the original texts is only 421. Works printed in England have, owing to the expense of labour here, but a limited circulation abroad. If then it is wished that the publication of the originals should proceed more rapidly, there must be additional Subscribers.
* Mr. Field's edition of the Homilies on S. Matthew is supplied to Subscribers to the Library at the same reduced rate as the other volumes. [Publisher.]
[p.3]
UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF
WILLIAM, LATE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY,
FROM ITS COMMENCEMENT A.D. 1836,
UNTIL HIS GRACE'S DEPARTURE IN PEACE A.D. 1848.
----------
A
LIBRARY OF FATHERS
OF THE
HOLY CATHOLIC CHURCH,
ANTERIOR TO THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST.
--------
TRANSLATED BY MEMBERS OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH,
WITH NOTICES OF THE RESPECTIVE FATHERS, AND BRIEF NOTES BY THE EDITORS,
WHERE REQUIRED, AND SUMMARIES OF CHAPTERS AND INDICES.
--------
EDITED BY
THE REV. E. B. PUSEY, D.D.
Regius Professor of Hebrew, Canon of Christ Church, late Fellow of Oriel, College,
THE REV. JOHN KEBLE, M.A.
Late Professor of Poetry, and Fellow of Oriel College,.
THE REV. C. MARRIOTT, B.D.
Fellow of Oriel College.
--------
A PUBLICATION, answering to the above title, appeared to the Editors calculated to answer many and important ends, and to supply considerable wants, some peculiar to our own Church and times, others more general.
Their chief grounds for thinking it very desirable were such as the following:----
1. The great intrinsic value of many of the works of the Fathers, which are, at present, inaccessible, except to such as have large libraries, and are familiar with the languages in which they are written; and this the more, since a mere general acquaintance with the language will not enable a person to read with ease many of the Fathers. E. g. Knowledge of Latin alone will not suffice to read Tertullian: and in cases less strong, ecclesiastical language and peculiarity of style will often present considerable difficulties at first.
2. The desirableness of bringing together select works of different Fathers. Many who would wish to become acquainted with the Fathers, know not where to begin; and scarcely any have the means to procure any great number of their works. Editions of the whole works of a Father, (such as we for the most part have,) are obviously calculated for divines, not for private individuals: they furnish more of the works of each Father than most require, and their expense precludes the acquisition of others.
3. The increased demand for sacred reading. The Clergy of one period are obviously unequal to meet demands so rapid, and those of our day have additional hindrances, from the great increased amount of practical duties. Where so much is to be produced, there is of necessity great danger that [p.4] much will not be so mature as, on these subjects, is especially to be desired. Our occupations do not leave time for mature thought.
4. Every body of Christians has a peculiar character, which tends to make them look upon the system of faith, committed to us, on a particular side; and so, if they carry it on by themselves, they insensibly contract its limits and depth, and virtually lose a great deal of what they think that they hold. While the system of the Church, as expressed by her Creeds and Liturgy, remains the same, that of her members will gradually become contracted and shallow, unless continually enlarged and refreshed. In ancient times this tendency was remedied by the constant living intercourse between the several branches of the Catholic Church, by the circulation of the writings of the Fathers of the several Churches, and, in part, by the present method----translation. We virtually acknowledge the necessity of such accessions by our importations from Germany and America; but the circumstances of Germany render mere translation unadvisable, and most of the American Theology proceeds from bodies who have altered the doctrine of the Sacraments.
5. The peculiar advantages of the Fathers in resisting heretical errors, in that they had to combat the errors in their original form, before men's minds were familiarized with them, and so risked partaking of them; and also in that they lived nearer to the Apostles.
6. The great comfort of being able to produce, out of Christian antiquity, refutations of heresy, (such as the different shades of the Arian:) thereby avoiding the necessity of discussing, ourselves, profane errors, which, on so high mysteries, cannot be handled without pain, and rarely without injury to our own minds.
7. The advantage which some of the Fathers (e. g. St. Chrysostom) possessed as Commentators on the New Testament, from speaking its language.
8. The value of having an ocular testimony of the existence of Catholic verity, and Catholic agreement; that truth is not merely what a man troweth; that the Church once was one, and spake one language; and that the present unhappy divisions are not necessary and unavoidable.
9. The circumstance that the Anglican branch of the Church Catholic is founded upon Holy Scripture and the agreement of the Universal Church; and that therefore the knowledge of Christian antiquity is necessary in order to understand and maintain her doctrines, and especially her Creeds and her Liturgy.
10. The importance, at the present crisis, of exhibiting the real practical value of Catholic Antiquity, which is disparaged by Romanists in order to make way for the later Councils, and by others in behalf of modern and private interpretations of Holy Scripture. The character of Catholic antiquity, and of the scheme of salvation, as set forth therein, cannot be appreciated through the broken sentences of the Fathers, which men pick up out of controversial divinity.
11. The great danger in which Romanists are of lapsing into secret infidelity, not seeing how to escape from the palpable errors of their own Church, without falling into the opposite errors of Ultra-Protestants. It appeared an act of especial charity to point out to such of them as are dissatisfied with the state of their own Church, a body of ancient Catholic truth, free from the errors, alike of modern Rome and of Ultra-Protestantism.
12. Gratitude to ALMIGHTY GOD, who has raised up these great lights in the Church of Christ, and set them there for its benefit in all times. [p.5]
EXTRACTS FROM THE PLAN OF THE WORK.
1. The subjects of the several treatises to be published shall mainly be, Doctrine, Practice, Exposition of Holy Scripture, Refutation of Heresy, or History.
8. The Editors hold themselves responsible for the selection of the several treatises to be translated, as also for the faithfulness of the translations.
11. The originals of the works translated shall be printed*. It would be well, therefore, if Subscribers would specify, if they wish for the originals, either with or without the translations.
12. It is understood that subscriptions continue, until it be intimated that they are discontinued, and that they extend, under ordinary circumstances, to the end of each year.
14. Not more than four volumes to appear for each year: the price to Subscribers not to exceed 9s. for a closely printed vo of 400 pages; to the public it will be raised one-fourth. When old Translations are revised, the price will be diminished.
* The object of publishing the originals has been steadily kept in view, though delayed by difficulties, inseparable from the commencement of such an undertaking, as well as by sorrowful dispensations. Collations of MSS.at Rome, Paris, Moscow, Munich, Vienna, Florence, Venice, have now been in part obtained, in part are being made, for S. Chrysostom's Homilies on S. Paul, on the Statues, S. Cyril of Jerusalem, Macarius, Tertullian, S.Greg. Nyss. &c.
RIVINGTONS, LONDON; J. H. PARKER, OXFORD.
--------
Works already published
ATHANASIUS, S.
On the Nicene Definition, Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia, and the Orations against the Arians, 2 vols.
Rev. J.H. Newman, B.D. late fellow of Oriel.
Historical Documents
Rev. M. Atkinson, M.A. Fellow of Lincoln.
AUGUSTINE, S.
Confessions
Old translation, revised by E.B.Pusey, D.D.
Homilies on the New Testament, 2 vols.
Rev. R.G. Macmullen, M.A. late fellow of C.C.C.
On the Psalms, Vols. 1. 2.
partly by Rev. J.E.Tweed, Chaplain of Christ Church
On the Psalms, Vol. 3
T.Scratton, B.A. hC.ch
On the Psalms, Vol. 4
Rev. C.E. Prichard, M.A. Fellow of Balliol.
Practical Treatises
( Rev C.L.Cornish, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter
( Rev. H. Browne, M.A. C.C.C. Camb.
On St. John's Gospel, Part 1 and 2.
Rev. H. Browne, M.A.
CYRIL, S. OF JERUSALEM
Catechetical Discourses
Rev. R.W. Church, M.A. Fellow of Oriel.
CYPRIAN S.
Treatises
late Rev. C. Thornton, M.A. Christ Church
Epistles
Rev. H. Carey, M.A. Worcester College
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Homilies on St. Matthew, 3 parts
Rev. Sir G. Prevost, M.A. Oriel.
On St. John, Part 1 and 2.
Rev. G.T. Stupart, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter.
On the Acts, Part 1 and 2.
Rev T. Sheppard, M.A. Oriel.
On the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Timothy, Titus, and Philemon.
( Rev. J.B. Morris, M.A. late fellow of Exeter.
( Rev. J. Medley, M.A. (now Ld. Bishop of Fredericton)
( Rev. H.K. Cornish, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter.
( The late C. Wood, M.A. Oriel.
( Rev. W. J. Copeland, B.D. Fellow of Trinity.
( Rev. W.C. Cotton, M.A. Student of Ch. Ch.
( Rev. J. A. Ashworth, M.A. Fellow of Brase-nose.
( Rev. J. Tweed, M.A. C.C.C. Camb.
Homilies on the Statues
Rev. E. Budge, B.A. Christ's Coll. Camb.
GREGORY, S. THE GREAT
Magna Moralia, 3 vols.
Rev. Jas. Bliss, M.A. Oriel.
PACIAN, S.
Epp. to Sympr.; on Repentance and Baptism
Rev. C. H. Collyns, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
TERTULLIAN
Apologetic and Practical Treatises
Rev. C. Dodgson, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
ORIGINALS
AUGUSTINE
Confessiones
Rev. E. B. Pusey.
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Hom. in Ep. ad Rom.
Hom. in Ep. 1 et 2. ad Cor.
Hom. in Eph. ad Gal. et Ep.
Rev. F. Field, M.A. Trinity Coll. Camb.
THEODORET
Com. in Epp. ad Rom. Cor. Gal.
Rev. C. Marriott, B. D. Oriel.
In the Press
AUGUSTINE, S.
On the Psalms, Vol. 5
[blank in printed text]
GREGORY, S. THEOLOGUS, OF NAZIANZUM
Sermons
Rev. R.F. Wilson, M.A. Oriel.
ORIGINALS
THEODORET
Commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul
Rev. C. Marriott, B.D. Oriel. [p.6]
Preparing for Publication
ACTS of early MARTYRS
(Genuine)
[blank in printed text]
AMBROSE, S.
On the Psalms
[blank in printed text]
On St. Luke
partly by the late S.F.Wood, M.A. Oriel
Doctrinal Treatises
[blank in printed text]
Epistles
partly by the late S.F.Wood, M.A. Oriel
ATHANASIUS, S.
Tracts on the Incarnation and Holy Spirit
Rev. C. Daman, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel.
AUGUSTINE, S.
Anti-Pelagian Tracts
[blank in printed text]
Anti-Donatist Tracts
Rev. G.H.Forbes
Homilies on St. John's First Epistle
Rev. H. Browne, M.A. C.C.C. Camb.
Epistles
[blank in printed text]
City of God
Rev. C. Daman, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel.
BASIL, S. THE GREAT
Letters, Treatises and Homilies
Rev. Is. Williams, M.A. late Fellow of Trinity
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Homilies on St. John, part II.
Rev. G.T.Stupart, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter
--------------- the Hebrews
Rev. T. Keble, M.A. late Fellow of C.C.C.
Select Homilies
Rev. C.B. Pearson, M.A. Oriel.
On the Priesthood
The late Bp. Jebb, finished by Rev. J. Jebb, M.A.
Epistles
Rev. E. Churton, M.A. Christ Church
CLEMENT, S. OF ALEXANDRIA
Paedogogus
Rev. G. J. Davie, M.A. Exeter
CYRIL, S. OF ALEXANDRIA
Against Nestorius
[blank in printed text]
On St. John's Gospel
Rev. H. Browne, M.A. C.C.C. Cambridge
EUSEBIUS
Ecclesiastical History
Rev. E.A.Dayman, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter
GREGORY, S. THE GREAT
Homilies on the Gospels
Rev. T.A. Buckley, B.A. Ch. Ch.
Pastoral
Rev. J. James, M.A. Queen's Coll. Oxford.
HILARY, S.
On the Trinity
Rev. A. Short, M.A. (Bp. of Adelaide)
-------- Psalms
G.G.Hayter, B.A. late Scholar of Oriel.
On St. Matthew
[blank in printed text]
IRENAEUS, S.
Against Heresy
Rev. J. Keble, M.A.
JEROME, S.
Epistles
Rev. J. Mozley, M.A. Fellow of Magdalen
JUSTIN, M.
Works
Rev. G. J. Davie, M.A. Exeter
LEO, S. THE GREAT
Sermons and Epistles
[blank in printed text]
MACARIUS, S.
Works
Old translation revised by Rev. C. Marriott, B.D.
Fellow of Oriel. Additions by T.A.Buckley, B.A. Ch. Ch.
OPTATUS, S.
On the Donatist Schism
[blank in printed text]
ORIGEN
Against Celsus
Rev. J. F. Christie, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel
TERTULLIAN
Works
Rev. C. Dodgson, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
THEODORET, &c.
Ecclesiastical History
Rev. C. Marriot, B.D. Fellow of Oriel
Compendium of Heresies and Dialogues
Rev. R. Scott, M.A. late Fellow of Balliol.
MISCELLANIES
St. Clement of Alex. "Quis dives salvetur?" Ep. ad Diognetum; Tracts of Hippolytus.
[blank in printed text]
ORIGINALS
AUGUSTINE, S.
Ennarationes in Psalmos.
[blank in printed text]
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles
[blank in printed text]
CYRIL, S. OF JERUSALEM
[blank in printed text]
[blank in printed text]
MACARIUS, S.
Homiliae et Opuscula
[blank in printed text]
*** This list was never meant to be final, and it has been, from time to time, enlarged. It might then save waste of labour, if persons contemplating the translation of works, not set down, would enquire of the Editors, whether they are included in the plan.
------------------------------------------------
Also, uniform with the Library, price 14s. To Subscribers to the Library of the Fathers, 10s. d
SELECT WORKS of S. EPHREM THE SYRIAN. Translated out of the Original Syriac. With NOTES and INDICES.
Oxford, John Henry Parker; F, and J. Rivington, London.
[Note to the online text: Page ff contains a list of subscribers, which has been omitted]
After page 548 in vol. 37 (Augustine on the Psalms, vol. 5), there is the following information:
LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS.
----
PUBLICATION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXTS.
THE plan of publishing some at the least of the originals of the Fathers, whose works were translated in the "Library," has been steadily kept in view from the first, and Collations have now been obtained, at considerable expense, at Rome, Paris, Munich, Vienna, Florence, Venice, and the Editors have materials for the principal works of S. Chrysostom, for S. Cyril of Jerusalem, S. Macarius, Tertullian, and S. Augustine's Homilies on the Psalms. Collations are also being made for S. Gregory of Nyssa.
Of these, they have begun with S. CHRYSOSTOM on St. Paul, the Rev. F. Field, M.A. Trin. Coll. Cambridge, having united with them in this great task. He has already edited the Homilies on the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, and Ephesians, and is ready to complete the edition of the Homilies on St. Paul, if the Editors are enabled to publish them.
All the best MSS. known in Europe have been collated for this edition, and the text has been considerably improved, as that of the Homilies on S. Matthew had already been by the same Editor. There is then every prospect that the English Edition of S. Chrysostom will be again the best extant.
All the extant European MSS. have likewise been collated for S. CYRIL of JERUSALEM and TERTULLIAN, Of these S. CYRIL is nearly ready for the press.
The publication of Tertullian has been delayed, because it was discovered that the result of the collations would be to make the text more genuine, yet more difficult than before. M. Heyse, who was collating for the Editors at Rome, being requested to search for the MS. or MSS. which F. Ursinus alleged that he had used, discovered the original papers of Ursinus, in which it appeared that the readings which Rigaltius adopted from him, were in fact only ingenious conjectures by Ursinus himself, which he gave out as collations of MSS. The Editor of the treatises of Tertullian already translated, being thus thrown back upon the older text, found reason to think that in those cases the readings, which Ursinus had corrected, although at first sight obscurer, were (he believes with one exception) the most genuine.
With regard to S. Augustine, there seemed reason to think that there was very little or nothing left to be done for the improvement of the text after the admirable labours of the Benedictines. Some collations which the Editors obtained, through their laborious Collator, from very ancient MSS. of his Epistles at Monte-Cassino, confirmed this impression. And this is again renewed by some Collations on the Psalms, which the same [p.2] Scholar has made for them from a very ancient Codex rescriptus in the Vatican, Still, besides the improvement of the text of any Father, if possible, the Editors had the distinct object of making single valuable works accessible to Clergy who could not afford to purchase his whole works. They, therefore, propose to publish S. Augustine's Homilies on the Psalms, since they are not only a deep and valuable Commentary on a portion of Holy Scripture, which forms so large a part of our public devotions, but contain, perhaps, more of his practical theology and hints as to the inward spiritual life, than most of his works. Besides the above Vatican MS, Collations are being made of some of the Bodleian MSS, which have not been used, since even an occasional improvement of the collocation, or still more occasional of the text itself, is not without interest in a work of such exceeding value.
Large Collations had been made for S. MACARIUS, and it seemed almost ready for publication, when their indefatigable Collator, M. Heyse, disco-vered in the Vatican an entirely different recension. In accordance with the rules of the Vatican, access was, upon this, denied them to all MSS. whatever of S. Macarius, and the edition has consequently been, for the time, suspended.
For S. GREGORY OF NYSSA considerable preparations have been made, although nothing is yet ready for the press.
For these undertakings, the Editors have only their private resources, (any profits from the translations having been much more than absorbed by the Collations.) The present number of Subscribers to the original texts is only 421. Works printed in England have, owing to the expense of labour here, but a limited circulation abroad. If then it is wished that the publication of the originals should proceed more rapidly, there must be additional Subscribers. [p.3]
LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS.
--------
THE Library of the Fathers has now been continued, through the good Providence of God, for fourteen years. Thirty-seven volumes have been published, consisting chiefly of Homilies, explanatory of Holy Scripture. There have thus appeared Comments by S. Chrysostom on S. Matthew, S. John, the Acts, and the whole of S. Paul, except that on the Epistle to the Hebrews, which it is intended to publish shortly. Those already published form fourteen volumes.
Of S. Augustine, there have been published his Homilies on S. John's Gospel and first Epistle, in two volumes; five volumes of Homilies on the Psalms; and two volumes containing all those of his Sermons which have been preserved upon detached parts of the New Testament.
The Commentary upon Job by S. Gregory the Great, which from the fulness of its practical and spiritual teaching, and wonderful knowledge of the human mind, has been called the Magna Moralia, has also been published in four volumes. Thus, on Holy Scripture alone, there have been published twenty-seven volumes of Commentaries.
One more volume (which will appear about the close of the year) will complete S. Augustine's Commentary on the Psalms. They are, as a whole, the deepest Commentary extant on that portion of Holy Scripture, which has ever formed so large a part of the devotions of the Church. Together with a continual correction of the errors of Pelagius, they contain a deep fund of practical religious teaching, and hints as to the inward spiritual life. S. Augustine's love of Christ, and a spiritual instinct, taught him how to understand the Psalms, of Christ. Where we see, at length, with thought, that Christ is the deepest subject of a Psalm, it is striking to observe S. Augustine's clear intuitive perception, "This Psalm breathes wholly of Christ."
S. Chrysostom's Commentary on the Hebrews, (which will with God's help, appear within a year,) will complete that great Father's Comments on the New Testament, which occupy five volumes and a half of the Benedictine edition.
There will thus be a body of Commentary on most of the New Testament, consisting of one Comment on S. Matthew's Gospel, two on S. John's, one on the Acts, on S. Paul's Epistles, and the first Epistle of S. John; and these, among the greatest works of Antiquity. [p.4]
On this head, the Editors wish especially to add S Cyril of Alexandria's Commentary on S. John, on account of its great depth and fervour; S. Hilary on S. Matthew; S. Ambrose on S. Luke; Theodoret on S. Paul, as being concise and solid; and of S. Gregory the Great, if not his two books on Ezekiel, at least, the two upon the Gospels.
Of other Fathers, there have been published all the Apologetic and Practical Treatises of Tertullian; the whole of S. Cyprian; the extant works of S. Pacian; S. Cyril of Jerusalem's Lectures on the Apostles Creed; S. Athanasius' Treatises against the Arians, and other historical Treatises, and (uniform with the Library select Rhythms of S. Ephrem Syrus, chiefly on the Nativity and on Faith. The historical Treatises of S. Athanasius are the chief authority for the history of the period. The notes upon the Treatises against the Arians, contain a body of instruction upon great doctrines of the Faith which forms a valuable accession to to Bull and Pearson.
Of S. Augustine, there have also been published the Confessions, and a volume of Treatises on Faith and Practice, which, from the extent to which Mss. of them were multiplied, appear to have been a favourite study of religious minds in subsequent centuries.
Of S. Chrysostom there has also been published a translation of the celebrated Homilies on the Statues, i. e. his Sermons preached at Antioch, in a period of heavy suspense, to support and comfort the people, and bring them to repentance
In regard to future undertakings, the translation of the works of S. Justin Martyr is completed. Mr. Keble has translated the whole of S. Irenaeus. A translation of S. Athanasius' long-lost Paschal Epistles (which have been recently recovered and published in the Syriac translation) is nearly ready. These are at present accessible only to Syriac scholars: no translation, even into Latin, having been made. To these the Editors propose to append some other Treatises of S. Athanasius on the Incarnation of our Lord, and the Divinity of God the Holy Ghost.
Of the remaining list of works which they had contemplated, the work of S. Hilary on the Trinity, by the Bishop of Adelaide, is completed; as are S. Chrysostom on the Priesthood, by the late Bishop Jebb; the Epistles of S. Ambrose, and the Homilies of S. Gregory of Nazianzum, "the Theologian," who is more eloquent than S. Chrysostom. These with Origen's answer to Celsus; the refutation of Nestorius by S. Cyril of Alexandria, the Doctrinal Treatises of S. Ambrose, and the Pastorale of S. Gregory the Great would plainly be a very valuable accession to what has been already done.
Mr. Marriott has also partly prepared for publication a revised translation of S. Macanus' Homilies, which, to use his words "are valuable for the experiences of a devout life. He treats of the efforts of the soul to free itself from the world, and to find rest in God, and the various degrees of grace given, and of trials [p.5] permitted. Granville Penn translated great part of his Opuscula under the title of Christian Perfection."
The intended publication of the original of S. Macarius has been hindered by the refusal of the authorities at the Vatican to allow the much fuller recension of S. Macarius, which M. Heyse discovered, to be examined. The Editors were unwilling to publish the original, amid the uncertainty whether what has hitherto been published be a mere abridgment of the actual Homilies of S. Macarius, or whether the Vatican Ms. be an expansion of them by a later hand. This, however, did not seem to present any objection to a translation, since we possess all which was known of S. Macarius, until this discovery of M. Heyse: and we need not forego what we have, because we cannot obtain what we would. The intrinsic value of the practical teaching of a devout mind remains the same, whether it exist elsewhere in a more perfect form or no.
Translations have also been made of S. Chrysostom's Homilies on the Nativity and the Baptism of our Lord, on the Betrayal, on the Crucifixion and the Penitent Thief, on the Resurrection, on the Ascension, on the Day of Pentecost, on the Agony in the Garden, on Godly Life, the six on Repentance, five on the Incomprehensible Nature of God, the Catéchèses addressed to candidates for Holy Baptism, the Homily on his own Ordination as Presbyter, &c. forming a volume of his best detached Homilies.
On the history of the Church, the Editors intended to publish a new translation of Eusebius; the older English translations being too vague, though spirited; and the more recent translation not being satisfactory.
For the next period they had purposed to publish a translation of Theodoret, adding in notes any additional facts from Socrates, or his copyist Sozomen.
They have also a translation of Theodoret's Compendious account of Heresies; and his valuable Dialogues against heresy.
Of the Originals, Mr. Field, (who in critical skill is inferior, probably, to no living scholar, and who lias shewn a remarkable discernment in restoring the text of S. Chrysostom,) has edited for the Library, S. Chrysostom's Homilies on the Epistles to the Romans, the Corinthians, Galatians, and Ephesians, in four volumes. This edition, if completed, will be unquestionably the best edition ever published. For the parts which have been already published, the Editors obtained the collations of all the best extant Mss. in Europe, from the libraries of Paris, Munich, Vienna, Rome.
The Editors were glad of the opportunity of printing 1000 additional copies of each of these volumes of S. Chrysostom, in order to place them at the disposal of the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge for the use of the Greek Church. They took upon themselves the expense of the Collations; Mr. Field bestowed gratuitously his own labour in editing and correcting the press, and so these four thousand volumes were furnished at the [p.6] expense of the paper and half the composing only, amounting to £623 s. d. This leaves a debt upon these four volumes of £449 13s. 11d.
The Library of the Fathers, which the Editors have, by God's mercy, been permitted to continue hitherto, has amply fulfilled the objects, with which they undertook it, to provide a body of sound teaching and exposition of Holy Scripture. The part of the original plan which has been least executed, has been the refutation of heresy, although on this point also, the full and valuable notes on S. Athanasius supply a condensed body of instruction, not to be found elsewhere, and S. Athanasius himself has a wonderful power of teaching beyond the immediate subject in which he is engaged.
The actual number of volumes of translations of the Fathers, thus, at present, put into circulation, is 60,234. Of the originals, (in addition to those sent into Greece,) only 2003. Of these, 826 were of the Latin of S. Augustine's Confessions; 109 of the first volume of Theodoret on S. Paul.
How much further the plan will be continued must now depend upon additional support. The profits, which arose from the more extensive sale at the beginning of the plan, and from the relinquishment of the sum due to two of the translators, were long ago absorbed in obtaining collations of the originals a. Indeed, the later collations have been obtained at the expense of one of the Editors. The distresses of the latter part of the period, during which the Library has been carried on, have deprived them of some of the original Subscribers; many, in the course of so many years, must have passed out of the world, into the Presence of God; many Subscribers have been lost sight of, through change of place; some, doubtless, have found themselves unable to continue their subscriptions to a workwhich now amounts to thirty-seven volumes. Amid the increasing poverty of the body of the Clergy, and increased demands upon any funds they have, for works of piety and charity, few comparatively have been able to commence a subscription which involved the purchase of the large number of volumes already published. Meanwhile, the payment to Translators having been arranged under other circumstances, and the enlarged number of copies (two thousand) having still been printed of the more recent publications, the Editor, who from the first undertook the expense, finds himself responsible (including three recent reprints which were necessary to make the Library complete, and the present volume of St. Augustine on the Psalms) for a sum of £3078, which must be paid out of his own resources, unless replaced by the sale of the large number of copies on hand, Another Editor has made himself responsible for the original of Theodoret, amounting to £148 9s. [p.7]
This Editor is not embarassed as to the existing liabilities, since great portion of the debt must be liquidated in time, by the sale of the copies already printed, of which there will be 21,203 of the thirty-eight volumes of the translations, and 3003 of five volumes of the originals. Yet since he has not the means to meet any further expenditure, unless some change shall take place in the circumstances of the Library, those works only can be published to which the Editors are already pledged, or which involve no additional risk. Of the first sort, by the terms of the Subscription, are the works, as yet uncompleted; and accordingly the remaining volume of S. Augustine on the Psalms, and S. Chrysostom on the Hebrews, will, with God's help, be published before the close of the present year. It is thought that S, Justin Martyr, and S. Irenaeus, as very early Fathers, and S. Athanasius' Paschal Epistles, as being yet inaccessible, can be published without risk of further debt.
A plan has been arranged with the Publisher, which may enable those who so wish, to obtain separate works of the Fathers published, and those who have the earlier volumes of any work, to complete their sets. This may perhaps set the Library so far free, as to permit it to embrace those further works, whose publication seems most desirable. But whether this be so or no, the Editors would give humble thanks to Him Who has prospered their design hitherto, in the deeper inculcation both of faith and works, well pleasing in His sight.
DEO SOLI GLORIA.
E. B. PUSEY.
Christ Church.
* The sum paid for all the collations of original Mss. appears to have amounted to £1271 17s. d.
-------
P.S. In consequence of expressions of kindness from some few friends, to whom the circumstances of the Library became known, the Editor is obliged to add, explicitly, that he does not wish for, nor could he accept, any assistance, direct or indirect, towards the removal of the debt which, in reference to the continuance of the undertaking, he has been obliged to mention. Amid the many calls, which weigh down or distract those who are disposed to give, he could not be relieved of the debt by money which would otherwise be employed in God's service. Nor does he wish to see any forced sale of the Library; but the contrary. In time, it will be seen and felt, that the comments of the Fathers on Holy Scripture are deeper, and bring out the sense of Holy Scripture more, than modern comments; and that they are of more use to those, whether teachers or taught, who wish to understand the full meaning of the Holy Scriptures. The more our Clergy study these Sermons on Holy Scripture, and imbibe of the Spirit through [p.8] which they were written, the deeper and more useful will their own Sermons be. When this is so, S. Augustine, e. g. on S. John, will be in the hands of those who wish to understand S. John, as other human helps are now. To provide this, was and is one especial object of the Library. There would be no good in anticipating that time, by loading shelves with books which were not read.
A wish having been expressed by some to know the extent to which it is contemplated to continue the Library, the following calculation has been made of the probable size of the works mentioned above as desirable.
Commentaries on Holy Scripture.
Probable Prices.
S. Cyril on S. John, about 1120 pages 2 vols.
1 4 0
S. Ambrose on S. Luke, about 560 1 vol. 0 12 0
S. Hilary on S. Matthew 280
0 6 0
S. Gregory on the Gospels 460 1 vol. 0 9 0
Theodoret on S. Paul, about 400 1 vol. 0 8 6
Doctrinal and other Works,
S. Hilary on the Trinity 760 2 thin vols. 0 15 0
S. Macarius, about 500 1 vol. 0 10 6
S. Chrysostome, Homilies (as above)
1 vol.
S. Chrysostome on the Priesthood 150 )
S. Gregory on the Pastoral Office 200 ) 1 vol. 0 7 6
S. Gregory Nazianzene, Homilies 1300 3 vols. 1 7 0
S, Ambrose on the Faith )
------------------- the Holy Ghost ) 580 1 vol 0 12 0
------------------- the Incarnation )
------------ Epistles 760 2 thin vols. 0 16 0
Origen against Celsus 960 2 vols. 1 0 0
S. Cyril Alex. against Nestorius 200
0 5 0
Eusebius, Eccles. History
1 vol. 0 7 0
Theodoret, &c. Eccl. Hist.
1 vol. 0 7 0
Theodoret, Dialogues, and on Heresies
1 vol. 0 7 0
These, as a whole, would make a supplement to the Library, of about 23 volumes. They might make a whole by themselves. But they cannot be published, unless either there be additional subscriptions to these works, or the debt on the Library be diminished. Any portion however may be published, for which there shall be 400 additional Subscribers, there being apparently, at present, only 877. To the originals it appears that there are only 189 Subscribers. [p.9]
LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS.
Published Price. £. s. d.
Subscribers' Price. £. s. d.
S. AUGUSTINE----Confessions, fourth edition, 0 9 0 )
---------------Sermons on the New Testament, 2 vols. 1 8 0 )
---------------Homilies on the Psalms, 5 vols. 2 18 0 )
--------------------------on the Gospel and First Epistle of S. John, 2 vols. 1 10 0 )
---------------Practical Treatises 0 16 0 )
Or the 11 Volumes, 7 4 0 5 8 6
S. CHRYSOSTOM----Homilies on S. Matthew, 3 vols. 1 16 0 )
------------------on S. John, 2 vols.
1 4 6 )
------------------on the Acts, 2 vols. 1 1 0 )
------------------on S. Paul's Epistles, (excepting the Hebrews, which are in preparation) 7 vols. 4 0 0 )
------------------on the Statues 0 12 0 )
Or the 15 Volumes, 8 13 6 6 10 6
S. CYRIL----Lectures on the Creed, third edition, 0 10 6 0 8 0
S. CYPRIAN----Works, 2 vols, second edition, 1 2 6 0 17 0
S.GREGORY THE GREAT----Morals on the Book of Job, 4 vols. 2 15 6 2 1 0
S. ATHANASIUS----Against the Arians, 2 vols. 0 19 6)
-----------------------Historical Tracts 0 10 6)
Or the 3 Volumes, 1 10 0 1 3 0
TERTULLIAN----Apologetic and Practical Treatises 0 15 0 0 11 0
Or the complete Set, (as far as published,) 37 Volumes, 22 11 0 16 19 0
Also uniform with the Library.
S. EPHRAEM----(from the Syriac)----Rhythms on the Nativity, and on Faith 0 14 0 0 10 6
ORIGINAL TEXTS.
S. AUGUSTINI Confessiones. 0 9 0 0 7 0
S. CHRYSOSTOMI Homiliae in Matthaeum, 3 vols. 2 2 0 1 11 6
--------------------- in D. Pauli Epistolas ad Corinthios I. 0 14 0 )
----------------------------------------------- ad Corinthios II. 0 10 6 )
---------------------------------------------- ad Romanos 0 12 0 )
---------------------------------------------- ad Galatas et Ephesios 0 9 0 )
Or the 4 Volumes, 2 0 6 1 14 6
THEODORETI----Commentarius in D.Pauli Epistolas ad Romanos, Corinthios, et Galatas 0 10 0 0 8 0
Or the 9 Volumes, 5 7 0 4 1 0
Any of the above Sets may be had as separate Works, not as parts of the Library. [p.10]
The following Sets may be had at Subscribers' Prices.
£. s. d.
1. The 9 Volumes of S. Augustine on Holy Scripture 4 9 6
2. S. Chrysostom on S. Matthew, S. John, and the Acts, 7 vols. 3 1 6
3. --------------------- S. Paul, (all but the Ep. to the Heb.) 7 vols. 3 0 6
4. S. Gregory on Job, 4 vols. 2 1 0
5. S. Athanasius, 3 vols. 1 3 0
6. S. Chrysostomi Homiliae in D. Pauli Epp. ad Rom. Cor. Gal 4 vols. 1 14 6
--------
The later Volumes of Works, which are needed to make up Sets, may be had at Subscribers' Prices by those who have the earlier. There must be many uncompleted Sets of S. Chrysostom on S. Matthew and S. Paul; S. Gregory on Job; S. Augustine on the Psalms; and S. Athanasius against the Arians.
Price of single Volumes to make up Sets.
Subscribers' Prices. £. s. d.
S. ATHANASIUS----Against the Arians, Part II. 0 8 0
S.AUGUSTINE----Sermons on the New Testament, Vol. 2, 0 10 6
on the Psalms, Vol. 2. 0 8 0
3. 0 10 6
4. 0 10 6
5. 0 9 0
S. CHRYSOSTOM----on S. Matthew, Part II. 0 9 0
Part III. 0 9 0
S. John, Part II. 0 10 6
Acts, Part II. 0 8 0
2 Corinthians 0 8 0
Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians 0 11 0
Timothy, Titus, and Philemon 0 9 0
S. GREGORY on Job, Vol. 3. Part I. 0 8 0
Part II. 0 11 0
[p.11]
UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF
WILLIAM, LATE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY,
FROM ITS COMMENCEMENT A.D. 1836,
UNTIL HIS GRACE'S DEPARTURE IN PEACE A.D. 1848.
--------
A
LIBRARY OF FATHERS
OF THE
HOLY CATHOLIC CHURCH,
ANTERIOR TO THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST.
---------
EDITED BY
THE REV. E. B. PUSEY, D.D.
Regius Professor of Hebrew, Canon of Christ Church, late Fellow of Oriel College.
THE REV. JOHN KEBLE, M.A.
Late Professor of Poetry, and Fellow of Oriel College.
THE REV. C. MARRIOTT, B.D.
Fellow of Oriel College.
---------
Works already published.
Works already published
ATHANASIUS, S.
On the Nicene Definition, Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia, and the Orations against the Arians, 2 vols.
Rev. J.H. Newman, B.D. late fellow of Oriel.
Historical Documents
Rev. M. Atkinson, M.A. Fellow of Lincoln.
AUGUSTINE, S.
Confessions
Old translation, revised by E.B.Pusey, D.D.
Homilies on the New Testament, 2 vols.
Rev. R.G. Macmullen, M.A. late fellow of C.C.C.
On the Psalms, Vols. 1. 2.
partly by Rev. J.E.Tweed, Chaplain of Christ Church
On the Psalms, Vol. 3
T.Scratton, B.A. hC.ch
On the Psalms, Vol. 4, 5
Rev. C.E. Prichard, M.A. Fellow of Balliol.
Practical Treatises
( Rev C.L.Cornish, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter
( Rev. H. Browne, M.A. C.C.C. Camb.
On St. John's Gospel and First Epistle, 2 vols.
Rev. H. Browne, M.A.
CYRIL, S. OF JERUSALEM
Catechetical Discourses
Rev. R.W. Church, M.A. Fellow of Oriel.
CYPRIAN S.
Treatises
late Rev. C. Thornton, M.A. Christ Church
Epistles
Rev. H. Carey, M.A. Worcester College
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Homilies on St. Matthew, 3 vols.
Rev. Sir G. Prevost, M.A. Oriel.
On St. John, 2 vols.
Rev. G.T. Stupart, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter.
On the Acts, 2 vols.
Rev T. Sheppard, M.A. Oriel.
On the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Timothy, Titus, and Philemon, 7 vols.
( Rev. J.B. Morris, M.A. late fellow of Exeter.
( Rev. J. Medley, M.A. (now Ld. Bishop of Fredericton)
( Rev. H.K. Cornish, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter.
( The late C. Wood, M.A. Oriel.
( Rev. W. J. Copeland, B.D. Fellow of Trinity.
( Rev. W.C. Cotton, M.A. Student of Ch. Ch.
( Rev. J. A. Ashworth, M.A. Fellow of Brase-nose.
( Rev. J. Tweed, M.A. C.C.C. Camb.
Homilies on the Statues
Rev. E. Budge, B.A. Christ's Coll. Camb.
GREGORY, S. THE GREAT
Magna Moralia, 3 vols.
Rev. Jas. Bliss, M.A. Oriel.
PACIAN, S.
Epp. to Sympr.; on Repentance and Baptism
Rev. C. H. Collyns, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
TERTULLIAN
Apologetic and Practical Treatises
Rev. C. Dodgson, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
ORIGINALS
AUGUSTINE
Confessiones
Rev. E. B. Pusey.
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Hom. in Ep. ad Rom.
Hom. in Ep. 1 et 2. ad Cor.
Hom. in Eph. ad Gal. et Ep.
Rev. F. Field, M.A. Trinity Coll. Camb.
THEODORET
Com. in Epp. ad Rom. Cor. Gal.
Rev. C. Marriott, B. D. Oriel. [p.12]
------------------------------------------------------------------
In the Press
AUGUSTINE, S.
On the Psalms, Vol. 6. and last.
[blank in printed text]
ORIGINALS
CHRYSOSTOME, S.
Homilies on the Epistles to the Hebrews
Rev. T. Keble, M.A. late Fellow of C.C.C.
THEODORET
Commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul
Rev. C. Marriott, B.D. Oriel.
Works actually completed.
ACTS of early MARTYRS
(Genuine)
[blank in printed text]
AMBROSE, S.
Epistles
partly by the late S.F.Wood, M.A. Oriel
ATHANASIUS, S.
Paschal Epistles
Rev. H. Burgess.
Tracts on the Incarnation and Holy Spirit
Rev. C. Daman, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel.
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
On the Priesthood
The late Bp. Jebb, finished by Rev. J. Jebb, M.A.
GREGORY, S. THEOLOGUS, OF NAZIANZUM
Sermons
Rev. R.F. Wilson, M.A. Oriel.
HILARY, S.
On the Trinity
Rev. A. Short, M.A. (Bp. of Adelaide)
IRENAEUS, S.
Against Heresy
Rev. J. Keble, M.A.
JUSTIN, M.
Works
Rev. G. J. Davie, M.A. Exeter
THEODORET
Compendium of Heresies and Dialogues
Rev. R. Scott, M.A. late Fellow of Balliol.
Other Works originally contemplated
AMBROSE, S.
On the Psalms
[blank in printed text]
On St. Luke
partly by the late S.F.Wood, M.A. Oriel
Doctrinal Treatises
[blank in printed text]
AUGUSTINE, S.
Anti-Pelagian Tracts
[blank in printed text]
Anti-Donatist Tracts
Rev. G.H.Forbes
Epistles
[blank in printed text]
City of God
Rev. C. Daman, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel.
BASIL, S. THE GREAT
Letters, Treatises and Homilies
Rev. Is. Williams, M.A. late Fellow of Trinity
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Select Homilies
Rev. C.B. Pearson, M.A. Oriel.
Epistles
Rev. E. Churton, M.A. Christ Church
CLEMENT, S. OF ALEXANDRIA
Paedogogus
Rev. G. J. Davie, M.A. Exeter
CYRIL, S. OF ALEXANDRIA
Against Nestorius
[blank in printed text]
On St. John's Gospel
Rev. H. Browne, M.A. C.C.C. Cambridge
EUSEBIUS
Ecclesiastical History
Rev. E.A.Dayman, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter
GREGORY, S. THE GREAT
Homilies on the Gospels
Rev. T.A. Buckley, B.A. Ch. Ch.
Pastoral
Rev. J. James, M.A. Queen's Coll. Oxford.
HILARY, S.
-------- Psalms
G.G.Hayter, B.A. late Scholar of Oriel.
On St. Matthew
[blank in printed text]
JEROME, S.
Epistles
Rev. J. Mozley, M.A. Fellow of Magdalen
LEO, S. THE GREAT
Sermons and Epistles
[blank in printed text]
MACARIUS, S.
Works
Old translation revised by Rev. C. Marriott, B.D.
Fellow of Oriel. Additions by T.A.Buckley, B.A. Ch. Ch.
OPTATUS, S.
On the Donatist Schism
[blank in printed text]
ORIGEN
Against Celsus
Rev. J. F. Christie, M.A. late Fellow of Oriel
TERTULLIAN
Works
Rev. C. Dodgson, M.A. late Student of Ch. Ch.
THEODORET, &c.
Ecclesiastical History
Rev. C. Marriot, B.D. Fellow of Oriel
MISCELLANIES
St. Clement of Alex. "Quis dives salvetur?" Ep. ad Diognetum; Tracts of Hippolytus.
[blank in printed text]
ORIGINALS
AUGUSTINE, S.
Ennarationes in Psalmos.
[blank in printed text]
CHRYSOSTOM, S.
Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles
[blank in printed text]
CYRIL, S. OF JERUSALEM
[blank in printed text]
[blank in printed text]
MACARIUS, S.
Homiliae et Opuscula
[blank in printed text]
Also, uniform with the Library, price 14s. To Subscribers to the Library of the Fathers, 10s.
SELECT WORKS of S. EPHREM THE SYRIAN. Translated out of the Original Syriac With NOTES and INDICES.
Oxford, John Henry Parker; F. and J. Rivington, London. [p.13]
SUBSCRIBERS.
---------
Those marked with an * are subscribers to both the Texts and the Translations.
Those marked + to the Texts only.
Those not marked, to the Translations only.
---------
* His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, dec.
His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York, dec.
Right Hon. and Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of London.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Winchester.
+ Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Lincoln.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Bangor.
Hon. and Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Oxford.
*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Rochester.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Exeter.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Worcester, dec.
*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Chichester, dec.
* Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Lichfield.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Worcester.
*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of St. Asaph.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Ripon.
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*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Guiana.
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* Right.Rev. The Lord Bishop of Newcastle.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of North Carolina, 2 copies.
*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of New Jersey.
Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Ohio.
Right Rev. Bishop Luscombe, Paris, dec.
[p.14]
Abbiss, Rev. J. St. Bartholomew the Great, London
* Aberdeen Diocesan Library
A. B. Theological College, Illinois
Abraham, Ven. C. J. Archdeacon, New Zealand
+Ackland, Rev. T. S. Liverpool
Acland, A. H. Dyke Esq. Teignmouth
*Acland, T. D. Esq.
Acland, Rev. P. Leopold, Broadclist
Adams, Rev. D. Bampton
Adams, T. Esq. Halifax
Adcock, Rev. Halford H. Humberstone,Leicestershire
Addison, Rev. Berkeley, St. John's, Edinburgh
Agnew, Mrs.
Airy, Rev. W. Bramley, Basingstoke
Aitcheson, Ven. Archdeacon, Edinburgh
Alexander, Rev. John, Edinburgh
Alger, Owen T. Esq.
Allen, Rev. Jas. Castle Martin, Pembrokeshire
Allen, Mr. John, Hoxton, London
Allen, R. B. Esq. Walthamstow
Allom. Mr. Bookseller, York
*All Souls College Library, Oxford
Amphlett, Rev. M. Churchleach, Evesham
*Anderdon, John L. Esq.
Anderson, C. Esq. 5, India Street, Edinburgh
Anderson, G. W. Esq. Bombay
Anderson, Rev. Philip, Bombay
Anderson, Hon. Mrs. Brighton
Andrews, Mr. G. Bookseller, Durham
Anson, Rev. G. Rusholme, Manchester
*Anstice, Mrs. Joseph
Anthon, Rev. Henry, D.D. New York
Antrobus, Rev. George, Withyham,Tunbridge Wells
*Appleton and Co. New York
Archer, Rev. C. Leanwick, Cornwall
Arden, Rev. G. Carne, Dorchester
Armstrong, Rev. J. H. Dublin
Armstrong, Rev. J. Dinder, Somerset
Ashington, Miss, Little Saxham
Ashworth, Rev. J. H. East Woodhay, Hants
*Ashworth, Rev. J. A. Didcot
* Atkinson, Rev. M. Head Master of St. Bee's Grammar School
*Audland, Rev. W. F. Queen's Coll.
Austin, Mr. S. Bookseller, Hertford
*Awdry, Rev. C. Worthen, Shropshire
Aynesley, Rev. J. C. Murray, Walton, Bristol
Baber, Rev. Harry, Whiteland's House, Chelsea
Back, Rev. H.
Back, Rev. John, Westminster
*Bacon, Rev. R. W. King's Coll. Camb.
Badeley, E. Esq. Temple
*Bagge, Rev. J. Crux Easton, Hants
Bagnall, J. N. Esq. West Bromwich
Baillie, Rev. Evan, Lawshall, near Bury St. Edmunds
Bailey, Ven Archdeacon, D.D.Colombo, Ceylon
Bain, Mr. Bookseller, Haymarket, London
+ Bandinel, Rev. Bulkeley, D.D. Bodleian Librarian
Banning, Rev. B. Wellington
Barff, Rev. F. Leicester
Barff, Rev. A. Pembroke College
Barker, Rev. H. Raymond, Cirencester
Barker, Rev. C. Raymond, Horfield, Bristol
*Barker, Rev. F. Raymond, Oriel Coll.
Barling, Rev. J. Halifax
Barlow, Rev. G. Exeter
Barnes, Rev, J. W. Kendal, Westmorland
Barnstaple Clerical Book Club
Baron, Rev. J. Upper Scudamore, Wilts.
+Barr, Rev. Arthur Croydon
Barrell, Rev. R. Wakefield
Barrett, James, Esq. Lymon Hall, Warrington
*Barrow, Rev. J. Queen's College
Barry, Rev. R. Hinderwell Rectory, Yorkshire
Barter, Rev. W. B. Burghclere, Hants
Bartholomew, Ven. Archdeacon, Exeter
Bartholomew, Rev. C. C. Lympstone,Devon
Bastard, J. R. P. Esq. Ketley, Devon
Batcheller, Mr. Bookseller, Dover.
*Bates, Rev. W. Christ's Coll. Camb.
Bather, Rev. E. jun. Meole Brace, Shrewsbury
Bathurst, Rev. L. C. 2, Craven Place, Kentish Town
Baxter, Rev. Arthur, Hampreston Wimbourne, Dorset.
Baxter, R. J. Esq. Hoby, Leicester
Bayley, W. R. Esq. Cotford House, Sidbury, near Honiton
Bayliff, Rev. T. L. Albury, Herts.
* Bayly, Rev. W. H. R. Harrow on the Hill
*Beadon, Rev. H. W. Latton, near Cricklade
Beadon, Rev. Rich, à Court, Cheddar,Somerset
Beaumont, Rev. J. A. Poughill, Devon
Beckwith, Rev. H. W. Thornaby, Yorkshire
Bell, Rev. Henry, Ruddington, Notts.
Bell, Rev. John, Oulton, near Leeds
Bell, W. W. Esq. Civil Service, Bombay
Bellairs, Rev. W. Bedworth
Bellas, Rev. S. Monk Sherborne,Basingstoke
Belli, Rev. C. A. Southweald, Essex
*Bellingham, Rev. J. G. Farmington, Gloucestershire
Bennett, Rev. E. Leigh, Long Sutton, Lincoln
Bennett, Rev. W. J. E. Frome, Somerset
Benning and Co. Messrs. London
Berry, Rev. P. Cork
Bethune, Rev. G. W. Crawley, Sussex
*Bevan, Beckford, Esq. 16, Devonshire Place
Bevan, J. J. Esq. 16, Devonshire Place
Beveridge, Mr. Thos. Gordon, Aberdeen
Biggor, D. Esq.
Biggs, Rev. Michael, King's College. London
Biron, Rev. Edwin, Hythe, Kent
Birtwhistle, Mr. W. Halifax
* Bishops' College, Calcutta
Blackburn, Rev. P. Steeple Langford, Heytesbury
Blackwell, Rev. Wm. Mells, Frome
Blandy, Charles, Esq. Reading
Blandy, Rev. Francis J. Netheravon, Amesbury, Wilts
Blenkinsopp, Rev. E. L. Ormskirk
*Blew, Rev.W. J. Milton, Gravesend
*Bliss, Rev. J. Ogbourne, Marlborough
Blower, ---- Esq. Wolverhampton
Bloxam, Rev. J. R. D.D. Magd. Coll.
Blyth, W. Esq. Alliance Assurance Office
Bond, Rev. N. Holme House, Dorset
Bonney, Ven, Archdeacon, Lincoln
+Borrodaile, Rev. A. Westminster
Bosanquet, Rev. E. (Chrysostom)
*Bosanquet, Rev. R. W.
Bosanquet, W. H. Esq.
Bosanquet, S. Esq. Montagu Place
Boucher, Rev. J. S. Knightsbridge
Bourke, Rev. S. G.
+Bousfield, Rev. G. B. R. Attleborough
Boutflower, D. Esq. Christ's College, Cambridge
Bowden, Mrs. 17, Grosvenor Place
Bowden, Rev. Robert, Stoke-Gabriel
Bowdler, Rev. T. 79, Chester Square
Bowles, Rev. F.A. Singleton, Chichester
+ Bowstead, Rev.J. Messingham, Lincoln
Boyle, Hon. G. F. Ch. Ch.
Bradley, Rev. J. C.
Bradshaw, Rev. J.
Braithwaite, Rev. F. London
Braithwaite, Rev.Wm. St. Peter's, Jersey
Bramston, Rev. John, Witham
Bray, late Rev. Dr. Associates of, 5 copies
Bray, Rev. E. A.
Brendon, Rev. W. E. St. Mary's, Devon
Brereton, Rev. John, New Coll.
*Brewer, Rev. J. S. King's College, London
*Bridges, Rev, A. H. Horsham, Sussex
Bright, Rev. J. Totterton House, Salop
* Brine, Rev. James G. All Saints, Chardstock, Dorset
Briscoe, Rev. T. Jesus Coll.
Bristol Library Society
Broadbent,Rev.C.F.Worfield,Shropshire
Broderip, Rev. J. S. Manor House, Cossington, Bridgwater
Brodie, W. Esq. of Brodie, near Forres
Brooke, Rev.R. Ave ni ng,Gloucestershire
Brooksbank, Rev. C. Blakeney, Gloucester
[p.16]
Broughton, Rev. H.V. Wellingborough, Northants.
Broughton, Rev. B. S. Washington, Durham
+Browell, Rev. W. R. Beaumont, Colchester
+Brown, Rev. Henry, Chichester
*Brown, S. M. Esq. Westbury, Wilts
Browne, Rev. H. Woolwich
*Browne, Rev. R. W. King's Coll. London
Browne, Rev. E. H. Kenwyn, Cornwall
Brownrigg, C. C. Esq. Fort Louis, Mauritius
Bruce, Rev. W. Duffryn, near Cardiff
Bruce, Rev. K. Bideford
Brymer, James, Esq. Bath.
Buck, Rev. R. H. K. Bideford *
Buckerfield, Rev. F. H. Little Bedwin
* Buckley, Rev. Joseph, Badminton, Gloucestershire
*Buckley, Rev. W. E. Brasenose Coll.
Buckley, W. H. G. Esq. Bradford, Yorkshire
*Bull,Rev. John, D.D. Canon of Ch.Ch.
*Buller, Rev. A. Mary Tavy, Tavistock
Buller, John Edw. Esq.
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Bullock, Rev. W. St. Anne's, Soho
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Burton, Rev. R. C. Taverham, Norfolk
Burnaby, Rev. Robt. Leicester
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*Burton, H. Esq. Hotham Hall
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Burton, Rev. R. C. Taverham, Norfolk
Butler, Rev. D. Clergy Orphan School, St. John's Wood
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Butterworth, Rev. G. Menbury, Bristol
Caldwell, Rev. R. Madras
Cambridge Union Society
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Canterbury Clerical Book Society
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Carey, E. L. Esq. Philadelphia
Carlyon, Rev. E. Lamerton, Devon.
Carlyon, Rev. Philip, St. James', Exeter
Carne, Rev. J. Pelham, Hertfordshire
Carrighan, Rev. G. Plymouth
Carter, Rev. W. Eton College
Carter, Rev. J. D.D. Frenchay, Bristol
*Carter, Rev. T. T. Clewer Rectory, Windsor
Cartwright, Mr. Leicester
Case, Rev. James, Liverpool
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*Chaffers, Rev.T. Brasenose Coll.
Chambers, J. D. Esq. 2, Gloucester Terrace, Regent's Park
*Chambers, Rev. J. C. Perth
Champernowne, H. Esq. Trinity Coll.
Champernowne, Rev. R. Darlington, Devon
Chanter, Rev. J. M Ilfracombe
Charrington, John, Esq. London
*Chase, Rev. D. P. Oriel Coll.
Chenoweth, J. J. Esq. Pembroke Coll. Cambridge
*Chepmell, Rev. H. L. M. D.D. Royal Military College, Sandhurst
*Chessyre, Rev. W. J. Canterbury
Chester, Rev. Anthony, Chicheley, Bucks
Cheyne, Rev. P. Aberdeen
Chichester, Dean and Chapter of
Child, Rev. H. Witham, Essex
Childers, Mrs. A.W. Cantley, Doncaster
Cholmeley, R. Esq. Magd. Coll.
*Christie, Rev. J. F. Ufton, nr. Reading
+Christ Church Library, Oxford
*Christ's College Library, Cambridge
+Church, Rev. R. W. Oriel Coll.
Church, Rev. W. M. H. Geddington
*Churton, Very Rev. Edw. Crayke, near Easingwold
Clarke, Rev.H. Danvers, Exeter Coll.
Clark, G. N. Esq. Newcastle-on-Tyne
Clark, Rev. John, Leeds
Clayton, Rev. J. Farnborough, Hants
[p.17]
Claxson, Rev. B. S. D.D. Gloucester
*Cleoburey, Rev. C.
Clerke, Ven. C. C, Archdeacon of Oxford
Clifford, Rev. F. C.
Clutterbuck, Rev. J. Exeter College
Cockin, Rev. M. Dunton Bassett, Lutterworth
Cocks, Hon. and Rev. J. S. Eastnor Castle, Ledbury
*Codd, Rev. E. T. Eccleshall, Staffordshire
*Codrington College Library, Barbados
Coit, Rev. T. D. President of the Transylvanian University, U. S.
*Coleridge, Hon. Mr. Justice, 26, Park Crescent
Coleridge, Rev. E. Eton Coll.
Coleridge, F. G. Esq. Ottery St. Mary
Coleridge, Rev. Theodore, Exeter
+College of Doctors of Law, Doctors' Commons
Collett, Rev. W. L. Queen's Coll.
+Collins, Rev. C. M. Chudleigh, Devon
*Collis, Rev. J. D. Head Master of Bromsgrove School
Collison, Rev. F. W. St. John's, Cambridge
+Collyns, Rev. C. H. Ch. Ch. Oxford
Coltman,Rev.George, Stickney, Boston, Lincolnshire
Colvile, Rev.Frederick L. Leek,Wootton, Warwickshire
Compton, Lord Alwyn
Compton, Rev. J. Minestead, Hants
Cooper, Rev. G. M.Wilmington, Lewes, Sussex
Copeland, Rev. W. J. Farnham, Essex
+Copleston, Rev. W, J. Cromhall, Gloucestershire (Chrysostom)
*Cornish,Rev.Dr.King's School, Ottery St. Mary
Cornish, Rev. Hubert K. Bakewell, Derbyshire
Cornish, Rev. C. L. Balstonborough, Somerset
*Cornthwaite, Rev. T. St. Peter's, Walthamstow, Essex
Cosserat, Rev. G. P. Graham, Winfrith, Newburgh, Dorset.
Cotes, Rev. Peter, Litchfield, Hants
*Cotton, Rev. W. C.
Cotton, William, Esq. Bank of England
+Cox, Rev. W. H. St. Mary Hall
*Cox, Rev. J. Walgrave, Northants.
Cox, Rev. F. H. Tasmania
Cramp, W, Esq. Camberwell
Craven, Wm. Esq. Halifax
Crawley, C. Esq. Littlemore
Crewe, Lord, Trustees of,
*Crichlow, Rev. H. M. Salcombe, near Sidmouth, Devon
Cripps, Rev. J. M. Great Yeldham, Essex
Croft, Archdeacon, Saltwood, Hythe
Cross, Rev. J. E. Appleby, Brigg.
Crossley, Mr. J. S. Leicester
+Cureton, Rev. W. British Museum
Currie, Rev. Horace G. Sevenoaks, Kent
*Currie, Rev. James, Dearham, Cumberland
Currie, Rev. James, West Lavington, Midhurst, Sussex
*Dalton, Rev. W. Lloyd House, Wolverhampton
*Dalton, Rev. C. B. Rectory, Lambeth
Dalton, Mr. 28, Cockspur Street, London, 2 copies
*Daman, Rev. Charles, Oriel Coll.
*Dansey, Rev. Wm. Donhead St. Andrew, Wills
Darnell, Rev. W. N Stanhope, Durham
*Darling, Mr. James, 22, Little Queen Street, London
Darwall, Rev. L. Criggion, near Shrewsbury
Davis, Rev. E. Hereford
Davies, Rev. W. L. Southampton
Dawson, Rev. G. Woodleigh, Kingsbridge
*Dawson, Rev, J. Leamington
Day, Rev. John D. Ellesmere, Salop
Dayman, Rev. E. A. Shillingston, Dorset
[p.18]
*Deacon, Rev. G. E. Ottery St. Mary, Devon
Dean, Rev. E. B. All Souls College
Deane, Rev. H. Gillingham, nr. Shaftesbury
Debrisay, Mrs. Leamington
Debrisay, H. D. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Delafosse, Mrs. Addiscombe
Demain, Rev. Henry, Hertford
Demerara Clerical Library
Denny, Rev. A. Mauritius
De Styrap, H. G. J. Esq. Worc. Coll.
*De Teissier, Rev. G. C.C.C.
Dew, Lieutenant George, R.N. Reading
*Dewes, Rev. A. Pendlebury, near Manchester
Dewhurst, Rev. John, Bere Church, Essex
*Dickinson, F. H. Esq. 8, Upper Hailey Street
Dickinson, Mrs. H. 19, Lowndes Street
Didham, Rev. R. C. Haston Robert's Rectory, Yorkshire
*Dimsdale, Charles, Esq. Essendon Place, Herts.
Dingwall, Charles, Esq.
Dixon, Rev. Robert, King Wm. Coll. Isle of Man
Dixon, Rev. J. J. Wigan
Dodd, Rev. W.
Dodd, Rev. H. P. Tunbridge Wells
+ Donkin, W. F. Esq. Univ. Coll.
Donne, Rev. Jas. Bedford
Dornford, Rev. J. Plymtree, Devon
Douglas, Rev. H. Salworpe, Worcestershire
Douglas, Rev. W. H. Scrayingham, York
Dowding, Rev. B. C. Devizes
Drake, Rev. Thomas, Barrow-upon-Soar, near Loughborough
Drummond, Rev. Arthur, Charlton
Drummond, Rev. R. Feering, Essex
Drummond, Colonel, Brighton
Drury, Rev. R. Harrow
Dry, Rev. Thos. North Walsham
Dry, Rev. W. Wadham College
Duffield, Rev. R. Frating, near Colchester
Dundas, Wm. Pitt, Esq. Edinburgh
Dunraven, Earl of,
Durnford, Rev. Francis, Eton College
Dyer, Rev. J. H. Great Waltham, Essex
Dymock, Rev. J. Rector of Roughton, Lincolnshire
Dyne, Rev. J. B. Highgate
*Dyson, Rev. C. Dogmersfield, Hants
Dyson, Rev. F. Tidworth, Marlborough
Eaton and Sons, Booksellers, Worcester
Eaton, Rev. W. Littleton House, Lower Wick, Worcester
Edge, Rev. W. J. Hart's Hill, Warwickshire
Edinburgh, University of
Edmonstone, Sir Archibald, Bart.
Edwardes, Stephen, Esq.
*Edwards, Rev. A. Magd. Coll.
Edwards, Rev. E.Trentham, Newcastle
Edwards, Rev. T. Brougham, near Penrith
Edwards, Rev. W. E. Great Horkesley, Colchester
Eedle, Rev. Edward, South Bersted, near Bognor, Sussex
Eland, Rev. H. G. Bedminster
Eld, Rev. J. H. 10, East Parade, Leeds
Elder, Rev. Edward, Durham
+Ellicott, Rev. C. J. St. John's Coll. Cambridge
Emmanuel College Library, Cambridge
*Erskine, Hon. and Rev. H. D. Kirby Underdale, Yorkshire
*Estcourt, E. E. Esq. Bristol
Estcourt, T. G. Bucknall, Esq. M.P. Estcourt, Gloucestershire
*Evans, Herbert N. M.D. Hampstead
*Evans, Rev. T. S. Shoreditch
Evetts, T. Esq. C. C. C.
Exeter College Library
Ewing, Rev. A. Forres, N. B.
Ewing, Rev. W. Kesgrave, Ipswich
Fanshawe, Rev. F. Exeter Coll.
*Farebrother, Rev. Thomas, Aston, Birmingham
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Fearon, Rev. D. R. Assington, Suffolk
Fellowes, Rev. C. Shottesham, Norfolk
Fellows, Mrs. Money Hill House, Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire
Fenwick, Rev. John, Blandford, St.Mary
Fenwick, Rev. M. J. Donegal
Fenwicke, Rev. G. O. Aston, near Birmingham
Fessey, Rev. G. F. Worcester
Few, Robert, Esq. 2, Henrietta Street
Field, Rev. E. Lower Brixham, Torquay
Field, Rev. S. P. Eligh Beech, Essex
+Field, Rev. T. St. John's College, Cambridge
Fielding, Rev. H. Louth
Finch, Miss C.
Fitzherbert, Rev. A. Tissington, Derbyshire
Fitzroy, Rev. August. Fakenham, Magna Suffolk
*Fletcher, Rev. W. K. Bombay
Flint, Rev. W. C. R. Great Rollright
Forbes, Rev. G. H. Worcester
Ford, Rev. J. Bailey, near Exeter
Forester, Hon. and Rev. Orlando, Brozeley, Shiffnall
*Formby, Rev. R. Dunkirk, Kent
Forster, Rev. H.B. Coln Rogers Rectory, Northleach
Fortescue, Rev. R. H. East Allington
Foster, Rev. J. Sudbury
Foulkes, Rev. E. S. Jesus Coll.
Foulkes, Rev. H. P. Buckley
Fox, Rev. Charles, Bridport
Fox, Rev. C. J. Brentwood, Essex
Franklyn, Rev. Bath
Fraser, Rev. Robert, Cherington, Folkestone
Freith, Rev. F. H.
Frost, Rev. P. Cambridge
Fulford, Rev. J. L. Woodbury, Devon
Fyffe, Rev. Henry, Langley, Slough
Fyler, Rev. S. A. Cornhill, Coldstream
* Gace, Rev.Frederick Aubert,Magdalen Hall
*Garden, Rev. Francis, Edinburgh
Garratt, John, Esq. jun. Farringdon House, near Exeter
Gaunt, Rev. C. Isfield, Sussex
Gawthern, Rev. F. Exeter College
*Gepp, Rev. Geo. Edw. Ashbourn
Germon, Rev. N. Manchester
Gibbings, Rev. Rich. Warmington, Northants
Gilbertson, Rev. L. Llangorwen, near Aberystwith
Gillett, Rev. G. E. Waltham, Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire
Gladstone, Rev. John, Stoke Hodnet, Salop
Gladstone, Rt. Hon.William Ewart,M.P. Ch. Ch. 2 copies
Glanville, Rev. Edward F.
Glasgow, University of,
*Glencross, Rev. J. Balliol College
Glynne, Rev. H. Hawarden Rectory, Flintshire
Godfrey, Rev. F. St. Helier's, Jersey
Goldie, Rev. C. D. Colnbrook
Golding, Rev. Edward, Brimpton, Newbury
Goldsmid, Nathaniel, Esq.
Gooch, Rev. J. H. Head Master of Heath School, Halifax
* Goodford, Rev. C. O. Eton Coll.
Goodlake, Rev. T. W. Broadwell, near Lechlade
Goodwin, Rev. H. Caius College, Cambridge
Gordon, Rev. Osborne, Ch. Ch.
Gordon, Rev. R. A. Avington, Berks
Gother, Rev. A. Chale Rectory, Isle of Wight
Gower, Rev. Stephen, Kingston-on- Thames, Surrey
Graham, Rev. W. H. Great Bromley, Essex
Graham, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford
Grant and Son, Messrs. Booksellers Edinburgh
Grant, Rev. A. Manningford Bruce, Wilts
*Grant, Ven. Archdeacon, Romford
*Granville, Rev. Court, Alnwick, Northumberland
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Graves, Rev. John, Stretton Grandison, Herefordshire
+Green, Rev. J. H. Normanton, Leicester
Green, Rev. M, J. Steepleton Rectory, near Dorchester, Dorset
+Green, Rev. T. S. Ashby Grammar School
Greene, R. Esq. Lichfield
*Greenwell, Rev. W. Durham
Gregory, Rev. R, Panton Wragby, Lincolnshire
Gregson. Henry, Esq. Lowlynn, Northumberland
Greig, Rev. D. Dundee
Gresley, Rev. W. Lichfield
*Gresley, Rev. J. M. Over Seale, Leicestershire
Greswell, Rev. R. Worcester Coll.
*Grey, Hon. and Rev. Francis, Morpeth, Northumberland
Grey, Hon. and Rev. John, Houghton le Spring, Durham
Grieve, Mr. Edinburgh
+Griffith, Rev. C. A. New Coll.
Grimston, Hon. & Rev. F. S. Colchester
Grueber, Rev. C. S, Westport, Somerset
+Guillemard, Rev. J. Kirtlington, Oxon.
*Guillemard, Rev. H. P. Barton-on-the- Heath, Warwickshire
Gunner, Rev. W. H. Winchester
Gutch, Rev. C. Leeds
Gutch, Rev. R. Segrave, Leicester
Haight, Rev. B. I. New York, U. S.
Haines, Rev. Herbert, Gloucester
Haines, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford
Hake, Rev. R. New College
Hale, Rev. G. C. Hayes, Middlesex
*Hale, Ven. Archdeacon, Charter House
Hall, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge
Hall, Rev. W. J. Tottenham
Halliburton, Mr, Bookseller, Coldstream
Hamilton, Rev. Jas. Beddington, Surrey
* Hamilton, Rev. Walter Kerr, Merton Coll. Chaplain to the Bp. of Salisbury
+Hannah, Rev. J. Edinburgh
Harcourt, Rev. Vernon
Hardisty, Rev. W. L. 43, Great Marl borough Street, London
Hardwick, Rev, Charles, Gloucester
Harington, Rev. Dr. Principal of Brasenose Coll.
Harley, John, Esq. Rose Hall. Shrews bury
* Harness, Rev. Wm. Brompton
Harper, Rev. A. St. Mary's, Inverary, Aberdeenshire,
Harper, Rev. H. J. C, Mortimer, near Reading
Harrington, Rev. Chancellor E. Exeter
Harris, Hon. and Rev. C. A.
Harris, Rev. I. J. W. Wanstead, Essex.
Harris. Rev. Thomas, Swerford
Harris, Rev. J. City of London School
Harrison, Benj. Esq. Clapham Common
Harrison, Rev. C. R.
+Harrison, Ven. B. Archdeacon of Maidstone
Harrison, Rev. F.
Harrison, Rev. H. Lamberhurst, Kent
Harter, Rev. G. Cranfield, Beds.
Hartley, L. L. Esq. Middleton Lodge, near Richmond, Yorkshire
Harvey, Rev. H. Bristol
Hassells, Rev. C. S. Newcastle-under- Lyme
Hastings, Rev. H. J. Areley-Kings.
*Hatherell, Rev. J. W. D.D. Westend, Southampton
* Hawkins, Rev. Edward, Jamaica
Hawkins, Rev. Edward, Newport, Mon mouthshire
Hawkins, Rev. Ernest, 79, Pall Mall
Hawks, Rev. W. Saltash, Cornwall
Hayward, W. W. Esq. Rochester
*Heale, Rev. S. W. Sandhurst, Kent
Heath, Christopher, Esq.
*Heathcote, Rev. C. J. Stamford Hill, Middlesex
*Heathcote, Rev. W. B. New Coll.
Medley, Rev. T. A. Gloucester
Henderson, Rev, T. Messing, Kelvedon, Essex
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*Henderson, Rev. W. G. Magd. Coll.
Henn, Rev. W. Burton Agnes, Brid lington
Hepburn, Rev. F. R. Chailey, Lewes
Hervey, Hon. and Rev. Lord Arthur Ickworth, Bury St. Edmunds
Hetling, G. Esq. Bristol
Hewett, Rev. P.Binstead, Isle of Wight
*Hewett, Rev. J. W. St. Nicholas Coll. Shoreham
Hewitt, T. S. Esq. West Wittering, near Chichester
Heycock, Rev. C. Owston, Leicestershire
+Heygate, T. E. Esq. Queen's Coll. Cambridge
*Hibbert, Miss E. S.
Higgins, C. L. Esq. Turvey Abbey, Bedford
Hill, E. Esq. Wadham Coll.
*Hill, Rev. Edw. Ch. Ch.
Hill, Rev. G. J. Oldland, Bristol
Hill, Rev. R. Timsbury, Bath
Hill, Rev. T. S. the Infirmary, Salisbury
Hilliard, J. S. Esq. Wells
Hilton, Rev. A. D. Uxbridge
Hilton, Rev. H.D. St. Mary's Vicarage, Warwick
*Hinde, Rev. W. H. F. Great Hampton
Hine, Rev. H. T. Quarrington, Sleaford, Lincolnshire
Hippisley, J. H. Esq. Lambourne, Berks
Hippisley, Rev. R. W. Stow on the Wold, Gloucestershire
*Hoare, Rev. W. H. Oakfield, Crawley, Sussex
Hobhouse, Rev. E. Fellow of Mert. Coll.
*Hobhouse, Rev. R. St.Ives,Callington, Cornwall
Hobson, Rev. W. W. Hales, Norfolk
Hocking, Richard, Esq. Penzance
*Hodgson, Rev. James, Bloxham, Banbury
+Hodson, Rev. G.H. Bristol
Hodgson, Rev. J, Geo. Croydon
*Hodgson, Rev. J. F. Horsham
* Hodgson, Rev. H.
Hodgson, W. Esq. Wanstead
Hogben, Mr. Geo. Sheerness
Hogg, Rev. J. R. Lower Brixham, Devon
Holden, Rev. Geo. Maghull, Liverpool
*Holden, Rev. W. R. Worcester
*Holden, Mr. A. Bookseller, Exeter
Holden, Rev. Henry, Uppingham, Rutland
Holder, the Misses, Torquay
Holdsworth, Miss M. Dartmouth
*Hole, Rev. George, Chumleigh, near Exeter
Holland, Rev. J. M. Bapchild, Kent
Hollis, Rev. G. P. Doddington, Somerset
Holmes, Hon. Mrs. A'Court
Holthouse, Rev. C. S. Hellidon, near Daventry
+Hookins, Rev. Philip, Great Barford, Deddington
*Hope, A. J. B. Esq. M.P. Connaught Place
Hopwood, Rev. H. Rector of Bothal Morpeth, Northumberland
Hook, Rev. W. F. D.D. Leeds
Hopkins, Rev. A. Clent. Worcestershire
*Horncastle Clerical Society
Hornby, Rev. James, Winwick, War rington, Lane.
Hornby, Rev. Wm. St. Michael's-on- Wyre, Lancashire
Hornby, Rev. R.W. B. All Saints,York
Horner, Rev. John, Mells, Somerset
*Hoskins, Rev. W. E. Cheddington, Edenbridge, Kent
Hotham, Rev. C. Roos, Yorkshire
Hotham, Rev. W. F. All Souls Coll.
Hotham, Rev. J. G. Sutton-at-home, Dartford
Houblon,Rev. T.A.Peasemore, Newbury
Houghton, Rev. J. Matching
*Howard, Hon. and Rev. Wm. Whiston, Rotherham, Yorkshire
Howell, Rev. A. Darlington, Durham
Howell, Rev.H.Bridestow,Oakhampton, Devon
Howell, Rev. R. St. Veep, Cornwall
*Hubbard, Rev. Thos. Fairlight, Sussex
*Hughes, Rev. J. B. Tiverton, Devon
Hunt, Rev. R. S. Bakewell
*Huntingford, Rev. G. W. Littlemore
Hutchins, Rev. Jas. Telescombe, Sussex
Hutchinson, Rev. Cyril, Batsford, Gloucestershire
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Hutchinson, Rev. C. Firle, Chichester
Hutchinson, Rev. T. Oxford
Jackson, Rev. F. G. Billesley, Stratford
Jackson, Rev. Dr. Lowther, near Penrith
+Jacobson, Rev. W. D.D. Regius Professor of Divinity, and Canon of Ch. Ch.
James, Rev. J. Avington, Wilts
James, Rev. J, Burleigh, Knowbury, Salop
Jefferson, Rev. J. D.Thorganby, Yorkshire
* Jeffreys, Rev. H. A. Hawkhurst, Kent
*Jelf, Rev. Richard William, D.D. Canon of Ch. Ch.
Jelf, Rev. W. E. Ch. Ch.
Jennings, Rev. M. J.
Jeremie, Rev. J. A. D.D. Lincoln
Jerrard, Rev. M. Norwich
Jersey, The Very Rev. the Dean of Illingworth, Rev. E. A. Coldbath Fields, London
Johnson, Miss
Johnson, Mr. G. J. Bookseller, Reading
Johnson, Manuel John,Esq. Magd.Hall, Radcliffe Observer
Johnson, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge
Jones, H. W. Esq. Cheltenham
* Jones, Ven.H.C. Archdeacon of Essex
Jones, Rev. D. Stamford, Linc.
Jones, Rev. H. J. Edinburgh
Jones, Rev. Hugh, D.D. Rector of Beaumaris
Jones, Rev. John, St. Leonards
* Jones, W. B. Esq. Magdalen Hall
Jones, Rev. R. Branxton, Coldstream, N.B.
Jones, E. K. Esq. 28, Mark Lane
Irby, Hon. and Hev. F. Hythe
*Irons, Rev. W. J. Brompton
Irving, Geo. Esq. Newton, Edinburgh
Isham, Rev. A. Weston Turville, Bucks
Karslake, Rev. W. Culmstook, near Wellington, Somerset
Keble, Miss
Keble, Rev. T. Bisley, Gloucestershire
Keigwin, Rev. James P. Wadham College
Keith, Mr. John, Glasgow
Kekewich, S. T. Esq. Peamore
Kempe, Rev. G. Bicton
Kendal. Rev.J.H.F.Guiseley,Yorkshire
Kenney, Rev. F. Ch. Ch.
Kenrick, Rev. J. Chichester
Kent, Rev. F. Chippenham, Wilts.
*Kent, Rev. G. D.
Kenyon, Robt. Esq. D.C.L. All Souls College
Kerr, Hon. and Rev. Lord H. Dittisham
Keymer, Rev. N. Hertford
Kindersley, Sir R. T.
King, Ven. Archdeacon, Stone, Kent
King's College Library, London
King's College, Fredericton
Kitson, Rev. J. F. Antony Vicarage Cornwall
Knatchbull, Rev. H. E. North Elmham, Norfolk
Knight, Rev. T. H. Priest Vicar of Exeter Cathedral
Knollys, Rev. Erskine, Quedgley, Gloucestershire
*Knowles, E. H. Esq. Queen's Coll.
Knox, Rev. H. B. Monk's Eleigh, Hadleigh, Suffolk
Kyle, Rev. John Torrens, Cork
Lacon, Rev. F. Headley Cross, War wickshire
*Laing, Rev. David, Regent's Park
Lake, Rev. W. C. Balliol College
*Landor, Rev. C. W. Lindridge, Worc.
Lane, Rev. C. Wrotham, Kent.
Lane, Rev. E. St. Mary's, Manchester
Lane, Rev. C. Kennington, Surrey
Lane, Rev. Samuel, Frome Vauchurch, Dorset
Langbridge, Mr. Birmingham
Larkin, ---- Esq. Bombay
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Latham, Rev. H. Fittleworth, Sussex
Law, Rev. J. T. Chancellor of the Diocese of Litchfield
Lawrie, A. J. C. Esq.
Lawson, Rev. Robt. Norwich
Lawson, Rev. W. D.
Lea, J. W. Esq. Wadham College
Lee, Rev. S. Exeter
Lee, Rev. W. Trinity Coll. Dublin
Lefroy, Rev. A. C. Crookham, Hants.
Legge, Lady Anne
* Legge, Rev. Henry, East Lavant, near Chichester
Legge, Rev. W. Ashstead, Surrey
Leigh, Rev. Stratford.
Leigh, Wm. Esq. Little Aston Hall, Lichfield
+Leighton, Rev. Francis K. Harpsden, Oxon
* Leighton, Rev. W. A. Shrewsbury
Le Marchant, Rev. Robert
Le Mesurier, Rev. John, Bradfield Place, Reading
+Le Mottée, Rev. Wm. Guernsey Lepage, Mr. Calcutta Lepage, R. C. and Co. London *Leslie, Rev. Charles Leslie, Mr. Bookseller, London, 2 copies Lewis, Rev. G. Dundee Lewis, Rev. R. Farway, near Honiton
*Lewis, Rev. T. T. Bridstow, near Ross
Lewthwaite, Rev. G. Adel, Leeds
Library of Christ's Coll. Cambridge
Library of Congress, Washington
*Library of Domus Scholarum, Wotton- under-Edge
Liddell, Hon. and Rev. R. St. Paul's, Knightsbridge
Lidstone, Mr. R. Bookseller, Plymouth
Lifford, Right Hon. Lord Viscount, Astley Castle, near Coventry
Lightfoot, Rev. N. Cadbury, Devon
Lightner, Rev. M. C. Manayank Pennsylvania
Lindsay, Hon. Colin, Haigh Hall, Wigan
Lindsay, Rt. Hon. Lord, Haigh Hall, Wigan
Lingard, Rev. R. R. St. George's, Liverpool
Linzee, Rev. E. H. Southweold
Lismore Cathedral Library
Little and Brown, Booksellers, Boston
Littlehales, Rev. J. G. Lillingston Dayrell, Bucks.
*Liveing, Rev. Henry Thomas, East Bedford, Middlesex
Liverpool Library
Lloyd, Rev. R. W. Wilnecote, Tamworth
Lockwood, Rev. John, Rector of King-ham, Oxon
Lockyer, Rev. E. L. Wescot Barton, Woodstock
*Lodge, Rev. B. London
London Institution, The
London Library, 49, Pall Mall
Long, Mr. W. Vicar Lane, Leeds
*Long, W. Esq. Bath
Lowder, Rev. C. F. St. Barnabas' Pimlico
*Lowe, John Wm. Esq.
Lowe, Rev. T. Chichester
Lowe, Rev. N. Colyton Rawleigh, Devon.
Lowe, Very Rev. T. H. Dean of Exeter
Lowe, Rev.R. F.
Lowe, Mr. Bookseller, Wimborne
Luard, W. C. Esq. Croydon
Lucas, W. H. Esq. Merton Coll.
Lukis, Rev. W. C. Great Bedwin
Lund, Rev. T. Morton, Derbyshire
Luscombe, Rev. E. K. Gloucester
Lush, Rev. A. Odiham, Hants.
Luxmoore, Rev. J. H. M. Marchwiel
Lyall, Rev. Alfred, Harbledon, Kent
Lyall, Very Rev. W. R. Dean of Canterbury
Lysons, Rev. Samuel, Hempstead, Gloucestershire
Maberly, Rev. T. A. Cuckfield, Sussex
*M'Call, Rev. E. Brixton, Isle of Wight
Machlachlan, Rev. A. N. Campbell, Kelvedon, Essex
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+Mackenzie, A. C. Esq. 12, Southwick Crescent, Hyde Park
Mackinson. Rev.T.C. Colonial Chaplain, New South Wales
Mackonochie, Rev. A. H. Westbury, Wilts
Maclean, Rev. H. Caistor, Linc.
Macmillan and Co. Cambridge
Macnamara, Rev. H. Deptford, Kent.
Maddison, Rev. C. I. Stottesden Vicarage, Salop
Madox, Wm. Esq. 154, Albany Street, Regent's Park
Magdalene College Library, Oxford
M'Clintoch, G. F. Esq. Bengal Civil Service
*Major, Rev. Dr. King's College, London
Maitland, Rev. P. Broadstairs, Kent
Male, Rev. Edward, Birmingham
*M'Laren, Major, Portobello, Greenock
Margetts, Rev. H. Huntingdon
Markland, J. H. Esq. Bath
*Marriott, Rev. J. Bradfield, Reading
Marriott., Ven. F. A. Archdeacon of Tasmania
Marryat, Rev. C. Sydney, New South Wales
Marsh, Rev. H. A. Trinity College, Cambridge
Marshall, Rev. James, Trysull, Wolver hampton
Marshall, Rev. Edward, C.C.C.
Martin, Rev. Richard, Menheniot, Cornwall
Martyn, Rev. J. Exeter
Mason, Rev. A. W. Bocking, near Braintree, Essex
*Mason, Rev. W. Normanton,Yorkshire
Maxwell, H. Esq. Penthingwell Park, Tadcaster
May, Rev. G. Liddington, Swindon, Wilts.
+ Mayor, Mr. J. E. B. St. John's Coll. Cambridge
* Mayor, Rev. C. Wavendon, Bucks
+Medwyn, Hon. Lord, Edinburgh
*Mence, Rev. J. W. Prestwold, Loughborough
Mendham, Rev. J. Clophill, Beds.
+Menet, Rev. John, Bishop's Stortford, Herts.
Menzies, Rev. F. Brasenose Coll.
Meredith, Rev.R. F. Dorchester
Merewether, Rev. Francis, Cole-Orton, Leicestershire
*Merivale, Rev. C. St. John's Coll. Cambridge
+Merton College Library
*Metcalf, Rev. W. L. West Camel, Somerset
*Metcalfe, Rev. W. Brochdish. Scole, Norfolk
+Meyrick, Rev. J. Queen's Coll.
+Meyrick, Rev. F. Trinity Coll.
Miles, Rev. R. Bingham, Notts.
*Mill, Rev. Dr. Cambridge
Miller, Rev. C. Harlow, Essex
Miller, Rev. John, Bockleton, Tenbury.
+Millett, Rev. H. D. Freshwater, I. W.
Milliken, Rev. Rich. Stoughton, Sussex.
Millner, Rev. W. Grove Terrace, Kentish Town
Mills, Rev. T. Gloucester
Milward, Rev. H. Paul ton, Somerset
*Mittre, Rev. Gopal Chunder, Bishop's Coll. Calcutta
*Moberly, Rev. Dr. Winchester
+Moberly, Rev. C. E. Leeds
Monro, Rev. E. Harrow Weald, Mid dlesex
*Moody, Rev. Henry R. Chartham,near Canterbury
+ Moor, Rev. Allen Page, Fellow of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury
Moore, Lady H. Frittenden, Kent
Morrell, Baker, Esq. St. Giles, Oxford
Morrell, F. Esq. St. Giles, Oxford
Morrice, J. Esq. Sidcliff, near Sidmouth
*Morris, Rev. T. E. Ch. Ch.
+ Morrison, Rev. A. J. W. Truro
Morton, Mr. T. N, Boston
Mosse, Rev. S. T. St. Osyth, Essex
*Mozley, Rev. Thomas
Munby, Joseph, Esq. York
Murray, Rev. James, London
Murray, Rev. F. H. Chiselhurst, Kent.
Muskett, Mr. C. Bookseller, Norwich
[p.25]
Neave, Rev. H. L. Epping
Nelson, Earl
Neve, Rev. F. R. 22, Meridian Place, Clifton
*Nevile, Rev. C. Wickenby, Newark
*New York Society Library
New York Theological Seminary
Newcastle-on-Tyne Clerical Society
*Newman, Rev. W. J. Badsworth, Yorkshire
Newman, Rev. W. S. Tavistock
Newton, Mr. Croydon
N ichol, J. Esq. Islington
Nicholl, Rev. J. R. Streatham
Nicholls, J. C. Esq.
*Nichols, Rev. W. L. Lansdown Crescent, Bath
Nicholson, Miss F. Rochester
*Nind, Rev. W. Fellow of St. Peter's, Cambridge
Norris, Rev. W. H. Carlisle, United States
Norwich, Dean and Chapter of
Nutt, Rev. Charles, Twerton, near Bath
*Nutt, Mr. D. Bookseller, Strand
Oakes, H. P. Esq. Bury St. Edmunds
Oakey, Mr. H. Bookseller, Preston
Ogle, Maurice, Esq. Glasgow
Ogle, Mr. Robert, Bookseller, Edinburgh
Oldham, Rev. G. R. East Dulwich Grove, Peckham
*Oldknow, Rev. J. Bordesley, Birmingham
Oliverson, R. Esq. Portland Place
+Ormerod, Ven. Archdeacoh, Redenhall, near Harleston, Norfolk
Osborne, J. Esq.
Oswald, Alexander, Esq.
Oswell, Edward W. Esq. Wanstead, Essex
Oxenham, Rev. Nutcombe, Modbury, Devon
Oxford Union Society
Packe, Mrs. J. Richmond Terrace, Reading
Page, Rev. Dr. Gillingham, Kent
Page, Rev. L. F. Woolpit, Bury St. Edmunds
Paget, Rev. F. E. Elford, Lichfield
+Paine, C. Esq. jun. Islington
Palk, Rev. Wm. Ashcombe, Devon
Palmer, Rev. W. Whitchurch, Dorset
*Palmer, Rev. W. Magd. Coll.
Palmer, R. Esq. Lincoln's Inn
+Palmer, Rev. G H. Mixbury
Panting, Rev. L. Chebsey, Stafford
Panting, Rev. R. Calcutta
*Papillon, Rev. John, Lexden, Colchester
Parker, C. Esq. Binfield, Berks.
Parker, Rev. E. Ashover, near Chesterfield
*Parkinson, Rev. J. P. D.C.L. Ravendale, near Grimsby
Parkinson, Rev. R. Manchester
Parkinson, Rev. C. L. Wallsend
Parry, T. Gambier, Esq. Highnam Court, Gloucester
*Patteson, Hon. Sir J.
*Pattison, Rev. Mark, Lincoln Coll.
Paul, Rev. G. W.
Payne, Rev. R. Chilton Foliatt, Wilts.
+Pearse, Rev. T. Magd. Coll.
Pearson, Rev.C. Knebworth, Stevenage, Herts
Peel, Very Rev. J. Dean of Worcester
Peel. Rev. E, Wargrave
+Pelly, Rev. Theophilus, Bp. Stortford, Essex
Pennington, J. Esq. Philadelphia
Percival, Hon. and Rev. A. P. Little Bookham, Surrey
Peters, Rev. Henry, Sunderland
*Petheram, Mr. Bookseller, Chancery Lane, London
Petley, Rev. Henry, Guestley, Sussex
Phelps, Rev. H. D. Snodland, Kent
Philips, Rev. Gilbert H. Dringhouse, York
[p.26]
Phillipps, R. Biddulph, Esq. Longworth, near Ledbury, Herefordshire
Phillipps, S. M. Esq. Home Office
+Pigot, Rev. I. T. Rochester
*Pigott, Rev. G. Bombay
*Pinder, Rev. J, H. Diocesan Coll. Wells
Platt, Rev. G eorge, Sedbergh, Yorkshire
*Platt, T. P. Esq. Liphook, Hants
*Pocock, Rev. N. Queen's Coll.
Podmore, Rev. R. Barnstaple
Pole, Rev. R. Chandos, Radbourne, Derby
*Pole, E. S. Chandos, Esq. Radbourne Hall, Derby
*Ponsonby, Hon. and Rev. Walter, Canford Magna, Dorset
*Poole, Rev. J. Enmore.nr.Bridgewater
+Pooley.Rev. J.H.Scotter,Lincolushire
Poore, Rev. Dr. Marston,Sittingbourne, Kent
+Pope, Rev. T. A. Stoke Newington, Middlesex
Popham, Rev. John, Chilton, Hungerford
Portal, Melville, Esq.
Porter, Rev. Chas. Grinton, Richmond, Yorkshire
Povah, Rev. J.V. St.Anne's, Aldersgale
Powell, Arthur, Esq.
*Powell, Chas. Esq. Speldhurst
*Powell,Rev.E.A. Toft,Cambridgeshire
Powell, Rev. Robert, Macclesfield
*Powles, Rev. R. Cowley, Blackheath
Pownall, Rev. C. C. B. Milton Ernest, Beds.
*Prescott, Rev.T. P. Willingale, Chipping Ongar, Essex
*Prevost, Rev. Sir George, Bart. Stinch combe, Dursley
*Price, Rev. B. Pembroke Coll.
Pridden, Rev. W. West Stow, Suffolk
Pritchard, Rev. H. Corpus Christi Coll. Oxford
Proctor, Rev. G. Stonehouse
Pryor, A. Esq. Roehampton
Puckle, Rev. John, St. Mary's, Dover
+Radcliffe, Rev. J. Exeter
Radford, Rev. T. W. Down, St. Mary
Raikes, R. Esq.
Randall, Rev. H. G. Leighterton, Gloucester
Randall, Rev. R. W. Petworth, Sussex
*Randolph, Rev. E. Jesus Coll. Cambridge
Randolph, Rev. G. Coulsdon, Croydon
*Randolph, Rev. Herbert, Melrose, N.B.
Randolph, Rev. Thomas, Hadham, Herts.
Randolph, Rev.E. J. Dunnington, York
Rashdall, Rev. J. Great Malvern
*Raven, Rev. V. Magd. College, Cambridge
*Rawle, Rev. R. Newcastle-under- Lyne
Rawlinson, Rev. T. Colchester
Rayer, Rev. Wm. Tiverton, Devon
Rayleigh, Right Hon. Lord. Terling Place, Essex
Reeve, Mr. W. Leamington
Rew, Rev. Chas. St. John's Coll.
Rhodes, C. G. Esq. Manchester
Rice, Rev. J. M. Magdalen College, Oxford
Richards, Rev. J. L. D.D. Rector of Exeter College
Richards, Rev. E. T. Farlington, Hants
Richards, Rev. Henry, Horfield, near Bristol
Richards, Rev. Upton, 169, Albany Street, Regent's Park
Richards, Rev. H. M. Andover
Ricketts, Rev. H. Cleobury Mortimer
+Riddell, Rev. J. C. B. Harrietsham, Maidstone
Ridley, Rev. W. H. Hambledon, Henley
Roberts, Rev. R. Milton Abbas
Roberts, Mr. W. Exeter
Robertson, J. Esq. D.C.L. Doctors' Commons
+Robertson, Rev. J. C. Beakesbourne, near Canterbury
*Robson, Rev. J. U. Winston, Suffolk
Robinson, Rev. R. B. Lytham Preston, Lancashire
[p.27]
Robins, Rev. S. Borden, Sittingbourne
Robin, Rev. Philip R. Southampton
Rochester, Very Rev. the Dean of
Rodd, Rev. C. Northhill, Cornwall
Rogers, Rev. Edw. Constantine, Fal mouth
Rogers, Rev. John, Canon of Exeter
Rohde, Mrs. Eleanor, Croydon
Rooke, Rev. Seton P. Oriel Coll.
Rooper, Rev. W. Abbots' Ripton, Hunts
*Rose, Rev. H. H. Eardington, Birmingham
Routh, Rev. Martin Joseph, D.D. President of Magdalen Coll.
Rowe, W. Esq. Rockwell, Tipperary
Russell, J. Watts, Esq. Ham Hall
Russell, Rev. S. H. Printing House Square, London
*Ryder, T. D. Esq. Oriel Coll.
Ryder, Rev. J. O. All Souls
Saint Saviour's Church, Leeds
Salter, Rev. John, Iron Acton, Bristol
Sandham, Rev. J. M. Cold Waltham, Sussex
Sandilands, Rev. R. S. B. Croydon, Cambridgeshire
Saunders, Very Rev. A. P. D.D. Dean of Peterborough
Saunders, Rev. J. Sidney Sussex Coll. Camb.
Savage, Rev. W. Brixham, Devon
Sawyer, Chas. Esq. Heyward Lodge, Maidenhead
Scadding, Rev. H. Chaplain to Bishop of Toronto
Schneider, Rev. H. Carlton Scroope, Lincolnshire
*Scott, Rev. R. South Luffenham, Stamford
Scott, Rev. W. Hoxton
+Scudamore, Rev. W. E. Ditchingham, Bungay
*Sewell, Rev. J. E. New Coll.
Seymour, E. W. Esq. Bath
Seymour, Rev. Sir J. H. Bart. Birk hampstead, St. Mary, Herts
Seymour, Rev. Richard, Kinwarton, Alcester
Sharp, Rev. J. Horbury, Wakefield
*Sharpe, Rev. W. C. Cambridge
Sharpies, Rev.T. Blackburn,Lancashire
Shaw, Rev. E. B. Narborough, Leicestershire
Shaw, Rev. Morton, Charlotte Street, Pimlico
Shearly, Rev. W. J. Henton Wookey, Somerset
Shedden, Rev. S. Alfreton, Derby
Sheppard, Rev. J. H. Borrow, Worcester
Sheppard, Rev. F. Clare Hall, Camb.
*Sherlock, Rev. H. H. Warrington
Shirreff, Rev. R. St. John, Thorley, Isle of Wight
*Simms, Rev. E. Sion Place, Bath
Simpson. Rev. J. D. Sidney Sussex Coll. Camb.
Simpson, Rev. T. W. Thurnscoe Hall, Yorkshire
Simpson, Rev. R. Mitcham, Surrey
Sinclair, Rev. John, Chaplain to the Bishop of London, Kensington
Sittingbourne Reading Society
Sitwell, F. Esq. Barmoor Castle, Ber wick-on-Tweed
Skeffington, Mr. W. Islington Green
Skinner, F. Esq.
Skipsey, Rev. R. Bishop Wearmouth
Skrine, Rev. Harcourt, Sunbury, Middlesex
Sladen, Rev. E. H. M. Warnford
Slocombe and Simms, Messrs. Leeds
+Smith, Rev. Dr. Leamington
Smith, Rev. E. O. Hulcutt-cum-Salford, near Woburn
Smith, Rev. E. H. Killamarsh
Smith, Rev. J. P. Edinburgh
Smith, Rev. S. Whitwick
Smith, Rev. W, Lincoln College
Smith, Rev. H. Magdalen College
Smythe, Rev. P. M. Tanworth, Henley in Arden
*Snow, Rev. D.
[p.28]
Somers, Right Hon. Countess, 94, Grosvenor Place
*Sotheby, Rev. J. Milverton, Taunton
*Southwell, Rev. George, Yetminster, Sherborne
Spring Hill College, Birmingham
*Stafford, Rev. J. C. Dinton, Salisbury
St. Andrew's University
Stanley, Rev. E. Rugby
Statter, Rev. Jas. Worminghall
Stephenson, G. H. Esq.
Stewart, Rev. S. B. Preston, Lancashire
Stewart, Mr. 7, Park Crescent, Torquay
Stewart-Nicholson, J. S. Esq. Carnack, Falkirk, N. B.
Stockdale, Rev. Henry, Misterton, Notts
Stockham, Rev. J. H. Penzance
*Storer, Rev. John
Storks, Rev. T. T. Loughton, Essex
Stracey, Rev. W. J.
*Street, Joseph, Esq. Islington
+Stuart, Rev. Ed. Cirencester
*Sturrock, Rev. W. Diocese of Calcutta
Surridge, Rev. Dr. Chelmsford, Essex
Sutherland, Dr. A. J. Ch. Ch.
Sutton, Rev. K. S. Exeter Coll.
*Swainson, Rev. C. L.Crick, Northamptonshire
*Swainson, Rev. C. A. Fellow of Christ's Coll. Cambridge
Swan, Rev. H. Bredon
Swayne, Rev. R. G. Bussage, Gloucestershire
Swete, Rev. William, Sandhurst, Kent
Sykes, Rev. G. M. Downing College, Cambridge
+Symons, Rev. B. P. D.D. Warden of Wadham Coll.
*Tait, Rev. Dr. late Head Master of Rugby School
+Tate, Rev. Frank, Dover
Tatham, Rev. A. Bosconnoe, Cornwall
Tatham, Rev. A. Southwell
Tavistock, The Marquis of
Taylor, Rev. A. Paddington
Taylor, Rev. M. J.
Taylor, Rev. Joseph, Stockport
*Tennant, Rev. Wm.
+Temple, Rev. J. Plempstal, Cheshire
Temple, The Hon. the Society of the Inner
Thomas, Rev. N. Brampford Spike
Thomas, Rev, W. Chudleigh
*Thompson, Rev. Sir H. Bart. Frant. near Tunbridge Wells
Thompson, Jos. Esq. Nottingham
*Thornton, H. S. Esq. Battersea Rise
+Thornton, Rev. F. V. Brown Candover, Hants
Thornton, Rev. W. J. Llanwarne, near Ross, Herefordshire
*Thorp, Rev. Henry, Topsham, Devon
Tidswell, Rich, Esq.
Timins, Rev. Henry, West Malling, Kent
Todd, Rev. Andrew, Dublin
*Todd, Rev.J. H. D.D.Trinity College, Dublin
Tomlinson's Library, Newcastle-on-Tyne
Tonge, George, Esq.
*Tottenham, Rev. E. Bath
Townsend, Rev. George, Prebendary of Durham
Trenow, Rev. F. W. Manningford Bruce, Wiltshire
Trevor, Rev. G. A. 27, Gloucester Place, Portman Square
Trinder, Rev. D, Exeter College
*Tripp, Rev. H. St. Columba's, Navan, Ireland
Tristram, Rev. H. B. Castle Eden
*Tritton, Henry, Esq.
*Trollope, Rev. A. St. Marylebow, Cheapside
Troughton, Rev. J. E. Hawarden, Flintshire
Troughton, Rev. T. Preston
Troyte, A. H. Dyke, Esq.
*Truro Theological Library
*Tuckwell, Rev. H. St. John's, Newfoundland
Tupper, Rev. W. G. Rutland Gate, London
Turner, Rev. E. T. Brasenose College
[p.29]
Turner, Rev. John, Burwash Hunt Green, Sussex
Turner, Rev. Chas. Kidderminster
Turner, Rev. R. J. Stourbridge
Tute, Rev. J. S. Morpeth, Northumberland
Tweed, Rev. J. P. Exeter College
Twiss, A. O. Esq. Boyle, Ireland
Twopeny, Rev. D. S. Sittingbourne
*Tyler, Rev. James Endell, Rector of St. Giles in the Fields
Tyndale, Rev. H. A. Tatsfield, Surrey
Tyrrell, T. Esq.
Underhill, Mr. E. B. Oxford University of Glasgow
+Utterton, Rev. J. S. Calbourne, I. W.
Vashon, Mrs. Bevere, near Worcester
Vaux, Rev. Bowyer, Great Yarmouth
Venables, Rev. E. Hurst Monceaux, near Brighton
Vernon, Rev. E. H. Grove Rectory, Retford
Vicars, Rev. M. Godmanstone, Dorchester
Vigne, Rev. H. Sunbury, Middlesex
Vogan, Rev. T. S. L. Walberton, Sussex
Vyvyan, Rev. V. F. Withiel, Cornwall
Wade, T. Esq. 3, Albany Terrace, Regent's Park
Wainwright, Rev. Dr. Boston, U.S.A.
Wagner, Rev. A. Brighton
Walford, Rev. Oliver, Charterhouse
Walford, Rev, E. Clifton
Walker, Rev. R. Auchtenless, N. B.
Wallace, Rev. Geo. Canterbury
Wallas, Rev. J. Crosscrake, near Miln thorpe
Waller, Mrs. Offchurch
Wallis, Mr. H. Bookseller, Cambridge
Walter, J. Esq.
Walter, Rev. Edw. Ashby, Tetbury
Walthamstow Library
Ward, Right Hon. Lady, Himley Hall
*Ward, Rev.W. P. Compton Vallance, Dorchester
Ward, Rev.W.C. Honingham, Norfolk
Warre, Rev. F. Bishop's-Lydiard, Somersetshire
Warren, Rev. Z, S. Dorrington, Lincolnshire
*Warter, Rev. J. Wood, West Tarring, Sussex
Watkins, Rev. Frederick
Watkins, Rev. W. Chichester
Watson, Joshua, Esq.
Watson, Rev. J. D. Guilsborough, Northampton
Watson, Rev. Alex. Mary Church, Torquay
Watts, Rev. John, Tarrant Gunville, Blandford
Watts, Richard, Esq. Clifton House, Workington
*Wayett, Rev. W. Pinchbeck, Lincolnshire
*Weare, Rev. T. W. Little Dean's Yard, Westminster
*Weguelin, Rev. W. Stoke, near Arundel
* Wells, Rev. F. B. Woodchurch, Kent
Wells Theological Library
Westmacott, Rev. Horatio, Castleton, Oxon.
Westhorp, Rev. John, Sudbury
Weston, P. G. Esq. Hayley House, George Town, South Carolina
Wheatley, C. B. Esq. Mirfield, near Dewsbury
White, Rev. G. C. White, P. Esq.
White, Rev. W.S. Monteviot, Jedbergh
White, Rev. R. M. Aveley, Essex
White, Rev. H. M. New Coll.
[p.30]
Whitford, Rev. R. W. Madras
*Whitfield, Rev. G. T. Pudleston, Herefordshire
*Wickham, Rev. R. Gresford, Denbighshire
+Wickens, Rev. H. Preston, Hants
Wilberforce, Ven. Robert, Archdeacon of the East Riding of Yorkshire, Burton, Agnes, Driffield
Wilde, Rev. S. D. Fletching, near Uckfield, Sussex
Wilding, Rev. C. J. Morville, Bridgnorth
+Wilkins, Rev. J. M. Southwell, Notts.
Wilkinson, Rev. Charles, Leeds
Wilkinson, Rev. H. J. Alverthorpe, near Wakefield
Wilkinson, Clennell, Esq. Leamington
Williams, Hugh, Esq. London
Williams, Rev. E. T.
*Williams, Rev. G. King's Coll. Cam bridge
* Williams, Matthew D. Esq.
Williams, Rev. I.Stinchcombe, Dursley
Williams, Rev. F. D. Great Wishford, Wilts
*Williams, Robert, Esq.
Willock, Rev. W. W. Manchester
Wilshere, Rev. E. Madras
* Wilson, Rev. R. F. Hursley, near Winchester
Wilson, Rev. Thomas, Bath.
Wilson, Rev, Charles T. Brixham, Devon
+Wilson, Rev. James, Solihull
Winchester, The Dean and Chapter of
+Wingfield, Rev. W. W. Gulval, Cornwall
Wise, Rev. W. J. Granborough, near Southam
Wise, J. A. Esq. Clayton Hall, Staffordshire
Wise, Rev. Henry, Offchurch, Warwickshire
Wither, Rev. W. B. Otterbourne, Hants
Witts, Rev. Edw. F. Stanway, Gloucestershire
Wolrood, Mr. Liverpool
Wood, Rev. C. Ceylon
Wood, Rev. J. R. The College, Worcester
Woodcock, H, Esq. Bank House Wigan
Woodford, Rev. J. R. Frenchay, Bristol
Woodward, Rev. J. H. Bristol
+Woollcombe, Rev. E. C. Balliol Coll.
Woollcombe, Rev. G. Exeter, Devon
Woolcombe, Rev. W. W. Exeter Coll.
Woolicombe, Rev. Louis, Petrockstow, Devon
Woolley, F. Esq.
Woolrych, Rev. Henry Fitzroy, Curate of South Hetton, Durham
Wordsworth, Rev. C. F. Ebbesbourne Wake, Wilts
Wray, Rev. Cecil, Liverpool
Wrench, Rev. Frederick, Stowting Rectory, Ashford, Kent
Wright, H. Esq. Cheltenham
Wright, Rev. J. A. Ickham, Kent
Wright, Rev. T. B. Wrangle Vicarage, near Boston
Wright, Rev. H. P. St. Peter's College, Cambridge, Ionian Islands
Wright, Rev. R. R. Marham Church, Cornwall
Wyatt, Rev. W.Snenton, Notts.
Wylde, Rev. J. Bellbroughton,
Worcestershire Wylde, Rev. C. E. Chelmarsh, Shropshire
*Wynter, Rev. Ph. D.D. President of St. John's Coll.
*Wynter, Rev. J. C. Gatton, near Reigate, Surrey
Yates, Dr. Brighton
Yates, Rev. E. T. Aylsham, Norfolk
*Young, Rev. P. Hursley, near Winchester
Zordiffe, T. Esq.
*** The Publishers of the Library of the Fathers respectfully inform the Subscribers, that they cannot be ordinarily responsible for delivering the Volumes at Subscribers' price beyond three months after the time of Publication; and request that any change of residence of a Subscriber may be made known to them, and that they may receive directions in what manner the Volumes are to be forwarded in continuation.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: patrologia_orientalis_toc.htm
Patrologia Syriaca and Patrologia Orientalis: A list of older volumes and contents with links to free online editions
Patrologia Syriaca and Patrologia Orientalis: A list of older volumes and contents with links to free online editions
Contents of Patrologia Orientalis with links to free online editions:
Patrologia Syriaca volume 1. 1894. 1050 p.
Aphraatis Demonstationes I-XXII - textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit, notis illustrauit D. Ioannes Parisot
Patrologia Syriaca volume 2. 1907. 1428 p.
Aphraatis Demonstratio XXIII - - textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit, notis illustrauit D. Ioannes Parisot cum lexicone Demonstrationis Aphraatis Syriace Bardesanes, Liber legum Regionum - textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit, notis illustrauit F. Nau S. Simeon Bar Sabbae - Martyrium et Narratio - textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit, notis illustrauit M. Kmosko Liber Apocalypseos Baruch Filii Neriae Translatus de Graeco in Syriacum - Praefatus est, textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit notis illustrauit, M. Kmosko. Testamentum Patris Nostri Adam - textum Syriacum vocalium signis instruxit, Latine vertit, notis illustrauit M. Kmosko Apotelesmata Apollonii Tyanensis - edidit, Latine vertit F. Nau.
Patrologia Orientalis:
Published Paris: Firmin-Didot; then Brepols.
Editors: Graffin, R. (René), 1856-1941; Nau, François, 1864-1931; Max, Prince of Saxony, 1870-1951; then Francois Graffin.
Volume 1. 1904. 705 p. Texts in Ethiopic and Arabic.
I. Le livre de mystères du ciel et de la terre / texte éthiopien publié et traduit par J. Perruchon II. History of the patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (S. Mark to Benjamin I) / Arabic text edited, translated and annotated by B. Evetts. Sawirus ibn al-Muqaffa` (Bishop of el-Ashmunein). III. Le synaxaire arabe jacobite (rédaction copte) / texte Arabe publié, traduit et annoté par René Basset IV. Le synaxaire éthiopien: les mois de sanê, hamlê et nahasê / par Ignazio Guidi. I, Mois de Sanê
Volume 2. 1907. 688 p. Texts in Coptic, Ethiopic, Greek, Latin and Syrian.
I - Vie de Sévère d'Antioch, par Zacharie le scholastique, II - Les apocryphes coptes: Les évangiles des douze apotres et de saint Barthélemy / E. Revillout,
III - Vie de Sévère, par Jean, supérieur du monastère de Beith Apithonia / M.A. Kugener, IV - Les versions grecques des actes des martyrs persans sous Sapor II / H. Delehaye S.J., V - Le livre de Job: version éthiopienne - Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira
Volume 3. 1909. 646 p. Texts in Arabic, Ethiopic and Syriac
I - Histoire d'Ahoudemmeh et de Marouta, métropolitains Jacobites de Tagrit et de l'Orient; traité d'Ahoudemmeh / F. Nau, II - Réfutations d'Eutychius, par Sévère, évêque d'Aschmounaïn / P. Chébli, III - Le synaxaire arabe Jacobite / René Basset, IV - Sargis d'Aberga, controverse Judéo-Chrétienne / S. Grébaut et I. Guidi
Volume 4. 1908. 725 p. Texts in Arabic, Ethiopic, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - Les "Homilies Cathedrales" de Sévère d'Antioch. traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse; publiée et traduite. Homélies LII-LVII / Rubens Duval, II - Les plus anciens monuments du Christianisme écrits sur papyrus / C. Wessely, III - Histoire nestorienne inédite: (chronique de Séert). Première partie. (I) / Addaï Scher et J. Périer, IV - La cause de la fondation des écoles, par Mar Barhadbsabba `Arbaya; texte syriaque publié et traduit / Addaï Scher, V - Histoire de S. Pacome (une rédaction inédite des Ascetica): texte grec des manuscrits Paris 881 et Chartres 1754 / avec une traduction de la version syriaque et une analyse du manuscrit de Paris suppl. grec 480 / J. Bousquet et F. Nau VI. Histoire de Saint Jean-Baptiste attribuée à Saint Marc l'évangéliste; texte grec publié avec traduction française [par F. Nau]. VII. Le miracle de S. Michel à Colosses: (récit de Saint Archippos), texte grec publié avec l'ancienne traduction Latine, composée au Mont Athos par le moine Léon (XIe-XIIe siècle), par F. Nau VIII. The conflict of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, by Athanasius; Ethiopic text edited and translated by Edgar J. Goodspeed; with the remains of the Coptic versions by W.E. Crum
Volume 5. 1910. 807 p. Texts in Arabic, Armenian and Syriac
I - History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria. III, Agathon to Michael I (766) Arabic text edited, translated and annotated by B. Evetts, II - Histoire nestorienne: (chronique de Séert). Première partie. (II), publiée par Addaï Scher; traduite par Pierre Dib III - Le synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan; avec le concours de Max de Saxe. I, Mois de navasard IV - Kitab al-`unvan = Histoire universelle, écrite par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj; éditée et traduite en français par Alexandre Vasiliev. Première partie (I) V - Les légendes syriaques d'Aaron de Saroug, de Maxime et Domèce, d'Abraham, maître de Barsoma et de l'empereur Maurice / texte syriaque édité et traduit par F. Nau. Les miracles de Saint Ptolémée / texte arabe édité et traduit par L. Leroy
Volume 6. 1911. 704 p. Texts in Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - The hymns of Severus and others in the Syriac version of Paul of Edessa as revised by James of Edessa / E.W. Brooks, II - Le synaxaire Arménien de Ter Israël. II, Mois de hori / G. Bayan, III - Les trois derniers traités du livre des mystères du ciel et de la terre. texte éthiopien publié et traduit / S. Grébaut, IV - L'histoire des conciles de Sévère ibn al Moqaffa (second livre) / L. Leroy et S. Grébaut, V - Vie d'Alexandre l'Acémète. texte grec et traduction latine / E. de Stoop
Volume 7. 1911. 802 p. Texts in Arabic, Coptic, and Syriac
I - Traités d'Isaï le docteur et de Hnana d'Abiabène sur les martyrs, le vendredi d'or et les rogations, et de foi a réciter par les évéques nestoriens avant l'ordination / Addaï Scher, II - Histoire nestorienne (Chronique de Séert). Seconde partie (I) / Addaï Scher, III - Le synaxaire Éthiopien: les mois de sanê, hamlê et nahasê / I. Guidi, IV - Kitab al-'Unvan = Histoire universelle / écrite par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj; editée et traduite en français. Seconde partie. (I)/ A.A. Vasiliev, V - The hymns of Severus and others in the Syriac version of Paul of Edessa as revised by James of Edessa (II) / E.W. Brooks
Volume 8. 1912. 780 p. Texts in Arabic, Greek and Syriac
I - Jean Rufus, Évëque de Maïouma - Plérophories, c'est-a-dire témoignages et révélations (contre le concile de Chalcédoine) version syriaque et traduction française / F. Nau, II - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche, version syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse. Homélies LVIII à LXIX, éditées et traduites en français / M. Briere, III - Kitab al'Unvan. Histoire universelle, écrite par Agapius de Menbidj. Seconde partie. (II) / A.A. Vasiliev, IV - La version arabe des 127 canons des apotres, texte arabe, en partie inédit, publié et traduit en français d'après les manuscrits de Paris, de Rome et de Londres / J. Périer et A. Périer, V - La didascalie de Jacob, première assemblée: texte grec, original du Sargis d'Aberga (P. O., III, 4) / F. Nau
Volume 9. 1913. 677 p. Texts in Coptic, Ethiopic and Syriac
I - Le livre d'Esther, version éthiopienne / Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, II - Les Apocryphes coptes: II, Acta Pilati / Dr E. Revillout, III - Le testament en Galilée de notre-seigner Jésus-Christ / L. Guerrier et S. Grébaut, IV - Le syntax Éthiopien: les mois de sanê, hamlê, nahasê et pâguemên / I. Guidi et S. Grébaut, V - La seconde partie de l'histoire ecclésiastique de Barhadbesaba 'Arbaïa et une controverse de Théodore de Mopsueste avec les Macédoniens: texte syriaque édité et traduit / F. Nau
Volume 10. 1915. 674 p. Texts in Arabic, Latin and Syriac
I - Un martyrologie et douze Ménologes syriaques / F. Nau, II - Les Ménologes des Évangéliaires coptes-arabes / F. Nau, III - Le calendrier d'Aboul-Barakat: texte arabe, édité et traduit / Eug. Tisserant, IV - Les fêtes des melchites, par Al-Bîrounî; Les fêtes des coptes par Al-Maqrizi; Calendrier maronite par Ibn al-Qola'i. textes arabes édités et traduits / R. Griveau, V - History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria. IV, Mennas I to Joseph (849) / B. Evetts VI - Ammonii Eremitae epistolae / syriace edidit et praefatus est Michael Kmoskó Index for tomes 1-10
Volume 11. 1915. 859 p. Texts in Arabic, Greek and Syriac
I - Kitab al-'Unvan. Histoire universalle écrite par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj. Première partie. (II) / Al. Vasiliev, II - La vie de saint Luc le Stylite (879-979), texte grec édité et traduit / Fr. Vanderstuyf, III - Histoire d'Isaac, patriarche Jacobite d'Alexandrie de 686 à 689, écrite par Mina, évêque de Pchati; texte copte édité et traduit en français / E. Porcher, IV - Ammonas, successeur de saint Antoine, textes grecs et syriaques édités et traduits / Fr. Nau, V - Le synaxaire arabe Jacobite: (rédaction copte). III, Les mois de toubeh et d'amchir. texte arabe publié, traduit et annoté / René Basset
Volume 12. 1919. 802 p.
I - Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche: traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies LXX à LXXVI, éditées et traduites en français par Maurice Brière II - A collection of letters of Severus of Antioch: from numerous Syriac manuscripts. edited and translated by E.W. Brooks III - Histoire des sultans mamlouks, par Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl; texte arabe publié et traduit en français par E. Blochet IV - Les miracles de Jésus. texte éthiopien publié et traduit par Sylvain Grébaut V - Eis epideixin tou apostolikou kerygmatos = The proof of the apostolic preaching: with seven fragments: Armenian version par S. Irenaeus; edited and translated by Karapet ter Mekerttschian and S.G. Wilson; with the co-operation of Prince Maxe of Saxony
Volume 13. 1919. 738 p. Texts in Ethiopic, French, Latin and Syriac
I - Sargis d'Aberga, controverse Judéo chrétienne (fin). texte éthiopien publié et traduit / S. Grébaut, II - Documents pour servir a l'histoire de l'église Nestorienne: I. Quatre homélies de Saint Jean Chrysostome, II. Textes monophysites - Homélies d'Érechthios, Fragments divers, Extraits de Timothée Ælure, de Philoxène, de Bar Hébraeus, III. Histoire de Nestorius..., Conjuration de Nestorius contre les migraines / textes syriaques édités et traduits / F. Nau, III - Logia et agrapha domini Jesu: apud Moslemicos scriptores, asceticos praesertim, usitata / collegit, vertit, notis instruxit Michaël Asin et Palacios. Fasciculus prior IV - Histoire nestorienne inédite: (Chronique de Séert). Seconde partie. (II) / Addai Scher et Robert Griveau, V - Le troisième livre d'Ezrâ (Esdras et Néhémie cononiques): version éthiopienne, editée et traduite en français / E. Pereira
Volume 14. 1920. 855 p. Texts in Arabic, Coptic, Ethiopic and Syriac
I - A collection of letters of Severus of Antioch, from numerous Syriac manuscripts / E.W. Brooks, II - The life of Abba John Kamé, Coptic text edited and translated from the Cod. Vat. Copt. LX. / M.H. Davis, III - Mufazzal Ibn Abil - Fazaïl. Histoire des sultans Mamlouks, texte arabe publié et traduit en français, IV - Sei scritti antitreistici in langua siriaca / G. Furlani, V - Les miracles de Jésus, texte Éthiopien publié et traduit en français / S. Grébaut "Index to the Letters of Severus and appendix (t. xii, fasc. 2 and t. xiv, fasc. 1)": p. 845-855 (also numbered p. 481-491)
Volume 15. 1927. 798 p. Texts in Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Greek and Latin
I - Documents relatifs au concile de Florence. I, La question du Purgatoire à Ferrare. Documents I-VI / Louis Petit, II - Les trophées de Damas: controverse judéo-chrétienne du VIIe siècle / texte grec édité et traduit / G. Bardy, III - Le synaxaire Arménien de Ter Israêl: III, Mois de sahmi/ G. Bayan, IV - Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis Dissertationes decem de uno e sancta Trinitate incorporato et passo / textum syriacum edidit latineque vertit Mauritius Brière. Dissertatio Ia et IIa V - Le synaxaire Éthiopien: les mois de mois de tahschasch, ter et yakatit. IV, Le mois de tahschasch / S. Grébaut
Volume 16. 1922. 862 p. Texts in Arabic, Armenian, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - Le synaxaire arménien de Ter Israel: IV, Mois de tré / G. Bayan, II - Le synaxaire arabe Jacobite: (rédaction copte). IV, Les mois de barmahat, barmoudah et bachons / René Basset, III - Homélies mariales Byzantines: textes grecs / édités et traduits en latin / M. Jugie, IV - La perle précieuse: traitant des sciences ecclésiastiques (chapitres I-LVI), par Jean, fils d'Abou-Zakariyâ, surnommé Ibn Sabâ`; texte arabe publié et traduit / J. Périer, V - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche (suite). Homélie LXXVII, texte grec édité et traduit en français, versions syriaques publiées pour la première fois / M.-A. Kugener & Edg. Triffaux
Volume 17. 1923. 857 p. Texts in Arabic, Ethiopic, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - John of Ephesus. Lives of the eastern saints. I. / E.W. Brooks, II - Documents relatifs au concile de Florence. II, Oeuvres anticonciliares de Marc d'Éphèse: documents VII-XXIV / Mgr L. Petit, III - Le synaxaire arabe Jacobite: (rédaction copte). V, Les mois de baounah, abib, mesoré et jours complémentaires / René Basset, IV - Les miracles de Jésus: texte éthiopien publié et traduit. III. / S. Grébaut
Volume 18. 1924. 833 p. Texts in Armenian, Coptic, Greek and Syriac
I - Le synaxaire arménien de ter Israël: V, Mois de kalotz / G. Bayan, II - Le livre de Job:: version copte bohaïrique / E. Porcher, III - Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus: textes grecs édités, traduits et annotés. II. / C. Wessely, IV - John of Ephesus. Lives of eastern saints. II. / E.W. Brooks, V - Histoire de Yahya-ibn-Sa'ïd d'Antioche continuateur de Sa'ïd-ibn-Bitriq / J. Kratchkovsky et A. Vasiliev
Volume 19. 1926. 741 p. Texts in Arabic, Armenian, Georgian, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - Le synaxaire arménien de ter Israël. VI, Mois de aratz / G. Bayan, II - John of Ephesus. Lives of the eastern saints. III. / E.W. Brooks, III - Homélies mariales byzantines. II / M. Jugei, IV - Logia et agrapha Domini Jesu: apud Moslemicos scriptores, asceticos praesertim, usitata / collegit, vertit, notis instruxit Michaël Asin et Palacios. Fasciculus alter V - Le synaxaire Géorgien: rédaction ancienne de l'union arméno-géorgienne; publié et traduit d'après le manuscrit du Couvent Iviron du Mont Athos / N. Marr
Volume 20. 1929. 826 p. Texts in Arabic, Georgian, Latin and Syriac
I - Moufazzal Ibn Abil-Fazaïl. Histoire des sultans Mamlouks. texte arabe publié et traduit en français / E. Blouchet, II - Les homeliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche: traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse. Homélies LXXVIII à LXXXIII / M. Brière, III - The old Georgian version of the gospel of Mark: from the Adysh Gospels with the variants of the Opiza and Tbet' Gospels; edited with a Latin translation / Robert P. Blake, IV - Livre de la lampe des ténèbres et de l'exposition (lumineuse) du service (de l'église), par Abû`l-Barakât connu sous le nom d'Ibn Kabar; texte arabe édité et traduit / L. Villecourt, Mgr Tisserant, G. Wiet, V - Le synaxaire arabe Jacobite: (rédaction copte). VI, Additions et corrections; Tables / F. Nau "Table des matières des tomes XI à XX": p. 796-826 (also numbered 6-38)
Volume 21. 1930. 870 p. Text in Armenian with parallel translation in French
I-VI - Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. VII, Mois de méhéki -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. VIII, Mois de areg -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. IX, Mois de ahékan -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. X, Mois de maréri -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. XI, Mois de margats -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. XII, Mois de hrotits -- Le Synaxaire arménien de Ter Israël / publié et traduit par G. Bayan. Jours avéleats
Volume 22. 1930. 888 p. Texts in Arabic, Greek, Slavic and Syriac
I - Voyage du Patriarche Macaire d'Antioche: texte arabe et traduction française / Basile Radu, II - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioch: traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XCIX à CIII; éditées et traduites en français / Ignazio Guidi, III - The Arabic life of S. Pisentius: according to the text of the two manuscripts Paris Bib. Nat. Arabe 4785, and Arabe 4794 / edited with English translation / De lacy O'Leary, IV - Le candélabre des sanctuaires de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Barhebraeus, édité et traduit en français / Jean Bakos, V - Le "De autexusio" de Méthode d'Olympe; version slave et texte grec édités et traduit en français / A. Vaillant
Volume 23. 1932. 771 p.
I - Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche; traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies LXXXIV à XC; editées et traduites en français par Maurice Brière II - La première partie de l'Histoire de Barhadbesabba `Arbaïa; texte syriaque édité et traduit par F. Nau III - Histoire de Yahya-ibn-Sa`ïd d'Antioche, continuateur de Sa`ïd-ibn-Bitriq; éditée et traduite en français par I. Kratchkovsky et A. Vasiliev. Fascicule II IV - Les Paralipomènes, livres I et II: version éthiopienne; éditée et traduite par Sylvain Grébaut, d'après les manuscrits 94 de la Bibliothèque nationale et 35 de la collection d'Abbadie
Volume 24. 1933. 801 p. Texts in Arabic, Coptic, Georgian, Greek, Latin and Slavic
I - the old Georgian version of the gospel of Matthew: edited with a Latin translation / Robert P. Blake, II - Le lectionnaire de la semaine sainte: texte copte édité avec traduction française d'après le manuscrit Add. 5997 du British Museum / O.H.E. Burmester, III - Le candélabre des sanctuaires de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Barhebraeus. II. / Ján Bakos, IV - Voyage du patriarche macaire d'Antioche. II. / Basile Radu, V - Euchologium Sinaiticum: texte slave avec sources grecques et traduction française / Jean Frek
Volume 25. 1943. 814 p. Texts in Coptic, Greek, Slavic and Syriac
I - Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioch. Homélies XCI à XCVIII / Maurice Brière, II - Le lectionnaire de la semaine sainte. II. / O.H.E. Burmester, III - Euchologium sinaiticum. / Jean Frcek IV - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche. Homélies CIV à CXII / Maurice Brière
Volume 26. 1950. 720 p. Texts in Arabic, Ethiopic, Georgian, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I - Le synaxaire Éthiopien / Sylvian Grébaut, II - La liturgie de Saint Jacques / Dom B.-Ch. Mercier, III - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / Maurice Brière, IV - The old Georgian version of the gospel of John / Robert P. Blake, Maurice Brière, V - Voyage du patriarche macaire d'Antioche / Basile Radu
Volume 27. 1957. 626 p. Texts in Armenian, Georgian, Greek, Latin and Syriac
I-II - Hippolyte de Rome / Maurice Brière, Louis Mariès et B.-Ch. Mercier, III - La version Géorgienne ancienne de l'évangile de Luc / Maurice Brière, IV - Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Aboul' Faradj dit Barhebraeus / François Graffini
Volume 28. 1959. 776 p. Texts in Armenian, Coptic, Greek, and Syriac
I - Les six centuries des "Kaphalaia Gnostica" d'Évagre le pontique / édition critique de la version syriaque commune et édition d'une nouvelle version syriaque, intégrale, avec une double traduction française par Antoine Guillaumont II - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioch / Ignaziole Pontique / Antoine Guillaumont, II - Le grand euchologe du Monastère Blanc / Emmanuel Lanne, III - Eznik de Kolb, de deo, édition critique du texte arménien / Louis Mariès et Charles Mercier, IV - Eznik de Kolb, de deo, traduction française, notes et tables / Louis Mariès et Charles Mercier
Volume 29. 1961. 869 p. Texts in Georgian, Latin and Syriac
I - Les homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioch.Introduction générale à toutes les homélies. Homélies CXX à CXXV éditées et traduites en français / Maurice Brière, II - the old Georgian version of the Prophets. Petits prophètes. Critical ed. with a Latin translation / Robert Pierpoint Blake & Canon Maurice Brière, III - id. Isaïe, IV - id. Jérémie, V - id. Ézéchiel et Daniel
Volume 30. 1963. 894 p. Texts in Armenian, Georgian, Latin and Syriac
I - Hymnes de saint Éphrem conservées en version arménienne. Texte arménien, traduction latine et notes explicatives / Louis Mariès et Charles Mercier, II - Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Bar Hebraeus. Septième base, Des démons / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française. / Micheline Albert, III - The old Georgian version of the Prophets 5, Apparatus criticus / Robert P. Blake et Maurice Brière, IV - Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Bar Hebraeus. Cinquième base, Des anges / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois et traduction française / Antoine Torbey, V - La lettre à Patricius d'Édesse de Philoxène de Mabboug. édition critique du texte syriaque et traduction française / René Lavenant Table des matières des tomes XXI à XXX
Volume 31. 1966. 616 p.
I. Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Abou'lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Quatrième base, De l'incarnation / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française par Joseph Khoury II. Les Canons d'Hippolyte / édition critique de la version arabe, introduction et traduction française par René-Georges Coquin III. Barsanuphius and John, questions and answer / critical edition of the Greek text with English translation by Derwas James Chitty
Volume 32. 1966. 490 p.
I. Soma Deggua: antiphonaire du Carême, quatre premières semaines. fasc. 1-2. Texte éthiopien avec variantes -- fasc. 3-4. Introduction, traduction française, transcriptions musicales / Velat, Bernard
Volume 33. 1966. 712 p.
I. Études sur le Me`eraf, commun de l'office divin éthiopien / Velat, Bernard
Volume 34. 1968. 716 p. [Last in Paris]
I. Me`eraf: commun de l'office divin éthiopien pour toute l'année / texte éthiopien avec variantes par Bernard Velat II. Homélies de Narsaï sur la création / édition critique du texte syriaque, introduction et traduction française par Philippe Gignoux
Volume 35. 1970. 692 p. [Brepols]
I. Le codex arménien Jérusalem 121. I, Introduction aux origines de la liturgie hiérosolymitaine, lumières nouvelles / par Athanase Renoux II. Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Abou'lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Dixième base, De la résurrection / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française par Élise Zigmund-Cerbü III. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XLVI à LI / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière et F. Graffin IV. Textes coptes relatifs à saint Claude d'Antioche. Four Coptic texts, with French translations, from the Coptic manuscript no. 587 in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. French tr. / par Gérard Godron
Volume 36.????. 676 p.
I. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XL à XLV / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière et F. Graffin II. Le codex arménien Jérusalem 121. II, Édition comparée du texte et de deux autres manuscrits / introduction, textes, traduction et notes par Athanase Renoux III. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XXXII à XXXIX / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière, F. Graffin et C.J.A. Lash IV. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XXVI à XXXI / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière et F. Graffin
Volume 37. 1975. 179, lxx, 355 p.
I. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse (suite). Homélies XVIII à XXV / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière et F. Graffin II. Memre sur Nicomédie / Éphrem de Nisibe; édition des fragments de l'original syriaque et de la version arménienne, traduction française, introduction et notes par Charles Renoux
Volume 38. 1976. 728 p.
I. Homélies contre les Juifs / Jacques de Saroug; édition critique du texte syriaque inédit, traduction française, introduction et notes par Micheline Albert II. Les Homiliae cathedrales de Sévère d'Antioche / traduction syriaque de Jacques d'Édesse. Homélies I à XVII / éditées et traduites en français par M. Brière et F. Graffin; avec la collaboration de C.J.A. Lash et J.-M. Sauget III. Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis Dissertationes decem de uno e sancta Trinitate incorporato et passo. II, Dissertationes a, a, a / textum syriacum ediderunt latineque verterunt M. Brière et F. Graffin IV. Trois homélies syriaques anonymes et inédites sur L'Épiphanie / introduction, texte syriaque et traduction française par Alain Desreumaux
Volume 39. 1978. 764 p.
I. Nouveaux fragments arméniens de l'Adversus haereses et de l'Epideixis / Irénée de Lyon; introduction, traduction latine et notes par Charles Renoux II. Lettre de Sophrone de Jérusalem à Arcadius de Chypre: version syriaque inédite du texte grec perdu / introduction et traduction française par Micheline Albert; avec la collaboration de Christoph von Schönborn III. La collection des lettres de Jean de Dalyatha / édition critique du texte syriaque inédit, traduction française, introduction et notes par Robert Beulay IV. Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis Dissertationes decem de uno e sancta Trinitate incorporato et passo (Memre contre Habib). III, Dissertationes a, a, a / édition critique du texte syriaque inédit et traduction française par M. Brière et F. Graffin
Volume 40. 1979. 723 p.
I. Narsai's metrical homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension: critical edition of Syriac text / English translation by Frederick G. McLeod II. Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis Dissertationes decem de uno e sancta Trinitate incorporato et passo. IV, Dissertationes 9a, 10a / édition critique du texte syriaque inédit et traduction française par M. Brière et F. Graffin III. Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Abou'lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Douzième base, Du paradis: suivie du Livre des rayons, traité X / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française par Nicolas Séd
Volume 41. 1984. 533 p.
I. Sancti Philoxeni Episcopi Mabbugensis Dissertationes decem de uno e sancta Trinitate incorporato et passo (Memre contre Habib). V, Appendices: Tractatus, Refutatio, Epistula dogmatica, Florigelium / édition critique du texte syriaque inédit et traduction française par M. Brière et F. Graffin II. Barsabée de Jérusalem sur le Christ et les églises / Michel van Esbroeck III. Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Abou'lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Onzième base, Du jugement dernier / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française par Nicolas Séd IV. Homélies anonymes du VIe siècle: dissertation sur le Grand-Prêtre, homélies sur la pécheresse I, II, III / édition du texte syriaque inédit, introduction et traduction française par François Graffin
Volume 42. Homélies sur Job: version arménienne. I-XXIV / Hésychius de Jéruslaem; édition, introduction et notes par Charles Renoux -- Brefs chapîtres sur la Trinité et l'Incarnation / Al-Safi ibn al-'Assal; introduction, texte arabe et traduction, avec un index-lexique exhaustif par Khalil Samir
Volume 43. La chaîne arménienne sur les Épîtres catholiques. I, La chaîne sur l'Épître de Jacques / Charles Renoux -- Le candélabre de Grégoire Abou'lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Neuvième base, Du libre arbitre / texte syriaque édité pour la première fois avec traduction française par Paul-Hubert Poirier -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de maskaram / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction par Gérard Colin -- Six homélies festales en prose / Jacques de Saroug; édition critique du texte syriaque, introduction et traduction française par Frédéric Rilliet
Volume 44. Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de teqemt / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction par Gérard Colin -- La chaîne arménienne sur les Épîtres catholiques. II, La chaîne sur les Épîtres de Pierre / par Charles Renoux -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de hedar / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction par Gérard Colin -- Le lectionnaire de Jérusalem en Arménie: le Casoc`. I, Introduction et liste des manuscrits / par Charles Renoux
Volume 45. Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de terr / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction par Gérard Colin -- Lettre sur les trois étapes de la vie monastique / Joseph Hazzaya; édition critique du texte syriaque et introduction par Paul Harb, François Graffin; avec la collaboration de Micheline Albert -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de Yakkatit / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction par Gérard Colin -- Martyre de Pilate / édition critique de la version éthiopienne et traduction française par Robert Beylot
Volume 46. La chaîne arménienne sur les Épîtres catholiques. III, La chaîne sur la première épitre de Jean / par Charles Renoux -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de maggabit / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction française par Gérard Colin -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de miyazya / édition critique du texte éthiopien et traduction française par Gérard Colin
Volume 47. A metrical homily on holy Mar Ephrem / by Mar Jacob of Sarug; critical edition of the Syriac text, translation and introduction by Joseph P. Amar -- La chaîne arménienne sur les épîtres catholiques. IV. La chaîne sur 2-3 Jean et Jude / par Charles Renoux -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Mois de genbot / édition critique dy texte éthiopien et traduction française par Gérard Colin -- Histoire de Yahya ibn Sa`id d'Antioche / édition critique du texte arabe préparée par Ignace Kratchkovsky; et traduction française annotée par Françoise Micheau et Gérard Troupeau
Volume 48. Atti di Banadlewos (1303-1400) / edizione del testo etiopico e traduzione italiana di Osvaldo Raineri -- Le lectionnaire de Jérusalem en Arménie: le Casoc`. II, Édition synoptique des plus anciens témoins / par Charles Renoux -- Le synaxaire éthiopien. Index généraux; Annexes / par Gérard Colin -- The life of Timothy Kakhusht / two Arabic texts edited and translated by John C. Lamoreaux and Cyril Cairala
Volume 49. L'homélie sur l'église du Rocher / attribuée à Timothée Ælure (2 v.)
This text was assembled from library catalogues by Roger Pearse, 2005. Links found and added by Adam West, Wisconsin Lutheran College, 2008. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely. Readers in the United Kingdom and Europe should note that Google blocks them from being able to read the text after lobbying from copyright firms, but that all material is freely available in the USA. Such readers could seek an anonymising proxy service online which will hide their location and so allow them to download the books.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts